0% found this document useful (0 votes)
116 views4 pages

India's Intelligence Legal Gaps

The document discusses the legal framework for law enforcement and intelligence agencies in India. It notes that while countries like the UK and US have clear legal statutes governing their agencies, in India the CBI, IB, and RAW have an unclear legal status. The CBI was established by executive order but still operates under an old 1946 law. The IB and RAW have no specific statutes governing them. A new National Investigation Agency was created in 2008, but its broad scope raises constitutional questions about encroaching on state powers. Overall the document argues that for democracy and civil liberties, India needs clearer laws defining the powers and roles of its security agencies.

Uploaded by

Anusha Dwivedi
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
0% found this document useful (0 votes)
116 views4 pages

India's Intelligence Legal Gaps

The document discusses the legal framework for law enforcement and intelligence agencies in India. It notes that while countries like the UK and US have clear legal statutes governing their agencies, in India the CBI, IB, and RAW have an unclear legal status. The CBI was established by executive order but still operates under an old 1946 law. The IB and RAW have no specific statutes governing them. A new National Investigation Agency was created in 2008, but its broad scope raises constitutional questions about encroaching on state powers. Overall the document argues that for democracy and civil liberties, India needs clearer laws defining the powers and roles of its security agencies.

Uploaded by

Anusha Dwivedi
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd

1

10 Points Legal Framework For Law Enforcement And Intelligence Agencies In


India
1


(1) Need Of Legal Framework Under Consideration: Legal framework is the backbone
for any crucial function of the government. This is more so where the law enforcement
and intelligence activities of the State are involved. Law enforcement and intelligence
activities and functions touch the most basic aspects of a persons life. That is why we
have strong Human Rights and Constitutional protections that safeguard the life and
liberties of such persons.

(2) Consequences Of Lack Of Legal Framework: It would be both ironical as well as
violation of basic Human Rights and Fundamental Rights if the law enforcement and
intelligence activities are conducted in an illegal, unreasonable and improper manner.
The duties, functions, liabilities and rights of these law enforcement and intelligence
agencies must be specified in an unambiguous and proper manner. There is no scope for
any sort of ambiguity in these functions of the State.

(3) Position In UK: For instance, the British Security Service is one of three intelligence
services or Agencies. These include the Secret Intelligence Service (SIS), commonly
known as MI6, the Governmental Communications Headquarters (GCHQ), and the
Security Service (MI-5).

(4) Position In US: While there are significant differences between the British and US
legal structures for law enforcement and intelligence services, MI6 is most like the
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), GCHQ resembles the National Security Agency
(NSA), and the Security Service most closely resembles the Federal Bureau Of
Investigation (FBI). All of them are constituted under duly enacted legislative
frameworks.

(5) Position In India: Surprisingly, India has taken a very strange approach in this
regard. The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), the Intelligence Bureau (IB) and the
Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) in India represent a case in which there is almost no
law to look at. Further, there is no legally tenable mechanism that can keep an eye upon
these agencies and their functioning.

Even there are no safeguards that can prevent Political Interventions from disturbing
and influencing the investigation undertaken by these central agencies. The history of
India is witness of such interferences by many Governments in the functioning of these
agencies.


1
All Rights Reserved In Favour Of Perry4Law. This Article is a Preliminary
Research Report prepared by B.S.Dalal (Senior Partner Perry4Law), Praveen Dalal
(Managing Partner Perry4Law), Geeta Dalal (Senior Partner, Perry4Law) And Other
Members/Associates Of Perry4Law in September 2009. Contact pd37@rediffmail.com
and perry4law@yahoo.com for Professional Services of Perry4Law.
2
With the enactment of National Investigation Agency Act, 2008 (NIA 2008), some steps
have been taken for constituting a legally formulated centralised agency. However, the
viability and Constitutionality of this Act is yet to be checked. When the Center
encroaches upon the powers of the States, Constitutional crisis and disputes are bound to
arise. So what exactly is the legal status of the CBI, IB and RAW in India?

(6) Central Bureau Of Investigation (CBI)

The CBI was created by an executive order in April 1963. However, its actual and
statutory origin can be traced to the pre-independence authority named Special Police
Establishment operating in the Department of War in 1941. In 1943, it was converted into
an independent entity by an ordinance, namely the Special Police Establishment (War
Department).

Interestingly, even after independence and for all practical legal purposes, it still
functions as the Delhi Special Police Establishment ostensibly constituted before
independence on October 1, 1946. The ordinance was repealed by the Delhi Special
Police Establishment Act that came into force in November 1946 but the executive order
in April 1963 gave it a fresh life span. The entire history and constitution of CBI is very
uncertain and requires clear cut legislation as soon as possible.

In short, the CBI has no independent standing in law. It still draws all its powers of
investigation and arrest from the antiquated 1946 Act, under which it was probably never
formally re-constituted. It greatest limitation is that each State, through an executive
order under Section 6 of the Act, has to give the Special Police Establishment consent to
investigate and prosecute a matter in the State.

Thus, the CBI can only investigate a case if specifically requested by the State
Government concerned or directed by the High Court or the Supreme Court, except if it is
a matter that pertains to the Central Government.

In the past, several States tried to revoke orders giving consent with retrospective effect
to the Special Police Establishment/ CBI to investigate matters. The Supreme Court,
however, ruled that State Governments cannot revoke consent given to the Special Police
Establishment/CBI to investigate and prosecute any matter with retrospective effect.

(7) Intelligence Bureau (IB) and the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW)

RAW had been carved out of the IB in September 1968 and given the primary functions
of collecting external intelligence related to counter-terrorism and conducting covert
operations. Till then, the IB had handled both internal and external intelligence.

There is no separate/specific statute governing the functions/mandate of the RAW.
However, in 2000, a formal charter listing the scope and mandate of the RAW was
formally approved by the Government of India.

3
(8) National Investigation Agency Act, 2008

The crimes having an interstate or international dimension are difficult for a law
enforcement body to prevent or investigate if it has limited jurisdiction. To meet this
objective, a national body that can coordinate and oversee the investigation and
enforcement of criminal activities that have national or cross-border repercussions is
essential. Further, in order to prevent such offences from occurring in the first place,
substantial information sharing and comprehensive intelligence gathering across many
jurisdictions has to take place.

The task has become even more difficult with the use of Information and Communication
Technologies (ICT) by Terrorists, Cyber Criminals and Organised Criminals. This
necessitates the establishment of a Central Agency that can take care of the criminal
activities in a holistic manner. Presently, when a national policing agency, like the CBI,
is required to investigate a cross-jurisdictional crime it can only do so at the request or
with the consent of the State concerned.

By contrast, the newly created National Investigation Agency (NIA) can assume
jurisdiction over a Scheduled Offence suo moto. Further, by virtue of the expanded
definition of what constitutes a terrorist act in the recently amended Unlawful
Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 (in 2008), the concern remains that the NIA may
investigate all kinds of activities that until now were in the exclusive jurisdiction of the
States.

The scope of what the NIA will investigate is paradoxically insufficient and potentially
too broad. NIA is not empowered to investigate a number of interstate and trans-national
crimes that require a national response. For example, human trafficking, drug trafficking,
cyber crime and organised crime are not included in the Schedule of Offences to the NIA
Act. Whether these crimes have a direct link to terrorism or not, the fact is that the
prevention and investigation of these offences are best served by a national response.
These crimes, like terrorism, are by their very nature, national or international in scope
and design. In addition, they can often have overt or covert links to terrorism. An NIA
that is most effective is one that looks at all national crimes and is able to make the
necessary linkages.

On the other hand, it can be argued that given the presence of the political discretions and
the breadth of activities now covered by the amended Unlawful Activities (Prevention)
Act, the possible scope and functioning of the new agency is much too broad and
intrusive for comfort.

(9) Constitutional Validity

Both from the national security and civil liberties point of view, it is inappropriate to
allow law enforcement and intelligence services to function without a well-defined legal
basis. It is imperative in a democracy that every organisation of the government must
draw its powers, privileges and authority from clearly defined legal statutes.
4
It is obvious that Police is a State subject and its functions cannot by a Parliamentary
Law be conferred on an existing or new Central Police Force except under Article 249 or
252 of the Constitution. It is also questionable whether the Constitutional scheme
provides for a central police force. Entries 1 and 2 of the State List, Seventh Schedule
make the police a state subject.

Article 246 (1) gives Parliament the exclusive right to make laws on matters enumerated
in the Union List in the Seventh Schedule of the Constitution. Entry 8 in the Union List
gives it the legislative power to enact a statute to bring a Central Bureau of Intelligence
into existence. Unfortunately, no such law has ever been enacted.

Even the Constitutional basis for the creation of the NIA remains a matter of debate. The
areas of policing and public order lie within the exclusive legislative competence of the
States and not with the Centre. States would be extremely chary of accepting or
cooperating with any agency that encroached on that power. Earlier committees, tasked
with examining a possible national investigation agency, have repeatedly pointed out that
it should be clearly understood that the aim of creating such an agency, by whatever
name called, cannot be to usurp the powers of the State, but on the other hand, it should
be an agency meant to assist them in the nations fight against terrorism and inter-State or
trans-national organised crime which jeopardise national security.

It is clear that the Center requires a very strong case to justify the establishment and
operation of a Centralised Agency like NIA. The Constitutional Validity of NIA has
not yet been tested and if the same is brought before the High Court(s) or Supreme Court
of India, some disturbing news may be heard by the Central Government.

(10) The Roads Ahead

The winter session of the Parliament is approaching soon and a holistic and sensible
approach in this crucial direction would go a long way in providing a durable law
enforcement and intelligence agencies legal framework in India. The Constitutional
Scheme must be adequately understood and properly applied to prevent the laws like
NIAA 2008 from being declared as Unconstitutional. Besides, sufficient measures must
be undertaken so that there is a free, immediate and effective sharing of law enforcement
and intelligence information and details among various authorities. With the advent of
ICT these tasks have become a nightmare for the law enforcement and intelligence
agencies. Only a Holistic Approach and Collective Expertise may help the Central
Government to escape the quandary of these multiple authorities and unregulated
situation.

Common questions

Powered by AI

In the UK and the US, intelligence and law enforcement agencies operate under clearly defined legislative frameworks. For example, in the UK, agencies such as MI6, MI5, and GCHQ are established and regulated by specific laws, ensuring oversight and defined powers . In contrast, India lacks a comprehensive legislative framework for its key intelligence and law enforcement agencies, such as the CBI, IB, and RAW. This results in operational ambiguities and a lack of oversight mechanisms, leading to potential issues with political interference and constitutional challenges . These differences imply that the Indian agencies may suffer from reduced accountability and effectiveness compared to their UK and US counterparts, hampering India's ability to ensure robust national security and uphold fundamental human rights.

The broad mandate given to the NIA under the amended Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, offers both potential benefits and drawbacks. On the positive side, the expanded definition of 'terrorist act' allows the NIA to address a wider array of threats, providing greater flexibility to combat terrorism comprehensively. This could enhance national security by allowing more preemptive strikes against potential threats . However, the drawbacks include the risk of overreach and potential infringement on civil liberties, as the mandate may cover activities traditionally overseen by states. This expansive jurisdiction may result in jurisdictional conflicts and perceptions of central overreach, potentially leading to legal challenges regarding the NIA's operations .

Political intervention significantly affects the functioning of central agencies like the CBI in India by compromising their independence and impartiality. Historical instances indicate that such interventions can influence investigations, skew priorities, and lead to biased outcomes. The lack of a strong legislative framework exacerbates this, as the CBI operates under an executive order rather than a robust statutory foundation . Legal reforms that could mitigate these effects include enacting clear legislation that defines the CBI's powers and functions, establishing independent oversight bodies to monitor its activities, and strengthening measures to prevent political influence to ensure autonomy and integrity in its operations .

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) in India faces potential constitutional challenges primarily because policing is a State subject under the Indian Constitution. The areas of policing and public order lie within the exclusive legislative competence of the States, as specified in Entries 1 and 2 of the State List, Seventh Schedule. This raises questions regarding NIA's constitutional basis and its operations, as there is debate about whether a central police force can be constitutionally justified. The establishment of a centralized agency like the NIA could be perceived as encroaching on State powers, necessitating clear justification under articles such as 249 or 252. The NIA's operations might be impacted by the lack of explicit legislative backing or if States resist cooperation, thus hindering effective law enforcement for crimes with national or cross-border implications .

The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) in India originated from the Special Police Establishment set up during wartime in 1941, evolving into an independent entity through the Special Police Establishment (War Department) Ordinance in 1943. This ordinance was replaced by the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act of 1946. Despite an executive order in 1963 trying to formalize the CBI, it still largely depends on the 1946 Act for its powers. This historical context results in an uncertain legal status and operational limitations. CBI requires state consent for investigations, which can be revoked, potentially affecting its efficacy. Without statutory reform, the CBI's ability to function as a national investigative body remains constrained .

The functions and mandates of the CBI are significantly limited by the requirement for state consent under Section 6 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act. The CBI cannot initiate an investigation within a state's jurisdiction without the state's executive consent, which limits its ability to address crimes quickly and effectively. This requirement can delay investigations and be subject to political maneuvering, as states may revoke consent retrospectively, complicating ongoing investigations. Such limitations affect the CBI's overall effectiveness and challenge its role as a cohesive national investigative agency .

The National Investigation Agency Act, 2008 reflects a significant shift in India's approach to handling inter-state and transnational crimes by establishing a centralized agency that can independently take over investigations of certain scheduled offences. Unlike the CBI, which needs state consent to investigate certain matters, the NIA is empowered to assume jurisdiction suo moto for offences specified under the Act. This shift indicates a move towards enhancing the nation's ability to address complex crimes that transcend state borders, such as terrorism. However, the scope of NIA's authority remains paradoxically broad yet insufficient, as it excludes vital criminal areas like human trafficking and cybercrime, which may overlap with terrorism, thus reflecting limitations in its jurisdictional design .

Establishing a holistic and centralized legal framework could significantly enhance the coordination and effectiveness of India's law enforcement agencies by clearly defining roles, responsibilities, and the legal basis for their operations. Such a framework would ensure standardized protocols across agencies, reducing overlaps and gaps in jurisdictions. It would facilitate better information sharing and operational collaboration, vital for addressing complex crimes involving multiple states or international dimensions. By providing clear statutory authority and oversight mechanisms, the framework could also prevent political interference and enhance accountability. Overall, this could lead to more coherent and integrated national security and law enforcement strategies .

The implications of technology, specifically Information and Communication Technology (ICT), on the challenges faced by Indian law enforcement and intelligence agencies are profound. ICT has amplified the complexity of crimes, especially with the rise of cybercriminals, terrorists, and organized criminals utilizing digital platforms. This necessitates advanced means for surveillance, data gathering, and cyber forensics within agencies like the NIA, CBI, and RAW. The use of ICT demands cross-jurisdictional coordination and comprehensive intelligence sharing, which is currently hindered by outdated legal frameworks and the lack of centralized authority. Agencies must incorporate cutting-edge technological capabilities to keep pace with these evolving threats, emphasizing the need for legislative support and international cooperation .

The Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) of India faces legal and operational challenges due to the absence of a specific governing statute. RAW was formed as a separate entity from the Intelligence Bureau in 1968 to focus on external intelligence and counter-terrorism. However, it operates without a clear legislative framework, relying instead on a formal charter from the government approved in 2000. This lack of statutory backing makes its operations and oversight ambiguous, potentially leading to inefficiencies and unregulated conduct. Without a legislatively defined mandate, RAW's activities might lack transparency and accountability, posing challenges in maintaining consistent national security efforts .

You might also like