Ambition and Achievement in the U.S.
-India Partnership
Farewell Address by Kenneth I. Juster
U.S. Ambassador to India
New Delhi, India
January 5, 2021
Good afternoon everyone.
Thank you very much Sunjoy for that kind introduction, and thanks as well to ORF for
sponsoring this event.
I come before you today to give my Farewell Address as the United States Ambassador
to India. For me, it is a time of deep gratitude and appreciation as well as one of reflection.
It is an honor and a responsibility to represent the United States as ambassador anywhere
in the world. But it is a special privilege to be the U.S. Ambassador to India. The past three
years and two months have been the most remarkable and fulfilling period of my professional
life.
When Swami Vivekananda arrived at the World’s Parliament of Religions at the 1893
World’s Fair in Chicago, he exclaimed: “Sisters and Brothers of America – It fills my heart with
joy unspeakable to rise in response to the warm and cordial welcome which you have given us.”
I have felt the same way living and working in India.
As with many Americans, Indian civilization – its unique culture and amazing people –
has long touched me. My parents traveled throughout India in 1966. I vividly remember being
enchanted by my father’s many photographs of people and places in this country. I have been
fortunate to be part of the U.S.-India relationship for the last 20 years – as a diplomat, a
technology executive, an investor, and a member of several non-profit boards. But serving as
Ambassador and being directly involved in expanding the relationship at every level has been a
tremendously rewarding experience. I have tried my best to be worthy of this great opportunity
to contribute to our partnership.
I am grateful to the President of the United States and the Secretary of State for their
confidence and support. I thank as well the Prime Minister of India, the Minister of External
Affairs, and my many friends and interlocutors throughout India for your warm and gracious
hospitality. You have extended many courtesies to me, and worked collegially and
constructively with me and my American colleagues.
I would also like to thank my wonderful team at the U.S. Mission in India – from our
Embassy, to our four Consulates, to the many agencies that are represented at our Mission. I so
much appreciate your hard work, your dedication, and your support. Thank you as well to my
colleagues back in America – at the State Department, the White House, and throughout the U.S.
Government. We have worked together on many high-ranking official visits, most notably by
the President and the First Lady, but including multiple trips by the Secretaries of State, Defense,
and Commerce, as well as visits by the Secretaries of Energy and the Treasury, our Ambassador
to the United Nations, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, numerous Members of
Congress, Governors and Mayors, and many other government, business, educational, and
cultural leaders.
As this list demonstrates, my government is committed to the U.S.-India relationship at
the highest levels. The visits also hint at the breadth of the relationship, which spans the scope of
human endeavor. I would submit that there is no bilateral relationship in the world that is as
broad, complex, and rich in substance as that of the United States and India. We cooperate on
defense, counterterrorism, non-proliferation, cybersecurity, trade, investment, energy, the
environment, health, education, science and technology, agriculture, space, the oceans, and so
much more.
Before delving into the details of our achievements over the past few years, let’s step
back to recognize the global context for U.S.-India cooperation. The Indo-Pacific region
encompasses the world’s largest and fastest-growing economies and its most populous nations.
More than 50 percent of international trade passes through its waters. The region is rich in
natural resources. And it is fast becoming the center of gravity of the evolving international
system.
Indeed, the tectonic plates of that system are shifting, marked especially by the rise of
China and, more recently, the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, which has devastated health
and economies in the Indo-Pacific and elsewhere. The region needs stability, leadership, and a
democratic model for development that does not threaten the sovereignty of other countries.
This is why a strong and democratic India is an important partner to promote peace and
prosperity. While our strategic partnership has been on an upward trajectory over the last two
decades, the past four years stand out as a time of ambition and achievement in the relationship.
The recent growth has been the result of considered thought by leaders in both countries,
the commitment of substantial resources, and conscious implementation by government officials.
The U.S. Government has been dedicated not just to the bilateral relationship, but to supporting
India’s rise on the world stage. The U.S. National Security Strategy put it down on paper in
2017, welcoming “India’s emergence as a leading power and stronger strategic and defense
partner.”
When I gave my Inaugural Address three years ago, I spoke of our shared commitment to
democracy, our broad set of common interests, and the many pillars of our bilateral relationship.
Let me now review some of those attributes and the ambition we have brought to this partnership
over the past few years, in cooperation with our Indian counterparts.
Diplomatic Cooperation and the Indo-Pacific Region
As the United States and India work together to sustain the rules-based international
order, it is worth remembering that we have been engaged diplomatically for over 70 years. We
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actually established diplomatic relations in November 1946, several months before India’s
independence, as Americans supported a free India taking its rightful place in the world. But our
diplomatic cooperation has accelerated in recent years, inspiring our leaders in February 2020 to
declare this a Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership.
Our more recent diplomatic coordination flows from our shared vision of the Indo-Pacific
region. While the concept of the Indo-Pacific has been many years in the making, it is in the past
four years that our countries have shown the ambition to turn it into a reality. In 2017, President
Trump described the U.S. vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific as one where “sovereign and
independent nations, with diverse cultures and many different dreams, can all prosper side-by-
side, and thrive in freedom and in peace.” And at the Shangri-La Dialogue in 2018, Prime
Minister Modi presented India’s vision of a “free, open, inclusive” Indo-Pacific region.
The Indo-Pacific is particularly significant for the U.S.-India relationship because it
recognizes the reality that India and the Indian Ocean are inextricably tied to East Asia and the
Pacific. India’s expanding economy is likely to become an increasingly important driver of
growth for the region, while trade and investment among Indo-Pacific nations – including the
United States – will continue to provide a major impetus for India’s growth. For the U.S.-India
relationship, the Indo-Pacific means that, at a time of great change and challenge, we see India as
a critical partner in preserving and expanding the peace and prosperity that have underpinned this
dynamic region.
Both the United States and India have adapted our internal institutions to this regional
orientation. In 2018, the U.S. Department of Defense renamed its Hawaii-based Pacific
Command as the Indo-Pacific Command – or INDOPACOM. That same year, the Ministry of
External Affairs established a new Indo-Pacific Division. And we have come to a consensus on
the geographical contours of this region – stretching from the shores of the East Coast of Africa
to the West Coast of the United States.
Having articulated a vision and common set of principles for the Indo-Pacific, we have
also begun coordinating with like-minded countries to build out the architecture of this region,
while supporting ASEAN centrality. The United States and India joined with Japan for the first-
ever Trilateral Summit in 2018, followed by a second meeting in 2019. And in 2019, and again
in 2020, the three countries were joined by Australia for a Quadrilateral Ministerial. These
groupings, which have been supported by extensive expert-level engagements, are leading to
greater cooperation and ambition on a range of issues, including maritime security, pandemic
management, regional connectivity, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, and
cybersecurity.
As global partners, the United States and India have increased our consultations,
information exchanges, and joint efforts relating to other countries in the region and other areas
of the world, including training African peacekeepers. We have also enhanced our work together
in international organizations and in advance of international meetings.
In short, the extent of our diplomatic cooperation has thickened in ways we hardly could
have imagined twenty or even ten years ago. We are now building out the foundation of a
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stronger Indo-Pacific architecture that will enable us to tackle challenges that lie ahead. Our
mission over the next five years and beyond should be to give this endeavor further form and
substance – to develop guidelines and, if necessary, even redlines. This should enable all
countries to prosper from a region that respects sovereignty, a rules-based order, and the peaceful
resolution of disputes, in accordance with international law. The United States and India both
recognize that much of the Indo-Pacific region – if not the world – is depending on our efforts.
Defense and Counterterrorism
As democracies, our two countries are committed to a rules-based order, as well as to
peace and diplomacy. We have both been influenced by the legacies of Mahatma Gandhi and
Martin Luther King, Jr. But we know that not everyone thinks as we do, and some choose
suicide vests or military incursions. That is why the United States and India are committed to
strengthening our defense and security cooperation – in the words of Sardar Patel, “cultivating
strength to challenge oppression.” In the past four years, we have purposefully deepened this
cooperation to keep our nations safe from a growing array of threats and to provide security
beyond our own borders.
Our bilateral defense and security partnership reached a new level in 2018 with the
inaugural 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue – a cabinet-level meeting among U.S. and Indian defense and
foreign policy leaders. This important step reflected our increasingly close defense ties and
provided a framework for coordinating and expanding our joint activities to preserve peace and
prosperity in the Indo-Pacific.
Among our most significant achievements has been the signing of three pivotal defense
agreements – one at each of the 2+2 Ministerial Dialogues. At the first Ministerial, we
concluded the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement – known as COMCASA
– to enhance the real-time exchange of sensitive information between our two militaries. At the
second Ministerial in 2019, we signed the Industrial Security Annex to our General Security of
Military Information Agreement, in order to share sensitive government information with
industry and facilitate more industrial collaboration. And at the most recent Ministerial in 2020,
we signed the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement – known as BECA – to share
geospatial information, including nautical and aeronautical data. Each of these agreements was
under negotiation for many years. With the ambition of the past four years, we were able to
conclude them and further elevate the defense partnership.
On top of this, we have continued to enhance the complexity of a robust series of military
exercises. This included the first-ever tri-services exercise – known as Tiger Triumph – which I
had the privilege of inaugurating in Vizag in 2019. This will now be an annual joint amphibious
exercise. And, most recently, Australia participated for the first time since 2007 in the Malabar
naval exercise, alongside Japan. As a result of these defense agreements and military exercises,
our forces are working more effectively together to keep the Indo-Pacific free and open.
Through our growing exchanges, joint training, and postings of liaison officers, we have
further increased interoperability between our military services. In 2020, the United States, for
the first time, posted a naval officer to an Indian military facility – the newly-established Indian
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Ocean Information Fusion Centre in Gurugram. Similarly, India posted, for the first time, a
naval officer to a U.S. Combatant Command – the U.S. Naval Forces Central Command in
Bahrain. And we held the inaugural Defense Cyber Dialogue in 2020, with working groups
sharing best practices and exploring cyber capacity building.
We have also continued to expand our defense industrial cooperation, helping ensure that
we have the right equipment and platforms to keep our countries safe. The U.S. Government and
defense industry have increased joint research, production, and defense sales with India, and
made available some of the most sensitive U.S. military equipment. We granted India, in 2018,
Strategic Trade Authorization, Tier One status – known as STA-1. This benefit is normally
limited to our closest allies, and now enables India to access many of our highly-regulated
technology items.
In the past three years, the Indian military has inducted several U.S.-origin platforms,
including Apache attack helicopters, Chinook heavy-lift helicopters, and M777 ultra-lightweight
artillery. Many U.S. defense firms now have a presence in India, creating jobs and drawing on
the impressive pool of engineering and other talent here. I participated in the inauguration of the
Tata-Boeing Aerospace joint venture in Hyderabad, which will soon be the sole location for
production of Apache helicopter fuselages. And I visited the Tata-Lockheed Aerostructures joint
venture, also in Hyderabad, which supplies all of Lockheed’s C-130 empennages and soon will
be its source for F-16 wings.
In addition, we have deepened our cooperation in the fight against terrorism,
remembering that both of our countries have suffered from this scourge. We established a U.S.-
India Terrorist Designations Dialogue in 2017 to coordinate our approaches to designating
individual terrorists and groups. And we broadened our training efforts, with India hosting a
Quad Counterterrorism Table-Top Exercise in 2019. We have also continued to work with
Indian partners on a range of law enforcement issues, and established a new Counter-Narcotics
Working Group to combat the illicit drug trade.
Reflecting on these achievements, I believe that no country has as strong and robust a
defense and counterterrorism relationship with India as does the United States. Simply put, no
other country does as much to contribute to the security of Indians and India. Our close
coordination has been important as India confronts, perhaps on a sustained basis, aggressive
Chinese activity on its border.
We recognize that India desires to produce more of its military equipment within the
country, and the United States looks forward to our growing partnership in this effort. As this
process unfolds, India will likely need to develop certain key capabilities with the careful use of
outside procurements. This is expected to include fighter aircraft, which have the potential to
transform our defense industrial cooperation.
In our view, defense procurement should not be solely about selecting the lowest bidder,
but also about recognizing quality and value over the entire lifecycle, and ensuring strategic
interoperability across services – and perhaps even with other friendly forces. Already,
platforms have given way to systems, and, in tomorrow’s world, systems will fight systems,
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simultaneously across all domains – ground, sea, air, space, and cyberspace. Information and the
ability to share and integrate it into broader communications and operating networks will be key.
In this security environment, it is worth considering how effectively one piece of
equipment will integrate into a broader system and strategy, and whether a particular purchase
today will pave the way for – or preclude – future acquisitions of more sophisticated technology.
While we appreciate that India has its own historical and geographical perspective, in today’s
strategic landscape it may not be optimal to source equipment across a range of suppliers from
different countries. Moreover, as India looks at co-production opportunities, it may wish to
focus on manufacturing equipment that addresses the needs of the global marketplace, with
sufficient demand worldwide to make it a worthwhile endeavor.
More broadly, will the evolving international environment require India to adjust how it
expresses strategic autonomy? Might practical security needs necessitate building closer
operating relationships with a smaller circle of trusted, like-minded partners to best preserve
India’s independence of action while protecting it from coercion? And with which nations does
India have the best chance of realizing its own ambition of a vibrant, indigenous defense
industrial sector? These are important issues for the Government of India to consider.
From the perspective of the United States, we would like to do more, including joint
planning and cooperative operations. The United States has maintained a longstanding
commitment to a free, open, and secure Indo-Pacific. That commitment has underpinned the
stability and remarkable economic rise of this region. India’s armed forces will find no better
partner than the U.S. military. U.S. actions over the past few years – and in recent months –
have reaffirmed this commitment. I fully expect the new Administration to continue where we
leave off, with the choice of how quickly and how far to move on bilateral defense cooperation
largely up to the Indian Government.
Economic and Commercial Relations
Let’s turn to a third key pillar of our relationship – our economic and commercial ties. I
have long advocated for opening our two countries to further trade and investment in order to
provide increased heft to our economic relationship, complementing our broader strategic
partnership. A stronger economic relationship not only would bring benefits in terms of jobs and
growth, but would add stability to the Indo-Pacific region. In short, we need to apply the same
level of ambition in the economic sphere that we have had in the diplomatic and defense fields.
I am going to focus on pre-COVID-19 economic figures, as they provide the most
accurate representation of the commercial relationship. Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, the
U.S. trade and investment relationship with India continued to grow and expand. In 2019,
bilateral trade in goods and services had surged to $146.1 billion, significantly up from the $18.6
billion mark when I started working on this relationship in 2001. Two-way trade in goods
amounted to $92 billion, while trade in services was worth $54.1 billion. In fact, approximately
16 percent of India’s total exports head to the United States. The United States is now India’s
largest trading partner, and India the twelfth largest partner of the United States.
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The growth in imports of goods and services from the United States has provided India
with advanced technology, wider consumer choice, and intermediate components for production
lines of Indian companies. These have helped bring India into global supply chains and boost
the competitiveness of Indian firms. In recent years, several U.S. companies have also made
significant investments or expanded existing operations in India. While cumulative U.S. direct
investment in India reached around $46 billion in 2019, the actual figure for all sources of U.S.
investment is much higher, with U.S. companies having become the largest investors in India
and having contributed over five million jobs to the Indian economy. This has included some of
the biggest investments in India’s history, such as Walmart’s $16 billion acquisition of Flipkart
in 2018, and the more than $16 billion of investments from various U.S. companies in Reliance
Jio in 2020.
The bottom line is that no other country contributes as much to job creation, consumer
choice, technology diffusion, and economic improvement for Indians.
An expanding number of Indian companies have also found America to be an attractive
destination for trade and investment. By 2019, Indian cumulative investment in the United
States totaled $16.7 billion, a 20 percent increase over 2018, and provided almost 70,000
American jobs. As one of the most open and dynamic economies in the world, America
welcomes such investment.
This is a lot of good news for the economic and commercial relationship. But I would be
less than candid if I did not note that there are also frictions and frustrations on the trade and
investment front. Despite persistent efforts, we were unable to conclude even a small trade
package. Moreover, there are growing restrictions in India on market access for certain U.S.
goods and services, increasing tariffs, new limitations on the free flow of data, and a less-than-
predictable regulatory environment for investors. As I have stated on many occasions, given the
size of our respective markets, there is plenty of room to expand the flow of goods and services
in both directions in order for us to reach the full potential of our economic relationship.
The United States has a strong stake in India’s growth and prosperity, both because of our
longstanding friendship with the people of India and because a strong economy will underpin
India’s growing role on the global stage. India’s economic trajectory after its reforms of the
early 1990s demonstrated the power of openness to trade and investment. As former Prime
Minister Vajpayee stated, “empowerment is best served through rapid economic growth . . . and
. . . only by opening our doors can we usher in the wind of change.” It also became clear that
Indian firms could compete with any in the world, and that Indian consumers benefited greatly
from the availability of higher-quality products at lower prices.
The United States welcomes steps by India to continue its economic reform measures.
All countries today are struggling to discern the economic lessons from the COVID-19 pandemic
as they implement policies seeking to promote economic recovery. As with the United States,
India would naturally like to enhance its economic security by increasing domestic production
and reducing critical dependencies. For all of us, being part of the global supply chain no longer
means focusing solely on economic efficiency but also means factoring in political risks, as well
as seeking increased domestic employment and a sound manufacturing base. As U.S. and other
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companies find it increasingly difficult to operate in China or seek to diversify away from
Chinese-led supply chains, India has a strategic opportunity to become an alternative destination
for manufacturing investments in the Indo-Pacific region. But to fully seize this opportunity, the
Indian Government may well need to take further action.
The current view in India is that the best way to meet these various objectives is through
a policy of “Self-Reliance,” emphasizing “Make in India,” while still seeking to be engaged
globally, participate in global value chains, and be an exporter to the world. It remains to be
seen whether all of these policies are compatible and mutually reinforcing, or whether they will
lead to higher tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade. The latter would limit India’s capacity to
truly integrate into global value chains and, in the process, raise prices for Indian consumers.
Ultimately, these will be choices for the Government of India. Our experience is that
excessively managed markets tend to create inefficiencies, leading to slower growth. On the
other hand, trade openness historically has produced positive results for the Indian economy, its
job market, and its consumers. The experience of the postwar period has demonstrated that East
Asia’s success was driven by increasingly open markets at home and deeper trade relations with
the West, especially the United States. If we are to be truly ambitious, I still believe that India
should seek to lock in the benefits of its economic relationship with America by negotiating a
comprehensive trade agreement, in a fair and reciprocal manner, that ensures access to both
markets.
Energy
A fourth important pillar of our strategic partnership is energy, where we have made
considerable efforts and achieved significant results over the past four years. In 2017, we
elevated the bilateral energy relationship into a Strategic Energy Partnership – referred to as the
SEP. We formally launched the SEP in 2018 and prioritized cooperation in oil and gas, power
and energy efficiency, renewable energy, and sustainable growth.
The Strategic Energy Partnership has expanded energy engagement through both
government and industry channels. The first major activity under the SEP was the U.S.-India
Gas Task Force, which convenes key stakeholders to identify opportunities for gas sector growth
and market reforms that will accelerate the deployment of natural gas in India. This supports the
Indian Government’s goal of increasing the share of natural gas to 15 percent of the primary
energy mix by 2030.
Since 2017, with support from both governments, the United States has become a
significant source of energy for India. U.S. crude oil exports to India went from zero in 2016 to
93 million barrels in 2019, and U.S. liquefied natural gas exports grew more than five-fold from
2016 to 2019. Bilateral energy commodities and equipment trade reached $8.8 billion in 2019,
more than quadrupling since 2016, and now accounts for approximately 10 percent of bilateral
trade in goods. By 2019, India had become the largest export destination for U.S. coal, the
fourth largest destination for U.S. crude, and the seventh largest destination for U.S. liquefied
natural gas. Our two countries are also beginning cooperation on the operation and maintenance
of our strategic petroleum reserves, including the exchange of information and best practices.
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All of this has helped diversify India’s energy sources with reliable, market-based
suppliers.
In addition, the United States has supported the modernization of the power grid in India
and the development of energy storage technologies. These include the integration of large-scale
renewable energy into the grid, the utilization of smart grids and smart meters by distribution
utilities, and the deployment of large-scale rooftop solar power projects. We also established the
U.S.-India Hydrogen Task Force to help scale up technologies to produce hydrogen from
renewable energy and fossil fuel sources. And Americans have worked with Indians to facilitate
high performance buildings in India that are smart, green, and energy efficient.
There are now over 100 U.S. companies of varying sizes involved with energy that have
a presence in India. These firms work across all elements of the sector, including power, oil, gas,
petrochemicals, nuclear, renewables, biofuels, and energy-related goods and services. They
include Westinghouse, which remains hard at work to realize the full potential of our civil
nuclear cooperation and provide clean, reliable power to millions of Indians.
U.S. investors have also acquired stakes in Indian-registered and operated companies that
are active in the domestic energy sector. And Indian firms have invested in the U.S. energy
sector, seeking to expand access to reliable sources of energy and related technology. As India’s
economy continues to recover and expand, our work together in the energy sector will be an
increasingly important component of our overall strategic partnership.
Health and Biomedical Innovation
Let me highlight another important pillar of our strategic partnership – one of particular
salience over the past eleven months. This is the field of health and biomedicine.
In fact, this is one of the oldest and most successful areas of cooperation between the
United States and India. Individually and collectively, Americans and Indians have made many
contributions to the health of our people and those around the world. Our Health Dialogue,
which last met in 2019, addresses six thematic areas of cooperation – research and innovation,
health safety and security, communicable disease, non-communicable disease, health systems,
and health policy.
Our history of successful cooperation shaped our joint response to the COVID-19
pandemic. From the onset of the pandemic, public health scientists from the U.S. Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention – known as the CDC – have supported India’s COVID-19 field
response. They have assisted with technical guidance and training on a range of issues,
including contact tracing, diagnostic testing, and infection prevention and control at health
facilities. Hundreds of Indian graduates of CDC training programs have been at the forefront of
India’s efforts, providing expertise to prevent, detect, and respond to the COVID-19 virus across
the country.
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USAID has also been deeply involved in working with India on COVID-19 issues. As of
November 2020, USAID had helped to train more than 46,000 health workers and 79,000 front-
line COVID-19 workers, supported 961 healthcare facilities, and worked with the private sector
to improve digital health solutions. The U.S. Government also donated 200 state-of-the-art,
U.S.-manufactured ventilators to 29 facilities, and provided $5 million to support small- and
medium-sized enterprises in the areas hit hardest by the pandemic. By the end of 2020, the
United States had dedicated more than $26.6 million in new funding to support India’s response
to the pandemic.
U.S. and Indian scientists are collaborating to jointly develop and test vaccines,
diagnostics, and treatments for COVID-19. Institutions and companies from both countries are
partnering to utilize India’s large manufacturing capacity for the production of approved
COVID-19 vaccines. In addition, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration and the Government
of India have worked together to ensure the safety and efficacy of medical products and to
prevent the marketing of unapproved products that fraudulently claim to fight or cure COVID-
19.
Apart from COVID-19, in recent years the United States and India have increased
cooperation on a new threat to global health – antimicrobial resistance. This occurs when
microbes develop immunity to the drugs designed to kill them. I was pleased to help inaugurate
India’s Antimicrobial Resistance Hub in Kolkata in 2019. Today, U.S. and Indian scientists are
building surveillance systems and studying pathogens so that they can develop medical
countermeasures against this threat.
In addition, the United States and India have strengthened cooperation to combat
communicable and non-communicable diseases, with a particular focus on tuberculosis. In 2019,
USAID and the Indian Ministry of Health and Family Welfare jointly launched “The Corporate
TB Pledge” for the elimination of TB in India, and have subsequently received commitments
from more than 100 U.S. and Indian corporations.
We have also made progress on environmental issues that affect our health. The United
States has contributed to India’s efforts to better understand and monitor air pollution through
scientific exchanges, technological collaboration, and data collection. And we held our first
U.S.-India Oceanic Dialogue in 2017 to discuss sustainable use of ocean resources for economic
growth, and exchanged best practices on the preservation of rivers and other types of water
management.
The growth of India’s healthcare sector, including the pharmaceutical industry, has
contributed to increasing connections between U.S. and Indian companies. More and more
Indian healthcare facilities are using equipment designed or manufactured in the United States,
while an increasing number of U.S. citizens are consuming medicines developed or produced in
India. According to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, India was the second largest
supplier of drugs and medicinal products to the United States in our last fiscal year.
There remains enormous potential for further collaboration between our health sectors,
including as both countries seek to develop new and more secure supply chains for
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pharmaceuticals and other medical supplies. This is a good news story not just for the United
States and India, but for the health and well-being of people around the world.
People-to-People Ties
Let me now turn to our people-to-people relationship, which is anchored by
approximately four million Indian Americans. Although it was trade that first brought us
together with the docking of American merchant ships in India in 1784, there has always been an
element of mutual fascination and kinship – viewing each other as Sisters and Brothers, to use
the words of Vivekananda – despite the distance. This has inspired travel across the oceans to
pursue college degrees, start new jobs, attend medical conferences, conduct Nobel Prize-winning
economic research, make religious pilgrimages, and much more. A senior official in India once
told me that her most precious investment is in the United States. Before I could even imagine
what that might be, she added with a smile that the investment is her children.
In great democracies such as ours, governments listen to public sentiment. Our people-
to-people relationship forms both a strong foundation and a driving force for what our nations
can do together.
When I first arrived as Ambassador in November 2017, then Foreign Secretary
Jaishankar urged me to get outside of Delhi to meet the people of India and really understand this
country. And I did just that, traveling to every State and most Union Territories, and meeting
with leaders from politics, business, religion, civil society, and cultural endeavors, as well as
students, shopkeepers, factory workers, farmers, young entrepreneurs, and many others. While I
have traveled to numerous countries throughout my career, I always tell friends that India – with
its history, culture, spirituality, and diversity – is the most fascinating of them all. I can truly say
that “Incredible India” is not just a clever advertising slogan; it is a statement of fact.
In his Howdy Modi Speech in Houston in September 2019, the Prime Minister made this
significant statement about India: “[O]ur country has different sects, dozens of denominations,
different methods of worship, hundreds of different regional cuisines, different clothing patterns,
different seasons, which made this land amazing. Unity in diversity is our heritage, this is our
specialty. This diversity of India is the very basis of our Vibrant Democracy. This is our source
of power and inspiration. Wherever we go, we carry the rites of diversity and democracy along
with us.”
These were powerful words then and are powerful words now. India’s embrace of
diversity will always be what makes it exceptional. It is a source of strength for this great
country and an inspiration for all of us. It is also something to which we Americans can relate.
Just as Indians have long referred to “unity in diversity,” Americans have long used the Latin
phrase “e pluribus unum” – out of many, one. Both the United States and India have benefited
from our diverse populations, with individuals from many backgrounds contributing to all
aspects of our societies. That is the promise guaranteed by our Constitutions. While neither of
us is – or has been – perfect, we understand that preserving our commitment to diversity and
tolerance is important to maintaining our status in the world and the strength of our bilateral
relationship.
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Conclusion
When you step back and look at where the United States and India were 20 years ago and
where we are today, the amount of progress and achievement is truly remarkable. I do not think
that anyone would have predicted this type of relationship when we started working on some of
these issues at the turn of the century.
Today, the U.S.-India Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership is strong, positive,
and on an upward trajectory. It has been deliberately guided by our governments, who have
followed the wisdom of Tagore when he observed that “you can’t cross the sea simply by
standing and staring at the water.” Leaders in both countries have recognized that getting this
relationship right is important for us and for a free and open Indo-Pacific region.
It is worth noting that each recent U.S. Administration has successfully built upon the
work of its predecessor in enhancing ties with India. I am proud of what we have accomplished
over the past four years, and I am confident that the next U.S. Administration will continue this
trend. The United States remains committed to this region – and to India – because our future is
inextricably linked to it. It is a durable commitment, supported by the desires of our citizens, our
common democratic principles, our shared interests, and our economic and commercial ties.
And America’s support for India’s rise as a global power is clear across our political spectrum.
As Ambassador, I have dedicated myself to bringing our countries together, knowing the
significance of this endeavor in today’s world. I will always remember how people from all
parts of India received me, as the representative of the United States – with kindness, respect,
great warmth, and tremendous generosity. It was a daily reminder of how far we have come in
the U.S.-India relationship, of how much we have achieved as a result of our ambition, and of
how this relationship has made a positive impact on individuals across both of our countries.
I began my tenure as a friend and a fan of India. My admiration for this great country has
only grown. I will always be grateful for this opportunity to engage in such a meaningful and
satisfying job – one that I have enjoyed immensely. Please know that I am forever a very close
and dear friend of India.
Thank you very much.
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