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Cultural Tourism Product: Pacific Island Migrant Perspectives in New Zealand

Jenny Cave, Chris Ryan and Charlie Panakera
Journal of Travel Research 2007 45: 435
DOI: 10.1177/0047287506295908

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 Cultural Tourism Product: Pacific Island
Migrant Perspectives in New Zealand
JENNY CAVE, CHRIS RYAN, AND CHARLIE PANAKERA

The development of tourism cultural product in the case of reported, leading to a final discursive section that interprets
minority peoples has become a mechanism for affirming tra- those results with reference to the initial discussion of values,
ditional values, a restatement of identity, and an assertion of social position and the business environment, and the habitus
political and social aspirations. This is true for Pacific Island from which the tourism product proposals emanated.
communities in Auckland, New Zealand, that are economi-
cally, socially, and politically marginalized. These peoples
account for approximately 14% of Auckland’s population, LITERATURE REVIEW
have retained several traditional features and connections
with home islands through extended family networks, and Community initiatives are said to occur when groups and
have been well established in the city for over 60 years. The individuals (a) identify needs and issues at the grassroots
article reports research findings based on a mixed method of level, (b) take responsibility for them, and then (c) are sup-
participation in discussions and political processes and ported and encouraged by local government to resolve issues
results derived from a questionnaire. The study reveals differ- that arise (Witten-Hannah 1999). Globally, ethnic communi-
ences between migrant and host communities toward the per- ties are asserting their ownership of intellectual and cultural
ceived attractiveness of the proposed tourism development property through cultural tourism. Community-based tourism
and also indicates issues relating to management and product initiatives are often endorsed as a means of community devel-
placement summarized in a model based on dimensions of opment (a) that permits local control, (b) that retains the eco-
cultural content and modes of management. nomic benefits derived from out-of-region tourist spending
within the local community, and (c) as a means of encourag-
Keywords: cultural tourism; Pacific Islander culture; ing vibrancy within local culture (Murphy 1985). It is further
migrant groups; host attitudes; community contended that they are consistent with concepts of societal-
based tourism because they permit developments that allow
The purpose of this article is to examine the underlying lower income groups to benefit from tourism (Ryan 2002a),
values of a migrant group comprising Pacific Island peoples are a source of foreign exchange (Collier 1999), can enhance
resident in Auckland, New Zealand, with reference to pro- the self-image of communities, create a strong sense of com-
posals for a tourism product based on the culture of the munity pride among residents, and stimulate the expression
island nations from which they originated. Given that the and preservation of culture within local communities (Erisman
proposal was partly motivated by a wish to generate income 1983). There is thought to be a positive correlation between
and employment for a group that tends to occupy lower paid developments of facilities targeted at tourists but available
jobs and by a wish to better state their identity within a host for local residents and a positive attitude toward tourism
community and thereby give economic and social purpose to
the retention of traditional values derived from their respec-
tive cultures, the paper uses thinking derived from the con-
All the authors lecture in the Department of Tourism and
cept of habitus to discuss whether entrepreneurial directions Hospitality Management of the University of Waikato Management
are strongly influenced by these considerations of traditional School, Hamilton, New Zealand. Jenny Cave previously worked in
values when proposing a cultural tourism product. museums, Chris Ryan is a professor in the department and editor
The article is constructed as follows. First, there is a of Tourism Management, and Charlie Panakera formerly owned a
resort complex in the Solomon Islands. The authors wish to
review of the literature that considers initially general char- acknowledge the recommendations made by the referees. The result
acteristics of community tourism. Second, the concept of of their advice was a much better structured manuscript—evidence
habitus is briefly introduced. Third, the role of social and eco- again that sometimes authors can be too close to their research
nomic marginality and culture as a possible tourism product is subject at the time of initial writing. However, in particular the
introduced. Within these descriptions, reference is primarily authors wish to acknowledge the help and enthusiasm of members
of the Pacific Island Advisory Board, Waitakere Inc., ethnic
made to Pacific Island peoples resident in Auckland, New members of the Auckland Pacific Islands community, and church
Zealand. The fourth section more explicitly considers the posi- groups without whose help and cooperation this article would not
tion of that community. Its aspirations are described, and the have been possible.
article then describes a mixed-method research project that Journal of Travel Research, Vol. 45, May 2007, 435-443
developed data about the attitudes of the community toward DOI: 10.1177/0047287506295908
the tourism product. Next, some results from the project are © 2007 Sage Publications

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436 MAY 2007

(McKercher 2001; Boyd 2002). Also, collective identities minority groups. Additionally, if habitus is strong, minority
can be used as a political resource in claims against both the ethnic groups might seek business success in tourism not
state and other racial or ethnic groups (Ryan 1999). only for purposes of financial gain but also for social legit-
However, Robinson (1999) argues that the current dis- imization through that commercial success. They may
course regarding sustainable tourism falls short by underem- choose to do so through representation of cultural themes in
phasizing the cultural dimension, assuming that tourism is preference to alternative means. In the case of Australian
value neutral, and by not making explicit the nature and extent Aboriginal and New Zealand Maori peoples, research
of collaborations needed with stakeholders to address what implies that, so strong is this habitus, a danger exists
Robinson calls the “culture gap” (p. 387). Such arguments whereby new tourism proposals that replicate current attrac-
(a) generally assume a consensus and homogeneity within the tions might negatively impact the profitability of existing
local community and (b) more explicitly assume community products without necessarily securing financial sustainabil-
endorsements of the aims and aspirations of the project. ity for the new to the detriment of both. A better way for-
Recent research challenges these assumptions (Cave, Ryan, ward might be to utilize cultural difference for purposes of
and Panakera 2003) and supports the necessity identified by competitive advantage in more mainstream products such as
Ryan (2002a) for bidirectional consultation with stakeholders scenic helicopter rides, retail operations, and the like (see,
in the development of new tourism destinations. for example, the Stafford Group 2000; Ryan and Huyton
In the context of entrepreneurial development by migrant 2000; Ryan 2000). Success by one minority group in
and/or minority ethic groups, the features that characterize tourism may be imitated by another not only because of sim-
economic, social, cultural, and symbolic capital may be both ilar motives but also because of social and spatial proximity.
time and place specific. Business strategies are shaped by In a location such as Auckland, this is reinforced by the
habitus or the views and preferences held by individuals that close links between Maori and Pacific Island peoples. They
are themselves in turn molded within nationality, ethnicity, tend to occupy the same socioeconomic occupations. Cook
gender, age, and class. Bourdieu (1990a, p. 53) defined Islanders and Maori have commonalities in their language
habitus as “the system of acquired dispositions functioning and all share past missionary traditions. Hence church influ-
on the practical level as categories of perception and assess- ences are strong in all communities (e.g., as witnessed by
ment or classificatory principles as well as being the orga- the success of the Destiny Church led by Bishop Brian
nizing principles of action.” Habitus is structured as an Tamaki). There are shared emphases on extended family
individually operationalized set of understandings derived networks and in particular through rugby, shared sporting
from encounters with a social environment; it is an internal- networks. For example, players of Samoan and Tongan
ized meaning of symbolic orders found in everyday life. backgrounds play for the New Zealand All Blacks.
Schillo et al. (2000, p. 3) apply Bourdieu’s thought to Historically, the majority of indigenous cultures and val-
business agents, arguing that “by their habitus, actors are ues have been subjected to colonialism and subsequent
themselves the owners of basic symbolic systems of classi- forces of standardization that have relegated them to mar-
fication of their society. . . . The social system allows an ginalized positions in the modern world. Such forces include
actor to act appropriately in his/her existing societal envi- the spread of the languages and cultures of Europe (espe-
ronment, with the criteria for success proofed by other cially English), technology (especially mass media), the val-
actors.” From a more conventional managerial perspective, ues of individualism, self-gratification, and consumerism;
it has been argued that entrepreneurship is a construct and the ascendancy of the market model over other politico-
applicable to any person, organization (private or public, economic models of development (Thaman 2002). One
large or small), or nation (Morris 1998 cited in Anderson result is that entrepreneurs from minority groups operate in
2002, p. 48). It is a process that involves recognition of both the informal and formal economies of minority and
opportunities in the needs and wants of people and the con- majority spheres of influence. The informal sector is char-
version of such opportunities into viable ventures (Drucker acterized by small-scale businesses, many of which are fam-
1985). Given this, the expression of a people’s wants is fil- ily owned, use labor-intensive technology, are generally
tered through a set of social frameworks and cultural under- excluded from formal credit facilities, operate outside a reg-
standings that in part help determine a habitus, which ulatory regime, and are highly dependent on informal social
determines the form of entrepreneurial activity that is cho- networks within minority communities. Their workers are
sen (Kim, Cheng, and O’Leary forthcoming). paid comparatively low wages, have little formal education,
Consequently, distinctive styles of business should be and experience high insecurity of employment (Ellanna et
identifiable for groups in which cultural values and tradi- al. 1988; Graetz and McAllister 1994; Van Diermen 1997).
tions remain strong. In the case of New Zealand’s Maori But minority entrepreneurs in mainstream settings often
population, a tendency has emerged whereby new tourism function efficiently by overcoming interruptions in produc-
products often seek to emulate existing Maori cultural-based tion, variances in quality, slow throughput, and leakages in
attractions because they draw on familiar cultural settings materials by reason of their social networks when possess-
and familiar proven successful formulas and are consistent ing status in those communities. External parameters such as
with themes of Manatangita or hospitality (Ryan 2002b). limited occupational choice, the threat of expulsion, and
Such products are often based on displays of Maori dance enforceable cooperation with fellow minority entrepreneurs
and music. It might be argued that convergence exists help build networks of trust, which provide access to scarce
between the perspectives of social groupings of minority information, risk-spreading arrangements, favorable terms
people as to what is important to them as sources of identity, of credit, and a larger pool of individuals to whom manage-
which in turn forms representations of that identity as a cul- rial responsibility can be delegated (Kilby 1983).
tural product, and these subsequently give rise to business As noted, these enterprises are not driven solely by profit
proposals forwarded by entrepreneurs derived from within motives. Goals such as desire for prestige, church donations,

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 JOURNAL OF TRAVEL RESEARCH 437

and constraints such as social obligations toward kin also uncertain and limited access to nonfinancial and financial sup-
determine actions (Ingram 1990). Economic transactions are port, and lack of cultural understanding by the mainstream
also social transactions, since they are usually embedded in industry. Barriers to business entry also included a lack of abil-
social relations and not just determined by market forces ity to meet formal requirements, high cost of rental/rates, dif-
(Rutten 1997). Social networks are known to be central to ficulties of small and medium enterprises in tourism generally
the effective functioning of small business. Clusters of and tourism being dominated by big players. These issues
microenterprises can intensify the degree of network inter- apply to groups such as Polynesian peoples in Auckland, while
action, reduce the dependence of small firms on large ones, additional factors specific to these groups are the lack of access
and increase independent access to markets and supplies. to land, indigenous rights, and a treaty partnership or resource
Entrepreneurs socialize in their neighborhoods and have agreements with the Crown (Tanoi 1993; Sheehan 2002).
a voice in local politics so that social figurations emerge It should also be noted that in the Pacific Island home-
that have similarities in outlook to lifestyle (Gorter 1997; lands, a large part of the population still lives in a nonmone-
Upadhya and Rutten 1997). Such networks are a kind of tized subsistence economy (Fisk 1995), highly dependent on
social capital, essential not only for the successful business monies remitted home from emigrant communities such as
dealings and enhancement of prestige but also as insurance those in Auckland. Gregory (2004), for example, reports that
against an uncertain future (Rutten 1997). Tonga obtains $120 million in remittances per annum. This
Many authors now argue that the working environment also represents a potential loss of capital for any business
for many indigenously owned enterprises requires manage- enterprise to be established by Tongan peoples in New
ment styles that are adapted to the character and dynamics Zealand.
of local culture (Scott 1988; Corbridge 1990; Ingram 1990; From a perspective of Hofstede’s (1980) dimensions of
Dicken 1992; Ray 1999; Anderson 2002). In short, a habi- culture, Pacific societies might be stereotypically perceived as
tus-specific management is emerging (Anderson 2002). traditional, communal societies where the interest of the indi-
To summarize therefore, the characteristics that a Pacific vidual is secondary to the common interest of the social group.
Island cultural tourism entrepreneurship might exhibit are However, this Eurocentric conceptualization poses problems.
explicit statements of traditional and commercial values, From the perspective of European definitions of entrepreneur-
expectations of community as well as individual outcomes, ship in the specific field of business enterprise, this concept of
overt demonstration of expertise alongside protection of that sharing conflicts with an entrepreneur’s success, since benefits
which is most precious, explicit statements of community con- must also accrue to the extended family and community. It can
trol, desire for the retention of authority within the community, seem that the individual must be prepared to risk social
and encouragement of contemporary adaptation. Similarly, ostracism and alienation for breaking with tradition as well as
success factors for ethnic-community-initiated economic taking financial risks. Yet in Melanesian society (i.e., Papua
development can be characterized as being competitive edge, New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Fiji) entrepreneur-
active partnerships, and leadership and business development ship is widespread, since traditional access to power is based
based on community goals and not solely on economics on individual motivation and the ability to amass resources and
(Sheehan 2002). Cultural development needs to be systematic. to assume leadership roles (Finney 1971, 1987; Fairbain 1988;
Ethnic or indigenous groups must be involved and have a voice Ingram 1990). Here, however, the habitus of entrepreneurship
in management, and the development needs to be respectful is located in a different social disposition of “big men” who
and reflective of culture (Bertolin 2002). Leaders must recon- acquire leadership through acts of patronage to win influence.
firm or reinterpret the existing ideology or create an integrated In contrast, in other parts of Polynesia (i.e., Cook Islands,
ideology according to need and then design institutions to fit Samoa, parts of Fiji, Niue, Tokelau, and Tonga), the retention
(Higgins and Downing 1979). Yet there should not be a single of traditional values has acted as a constraint on entrepreneur-
model for good governance practices and public administration ial development through a different habitus of enactments
structure, because traditional values and customs continue to within differing understandings of social position. There is a
exert considerable influence and power in shaping social, gov- need to act in accordance with a social tradition based on allot-
ernment, and administrative structures. Values and customs ted roles—roles that are determined by customary right. The
should be given due consideration in reform measures to hierarchy of chiefs is maintained through descent, and conse-
ensure that they are acceptable to the community and are prac- quently, historically, the chiefs headed business developments
tical. Many policy initiatives and programs have failed to rather than commoners. However, some individuals have used
achieve the desired objectives of lifting the performance of entrepreneurial activity as a means of gaining power outside
Pacific Island nation economies or improving government the traditional authority regime (Ingram 1990).
functioning, because essential features of these societies were
not factored into new policies and programs (Ray 1999).
While there are examples of successful enterprises estab-
lished by indigenous and ethnic minority groups’ initiatives
THE RESEARCH CONTEXT
that are often partially or fully supported by government
investments, there are also examples of failure and instances of It is a premise of this article that the concept of habitus
barriers or impediments to success. The Stafford Group (2000) is one that can be of use in understanding the choices that
identified general barriers and impediments for the develop- differing communities make when assessing the potential
ment of indigenous tourism for the Maori to include a lack of appeal of a tourist attraction based on minority cultures.
data, promotion, regional tourism organization, or local gov- People respond on the premise of what is understood by ref-
ernment support; fragmentation in the tourism industry, rigid erence to a conceptual set determined by their communal
mind sets, and former use of cultural products that has been environment. From the perspective of an aspiring ethnic
narrow and superficial; and inadequate government initiatives, minority seeking recognition and legitimization of their

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438 MAY 2007

place in a mainstream society, responses to a potential workers, government officials, and representatives from the
tourism attraction based on their culture might be expected eight Pacific Island communities. Also, a climate of opti-
to differ from those of a dominant group for whom the same mism has emerged in recent years in the economic develop-
tourism product represents simply a further choice for ment strategies of several Auckland local authorities that
patronage among competing products. recognize the unique differences, identities, and values of
What then of Pacific Island peoples in contemporary New Zealand communities (Auckland City Council 1999;
New Zealand? About 200 years ago, its population and cul- Manukau City Council 2000; Waitakere City Council 2000;
tural heritage was wholly Polynesian (Maori), but at present Competitive Auckland 2001).
New Zealand is dominated by cultural traditions that are
mainly European. About four-fifths of New Zealanders are
of European origin, mainly from the British Isles. However, DATA COLLECTION
future population projections indicate a situation of ethnic
pluralism by 2051 because of declining European popula- Two types of data collection were utilized for this article.
tion numbers through low birth rates and increasing propor- The first was the involvement of the first named author as a
tions of indigenous Maori, migrant Asians, and peoples of member of various committees involved in a project relating
Pacific Island birth (Statistics New Zealand 2002). to the establishment of a tourism attraction based on the cul-
The term Pacific peoples does not refer to a single eth- ture of Pacific Island peoples, thereby giving her access to
nicity, nationality, or culture. The term is used to encompass varying stakeholders, including council members, working
a diverse range of peoples from the South Pacific region groups of Pacific Islanders, and the local entrepreneurs of
(Ministry of Pacific Island Affairs 1999). In 2003, the Pacific Island descent. Material thus available for analysis
Pacific peoples resident in New Zealand derive from eight includes formal reports from council and the Pacific Island
mainly Polynesian island nations. The population is 50% Advisory Board, meeting minutes, and her own recorded
Samoan, 22.5% Cook Islanders, 15.5% Tongan, 9% Niuean, material of conversations, meetings, and discussions. This
2% Fijian and 1% Tokelauan plus small numbers of other qualitative material is completed by the more formal govern-
Pacific groups. The great majority of these peoples live in mental papers made available by the third author in his capac-
Auckland where they form 14% of the city’s total popula- ity as an advisory member for Pacific Island Affairs to various
tion but in various locations such as Manakau form consid- New Zealand governmental bodies in his roles as an acade-
erably larger shares of the population (Statistics New mic, an entrepreneur, and former member of parliament in the
Zealand 2002). Solomon Islands. The textual data derived from the immer-
Pacific Island populations can be characterized as cultur- sion in the process is utilized in Table 1 below to help sub-
ally distinct, diverse, youthful in age structure, and having stantiate findings derived from the second type of data.
comparatively poor health. In general, when compared to The qualitative data were collected over a period com-
mainstream communities of New Zealand, they have quite low mencing in 1998 and after a recent hiatus of new initiatives
socioeconomic status, experience poverty conditions, and are commenced in mid-2004. However, the data analyzed for
generally unskilled. The median age is 21 years, with 40% this article relates to a period from 1998 to the end of 2002
below the age of 15 years. From an economic perspective, they and thus covers a period when the first author was initially
represent a comparatively disadvantaged community. In 1999, approached informally by members of a Pacific Island group
the median annual income was $14,800 per annum compared to help create a business plan. This initial process led to the
to an annual average taxable income of $24,251. For adult identification of a number of problems and the need to
males, the median annual income was $17,800, nearly $5,000 acquire more support for the initial Pacific Island group,
more than for females. Approximately 14% hold a tertiary thereby leading to the involvement of councils and the gov-
qualification as their highest educational qualification, which ernment grant-aided bodies such as the Pacific Island
compares with over 24 percent for the total New Zealand pop- Advisory Committee. The data derived from this process
ulation (Statistics New Zealand 2002). As employees, migrant were structured and analyzed in a number of ways, includ-
Pacific people in New Zealand are primarily in service indus- ing the use of TextSmarttm, a textual analysis program that
tries or operate microenterprises. In 2001, the most common forms part of the SPSStm set of software.
occupations held by this group were plant and machine opera- The second type of data was statistical and was derived
tors (12,804), services and sales workers (11,382) and clerks from a questionnaire distributed in two main ways. The first
(11,097). Examples of microenterprises are furniture and shoe was by distributing the questionnaire in mailboxes of Auckland
makers; people who sew clothes, cook and bake, repair bicy- residents. Auckland was divided into zones, and zones were
cles, wash cars, shine shoes; and sell specialty items, sou- selected on the basis of random numbering. Streets were simi-
venirs, arts and crafts, and food (Ingram 1990). Anecdotally, larly elected by random numbering, and mailboxes were again
business development agencies in the Auckland area have selected on the basis of random numbers generated by com-
observed that in recent years, few Pacific Island businesses puter. This process produced an underrepresentation of Pacific
have been initiated; businesses have very high failure rates and island groups, and to obtain sufficient responses from the
limited access to bank financing or angel funding, are not Pacific Island community, the questionnaire was then distrib-
encouraged to enhance their capability through education, and uted through the committees of which the first author was an
experience poor mainstream attitudes (Arrow International occasionally co-opted member. This poses the problem of the
2002). However, several initiatives are under way to enhance degree to which responses were thus dominated by the more
the economic contribution of the Pacific population to its host politically active members of those communities, but any alter-
community. For example, the Pacific Economic Symposium in native mode of more passive data collection ran the risk of
Manukau, New Zealand, in August 2002 was attended by underrepresentation of Pacific Island peoples generally.
over 500 invited academics, businesspeople, community Furthermore, any alternative method was assessed as achieving

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 JOURNAL OF TRAVEL RESEARCH 439

an even greater overrepresentation of the more educated and TABLE 1

articulate used modes of formal written communication MEAN SCORES ON REPRESENTATIVE CULTURAL
implicit in questionnaires. The survey is thus biased toward the ASPECTS OF A PACIFIC ISLAND TOURISM PRODUCT
entrepreneurial, politically active, and traditional community
leaders (e.g., older church members) and biased away from NZ NZ NZ NZ
younger, less educated members of the community, who European Pacific Maori Asian F-Ratio Prob.
nonetheless have a flourishing urban street culture with a pop- Polynesian 2.15 6.92 4.45 4.27 23.98 0.000
ular following through Pacific hip-hop music. In a sense, the fire and
sample is one of decision makers through the traditionally rec- drum show
ognized power groups of local authorities, local churches, Pacific 2.15 7.08 4.85 4.36 25.39 0.000
academia and small business networks not associated with Island living
popular music culture and arts. village
The structure of the questionnaire was similar to that used Evening of 1.87 7.15 5.00 3.91 45.27 0.000
by Cave, Ryan, and Panakera (2003) in an earlier study and traditional
included Likert types seeking degrees of agreement with state- Polynesian
culture
ments. The initial study by Cave, Ryan, and Panakera arose Pasifika Arts 3.41 8.62 5.65 5.00 20.164 0.000
from the concept proposal developed by the Pacific Island Festival
Advisory Board for a tourist attraction based on the culture of
Pacific Island peoples and called for a multi-million-dollar Note: 9-point scale, with 9 being the highest score.
project that conceived of an undercover theme park-like oper-
ation of “islands” linked by water-filled channels by which
visitors could travel to experience different cultural activities However, comparison of Pacific peoples’ views with the
representing the different island nations. The current question- European scores revealed commonalities as well as diver-
naire sought views about potential and actual tourist attractions gences. Equally attractive were those activities that were free
in Auckland to identify comparable facilities and competitors, and designed for families and outdoor relaxation. These
assess the degree of interest in the ideas for cultural product included many of the items that scored high overall, for
vis-à-vis other attractions, and to identify characteristics of the example, trips to the beach, Auckland Zoo, the Auckland
top attractions. The expression of preference for a given form Museum, and family events at the Auckland Domain. Equally,
of tourism development among the alternatives being sug- there was a range of attractions that held similar and lower
gested thereby might be said to be a measure of the habitus of levels of appeal that included farm shows, hip-hop shows, and
the communities whose views were being sought; that is, the hot-air ballooning. Divergences were the emphasis on a cul-
responses reveal the values that dictate choice. For example, if tural product and also a high European preference for the
Pacific Islanders value consensus building, then those parts of Viaduct Basin, evening meal and show, visits to historic build-
the tourist attraction that referred to this would, it was ings, and visits to the Auckland Art Gallery. Several of these
expected, be highly valued by them. require high disposable income for participation.
The total sample numbered 348 and was equally divided The second objective of the research was to determine to
for both marital status and parenthood. Although the sample what degree a distinct Pacific Island peoples’ view might be
is small, alpha coefficients for both the attractions ratings said to exist about a cultural tourism product. Table 2 shows
and the potential products and services ratings were .960, the results with reference to the specific cultural center that
indicating data stability. Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin measures of was being proposed by the Waitakere-based business
sampling adequacy were .761 and .888, respectively. groups. In all cases, the mean scores for potential new prod-
Sample respondents were mainly from Waitakere City ucts were lower for the European respondent group than for
(34%) and fairly evenly distributed between the other three Pacific peoples, indicating major differences of opinion
locations: Auckland City (28%), North Shore City (21%), regarding features of successful business clusters.
and Manukau City (15%). Sixty-seven percent of the To more clearly distinguish the nature of the habitus or
respondents were female. In terms of age distribution, about framework of values being used by Pacific Island respon-
48% were between the ages of 36 and 45, and 28% were dents, an analysis based on patterns of coefficients of corre-
aged 46 to 65. Only 16% were younger than 35, and the rest lation between items on the questionnaire as scored solely
were over 65. Ethnicity was 43% European and 23% Pacific by Pacific Island respondents produced six clusters of prod-
peoples, with the remainder split between Maori, Asian, and ucts as shown in Table 3. The data set derived from the ques-
self-identified New Zealander. tionnaire is insufficient to conduct a more sophisticated
The first objective was to assess whether differences analysis although, of interest, a principal components analy-
existed between the host and migrant societies. A prevailing sis indicated a four-component result “explaining” 87% of
theme of disinterest in a cultural product was found among the variance. The first component, however, included a vari-
mainstream European resident populations in contrast with ety of items that it was felt could be broken down into the
high levels of support for Pacific Island culture-specific separate segments displayed in Table 3. The third column of
products from Pacific peoples (see Table 1). This is similar Table 3 indicates the items from the questionnaire, while the
to levels of disinterest for a cultural product for residents two columns to the left represent a more qualitative analy-
identified by research done elsewhere in New Zealand and sis, which is informed by individual and group discussion
in Australia (Ryan and Huyton 2000, 2002; McKercher and with members of the Pacific Island peoples’ communities, as
du Cros 2002; McIntosh 2003). Using post hoc Scheffé tests previously described, and thus is derived from the first
showed that the main differences lay between the New author’s immersion in the Pacific Island groupings, her
Zealand European and New Zealand Pacific Island commu- questioning in these societies, and an analysis of written
nity groups. documentation as described above. It is further reinforced
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440 MAY 2007

TABLE 2
THE EFFECT OF ETHNICITY ON ASSESSING CENTER CHARACTERISTICS

Item Overall Mean Euro Mean Pacific Mean t-Test Sig.

A place for special events and festivals 3.83 3.49 4.46 4.96 .000
A showcase for live traditional 3.44 3.06 4.29 8.06 .000
Pacific Island performances
A resource library with databases 3.33 2.87 4.25 8.54 .000
about Pacific Islands
A place where I feel I belong 2.68 2.14 4.23 17.58 .000
A place where I can buy quality 3.02 2.51 4.21 14.48 .000
Pacific Island souvenirs
A place where I can buy fresh 3.60 3.24 4.18 4.94 .000
foods from the Pacific
A place to meet friends and family 2.85 2.31 4.18 16.75 .000
A place to see several Pacific Islands 3.35 2.97 4.17 7.59 .000
in one visit
A training ground to understand 3.24 2.94 4.17 8.55 .000
Pacific Island customs/values
A place to mix with and meet 3.03 2.60 4.14 13.85 .000
Pacific peoples
A place to watch experts building 3.49 3.21 4.14 4.74 .000
boats, weaving baskets, etc.
A place that explains culture with 3.39 3.16 4.11 5.13 .000
talks and interactive displays
A place to help start up Pacific 3.15 2.75 4.08 8.11 .000
Island businesses
A place for advice on travel 3.37 3.12 4.04 5.51 .000
to the Pacific Islands
A place to spend an island-style 3.02 2.57 4.04 12.35 .000
weekend or holiday
A place of escape from everyday life 3.22 2.92 4.04 9.28 .000
A place to experience Pacific Island 3.14 2.79 4.01 7.50 .000
life without traveling
A place catering Pacific Island food 2.47 2.23 3.95 13.02 .000
A place to see touring shows 2.98 2.67 3.92 9.96 .000
A theme park with boat rides, white 2.88 2.41 3.89 10.58 .000
sands, volcanoes, etc.
A place to celebrate key family 2.29 1.60 3.88 32.62 .000
events (special birthdays, etc.)
A place with multimedia theaters for 3.12 2.79 3.74 4.62 .000
interactive shows
A base for sports teams 2.50 2.01 3.72 16.27 .000
A place to find out about medicinal 2.98 2.73 3.63 4.68 .000
plants/ herbal remedies
A unique place to hold 2.92 2.74 3.62 4.87 .000
conferences and seminars
A place with the style of a 2.66 2.32 3.59 8.89 .000
boutique-quality mall
A place to simply hang out 2.27 1.77 3.49 14.41 .000
A place with a chapel for 2.21 1.77 3.45 16.86 .000
weddings and funerals
A place where I can lease space 1.91 1.34 3.34 23.61 .000
for my established business
A place where I can simply 1.88 1.25 3.33 27.63 .000
record my own music
A place with a fast-food restaurant 3.02 2.12 3.20 6.84 .000
Note: 5-point scale, with 5 being the highest score.

by textual data independently analyzed by the third author. children. These people emphasized the importance of
The ordering of the categories represents a prioritization pri- retaining cultural traditions and values and purchasing
marily based on criteria such as frequency of mentions and fresh foods imported directly from the islands. They also
emphases provided by stakeholders and, to a lesser extent, enjoyed the idea of experiencing firsthand representations
mean scores in the formal questionnaire. of the islands in one place without the cost of travel and
Among the Pacific Island peoples, the theme of “tradi- being able to walk freely among tropical gardens and
tions and capacity” had strongest appeal for couples with island fauna. This group looked forward to the opportunity

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 JOURNAL OF TRAVEL RESEARCH 441

TABLE 3
GROUPS OF POTENTIAL PRODUCTS AND SERVICES—PACIFIC ISLAND STYLE

Theme Characteristics Examples of Products and Services

Traditions and capacity Transmission and preservation Fresh foods from the Pacific
of cultural traditions
Incubation of commercial business capacity Tropical gardens
Creation of a competitive edge Tropical fauna
Performance and the visual arts and crafts See all islands without travel
Direct link to the island nations Learn Pacific Island values and customs
Watch experts
Buy works of top artists; art gallery
Buy gifts, souvenirs
Boutique-style shopping
Off-site Pacific Island catering business
Unique conference venue
Start up Pacific Island business
Lease business space
Entertainment and Entertainment Theme park (cultural)
leisure structures Outdoor shows
Multimedia theater
Sports teams
High-quality restaurants
All foods
Hang out
Community Social and community activities Meet Pacific Island people
Belong
Hold family celebrations
Showcase performances
New artists
Lifestyle Island lifestyle experience Only Pacific Island foods
Meet friends
Chapel
Pacific Island travel advice
Retreat Creation of an atmosphere Peace
of peace and escape Escape
Holidays
Record own music
Contemporary happenings High-energy events Touring shows
Special events
Interactive displays
Fast-food restaurants

to lease space for established business and having assis- were not single. Energetic contemporary activities such as
tance to start up their own businesses. They and males gen- touring shows and interactive displays were clearly pre-
erally recognized the need to utilize a competitive edge ferred by males and the couples group. Fast-food restaurants
based on Pacific arts, souvenirs, and gifts available at bou- were preferred by 19- to 35-year-olds. Younger age groups
tique-style shops and access to expert craftspeople and top tended to value entertainment more than older groups,
artists from the Pacific Islands, perhaps displayed in an art implying also an intergenerational difference as to the func-
gallery. Interestingly, males also expressed preferences for tions of the proposed center.
off-site island food catering services.
Both males and married people noted preferences for
social opportunities for Pacific peoples, outdoor entertain- Discussion
ment, and information about herbal medicines. Community-
oriented groups serving the community had proposed Emerging from these data are the following paradoxes:
facilities for the attraction of family celebrations, a place at desire for authenticity in terms of preservation of cultural tra-
which to meet Pacific peoples and meet friends, and as a ditions and social community values but recognition of the
showcase for performances and new artists—all aimed at concurrent need to commercialize to provide income; the con-
generating social interaction and a sense of identity. Males tradictions inherent in contemporary high-energy activities
in particular enjoyed the idea of having a place to which placed against an atmosphere of peace and escape; and a will-
“they belong” and where showcase performances could take ingness to communicate with others of all cultures set against
place. Married people especially wanted to see the work of a background of desire for cultural hegemony. Conceptually,
new artists available for viewing. The theme of “retreat” the project might be said to fall within a regime of cultural
(peace, holiday, and escape) was emphasized by people who hybridity where a liminal space is developed between cultural

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442 MAY 2007

differences without an imposed hierarchy and represents an new and more outwardly looking generation is therefore less
emergent cultural development. Culture is central to the likely to be sympathetic to traditional values and institutions.
understanding of human relationships and acknowledges the As the power and authority of traditional chiefs and leaders are
fact that members of different cultural groups have unique eroded (Thistlewait and Davis 1996 cited in Ray 1999,
systems of perceiving and organizing the world around p. 355), new mechanisms are required for community decision
them. The way in which people become socialized, to a very making and conflict resolution. This is fundamentally impor-
large extent, influences perceptions of the world. People in tant in societies that had been hitherto accustomed to a deci-
migrant communities where traditional values and the sion-making process dominated by tribal leadership, where
church play a strong role are socialized in both the minority dissent was not normal and often unacceptable. Consequently,
and mainstream contexts, operating sometimes in one and migrant communities increasingly perceive a different habitus
sometimes in the other. The experience is often painful to that of prior generations, and part of that changing world
(Thaman 1993), and the habitus is thus one of fluidity. perception is the view of their own culture. To the perspective
Consequently, the creative and inventive capacity cited by that culture is a process of shared values that create an identity
Bourdieu is of necessity a “primacy of practical reason” is added the understanding that culture is a marketable com-
(Bourdieu 1990b, p. 13). modity with a monetary value that can be used for personal
A tension thus exists. Much has been said about the impor- and group advancement. Yet Pacific entrepreneurship still
tance of teaching young people about their cultural heritage. exists within a framework of existing social relations and cul-
Pacific Island cultures are publicly celebrated everywhere tural mores (Tanoi 1993; Hailey 1987), because, as Bourdieu
where there are island inhabitants—whether in New York, (1990a, 1990b) indicated, it is from communities that the
Sydney, or London. The Pasifika Festival in Auckland is widely social and capital volume exists to generate a commercial
acknowledged as a highly successful event that grows in size product. One economic symposium highlighted this in a
and impact on the Auckland community every year. Such description of the Pacific Island community business strategy
events create a sense of identity, but many Islanders publicly in Auckland as comprising competitive edge, active partner-
and privately lament the kinds of negative changes they see in ships, leadership, and a recognition that business development
society that they attribute to a breakdown of their cultural tradi- is based on community goals not on economics (Sheehan
tions and a steady loss of important cultural values (Thaman 2002). Much of the drive and source of competitive edge,
2002), and thus the very celebration of culture is also a lament come from two sources: an emergent tertiary-educated group
for something that is being lost. Fitzgerald (1998) reinforces and a second group more attuned to popular culture but seek-
this point and notes that under conditions of rapid social ing a hybrid street Polynesian cultural expression of youth cul-
change, there is often intensification of ethnic identity at the ture and music—both fit poorly with conventional traditions.
same time that the traditional culture is diminishing. He also The motivations for tourism development among commu-
notes that the critical issue for second-generation New Zealand- nities are myriad, but in the cultural tourism industry, motiva-
born Cook Islanders is “how to maintain identity over the gen- tions cluster around the notions of economic benefit, job
erations” (p. 257). creation, education and skill development, community wealth
Given this, the findings reported above represent simply creation, development of cultural capital, and cultural or her-
a stage in potentially evolving attitudes and habitus. A itage preservation. For the cultural tourism industry, the key
number of issues might be identified. First, Tables 1 and 2 issues that can be identified are sustainability and viability
indicate distinct differences between the Pacific Island com- over the long term for business operating at either a spatial or
munities and the majority host European population about cultural distance from major markets (which lie outside the
what constitutes attractiveness about a potential tourism culture of the promoting people); the issue of authenticity,
product based on presentations of and roles for Pacific commodification, and authorization of cultural traditions; the
Island tourism enterprises. Second, Table 3 indicates how issue of power, control, and governance; the contradictions of
the Pacific Island community stresses traditional culture, operating in both formal and informal economic sectors; and
capacity building, and then entertainment. A hierarchical the challenge of balancing community benefit against indi-
progression of needs might be discerned by which, aware of vidual commercial success. Additionally, from the entrepre-
the difference between migrant and host community, the neurial perspective, habitus-specific issues are evident that
Pacific Islands seek the following: (a) to retain tradition as a link to the role of local government, reliance on local resi-
means of sustaining self-image and status, thereby ensuring dents for operational stability, multiple goals and dual
identity and recognition not provided by the host commu- economies, the challenge of community versus entrepreneur-
nity, (b) acquire capacity building to better reach out to the ial values, preservation of tradition and values along with
mainstream and become part of the social and economic net- commercial awareness, and inherent contradictions of cultural
works offered by that society, and (c) the utilization of enter- norms affecting the style and nature of business. It can only
tainment and leisure industries as a means of doing so from be concluded that research into the role of migrant communi-
an existing resource base. The current habitus or structures ties producing a cultural tourism product is rich in varying
of social and business life thus reaffirm values but also seek symbolisms and social realities.
means of adaptation to new realities and necessities if eco-
nomic advancement is to be achieved.
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