Known for running a corrupt, undemocratic regime, Ferdinand Marcos was the

president of the Philippines from 1966 to 1986 before fleeing to the United
States.
IN THESE GROUPS

Synopsis

Ferdinand Marcos, born on September 11, 1917, in Ilocos Norte province, was a member of the
Philippine House of Representatives (1949-1959) and Senate (1959-1965) before winning the
presidential election. After winning a second term, he declared martial law in 1972, establishing with
wife Imelda an autocratic regime based on widespread favoritism that eventually lead to economic
stagnation and recurring reports of human rights violations. Marcos held onto the presidency until
1986, when his people rose against his dictatorial rule and he was forced to flee. He died on
September 28, 1989 in exile in Honolulu, Hawaii.

Background and Early Life

Ferdinand Marcos was born on September 11, 1917, in the municipality of Sarrat, part of the Ilocos
Norte province. He went to school in Manila and later attended law school at the University of the
Philippines. His father, Mariano Marcos, was a Filipino politician, and on September 20, 1935, after
Julio Nalundasan defeated Mariano for a seat in the National Assembly (for the second time),
Nalundasan was shot and killed in his home. Ferdinand, Mariano and other family members were
eventually tried for the assassination, and Ferdinand was found guilty of murder. 

Appealing the verdict, Ferdinand argued on his own behalf to his country's supreme court and won
acquittal in 1940. Remarkably, while Marcos was preparing his case in jail, he was studying for the
bar exam and became a trial lawyer in Manila subsequent to the acquittal. (It has been reported that
Marcos' freedom was abetted by Judge Ferdinand Chua, who was also believed by some to be
Marcos' actual biological father.)  

Success in Politics

During World War II, Ferdinand Marcos served as an officer with his country's armed forces, later
claiming that he was also a top figure in the Filipino guerrilla resistance movement. (U.S.
governmental records eventually revealed these assertions to be false.) At the end of the war, when
the American government granted the Philippines independence on July 4, 1946, the Philippine
Congress was created. After working as a corporate attorney, Marcos campaigned and was twice
elected as representative to his district, serving from 1949 to 1959. In 1959, Marcos took a seat in
the senate, a position he would hold until he ran for and won the presidency in 1965 on the
Nationalist Party ticket.

While serving in Congress, he wed singer and beauty queen Imelda Romualdez in 1954 after an 11-
day courtship, with the couple going on to have three children.

Ascension to the Presidency

Marcos was inaugurated on December 30, 1965. His first presidential term was notable for his
decision to send troops into the fray of the Vietnam War, a move he had previously opposed as a
Liberal Party senator. He also focused on construction projects and bolstering the country's rice
production.

Marcos was reelected in 1969, the first Filipino president to win a second term, but violence
and fraud were associated with his campaign, which was believed to be funded with millions from
the national treasury. What arose from the campaign unrest became known as the First Quarter
Storm, during which leftists took to the streets to demonstrate against both American involvement in
Philippine affairs and the increasingly apparent dictatorial style of Ferdinand Marcos.
Authoritarian Regime

Marcos decreed martial law in 1972, with Imelda eventually becoming an official who often
appointed her relatives to lucrative governmental and industrial positions. (She would later be known
for accumulating upward of 1,000 pairs of shoes along with Manhattan luxury real estate.) These
acts were part of Marcos’ state-imposed "crony capitalism," by which private businesses were seized
by the government and handed over to friends and relatives of regime members, later leading to
much economic instability. Though making domestic headway over time with infrastructure projects
and harvesting, Marcos' administration bolstered the military by huge numbers (recruiting
unqualified personnel), curtailed public discourse, took over the media and imprisoned political
opponents, students and denouncers at will.

Marcos also oversaw a 1973 national referendum that allowed him to hold power
indefinitely. Preceding a visit by Pope John Paul II, martial law ended in January 1981. Marcos,
serving as both president and prime minister by this point, resigned from the latter post, still
retaining the power to implement laws at his command and imprison dissenters without due process.
In June 1981, he would win presidential reelection for another six years, with his political opponents
boycotting the vote. 

Downfall

On August 21, 1983, the previously jailed Benigno Aquino Jr. returned from his long exile to offer
the Philippine people a new face of hope, but he was shot and killed as he stepped off the plane in
Manila. Countrywide demonstrations followed in the wake of the killing. Marcos launched a
civilian-based independent commission whose findings implicated military personnel in Aquino's
assassination, although it has since been suggested that Marcos or his wife had ordered the murder.

With the country's economy plummeting and Aquino's murder becoming part of the national
consciousness, the urban wealthy and middle class, often core supporters of Marcos, began to push
for an end to his power. Also contributing to Marcos' downfall was a far-reaching Communist
insurgency and the resolution signed in 1985 by 56 assemblymen calling for his impeachment
for enriching his personal coffers via crony capitalism, monopolies and overseas investments that
violated the law. To quiet the opposition and reassert his power, Marcos called for special
presidential elections to be held in 1986, a bit more than a year before the end of his current six-year
term. The popular Corazon Aquino, the widow of Benigno, became the presidential candidate of the
opposition.

Marcos managed to defeat Aquino and retain the presidency, but his victory was deemed by many to
be fraudulent. As word spread of the rigged election, a tense standoff ensued between supporters of
Marcos and those of Aquino, with thousands upon thousands of citizens taking to the streets to
support a non-violent military rebellion.

Exile, Death and Burial

With his health failing and support for his regime fading fast, on February 25, 1986, Ferdinand
Marcos and much of his family were airlifted from the Manila presidential palace, going into exile in
Hawaii. Evidence was later uncovered showing that Marcos and his associates had stolen billions
from the Philippine economy. 

Focusing on racketeering charges, a federal grand jury then indicted both of the Marcoses, but
Ferdinand died in Honolulu in 1989 from cardiac arrest after suffering from an array of ailments.
Imelda was acquitted of all charges and returned to the Philippines the following year, though she
went on to face other legal challenges. She would later run unsuccessfully for president and win
congressional elections, with two of her three children, Imee and Ferdinand Jr., also serving as
governmental officials.
Since 1993, Marcos' corpse had been embalmed in a glass casket in his home province of Ilocos
Norte. In 2016, President Rodrigo Duterte ordered Marcos' body to be buried at the National Heroes'
Cemetery in Manila, with protests erupting in opposition to such a move considering Marcos' human
rights abuses. Nonetheless, in November the remains of Marcos were interred at the new site in a
hero's burial.  

Inaugural Address of His Excellency Ferdinand E. Marcos

President of the Republic of the Philippines
Quirino Grandstand, Manila | December 30, 1965
Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice-President, Mr. Speaker, My Countrymen:
ADVERTISEMENT

Sa bisa ng inyong makapangyarihang hatol at sa pamamagitan ng mabiyayang tangkilik

ng Dakilang Maykapal, narito ako ngayon sa inyong harap sa pinagkaugalian nang
ritwal sa pagtatalaga at pagsumpa sa tungkulin ng isang bagong halal na Pangulo.
Sa kapasiyahan ninyong ito ay muli pa ninyong pinatunayan na matatag at matibay ang
pagkakatanim ng mga ugat ng demokrasya sa sinapupunan ng bansang ito. At sa bisa ng
kapangyarihang ipinagkaloob sa inyo ng mga batas ay naisasagawa nang mapayapa at
maayos ang pagsasalin ng kapangyarihang pampamahalaan.
By your mandate, through the grace of the Almighty, I stand here today in the traditional
ritual of the assumption of the Presidency.
Ads by Kiosked

By your mandate, once again you have demonstrated the vitality of our democracy by the
peaceful transference of governmental authority.
It is but fitting and proper that this traditional ritual be undertaken on this sacred ground.
For 69 year ago today, a young patriot and prophet of our race fell upon this beloved soil.
He fell from a tyrant’s bullet and out of the martyr’s blood that flowed copiously there
sprung a new nation.
That nation became the first modern republic in Asia and Africa. It is our nation. We are
proud to point to our country as one stable in an area of instability; where ballots, not
bullets, decide the fate of leaders and parties.
Thus Kawit and Malolos are celebrated in our history as acts of national greatness. Why
national greatness? Because, armed with nothing but raw courage and passionate
intelligence and patriotism, our predecessors built the noble edifice of the first Asian
Republic.
With the same reverence do we consider Bataan, Corregidor and the Philippine resistance
movement.
ADVERTISEMENT

Today the challenge is less dramatic but no less urgent. We must repeat the feat of our
forebears in a more commonplace sphere, away from the bloody turmoil of heroic
adventure – by hastening our social and economic transformation. For today, the Filipino,
it seems, has lost his soul, his dignity and his courage.
We have come upon a phase of our history when ideas are only a veneer for greed and
power in public and private affairs, when devotion to duty and dedication to a public trust
are to be weighed at all times against private advantages and personal gain, and when
loyalties can be traded in the open market.
Our people have come to a point of despair. I know this for I have personally met many
of you. I have heard the cries of thousands and clasped hands in brotherhood with
millions of you. I know the face of despair and I know the face of hunger because I have
seen it in our barrios, huts and hovels all over our land.

We must repeat the feat of our forebears in a more commonplace sphere, away from the bloody
turmoil of heroic adventure – by hastening our social and economic transformation. For today, the
Filipino, it seems, has lost his soul, his dignity and his courage.
We have ceased to value order as a social virtue. Law, we have learned successfully to
flaunt. We have become past masters at devising slogans for the sake of recorders of his
history but not for those who would live by them in terms of honor and dignity.
Peace in our time, we declare. But we can not guarantee life and limb in our growing
cities. Prosperity for all, we promise. But only a privileged few achieve it, and, to make
the pain obvious, parade their comforts and advantages before the eyes of an
impoverished many. Justice and security are as myths rendered into elaborate fictions to
dramatize our so-called well-being and our happy march to progress.
But you have rejected all these through a new mandate of leadership. It is a mandate that
imposes a change of leadership in this country, and to me, as your President, this mandate
is clear – it is a mandate not merely for change. It is a mandate for greatness.
For indeed we must rise from the depths of ignominy and failure. Our government is
gripped in the iron hand of venality, its treasury is barren, its resources are wasted, its
civil service is slothful and indifferent, its armed forces demoralized and its councils
sterile.
But we shall draw from our rich resources of spiritual strength that flow from this place
of martyrdom.
We are in crisis. You know that the government treasury is empty. Only by severed
self-denial will there be hope for recovery within the next year.
Our government in the past few months has exhausted all available domestic and foreign
sources of borrowing. Our public financial institutions have been burdened to the last
loanable peso. The lending capacity of the Central Bank has been utilized to the full. Our
national government is indebted to our local governments. There are no funds available
for public works and little of the appropriations for our national government for the
present fiscal year. Industry is at a standstill. Many corporations have declared
bankruptcy. Local manufacturing firms have been compelled to close or reduce their
capacity.
Unemployment has increased. Prices of essential commodities and services remain
unstable. The availability of rice remains uncertain. Very recently the transportation
companies with the sanction of the Public Service Commission hiked their fares on the
plea of survival.
I, therefore, first call upon the public servants for self-sacrifice. Long have we depended
upon the people. In every crisis, we call upon our citizens to bear the burden of sacrifice.
Now, let the people depend upon us. The economic viability of the government and of the
nation requires immediate retrenchment. Accordingly, we must install without any delay
a policy of rigorous fiscal restraint.
Every form of waste – or of conspicuous consumption and extravagance, shall be
condemned as inimical to public welfare.
Frugality with government funds and resources must be developed into a habit at every
level of the government. High public officials must themselves set the example.
One of the most galling of our inherited problems is that of lawlessness. Syndicated
crime has been spawned by smuggling. The democratic rule of law has lost all meaning
and majesty, since all men know that public officials combine with unscrupulous
businessmen to defraud government and the public – with absolute impunity. The
sovereignty of the republic has never before been derided and mocked as when the
lawless elements, smuggling syndicates and their protectors, disavow the power of laws
and of our government over them. This is the climate for criminality. Popular faith in the
government deteriorates.

I, therefore, first call upon the public servants for self-sacrifice. Long have we depended upon the
people. In every crisis, we call upon our citizens to bear the burden of sacrifice. Now, let the people
depend upon us.

We must, therefore, aim quickly at the establishment of a genuine rule of law. We shall
use the fullest powers of the Presidency to stop smuggling and lawlessness.
I, therefore, call upon all to join hands with me in maintaining the supremacy of the law.
To those flaunt the law, I say: this is my constitutional duty and I am resolved to perform
it. But it is not mine alone but yours. For whether Filipino or alien you survive under the
mantle of protection granted by our laws. I am pledged to execute the law and preserve
the constitution of our republic. This I shall do. And if need be I shall direct the forcible if
legal elimination of all lawless elements.
Our social policy will seek to broaden the base of our democracy. Our forefathers built a
democratic republic on an extremely narrow social and economic base. The task of our
generation is to broaden this base continuously. We must spread opportunities for higher
incomes for all. But we shall encourage investment to insure progressive production – the
true answer to our economic ills.
Our people sought a new administration in the expectation of a meaningful change –
certainly a bolder, more courageous approach to our problems.
They must have believed that we can provide this new outlook, and perhaps the passion
for excellence – the motive force for greatness.
We shall provide this approach, the necessary change of pace, the new outlook that places
large demands and large challenges before the nation. The human person is unique in
creation. Of all organisms, it is he that develops in proportion to the demands made upon
his abilities. That is true of individuals and I hold it to be true of nations.
Recently, we have come to realize that economic planning is as essential for freedom as
political planning.
Before today we had squandered the energies and resourcefulness of our people. In the
government we saw a crippling hesitancy and timidity to face the facts of our times and
to boldly provide the initiative.
We cannot afford to rest on the shock of our perceptions, nor on the outrage even of our
painful admission of the facts. We shall have to restore into our life the vitality which had
been corroded by our complacency.
In international affairs, we shall be guided by the national interests and by the conscience
of our society in response to the dilemma of man in the 20th century.
The Filipino today lives is a world that is increasingly Asian as well as African. Asia
claims one-half of all humanity, and this half lives on a little over one-sixth of the earth’s
habitable surface. Africa’s millions are also now coming to their own. Recent events have
shown the willingness of our Asian friends to build a bridge to us. We can do less than to
build strong foundations at our end.
Today, as never before, we need a new orientation toward Asian; we must intensify the
cultural identity with ancient kin, and make common cause with them in our drive toward
prosperity and peace. For this we shall require the understanding of ourselves and of Asia
that exceeds acquaintance; we require the kind of knowledge that can only be gained
through unabating scholarship on our histories, cultures, social forces and aspirations, and
through more active interaction with our friends and neighbors.
What threatens humanity in another area threatens our society as well. We cannot,
therefore, merely contemplate the risks of our century without coming into any on our
own. Wherever there is a fight for freedom we cannot remain aloof from it. But whatever
decision shall have to make shall be determined by our own interests tempered by the
reasonability of that patriotic position in relation to the international cause.
This nation can be great again. This I have said over and over. It is my article of faith,
and Divine Providence has willed that you and I can now translate this faith into deeds.

Today, as never before, we need a new orientation toward Asian; we must intensify the cultural
identity with ancient kin, and make common cause with them in our drive toward prosperity and peace.

I have repeatedly told you: each generation writes its own history. Our forbears have
written theirs. With fortitude and excellence we must write ours.
We must renew the vision of greatness for our country.
This is a vision of our people rising above the routine to face formidable challenges and
overcome them. It means the rigorous pursuit of excellence.
It is a government that acts as the guardian of the law’s majesty, the source of justice to
the weak and solace to the underprivileged, a ready friend and protector of the common
man and a sensitive instrument of his advancement and not captivity.

This nation can be great again. This I have said over and over.

This vision rejects and discards the inertia of centuries.

It is a vision of the jungles opening up to the farmers’ tractor and plow, and the
wilderness claimed for agriculture and the support of human life; the mountains yielding
their boundless treasure, rows of factories turning the harvests of our fields into a
thousand products.
It is the transformation of the Philippines into a hub of progress – of trade and commerce
in Southeast Asia.
It is our people bravely determining our own future. For to make the future is the
supreme act of freedom.
This is a vision that all of you share for our country’s future. It is a vision which can, and
should, engage the energies of the nation. This vision must touch the deeper layers of
national vitality and energy.
We must awake the hero inherent in every man.
We must harness the wills and the hearts of all our people. We must find the secret
chords which turn ordinary men into heroes, mediocre fighters into champions.
Not one hero alone do I ask from you – but many; nay all, I ask all of you to be the
heroes of our nation.
Offering all our efforts to our Creator, we must drive ourselves to be great again.
This is your dream and mine. By your choice you have committed yourselves to it. Come
then, let us march together towards the dream of greatness.
(Source: Gov.ph)

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Quotes[edit]
1949[edit]

 Elect me as your congressman today, I promise you an Ilocano president in 20 years.

 Election speech as candidate for Congress, 1949

1965[edit]

 The Filipino, it seems, has lost his soul, his dignity, and his courage.

We have come upon a phase of our history when ideals are only a veneer for greed and power, (in
public and private affairs) when devotion to duty and dedication to a public trust are to be weighted at
all times against private advantages and personal gain, and when loyalties can be traded.

…Our government is in the iron grip of venality, its treasury is barren, its resources are wasted, its civil
service is slothful and indifferent, its armed forces demoralized and its councils sterile.,

We are in crisis. You know that the government treasury is empty. Only by severe self-denial will there
be hope for recovery within the next year...

This nation can be great again. This I have said over and over. It is my articles of faith, and Divine
Providence has willed that you and I can now translate this faith into deeds.
  Mandate for Greatness,” First Inaugural Speech of President Ferdinand E. Marcos, 30 December
1965.

 You are repetitious and stupid.

 At a press conference in Hawaii, when asked about secret Swiss bank accounts, 1987

 I claim the right not to incriminate myself.

 At a press conference with government lawyers, Hawaii, when questioned about invoking the 5th
amendment repeatedly, 1987

 "Hey, what's the name of that nice young girl, my loyalist supporter?" I said, Mr. President, her name is
Annie Ferrer. "Will you give that girl my regards and kisses?" he asked. I said yes, of course--it was really
strange.
 Cynthia Sycip, "Interview with an ex-Dictator", 1987

 I have committed many sins in my life. But stealing money from the government, from the people, is not
one of them.
 in an interview on ABC
 My countrymen, as of the twenty-third of this month, I signed Proclamation #1081 placing the entire
Philippines under Martial Law.
 Televised speech on the proclamation of Martial Law (September 21, 1972)

 No matter how strong and dedicated a leader may be, he must find root and strength amongst the people.
He alone cannot save a nation. He may guide, he may set the tone, he may dedicate himself and risk his life,
but only the people may save themselves.
 Address at the launching of the Mabuhay Ang Pilipino Movement, Malacañang (30 November
1972)

 Of what good is democracy if it is not for the poor?

 "Notes on the New Society of the Philippines" (1973)

 When authoritarianism is no longer necessary to protect the welfare of the people, I will be the first to move
for its dismantling. But the easy, casual wave of the hand dismissing the dangers that confront the worsening
world situation and us is not for me. It is for those who insist that I dismantle martial law against my best
judgment but, legally and morally, cannot be held liable for any Kampuchean-like tragedy that would be fall our
people if I followed their advice. But I would be liable. I would be called all kinds of names. I would be called
stupid, naïve and obstinate. History and our people would hold me accountable not only perhaps for lack of
wisdom, but for lack of courage if I followed such advice.
 Remarks at the inauguration of the Philippines Columbian Association's New Clubhouse Complex,
Plaza Dilao, Manila (14 December 1979)

 The foundation upon which our nation stands is much richer and firmer than the sympathies that may
occasionally divide us. And we never know this more truly than in Christmas time. In good times or in bad,
under clear skies or under the shadow of uncertainty, the Christmas message is the imperishable one of joy,
hope and brotherhood.
 Christmas message to overseas Filipinos (25 December 1979)

 I was reminded as I was reviewing my life, that I have been in too many conflicts, too many wars, political
battles, military battles, civil strifes in government. And always one lesson stands out and that is, those whom
you fight most passionately often turn out to be your best friends.
 Extemporaneous speech at the Sixth Centennial Celebration of Islam in the Philippines (10 June
1980)

 I have listened to you, to our people. I have heard your doubts, your anxieties, nay, outright opposition to
the lifting of Martial Law. And I have prayed to the Almighty for guidance. And it is after deliberate, sober
judgment and soul-searching that I come before you and say, it is now time to terminate martial law.
 Speech proclaiming the termination of the state of Martial law, Heroes Hall, Malacañang (17
January 1981)

 I pray now and I ask you to pray with me, as I prayed eight years ago, that I am doing, that we are doing,
the right thing by our people; for the end of martial law does not mean the end of our efforts, of our needed
reforms, of our struggles, of our sacrifices. The passing of martial law does not necessarily carry with it the
passing of all the burdens especially the heavy ones. There will be more tests, for our capacity, for our
resiliency, for our strength as a people. I say, we have just begun.
 Speech proclaiming the termination of the state of Martial law, Heroes Hall, Malacañang (17
January 1981)

 We cannot and we will not negotiate with terrorists. We have nothing but contempt for them. To conciliate
differences with these people without them changing their objectives is to condemn our Republic to ultimate
strangulation and death.
 Extemporaneous remarks during the Meeting with the Leaders of Regions I and II, Mansion
House, Baguio City (15 March 1981)
About Ferdinand Marcos[edit]
 Marcos was not a smoker, he was not known as a drinker, he didn’t swear— the strongest
expression of irritation people would hear from him was “Lintik!” And he was not much more of a
womanizer than most men of his generation and macho culture like to think themselves to be. He was
not tall, but trim and athletic for most of his life: a marksman, orator, armed with a photographic
memory. Surely we can agree he was a man of talent; we continue to disagree whether he used those
talents for anything larger than his own ambitions.
 Manuel L. Quezon III, The Long View: Marcos in retrospect, September 17, 2007

 The Philippines is a nation of 40 million cowards and one son of a bitch.

 by unnamed ranking cabinet member of the Reagan administration, 1982. (attributed to Secretary
of State George Shultz)

 We love your adherence to democratic principles and to democratic processes.

 Vice President George Bush addressing Marcos, on his visit to Manila, 1981

 The difference lies in the culture of the Filipino people. It is a soft, forgiving culture. Only in the
Philippines could a leader like Ferdinand Marcos, who pillaged his country for over 20 years, still be
considered for a national burial...
 Lee Kuan Yew

 The second most corrupt head of government ever (after Suharto).

 Transparency International, 2003

 President Marcos turned to me and directed his eyes into mine—an instant of history that still replays in my
memory—and responded that should we stand our ground, a military confrontation against the rebels is
inevitable. And in his baritone voice declared "I don’t want us to be shooting at our own people. We must
resolve this peacefully."
 Col. Irwin Ver, "Marcos's chief guard, Irwin Ver, remembers EDSA" , February 25, 2008

 I think you should cut and cut cleanly. The time has come.
 U.S. Senator Paul Laxalt, in telephone conversation with Marcos just before his downfall, March
1986

 This generation of Filipinos fought a foreign power that invaded us. I think all of them are entitled
to be buried in the Libingan ng Mga Bayani. Regardless of whether medals or no medals he, as a
soldier who fought that war, is entitled to be buried in Libingan, and I am not denigrating the people
who are denying that right or objecting to it. I don’t think they ever saw the muzzles of the guns of a
foreign enemy and confronted them.
 Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile, Enrile: Marcos, as soldier, deserves 'Libingan' burial, Manila
Bulletin, April 14, 2011

 He was hanging on, looking for a life preserver. He was a desperate man clutching at straws.
 U.S. Senator Paul Laxalt, after his telephone conversation with Marcos, March 1986

 The Man of Steal - headline, Hot Manila, 3 March 2000

The Marcos era and Martial Law (1965-1986)

Diosdado Macapagal ran for reelection in 1965, but was defeated by former party-mate, Senate President
Ferdinand E. Marcos, who had switched to the Nacionalista Party. Ferdinand E. Marcos, who succeeded to
the presidency after defeating Macapagal in the 1965 elections, inherited the territorial dispute over Sabah; in
1968 he approved a congressional bill annexing Sabah to the Philippines. Malaysia suspended diplomatic
relations (Sabah had joined the Federation of Malaysia in 1963), and the matter was referred to the United
Nations. (The Philippines dropped its claim to Sabah in 1978.) The Philippines became one of the founding
countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1967. The continuing need for land
reform promoted a new Huk uprising in central Luzon, accompanied by mounting assassinations and acts of
terror, and in 1969, Marcos began a major military campaign to control them. Civil war also threatened on
Mindanao, where groups of Moros opposed Christian settlement.

As president, Ferdinand Marcos embarked on a massive spending in infrastructural development, such as

roads, health centers and schools as well as intensifying tax collection which gave the Philippines a taste of
economic prosperity throughout the 1970's. He built more schools than all his predecessors combined.
In Nov., 1969, Marcos won an unparalleled reelection, easily defeating Sergio Osmeña, Jr., but the election
was accompanied by violence and charges of fraud, and Marcos’s second term began with increasing civil
disorder. However, he was unable to reduce massive government corruption or to create economic growth
proportional to population growth. The Communist Party of the Philippines formed the New Peoples Army
while the Moro National Liberation Front fought for an independent Mindanao.

In Jan., 1970, some 2,000 demonstrators tried to storm Malacañang Palace, the presidential residence;
rebellions erupted against the U.S. embassy. When Pope Paul VI visited Manila in Nov., 1970, an attempt
was made on his life. In 1971, at a Liberal party rally, hand grenades were thrown at the speakers’ platform,
and several people were killed. President Marcos declared martial law in Sept., 1972, charging that a
Communist rebellion threatened. The 1935 constitution was replaced (1973) by a new one that provided the
president with direct powers. A plebiscite (July, 1973) gave Marcos the right to remain in office beyond the
expiration (Dec., 1973) of his term. Meanwhile the fighting on Mindanao had spread to the Sulu Archipelago.
By 1973 some 3,000 people had been killed and hundreds of villages burned. Throughout the 1970s poverty
and governmental corruption increased, and Imelda Marcos, Ferdinand’s wife, became more influential.
Congress called for a Constitutional Convention in 1970 in response to public cry for a new constitution to
replace the colonial 1935 Constitution.

An explosion during the proclamation rally of the senatorial slate of the opposition Liberal Party in Plaza
Miranda in Quiapo, Manila on August 21, 1971, prompted Marcos to suspend the writ of habeas corpus hours
after the blast, which he restored on January 11, 1972 after public protests.

Martial Law (1972-1981)

Using the rising wave of lawlessness and the threat of a
Communist insurgency as justification, Marcos declared martial
law on September 21, 1972 by virtue of Proclamation No. 1081.
Martial Law remained in force until 1981, when Marcos was
reelected, in the midst of accusations of electoral fraud. Marcos,
ruling by decree, curtailed press freedom and other civil liberties;
closed down Congress and media establishments; and ordered
the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists, including
his staunchest critics Senator Benigno Aquino, Jr. and Senator
Jose Diokno. Initially, the declaration of martial law was well
received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was
experiencing. Crime rates plunged dramatically after a curfew
was implemented. Political opponents were given the
opportunity to go into exile. But, as martial law dragged on for
the next nine years, excesses by the military emerged.

Constitutionally barred from seeking another term beyond 1973 and, with his political enemies in jail, Marcos
reconvened the Constitutional Convention and maneuvered its proceedings to adopt a parliamentary form of
government, paving the way for him to stay in power beyond 1973. Sensing that the constitution would be
rejected in a nationwide plebiscite, Marcos decreed the creation of citizens' assemblies which anomalously
ratified the constitution.

Even before the Constitution could be fully implemented, several amendments were introduced to it by
Marcos, including the prolongation of martial law and permitting himself to be President and concurrent Prime
Minister. The economy during the decade was robust, with budgetary and trade surpluses. The Gross
National Product rose from P55 billion in 1972 to P193 billion in 1980. Tourism rose, contributing to the
economy's growth. The number of tourists visiting the Philippines rose to one million by 1980 from less than
200,000 in previous years. A big portion of the tourist group was composed of Filipino balikbayans (returnees)
under the Ministry of Tourism's Balikbayan Program which was launched in 1973.

The first formal elections since 1969 for an interim Batasang Pambansa (National Assembly) were held in
1978. In order to settle the Catholic Church before the visit of Pope John Paul II, Marcos officially lifted martial
law on January 17, 1981. However, he retained much of the government's power for arrest and detention.
Corruption and nepotism as well as civil unrest contributed to a serious decline in economic growth and
development under Marcos, whose health declined due to lupus.

After the Feb., 1986, presidential election, both Marcos and his opponent, Corazon Aquino (the widow of
Benigno), declared themselves the winner, and charges of massive fraud and violence were leveled against
the Marcos faction. Marcos’s domestic and international support battered and he fled the country on Feb. 25,
1986, finally obtaining refuge in the United States.

The Fourth Republic (1981-1986)

The opposition boycotted presidential elections then developed in June 1981, which pitted Marcos (Kilusang
Bagong Lipunan) against retired Gen. Alejo Santos (Nacionalista Party). Marcos won by a margin of over 16
million votes, which constitutionally allowed him to have another six-year term. Finance Minister Cesar Virata
was elected as Prime Minister by the Batasang Pambansa.

On Aug. 21, 1983, opposition leader Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr. was assassinated at the Manila International
Airport upon his return to the Philippines after a long period of exile which encouraged a new, more powerful
wave of anti-Marcos dissent. This coalesced popular dissatisfaction with Marcos and began a succession of
events, including pressure from the United States that ended in a snap presidential election in February 1986.
The opposition united under Aquino's widow, Corazon Aquino, and Salvador Laurel, head of the United
Nationalists Democratic Organizations (UNIDO). The elections were held on February 7, 1986. The election
was blemished by widespread reports of violence and tampering with results by both sides of the political
fence.

The official election canvasser, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), declared Marcos the winner.
According to COMELEC's final tally, Marcos won with 10,807,197 votes to Aquino's 9,291,761 votes. By
contrast, the final tally of NAMFREL, an accredited poll watcher, said Marcos won with 7,835,070 votes to
Aquino's 7,053,068. The allegedly fraudulent result was not accepted by Corazon Aquino and her supporters.
International observers, including a U.S. delegation led by Sen. Richard G. Lugar (R-Ind.), denounced the
official results. Gen. Fidel Ramos and Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile declared that they no longer
supported Marcos.

A peaceful civilian-military uprising forced Marcos into exile and installed Corazon Aquino as president on 25
February 1986.

Marcos and his failure to provide for an orderly political succession

CROSSROADS (Toward Philippine Economic and Social Progress) By Gerardo P. Sicat (The
Philippine Star) | Updated September 23, 2015 - 12:00am

       
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On Sept. 21, 1972, President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law and ruled as dictator
through presidential decrees. He was elected president in 1965 and re-elected in 1969.

On Jan. 17, 1981, he lifted martial law and replaced it with a parliamentary government
with the Batasang Pambansa (or a unicameral National Assembly) to pass laws. When he
declared a snap presidential election in 1986 to gain a national vote of confidence under
this setup, Mrs. Corazon Aquino was able to challenge him.

As the votes were being counted, the EDSA People Power uprising forced Marcos into
political exile and brought Mrs. Aquino to the presidency.

The quotes below are excerpts that I reprint fully from my recent book, Cesar Virata:
Life and Times Through Four Decades of Philippine Economic History, University of the
Philippines Press, 2014, pp. 352-354. (Note: Cesar Virata became prime minister only
after the lifting of martial law.)

For ease of reading, I revise these quotes by breaking the paragraphs into shorter ones
and introducing short headers to guide the discourse.

*   *   *

Business ( Article MRec ), pagematch: 1, sectionmatch: 1

Martial law changed the institutional framework of political contests. The formal
opposition that used to be lodged in the Congress and the Senate was considerably
weakened with the abolition of both chambers. Much of the opposition had therefore
gone underground or undercurrent. New political factors complicated the framework of
government.

Election. When Marcos took hold of the nation’s political agenda from 1965 to the
1970s, he was in the prime of health. As a political leader, he guided the nation through
dangerous times and had managed to make sound decisions that helped to control the
nation’s destiny.

Towards the second half of the 1970s, three factors made his control of events more
difficult. Some was due to political mistakes he made. His failing health might have been
a cause of these mistakes.

As he began to assess his mortality, he had to deal with the problem of succession. The
most important mistake was that he felt he could postpone addressing this problem or
micromanage its course.

Succession issue: a dictator’s primary mistake. If there was any single decision that
caused the proceeding years to become more politically turbulent, it was his choice
regarding the succession issue to Philippine leadership.

As a leader he had to look beyond his lifetime. And his decision was very shortsighted.
The exercise of dictatorial powers is a potent and seductive drug.

The succession issue blinded him to that corner of decision-making where self-interest –
the need to perpetuate power – came into conflict with the needs of the nation. It was
essential for the country to have a succession process that was orderly, transparent, and
politically stabilizing.

Thus, he hesitated to allow for a transparent and reasonably fair succession process. This
was to prove to be Marcos’s fatal weakness in controlling the government.

The ambiguity of his moves in the succession process were evident in his failure to
clearly identify a second person in command of the government, who could take over in
the event of his death or incapacity.

The transitional nature of the political system according to the 1973 Constitution was left
undefined in view of the martial law government. This constitution adopted a British-
style parliamentary system.
But as martial law progressed and Marcos contemplated a return to normalcy, he veered
toward revising this suspended provision toward the French model of a presidential-
parliamentary system. Under such a set-up, a strong executive would be in charge of the
government, which was also run under parliamentary lines.

Interim national assembly is elected. In 1978, Marcos created the

unicameral interim Batasang Pambansa, a legislative assembly that assisted in the making
of laws. The members were selected on the basis of regional representation during a
national election.

Marcos resurrected many of the old politicians who chose to join him in the Kilusang
Bagong Lipunan – the New Society movement that displaced the traditional political
parties. The interim Batasang Pambansa, although nationally elected through the various
regional groupings of the country, included a few appointed members who were mainly
the technocrats he decided would continue to hold their positions in the Cabinet.

He had hoped that through the regional choices of the members, the parliament would be
able to rise above the usual local concerns and take on wider socio-economic and
political viewpoints in creating policies.

The perception the law-making body projected, however, was of a rubber stamp assembly
under a one-man rule. The Cabinet continued to be mainly composed of technocrats. But
the head of the government was still Marcos as president and prime minister.

Although the interim Batasang Pambansa had a senior officer, the Speaker, it was clear
Marcos remained in control of the nebulous succession issue. In short, this process
simply delayed the process of creating a clear line of political succession.

He was biding for time to build up a true successor, but he was not looking at any of his
political lieutenants. It was clear from the steps he took by the middle of the 1970s that he
was waiting for Mrs. Marcos to grow in political stature and influence. This situation
favored the promotion of a political future for Mrs. Marcos, who would at this time rise
to political prominence when she was appointed governor of Metropolitan Manila.

The Marcos children were too young during that time to take on administrative
responsibilities and there was no question it would take years before they themselves
could assume a political mantle.

Changing political equation. Two other factors were important in changing the political
equation that would redefine the allocation of resources within the economy.

The first of these was the armed rebellion in Mindanao and the growing challenge of the
communist NPA (New People’s Army). These two forces would become major
distractions. Political, military and even foreign policy issues would be complicated by
the recurrent problems arising from the insurgency.

Finally, there was a growing consolidation of the anti-Marcos opposition. Stemming from
the traditional source of opposition to the government, the major actors were exiled from
the country and began building a constituency in the United States. This opposition tried
its best to build around the Philippine community in America and undercut the support
that the US government provided to Marcos.

Prominent among this group were politicians and opponents who went on political exile,
including Benigno Aquino Jr. and Eugenio Lopez. Through its actions, it could be seen
the major concern of this group was a restoration of democracy.
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