Showing posts with label culture. Show all posts
Showing posts with label culture. Show all posts

Wednesday, 26 November 2025

Alas, it was not to be

It would have been just one bad part of an overarching very silly policy. Exempting it from the policy regime I suppose makes the policy a bit more tractable. But it also makes it a lot less potentially funny.

New Zealand's government supports the creation of cultural content by paying for it through various grants. TV stations and streaming services can then run it, or not, as they want. 

Canada does things the dumber way. I'm sure they also have direct subsidies. But they also have Canadian Content regulations that prescribe the proportion of each day's broadcasting that must be Canadian content.

It was bad enough in the linear TV era. The ridiculousness of it all had the excellent SCTV pad out the extra couple of minutes of the Canadian version of the show (fewer ads than on the US side) with a very explicitly Canadian segment: the most over-the-top CanCon possible. Bob and Dough MacKenzie - the hosers.

The first segment including them had a lengthy scroll after the segment explaining how the segment meets official Canadian guidelines for what counts as Canadian content and was almost as funny as the MacKenzie brothers.

That was fifty years ago now - or thereabouts.

Times change. 

A decade ago, Canada decided that its regulatory reach extended to the entire internet if the internet could be viewed from Canada. If you wanted to stream to Canada, you'd have to meet CanCon rules. Quite how to make that work when people choose what they want to watch and plenty of potential platforms might not really care what Canada things about anything - well, they've been taking a while figuring out how to apply the principles. 

And they've finally decided that, despite or perhaps because of the uniquely Canadian content that might be created, to great hilarity, to meet the rules, the CanCon rules will not apply to pornography streamed in Canada

This has long been one of the more onerous demands of the CRTC, given the relative dearth of erotic media that would meet their terms as “Canadian content.”

Article content

Under the CRTC’s definition of the term, it’s not enough to have a Canadian performer or a Canadian setting.

Article content

Rather, it’s determined via an elaborate “points” system that, among other things, requires the producer and at least one of the lead performers to be able to prove Canadian citizenship.

Article content

At least three quarters of the financing must also come from “Canadians or Canadian companies.”

Article content

In extreme cases, this means that a video of a Canadian couple having sex in Canada and directed by another Canadian would not qualify as Canadian content if only 74 per cent of the financing was provably Canadian.

Whenever one despairs about policy in New Zealand, Canada and the UK provide superb reminders that the rest of the world generally remains even worse. 

Meanwhile, Australia's looking to impose Australian-content mandates on streaming services

The federal government has put laws requiring streaming services to produce Australian content back on the table after postponing them due to concerns about how they would interact with Australia's trade agreement with the United States.

The government has confirmed it will introduce legislation this week to mandate that any streaming services with more than 1 million Australian subscribers must produce Australian drama, children's, documentary, arts or educational programs.

I wonder whether there are enough subscribers to any single platform for Australia to run into Canada's difficulties here. It would be very funny if there were. 

Wednesday, 24 April 2024

Afternoon roundup

A closing of some of the tabs

First, a set from closing a pile of the week's accumulated stories from the Stuff papers. I wonder whether the people who complain about the absence of real journalism bother reading what The Post and Sunday Star Times have been putting out lately. 

And the rest of the tabs. Or some of the rest. I'm drowning here but the computer needs to be rebooted.... 

Friday, 10 November 2023

Afternoon roundup

The end-of-week closing of the browser tabs

Wednesday, 8 November 2023

Afternoon roundup

A closing of the browser tabs

Tuesday, 26 September 2023

Afternoon roundup

The tabs. There are too many.

Tuesday, 8 August 2023

Canadian cautionary tales

My column in the weekend Dom went through Canada's messes in trying to make Google and Facebook subsidise Canadian newspapers. 

The Canadian Government passed Bill C-18, the Online News Act. And now, Canadians wanting to link to a news story on Facebook see this notice instead.

Earlier this week, I interviewed the University of Ottawa’s Professor Michael Geist about the problem. He’s the Canada Research Chair in Internet and E-Commerce Law and has been following C-18 more closely than anyone.

Bill C-18 requires Facebook to pay whenever a user puts up a link to a news site. It is not a cost that Facebook can easily control or predict. It brings potentially unbounded liability.

News links are not particularly valuable to Facebook. If anything, links to news stories encourage users to click away from Facebook rather than stay on the site scrolling through pictures of relatives’ pets and children, and seeing ads delivered through Facebook while they’re there.

Facebook provided plenty of warning that they'd sooner stop allowing user links to news on their platform than be subject to unpredictable and potentially very large payments for allowing such links. 

Willie Jackson says the NZ government will have legislation in the background in case Google and Facebook don't fork over enough money to NZ media companies. It would go to arbitration. 

Listen to his interview, above-linked, and tell me this isn't a tin-pot shake-down. There can be defensible public-goods arguments for subsidising news production, but I just can't see why that ought to be funded by some tax or shake-down of tech companies.  

It sounded like he figures that Google fronting up $50 million might cover it. Who knows. 

But threat of going to arbitration with unknowable potential liability is what's had Meta pull news links in Canada. Listen to my chat with Michael Geist on it, or read his substacks. 

From my column again:

Finally, on August 1, Facebook began pulling the plug. Canadian Facebook users will no longer see news links and content. It affects not just Canadian news sites but also international news for Canadian readers, because the Online News Act can also be read as requiring payment for links to international sites too.

The big newspapers are getting exactly what they asked for. They thought that Facebook was stealing from them by linking. It’s always been nonsense – even the report commissioned by New Zealand’s Ministry of Culture and Heritage found that “digital platforms provide considerable commercial benefits to news firms”.

But, like Trump, they’d convinced themselves that they could have something for nothing. They could have media funding and make Big Tech pay for it. And it’s worked out about as well as Trumps’s wall.

Professor Geist explained that some of the biggest losers from Bill C-18 have been small independent news sites that have relied on links from Facebook for traffic.

I hope that our Minister for Broadcasting and Media, Willie Jackson, is paying attention to Canada’s cautionary tale.

Extorting payments from platforms to meet the Government’s news funding objectives isn’t just thuggish. It also doesn’t work.

 Will look forward to seeing the eventual legislation...

Monday, 13 February 2023

Afternoon roundup

The worthies from the tabs:

Friday, 25 November 2022

Afternoon roundup

The closing of the tabs:

Tuesday, 21 June 2022

Afternoon roundup

The closing of the many tabs:

Thursday, 9 June 2022

Afternoon roundup

I've got tabs, they're multiplying. And I'm losing all control - why can't Chrome be as good as it was a decade ago?

So time to clear them. The worthies:

Thursday, 26 May 2022

Health warnings on reports from HSBC

HSBC's Stuart Kirk gave a provocative talk on how investors should be thinking about climate risk, so he was fired

His presentation had been approved internally at HSBC before he gave it, but they fired him for it afterwards.

 

I've watched the talk. Couldn't see much to disagree with. 

Climate change is real and important, but directors forcing their companies into disproportionately weighting climate risk are doing a disservice to shareholders. 

And consumers of reports from outfits like HSBC should upweight the chances that their reports will have had a strong political correctness filter placed over them. 

If a report from HSBC conforms to the received view, it is impossible to tell whether their truthful analysis led to the conclusion, or whether it was politically massaged, or whether contrary reports that diverged from the received view were put into a file drawer. 

Friday, 6 May 2022

Afternoon roundup

The afternoon's worthies

Monday, 4 April 2022

Morning roundup

Today's closing of the browser tabs is also a bit of an inbox roundup. A lot of these wind up being from BusinessDesk's excellent news summaries.

Thursday, 24 March 2022

Afternoon roundup

The closing of the browser tabs, so the poor thing can reboot, brings some worthies:

Wednesday, 16 March 2022

Afternoon roundup

The tab-closing worthies:

Monday, 6 December 2021

Afternoon roundup

High time the computer gets a reboot. And so, the closing of (some of) the browser tabs:

Thursday, 14 October 2021

Morning roundup

 Ok. It's down to one Chrome sheet. The worthies!

Wednesday, 12 February 2020

Conversations with Atwood

Not everyone seems to have enjoyed Margaret Atwood's book forum in Auckland with Chloe Swarbrick.

I wasn't there.

But I did catch Tyler Cowen's superb talk with her. The podcast and transcript are all up here. A few highlights below. Cowen's breadth always amazes. You look across the range of folks he's interviewed, and the depth he'll cover...
COWEN: I’m a big fan of your novel, Hag-Seed, which I believe is your latest. A few questions about that and Shakespeare: How sympathetic is Shakespeare to Caliban in The Tempest?
ATWOOD: Shakespeare himself, when he was doing The Tempest, I think, saw Caliban as one of his comic figures. But as always with Shakespeare, nothing is two-dimensional. So The Tempest underwent a number of different metamorphoses in performance since Shakespeare. We have The Tempest. Then we have Oliver Cromwell. The theater gets shut down. The tradition is broken.
When the theaters come back, they can’t actually remember how these things were done. So in the 18th century, The Tempest was an opera, and they added some people. They added a person called Dorinda, who is Miranda’s sister, so that they could have an ensemble group of singers, obviously. Then they added another guy so that Dorinda would have somebody to marry. Then they learned how to fly Ariel, and Ariel flew around.
Then when they tried to bring back the original Tempest, nobody liked it because they wanted the opera. They wanted Dorinda and the flying Ariel. In the 19th century, when Ariel was always played by a woman who flew around, Caliban became a romantic sort of Byronic hero, oddly enough. Because by that time, people had caught up with slavery in the United States, and noble savages and other things like that that were of the 19th century.
COWEN: And he has real charisma.
ATWOOD: Well, it depends how he’s played. It really depends, and I’ve seen, by this time, a lot of performances of The Tempest, including film ones. One by Julie Taymor, in which Prospero is Prospera — she’s the duchess of Milan — has a pretty good Caliban.
But he has a lot of resonance. He’s given the most poetic lines in the play, actually. There’s a big question about him, which is, what happens to him at the end? We’re not told. It’s another of these open questions. We just don’t know.
COWEN: How sympathetic are you to Prospero? There’s a line in Hag-Seed: “He would seem to be the top jailer in this play.”
ATWOOD: Well, he is.
COWEN: Do you like him?
ATWOOD: Like or dislike, it kind of doesn’t matter. Whether I like or dislike him, I’m sympathetic to him in some ways. But he says himself that he got himself into this. He was the duke. He didn’t do his dukely duties. He didn’t behave in a duke-like way. He went off to study magic instead, and he let his brother usurp the kingdom. By doing so, of course, he threw his young child into danger and ended them up on this island.
If you want to know why he wants to get off of it, look at the menus, which I did. I did a little foodie piece for a food magazine on what they were actually eating. It’s not fun.
COWEN: As Leggs suggests in Hag-Seed, is there any chance that Prospero is Caliban’s dad?
ATWOOD: Think about it.
COWEN: Someone has to be, right?
ATWOOD: Think about it. Somebody has to be his dad. So, if we’re not accepting the devil as being the progenitor of Caliban, who is? I ask you. They’re both in the magic business. Why would they have not met up at a convention? Sort of a one-night stand producing Caliban.

COWEN: Handmaid’s Tale — is it an accident that you started it in West Berlin in, I think, 1984?
ATWOOD: Wasn’t that corny? It was very corny, but I couldn’t avoid it. If I had been able to do it in some other year, I would have because, inevitably, this question comes up. But I just happened to be in West Berlin. I didn’t go there on purpose to do that. But there I was, and how handy it was because it was the wall all around. And being Canadian, I could go into places like East Germany and Czechoslovakia and Poland easier than German nationals could. So I did.
COWEN: You had had a prior trip to Afghanistan. Did that influence the book at all?
ATWOOD: A bit, yeah. I was lucky enough to see Afghanistan six weeks before the present unpleasantness started. Six weeks before they assassinated Daoud. It was clear, and it always has been a crossroads, and it’s always been desirable. It’s always been desired by China, by Russia, and by anybody else in the vicinity because things went through it.
At the time we were there, there was a great big Chinese embassy. There was a great big USSR embassy. And there was a great big American embassy. Daoud was doing quite well by playing them off against each other and getting stuff out of them. They should have stuck with him. But it’s been chaos ever since. I saw it at the last minute before a lot of things just got blown up.
COWEN: Did reading the Book of Genesis serve as an actual influence on Handmaid’s Tale? Or it’s just a connection you noticed later?
ATWOOD: Oh, no, it’s right there in the epigraph. So the question to you is, if you’re going to take the Bible literally, how literally would you like to take it?
COWEN: Is it the Jacob version of this story or the Abraham-Sarah-Hagar version of the story that grabbed you? Usually you mention the Jacob version of the story.
ATWOOD: Yeah.
COWEN: There’s the second one. Why?
ATWOOD: Because it’s got more people in it.
COWEN: But the first version has a happy ending, right? You get Isaac, you get Ishmael. They each found tribes.
ATWOOD: Why would I write a book with a happy ending?
[laughter]
ATWOOD: Yeah, it’s not such a happy ending. It’s a very ambivalent ending, I would say. Abraham is a very dicey character in the Bible. But there’s a wonderful book called God: A Biography, which is by Jack —
COWEN: The Miles book, yeah.
ATWOOD: Yeah, it’s a wonderful book. I love it. It’s got the best exploration of the Book of Job that I’ve ever read. I think it’s brilliant.
But remember where my roots are. I’m Canadian. We took the Bible in school. There wasn’t any separation of church and state. Then I went to college and studied with Northrop Frye. Then I went to Harvard and studied with Perry Miller. And for all those people, you had to know the Bible.
Go read or listen to the whole thing. I had no clue about her entrepreneurial ventures and patents.

Friday, 13 December 2019

Afternoon roundup

The worthies on a very much belated closing of the tabs:
  • Nice roundup in Nature on psychology's problems in social priming
    A promising field of research on social behaviour struggled after investigators couldn’t repeat key findings. Now researchers are trying to establish what’s worth saving.
  • Somebody is gluing miniature cowboy hats to pigeons in Los Vegas.
    “They look like happy pigeons to me. It is hard to know, of course, because they will not talk to us.”
  • This one's more depressing. The Dean of the University of Virginia's School of Education writes a column for the Washington Post on education and education funding. You'd expect the column would be decent, right? The Washington Post is one of the newspapers that seems to be doing well on subscriptions; heck, I pay for a subscription there. And he's the Dean of the School of Education at one of the top universities in the US. But he claims that real per-student education expenditures have been dropping. Corey DeAngelis points to the actual data showing a 36% real increase over the period. This was a couple days ago, and there's as yet no correction at the Post.

  • Average is over: geographic segregation edition. An ultra-Catholic community in Kansas. Excellent long-read; the kind of thing I'd have pointed to Denis for Arts & Letters Daily, back in the day.

  • Randy Holcombe on Gordon Tullock on inequality and redistribution. Self-recommending. We might note, though, that New Zealand's overall system has been one of the more targeted ones - I wonder how that ranking's been affected by sillier policies like extra free years of tertiary study.
    People can afford to be charitable with their votes when they know their one vote will have no effect on the outcome of an election. This may be Tullock’s most important contribution to the literature on redistribution and inequality—the observation that because of incentives inherent in the political process, people are likely to vote for redistribution programs they would not choose if the choice were theirs alone.

    Tullock (1971) anticipates the arguments made by Brennan and Lomasky (1993) and Caplan (2007), explaining how people can vote expressively and even irrationally for outcomes that redistribute more than they privately prefer. This adds a wrinkle to Tullock’s analysis of motives and justifications for redistribution. Tullock (1997) dismisses justifications for redistribution and looks at motives—the desire to receive transfers, the wish to help the poor, and envy—to conclude that government redistribution will not be very effective at helping the poor. But he suggests government redistribution is larger than the median voter would prefer because of the incentives in the democratic political process that cause people to be more charitable in their voting behavior than when considering private charitable giving done individually (Tullock 1971). Perhaps this unintended consequence of democratic decision making renders democratic government a better mechanism for helping the poor than Tullock (1997) recognized.
  • When New Zealand's declining PISA scores were released, we heard a lot about how PISA scores don't matter. I rather prefer Australia Labor MP Andrew Leigh's take on Oz's declining scores.
    Forget how we’ve slid relative to other countries -- it’s enough to compare our own students with their predecessors. Year 9 students today score worse than year 8 students would have done at the turn of the century. If this was a sporting contest, we’d be running slower, dropping the ball more often, and missing more goals.

    The PISA tests matter because they are designed to capture the skills that young people will need in the workplace. These tests don’t measure memorisation and rote learning -- they aim to capture the essential talents that will be needed in the labour market.
  • Kudos Doc Nolan!

  • Phil Twyford continues to provide speeches showing he gets housing better than anyone in Parliament. I don't agree with everything in here, but it's good. And we finally now have the infrastructure financing legislation coming through - the Bill has been introduced, and they're expecting to have it done mid 2020. About three years after they came into office. New Zealand's electoral cycles are too darned short given the length of time it takes to get substantial legislation ready.
    I now want to look in a little more depth at housing and land markets, and transport.

    I started by saying urban planning has lacked an economic underpinning. An example of this is the use of the urban growth boundary which is a common planning tool ostensibly to stop cities growing outwards, often described pejoratively as sprawl.

    Sprawl is often meant as development on the fringes of a city, far from the centre. But I want to make the point that the better way to think of it is in relation to the time value of travel.

    If you are building homes let us say in Pukekohe in the south of Auckland, where people who work in the city centre might face a drive of 90 minutes on a bad day, that might be characterised as sprawl. But when we electrify the rail line to Pukekohe, and build an additional line on the main north-south corridor, as we are about to do, those people will have a 30 min express commuter ride into the city, is it sprawl then? I don’t think so.

    The most harmful effect of the urban growth boundary where there is rising demand is to create an artificial scarcity of land driving section prices up.

    The boundary is much loved by land bankers whose business model is to buy up rural land and sit on it until the local council shifts the boundary in response to growth pressures, changing the zoning from rural to urban, and then sell it sometimes at ten times its former value.

    My intention is not to vilify land bankers. Their behaviour is a rational response to bad policy.

    If the urban growth boundary wasn’t bad enough, restrictions on height and density, often justified as protecting the amenity of the low-rise garden suburb, ration floor space, stopping the city growing up and restricting the supply of apartments, and of course driving up prices across the market.

    Urban planning has too often failed to grasp that whenever rules stop people building or living in places they want to (typically close to amenity, jobs or transport interchanges) they deny people housing choices, restrict supply and drive prices up.

    As Ed Glaeser says, every time you place a restriction on intensification you deny a family access to the city.
  • More evidence against Sachs's Millennium Villages. Small or null results on core indicators, no spillover benefits.