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Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1991. 17:503-22

Copyright © 1991 by Annual Reviews Inc. All rights reserved

SPORT AND SOCIETY

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James H. Frey
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Department of Sociology, University of Nevada, Las Vegas, Las Vegas, Nevada

89154

D. Stanley Eitzen

Department of Sociology, Colorado State University, Fort Collins, Colorado 80521

KEY WORDS: theory, socialization, political economy, inequality

Abstract
Sport is a very prominent social institution in almost every society because it
combines the characteristics found in any institution with a unique appeal only
duplicated by, perhaps, religion. The functional, conflict, and cultural studies
perspectives are reviewed, with additional discussion on how sport relates to
the processes of socialization and social change. The latter focusses on the
evolution of sport from a playful, participation-oriented activity to one that
resembles a corporate form guided by the principles of commercialism and
entertainment. The role of sport in international relations and national de­
velopment dramatizes the political meaning of sport to many societies. While
sport may be integrative at the higher political levels, it has not been so at the
interpersonal levels of gender and race. The inequality that characterizes
society's relations of gender and race is found in sport as well. The sociology
of sport will be able to shed more light on all of these issues when theory
informs more of the research in this subfield.

INTRODUCTION

Sport is an arena of patterned behaviors, social structures, and in­

terinstitutional relationships that holds unique opportunities to study and
understand the complexities of social life. Sport is an activity that commands

503
0360-0572/91108 15-0503$02. 00
 504 FREY & EITZEN

a degree of primary or secondary involvement unsurpassed by other in­

stitutionalized settings. Sport offers an opportunity for research on "highly
crystallized forms of social structure not found in other systems or situations"
(Luschen 1990:59). That is, field research in sport provides, for example,
structured conflict and competitiveness in controlled settings rarely found in
other aspects of social life. Group dynamics, goal attainment by social
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organizations, subcultures, behavioral processes, social bonding, structured

inequality, socialization, and organizational networks are just a few sociologi­
cal topics that can be studied in sport settings. This view presupposes that the
structure or forms of behavior and interaction found in sport settings are
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similar to those found in other societal settings. In other words, sport like
other institutions is a microcosm of society.
At the same time that sport is a product of social reality, it is also unique.
No other institution, except perhaps religion, commands the mystique, the
nostalgia, the romantic ideational cultural fixation that sport does. No other
activity so paradoxically combines the serious with the frivolous, playfulness
with intensity, and the ideological with the structural.
The purposes of this review are twofold: first. to describe the current
understanding of sport and society through the work of sport sociologists in
selected areas, and, second, to assess the adequacy of the research and
theorizing in these fields. The paper is divided into five parts. The first part
presents the theoretical perspectives guiding research in sport sociology. The
next two sections examine sport and two social processes: socialization and
social change. The fourth section looks at an institution-the polity-and its
relationship to sport. The final section demonstrates how sport reinforces
racial and gender inequality. Except for the section on the polity, the discus­
sion focuses on North America, especially the United States.

THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES

At the macro level, the focus of this paper, three theoretical perspectives­
structural functionalism, conflict theory, and cultural studies-are prominent
in the works of sport sociologists. The sociology of sport emerged in the
1960s and 1970s. The earliest contributions to the field were efforts to
delineate and justify this new subfield as a scholarly and important field of
inquiry, and they tended to be informed by structural functionalism. The
structural-functional paradigm focuses on social organizations, how they
work, and how they are maintained. The functions (i.e. consequences) of
patterned behaviors for the organizations in question, are emphasized (Frey
1986). Guided by the tenets of structural functionalism, these and subsequent
works focused on socialization of youth through sport, sport as a vehicle for
assimilation, sport as a social system, the relationship of sport to other
 SPORT 505

institutions, and the integrating functions of sport for participants, observers,

and social organizations.
These works appeared at a time in American history when society was
undergoing rapid changes, popular American beliefs were being challenged,
and authority questioned. Many sport sociologists reacted against structural
functionalism with its bias for accepting and rationalizing what is; they
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adopted, rather, a theoretical perspective-conflict theory-which argues that

sport reflects and reinforces the hegemony of societal arrangements, thereby
perpetuating class and power differentials (Haerle 1974, Brohm 1978,
Gruneau 1983, Hargreaves 1986, Sage 1990). Those guided by conflict
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theory also focused on social problems in sport such as sexism, racism,

classism, oppression organi zational conflict, and deviance
, .

Recently, a number of sport sociologists have embraced a cultural studies

approach to sport-related phenomena. From this perspective both functional
and conflict perspectives are challenged because they are deterministic, that
is, they tend to ignore or dismiss human agency in social change. Also, both
theoretical perspectives are considered faulty because they omit the signifi­
cance of cultural imperatives, where sport is seen as a cultural expression. In
this view, sport is a socially constructed arena where developmental and
emergent features are of central significance. Canadian and European scholars
have taken the lead in writing from this perspective (Gruneau 1983, Har­
greaves 1986), followed recently by American scholars (MacAloon 1987,
Harris 1989, Birrell 1989).
Cultural studies theorists reject the natural science model as the best means
to know a phenomenon. Rather, a phenomenological approach is preferred. A
leading proponent asserts:

The replication of so-called scientific studies of sport has done little to enhance either our
knowledge or understanding of the nature and meaning of sporting practices. By separating
sport from its developmental features, the 'variable' approach completely ignores the
socia-historical and p olitical dimensions of cultural life.
The specific contribution uf cultural studies has been tu link up the lived experience of
human actors, and cultural meanings, texts, representations (culture as interpretation) with
broader political and economic structures of modem industrial societies (Hollands
1984:70-71).

The existence of sport must be explained in terms of something more than

simply the needs of the social system or the production needs of a capitalist
economy. Sport is created by people interacting, using their skills and in­
terests to make sport into something that meets their interests and needs
(Coakley 1990).
Change is also important to cultural studies theorists. Sport is "produced"
out of everyday life (Gruneau 1983). Thus, people act to create their in-
 506 FREY & EITZEN

stitutions; they are not simply passive responders. At times, however, the
design of sport is not always desirable (e.g. athletes cannot always transfer
schools) because some of those involved are adversely affected, and they do
not usually have sufficient resources to resist organizational change. For
example, college athletes can do little or nothing about the way the NCAA
runs college sports. Sport and any vestiges of culture can be forms of
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resistance (Fiske 1989, Foley 1990), although for the most part existing class
relations, including those of gender and race, are reproduced (Foley 1990,
Hargreaves 1986, Gruneau 1989, Adelman 1986).
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SPORT AND SOCIALIZATION

The involvement of youth, particularly male children, in sport is typically

encouraged by parents, school administrators, and community leaders be­
cause this activity is viewed as a very effective setting for learning acceptable
values and beliefs and for acquiring desirable character traits. Despite a
barrage of criticism, very strong societal support exists for sport participation
because of the belief that sport teaches proper values such as self-discipline,
sportsmanship, and an appreciation for hard work, competition, and goal
attainment.
Most claims about the value of sport participation focus on sport as an agent
of socialization. But despite strong cultural beliefs, there is little evidence to
support the claims made for the contribution of sport to the socialization
process. Studies comparing male athletes and male nonathletes (there are very
few studies comparing women) yield little evidence to support the idea that
sport is necessary for complete and adequate socialization, or that involve­
ment in sport results in character building, moral development, a competitive
or team orientation, good citizenship, or valued personality traits (Dubois
1986, Fine 1987, Coakley 1987, McPherson et al 1989, Rees et al 1990).
Sport seems to make little difference. Athletes and non-athletes are compara­
ble on various personality traits and value orientations. Sport participation has
no general effect on self-image; it does not reduce prejudice; it is not
necessary for leadership development; and social adjustment is not necessarily
enhanced (Fine 1987). The widespread conclusion by sport sociologists is that
when an apparent socialization effect is found, it is actually the result of a
selection process that attracts and retains children and youth in sport who
already have or are comfortable with the values and behavioral traits that
coaches demand and that lead to success in sport. Those without these desired
values and traits either show no interest in sport, or they leave sport voluntari­
ly (i.e. they drop out) or involuntarily (i.e. they are removed by coaches)
(Stevenson 1975, 1985).
The debate over the experience of youth in sport stems largely from cultural
 SPORT 507

myths rather than from empirical studies. The content is not so critical; the
reaction and definitions of the child's significant others are what make a
difference (Sherif 1976, Fine 1987). Continued participation is likely if
support and perception are positive; participation will not continue if the
socializing influence from significant others is absent. Withdrawal takes place
if the sport role is no longer crucial to identity, and non-sport activities and
peers become more attractive (Ball 1976, Brown 1985). Aversive socializa­
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tion or a dramatic negative experience can also stimulate withdrawal. Brown

(1985) found that many swimmers, age 10--12, dropped out of the sport to
protect their self-esteem in the face of declining success and reduced rewards
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for participation.
Finally, the socialization of youth and adults, whether participants or not,
occurs through the media's presentation of sport. The mass media socialize
through image management, the manipulation of symbols, and commentary
(Prisuta 1979, Jhally 1989, Wenner 1989, Sage 1990). The mediated sports
product that reflects conservative, authoritarian, and nationalistic values is
warmly received by the audience; it is not forced upon them (Wenner 1989,
Prisuta 1979). There is implicit political content in the form of value messages
in the mediated presentation of sport. For example, Wenner's ( 1986) study of
Super Bowl pregame commentary found that the value content strongly
endorsed hard work, rugged individualism, and national pride. Media are in a
sense the creators of culture, conveying information about what is acceptable
and unacceptable. Thus, the media reinforce established order and value
consensus by virtue of the presentation, by commentary and pictures of sport
events. These media presentations can influence our ideas about sport, our
perceptions of gender, race, social relations, and proper behaviors, and our
adherence to certain values.

SOCIAL CHANGE: FROM PLAY TO

CORPORATE SPORT

Although typologies are not intended to be accurate representations of reality,

they are useful for analytical purposes. One such typology is that used to
distinguish play from sport in the transformation of ludic, playful activity
pursued for its own sake, to physical activity that is used for extrinsic
purposes. Historically, this transformation has produced what Page ( 1973),
Guttman ( 1988), and others have described as the secularization, com­
modification, rationalization, bureaucratization, quantification, and com­
mercialization of modern sport.
Huizinga ( 1949), Stone ( 1955), Caillois ( 1961), Edwards ( 1973), McPher­
son et al ( 1989), Coakley ( 1990), and many others who study sport have
 508 FREY & EITZEN

found useful the analytic distinction between play and sport. Play is viewed as
an activity where entry and exit are free and voluntary, rules are emergent and
temporary, fantasy is permitted, utility of action is irrelevant, and the result is
uncertain. Play has no formal history nor organization; motivation and satis­
faction are intrinsic; and the outcome does not have serious impact beyond the
context of the activity. On the other hand, modem sport as represented by the
Olympic Games, big-time college athletics, and professional sports exhibits
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thc opposite profile. This type of sport is hardly voluntary; rules are formal,
generalizable, and enforced by formal regulatory bodies (e.g. National Col­
legiate Athletic Association-NCAA); the outcome is serious for individuals
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and organizations not actually participating in the physical activity, and

winning (the outcome) is more important than participation (the process).
As sport becomes institutionalized, particularly at the highest levels of
amateur and professional competition, it has come to retlect the corporate/
commodity model. Sport is more like work than play. The locus of control has
moved from the player/participant to the manager and audience. Morality and
ennoblement are replaced by spectacle and entertainment. Play is replaced by
display (Stone 1955). Attracting spectators and media sponsorships becomes
more important than the playing process because sport is now driven by profit
and the market. The ethics of the business and corporate world tend to guide
sport, not the principles of play and enjoyment (Eitzen & Sage 1989: 16-18,
Sage 1990). We should not be surprised that high-level sport has been
transformed into a commercialized, commodified, and massified phenom­
enon. Since the business organization has replaced the family as the basic unit
coordinating economic activity, and monopoly capital has promoted con­
sumer markets as the preeminent factor in economic organization, many
institutions, including sport, in America have been rationalized and corpora­
tized. The commercial factor is so prominent that even a Gross National
Sports Product (GNSP) has been calculated. In 1988 the GNSP was $63. 1
billion (Comte & Stogel 1990). This places the sport GNP twenty-second on
the list of the top 50 industry GNP, ahead of the automobile, petroleum, and
airline industries.
The consequences of the commercialization of sport are significant. First,
changes may be made in the game format or rules. In football, for example,
the forward pass and the narrowing of the hash marks were changes designed
to make football more appealing to viewers and spectators. Second, the
orientation or values of the participants may change from those based on
self-development and satisfaction to those of entertainment and self-interest.
Coakley (1990) has described this as a change from an aesthetic orientation
that emphasizes the beauty and pleasure of movement, skill and ability, and
lifelong activity to a heroic orientation that emphasizes danger and excite­
ment, style, and a short-term commitment to victory. There is a developing
 SPORT 509

industry of sport sciences for the primary goal of performance enhancement.

The emphasis is on strategies, technical improvement, nutritional and psycho­
logical intervention, or any technique to manipulate or engineer the athlete to
perform better. This has been called the "scientization" of athletic sport; it is a
trend consistent with the instrumental goals of corporate sport (Brohm 1978).
Third, control and int1uence are largely in the hands of persons and organiza­
tions who are not direct participants. Leagues, regulatory groups like the
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NCAA, media, event sponsors, owners in professional sports, athletic de­

partments and alumni in collegiate programs are examples of the centers of
int1uence. This has forced professional athletes to take measures to enhance
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their own impact on decision-making; these include labor unionization, repre­

sentation by agents, and recourse to legal challenges. The fourth consequence
of commercialization is the decline of amateurism and the rise of professional­
ism (Sewart 1985, Eitzen 1989). Elite amateur sport is corporate sport,
whether it is related to the Olympic Games or to collegiate sports. True,
amateur sport is characterized by participation for the love of the sport, not the
extrinsic rewards. Intrinsic motivation and reward are still relevant, but their
significance seems to be devalued by the rising importance of monetary
rewards (legal and illegal) for athletes, the exaggerated importance of winning
that translates into treating athletes as interchangeable parts, the increase in
the incidence of athletes using performance enhancing drugs, and the associa­
tion of athletic success with outcome goals of profit, visibility, entertainment,
and community/organization prestige.
The commercialization of sport is strongly int1uenced by the role of the
media, particularly television, in programming the sports product and in
the monies paid to sports organizations for broadcasting rights. The role of the
media has increased rapidly in recent years. For instance, in 1980 the three
major television networks broadcast live sports programming only 787 hours.
In 1989, however, the three networks plus ESPN, SCA, and TBS channels
broadcast 7341 hours of live sports programming (Stogel 1990:48), an in­
crease of nearly 900% in the last decade. The int1ux of media money is
obviously substantial. The National Football league, for example, sold rights
to its games from 1990 through 1993 for a total of $3.6 billion, increasing the
league's yearly income from television about 90% over 1989.
The athletic establishment covets television coverage of its events because
of the contribution the media make to profits and to exposure to a mass
audience. The media pursue sports programming because it is cheaper to
produce than other types of programs and it enables the media to reach a
normally difficult-to-reach audience of young, college-educated males with
disposable income (Coakley 1990:281). This makes sports programming
attractive to ccrtain advertisers. Thus, the media and sport emerge in a
symbiotic relationship, particularly economically. It is important to under-
 5 10 FREY & EITZEN

stand that the media play a dominant role because sport is primarily directed
by commercial guidelines.

Television simply expands the commercial interests that arc already an inherent part of
spectator sports in capitalist societies. Although some changes are uniquely linked to the
special needs of television coverage, the real reason for most of the changes occurring over
the past 3 decades has been the desire to produce more marketable entertainment for all
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spectators and a more attractive commercial package for sponsors and advertisers (Coakley
1990:280).

However, once a sports entity has been displayed on television and received
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the fi�ancial support from television, the sports organization is forever

changed (Parente 1977, Altheide & Snow 1978).
The nature of sport has been changed by the media with its emphasis on
display or what has been called "entertainmentization." Many changes in the
nature of sport have resulted from media's influence and the desire of both
media entrepreneurs and representatives of the sport establishment to enhance
the appeal of their sport product to maintain profit margins. Thus, the media
sometimes glorify violence, create heros and heroines, demand that athletic
schedules be shifted, and that rule changes be made to enhance the product,
increase the audience, and generate greater revenues from advertisers.
The preeminent role of media in sport means that TV media's presenta­
tion of sport is "mediated. " That is, viewers see a representation of sport as
it is depicted by commentary, shot or scene selection, and editorialization
(Comisky et al 1977, Coakley 1990). Because the public rarely questions
the media's construction of reality, particularly that treated by the press
and television, the media play a role in shaping images and opinions re­
garding sport (Greendorfer 1983, Tuchman 1978). The media's representa­
tion of an event is taken as reality, overlooking the reality that it is a staged
event mediated by commentary. What is presented is generally consistent
with the commercial and entertainment agendas of media and sport establish­
ment.
One of the sport-related behaviors that has been projected as a result of
media's definition of sport is gambling. Not only do media outlets provide the
information a gambler needs, they also are a source of legitimation of
gambling. The inclusion of point-spreads and injury reports in descriptions of
upcoming games and the promotion of gambling celebrities and analysts
together communicate the message that gambling is an acceptable activity and
that gambling on sport is a natural accompaniment of sport, even though it is
legal in only two states. Thus, the symbiotic relationship of sport and the
media is enhanced by the provision of gambling information that appeals to
viewers and readers (D'Angelo 1987).
As an activity, gambling is widespread and essentially a legitimate activity
 SPORT 511

to most (Rosecrance 1988). The dated (1974) but very comprehensive study
of America's gambling behavior reported that just under two thirds of Amer­
icans had gambled in the previous twelve months. Over 40 million persons
had bet on sport. A 1984 Gallup Poll and the 1983 Miller Lite Sport Survey
reported, respectively, that 17% and 23% of the population bet on sport (Frey
1985). In 1989, Americans gambled $290 billion on all types of games, an
increase of nearly 100% from 1982. Of this amount $43 billion was bet
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illegally, and nearly 70% of that was bet on sports. Sports betting in 1989
represents approximately 11% of all gambling, an increase of 42% over 1982
(Christianson 1990:8). Sports betting is very popular, and this popularity is
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promoted by the fact that the natural association of sport and gambling is
frequently part of the content of the media's presentation of and commentary
on sport events.

SPORT AND THE POLITY: INTERNATIONAL

RELATIONS

Two major motives govern a country's political and economic activity. The
first is that of building an efficient but dynamic modem state. In other words,
the country should exhibit an acceptable standard of living, a stable political
order, an equitable system of social justice, and social behavior governed by
controlled, rational, not impulsive, procedures. The second national motive is
to be recognized as a responsible actor in the international community of
nations (Geertz 1963). In other words, nations seek internal stability and
external status. Sport is commonly viewed as a vehicle to achieve both.
The integrative role of sport for a nation is similar to the structural­
functional role assigned to sport in communities, in the classic studies by the
Lynds (1929), Hollingshead (1949) and Stone (1981) and the recent study by
Wilkerson & Dodder (1987). Integration to counteract internal racial, ethnic,
regional and class diversity and conflict is a major reason that nations promote
participation in highly visible international events. Lever's study of soccer in
Brazil documented the way that sport gave a diverse population something to
share in the name of national solidarity (1983: 19). Thus, sport can contribute
to a national identity or sense of nationalism that temporarily overridcs
differences. The world rugby championships provide an interesting example.
Annually when national teams are selected, the warring factions in Ireland
and Northern Ireland lay aside their bitter animosities, combining players to
form the Irish national team which members of both nations cheer. Gov­
ernments will often encourage international competition in acknowledgment
of the unifying role of sport (Anthony 1969, Frey 1984, Riordan 1986).
However, critics employing a conflict perspective assert that the use of sport
to encourage the homogenization of a population represents an effort to
 512 FREY & EITZEN

control that population by instilling certain dominant values, which reduce the
likelihood of a challenge against those in power (Klein 1989).
Involvement in international sport requires participation in networks of
organizations that are transnational in scope. Before this participation can be
effective, an organizational base staffed by competent personnel must be
developed. Sport provides a mechanism to link organizations and to develop
managerial and administrative skills among the local population. Several
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Latin American countries, including Cuba, have done this (Arbena 1985).
Nicaragua used baseball as a mechanism to rebuild internal institutions after a
revolution and to reinstitute regional and intranational communication and
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coordination. In some cases, Cuba and the Dominican Republic, for example,
the use of sport to enhance the human capital of an indigenous popUlation
serves to reduce the dependency of a nation of smaller size and limited
resources on the larger nations (Frey 1988, Klein 1989).
The primary role of sport in international relations is one of public di­
plomacy. That is, sport serves to articulate secondary national interests (e. g.
visibility, ideological expression, status enhancement, legitimacy), to test
foreign relations initiatives (e.g. ping-pong diplomacy between the United
States and China), to enhance cultural exchange and understanding, and to
reduce the potential for actual conflict by playing out hostilities in a restricted
and controlled setting (Reich 1974, Frey 1984, Riordan 1986). Thus, sport is
an activity of international cooperation and interaction, but it is peripheral to
the survival of a state political system (Frey 1984:72). Olympic record
performances are irrelevant to hard-core negotiations over primary national
interests that if unresolved could lead to war.
Nevertheless, status in the community of nations is ultimately related to
success in athletic events. The gold medal count in the Olympics is important
precisely because that count becomes a measure of political legitimacy, of
modernization, or of a people's resolve (Espy 1979, Frey 1984, Heinila
1985).
The motivation to achieve acceptable status in a community of nations and
thus to translate this status into political advantage is not limited to developing
countries. Eastern bloc nations have spent enormous resources to achieve
success in international competitions. The United States and other western
nations have been reluctant to admit their keen interest in international sports
success, but it is there nonetheless. International sports success is a very
serious goal in the United States, for success is interpreted internally and
externally as "proof' of the superiority of a nation's social, economic, and
political systems. Thus, the only difference between the United States and the
nations of the Eastern bloc and the Third World is that the United States does
not admit that its international sporting efforts are serious (Frey 1984, Riordan
1986).
 SPORT 5 13

SPORT AND INEQUALITY: RACE

American sport sociologists have devoted considerable attention to the ex­

amination of racial discrimination in sport. The major conclusion of this
work, devoted for the most part to comparing whites and blacks, is that just as
racial discrimination exists in society, it exists in sport. Blacks do not have
equal opportunity; they do not receive similar rewards for equal performance
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when compared to whites; and their prospects for a lucrative career beyond
sport participation are dismal.
Americans remain comfortable with the cultural myth that the United States
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is an open society and that athletic excellence is an avenue of upward social

mobility. Black subcultures reinforce this belief (Edwards 1984). The myth
seemingly is supported by two facts. First, although blacks make up 1 1-12%
of the US population, they are vastly overrepresented in sport, with (1988
data) blacks comprising 2 1% of major league baseball players, 57% of
professional football players, and 73% of professional basketball players.
Second, many black athletes receive very high pay, some the highest in their
sport. Research by sport sociologists, however, provides irrefutable evidence
that blacks are the objects of discrimination in sport.
To begin, while blacks are overrepresented in some sports, they are un­
derrepresented in others. Phillips ( 1976) argues that the reason blacks excel
and are disproportionately found in some sports lies in what he calls the
"sports opportunity structure." Blacks are found in those sports in which
facilities, coaching, and competition are available to them: in the schools and
community recreation programs. They are rarely found, however, in those
sports that require the facilities, coaching, and competition usually provided
only in private clubs or that are otherwise too expensive or exclusive to
obtain.
Once blacks enter the ranks of sport, at whatever level or whatever sport,
discriminatory practices continue. These take three forms: position allocation,
analysis of performance differentials, and reward structures. One of the best
documented forms of discrimination at both the college and professional
levels is popularly known as "stacking." This term refers to situations in
which minority group members are relegated to specific team positions and
typically excluded from competing for others. Thus, sport reproduces the race
relations found in society. Blacks tend to be "stacked" in those team positions
that match racial and ethnic stereotypes, that is, they are placed into positions
that require physical skills while whites are disproportionately found in
positions that require intelligence, leadership, and that have greater outcome
control.
In an early analysis Grusky ( 1963) observed that the importance of a
position in an organization depends upon that position's spatial location or
 514 FREY & EITZEN

relevance to outcome, and the degree of interaction associated with that

position. He said the more central one's spatial location: (a) the greater the
likelihood dependent or coordinative tasks will be performed; and (b) the
greater the rate of interaction with the occupants of other positions (Grusky
1963:345-46). Centrality has become a significant concept in analyzing the
allocation of blacks and whites to positions on sport teams (Loy & McElvogue
1970). Racial segregation in sport is positively related to position centrality.
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Whites are typically found in central positions that require intelligence,

coordinative and decision-making skills, and high rates of interaction, and
thus greater outcome control-positions such as offensive center, quar­
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terback, and middle linebacker in football, pitcher and catcher in baseball,

and point guard in basketball. Blacks are channeled to noncentral positions
that require physical skill such as speed and quickness, less interaction, and
that have less impact on outcome-positions such as running back, receiver,
defensive line, and comer back in football, the outfield in baseball, and
forward in basketball (Loy & McElvogue 1970, Scully 1974, Yetman &
Eitzen 1984, Leonard 1988).
Since Loy & McElvogue first noted the stacking phenomenon in team
sports (1970), research ongoing to the present finds these patterns for college
sport (Schneider & Eitzen 1979) and women's sport (Eitzen & Furst 1989), as
well as for professional sport, although it is no longer found in professional
basketball where blacks have such a numerical superiority. Moreover, this
pattern of racial stacking has also been found in other sports such as rugby,
soccer, cricket, and hockey in other societies such as Canada, England, and
Australia (Best 1987, Maguire 1988, Lapchick 1989, Lavoie 1989).
Biological explanations of stacking, which are reflections of racial
stereotypes, have been refuted (Eitzen & Sanford, 1975). Another explana­
tion focuses on modeling, arguing that blacks choose to play certain positions
because they desire to emulate role models (McPherson 1975a). This makes
the exclusionary system self-perpetuating since most role models tend to fill
noncentral positions. Economic explanations assert that the economic costs of
developing play skills at certain positions such as quarterback are greater than
for others (e.g. outfield); because blacks occupy lower socioeconomic status
in American society, they will choose to play noncentral positions where the
development of required skills is less costly. As black education improves,
the proportion found in central positions will improve (Medoff 1986). Pre­
sumably, improving SES is the result of better education and improved
experience in decision making and developing intellectual skills. However,
no evidence supports this trend in the broader society (Yetman 1987, Phillips
1988). In fact, black economic income, defined as a percentage of white
income, has declined over the years.
Moreover, the economic hypothesis presumes that blacks will enhance their
 SPORT 515

human capital through educational achievement. It is well documented,

however, that on every measure of educational progress blacks score less well
than whites. Eitzen & Purdy's study (1986) of college recruiting confirmed
that sports tend to recruit the academically marginal blacks, thereby project­
ing a higher failure rate. Black athletes are exploited for their skill and given a
scholarship, but they receive no education. The higher academic failure rate
perpetuates the myth that blacks have superior physical skills, but inferior
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intellectual skills.
Another mechanism of discrimination is called the "the unequal opportu­
nity for equal ability" hypothesis. Blacks must be better than whites to be
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1991.17:503-522. Downloaded from [Link]

admitted to college and to remain on athletic teams. Research has shown

consistently that blacks are disproportionately found as starters and "stars" on
the team, whereas whites are found disproportionately as nonstarters. After an
elaborate study of baseball, Scully concluded, "Not only do blacks have to
outperform whites to get into baseball, but they must consistently outperform
them over their playing careers in order to stay in baseball" (Scully
1974:263). In Jonathan Brower's words, "mediocrity is a white luxury"
(1973). This interesting relationship has been found in professional baseball
and basketball, where the detailed statistics in those sports make such studies
possible. This pattern also exists at the college level, where it is manifested in
two additional ways. First, blacks must exhibit higher athletic skills than most
of their white teammates in order to receive a scholarship (Evans 1979). And,
second, blacks are more likely than whites to be recruited from community
colleges, which means that universities make a relatively smaller investment
in blacks, and that the universities are relatively assured of getting athletes
with proven athletic abilities (Tolbert 1975).
Blacks are underrepresented in sports journalism, in officiating, and in
sports administrative positions (Lapchick, 1990). Most visible is the paucity
of blacks as head coaches or managers. Black women who aspire to coaching·
and management positions are victims of double jeopardy-their race and
their gender. The lack of black coaches and managers is likely the result of
two forms of discrimination. Overt discrimination occurs when owners ignore
competent blacks because of their prejudices or because they fear the negative
reaction of fans to blacks in leadership positions. The other form of dis­
crimination is more subtle. Blacks are not considered for coaching positions
because they did not, during their playing days, play at positions requiring
leadership and decision-making due to stacking.
Most Americans believe that participation in sport is a mechanism to
improve race relations (Miller Lite 1983). This view is an expression of the
contact hypothesis which suggests that exposure to other racial groups
through interaction reduces prejudice. Although one study (McClendon &
Eitzen 1975) has found some support for this hypothesis in limited situations
 516 FREY & EITZEN

(when both races on a team contribute to winning and the team is successful),
most research does not find that interracial contact in sport reduces racial
prejudice (Chu & Griffey 1989, Lapchick 1989, McPherson et al 1989).
The history of desegregation in American sport shows clearly that owners
and coaches integrated teams when they realized that winning leads to profits
and that skin color does not matter if teams win (Coakley 1990:209). Thus,
the commercial interests of those who control sport override cultural views.
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This is substantiated further by the finding that attendance at sports events are
not responsive to the racial composition of teams (Koch & Vander Hill 1988).
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1991.17:503-522. Downloaded from [Link]

SPORT AND INEQUALITY: GENDER

Most of what is known about sport is based on studies of white males. Sport
and the values associated with sport have traditionally been those relevant to
males not females. Any research that did include gender typically assumed
that there was an inherent conflict between being a woman and participating
in Sport (Hall 1988). Thus, sport has tended to celebrate the achievements of
men while marginalyzing the status of women by placing women in ex­
pressive, supportive roles such as cheerleaders, or relegating participation by
women to a secondary status. Sport has been as a result largely a "male
preserve" supported by institutional practices of discrimination against
women.
In a manner similar to the experiences of blacks in sport women have been
prohibited from full and equal participation because of formal restrictions and
cultural predispositions.
Several myths have evolved with respect to the participation of women in
sport. These include the idea that sport is harmful to the female reproductive
system and thus a threat to child bearing; that sport masculinizes a female in
appearance; that the development of male masculinity is threatened if girls
outperform adolescent boys in sport; that human and economic resources are
wasted because the performance levels of females are significantly lower than
those of males; and that sport is not important for the social development of
women because the values of achievement, aggressiveness, and competition
are irrelevant to the life experience of women. Even though all of the above
have been refuted by evidence (for a summary, see McPherson et al 1989),
these myths remain influential, causing stigma and role conflict for some
women athletes. Although women athletes may experience role conflict,
research shows that for most it is a positive experience. Data comparing
women athletes and non-athletes from the United States, Australia, and India
suggest, for example, that women athletes have a better self-image, a better
body image, and a better outlook toward life than nonathletes (Snyder &
Kivlin 1975). However, these results could be the product of selection, not
 SPORT 517

socialization, and the outcome of strong in-group bonds formed by a sub­

culture of athletes who acknowledge their differences from most women.
The most serious problems women face in sport involve discrimination.
Title IX or Affirmative Action Legislation (1972) was designed to rectify
discrimination, particularly in access to facilities, financial aid, and opportu­
nity for participation. Some improvement was made, but when the US
Supreme Court ruled in Grove City v. Bell (1984) that Title IX language
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applied only to programs receiving federal funds, progress was stalemated,

with some 800 federal investigations involving possible sexist practices
dropped or narrowed (Sabo 1988). The original broader interpretation of Title
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1991.17:503-522. Downloaded from [Link]

IX was restored by the Civil Rights Restoration Act of 1988, but the pace of
investigations has not resumed, since it depends on the will of the Justice
Department.
A dramatic example of discrimination by denying access to the control of
sport is found in Acosta & Carpenter's (unpublished) analysis of the participa­
tion of women in the administration of athletic programs. Since Title IX,
schools are offering more sports for women, and participation by women as
athletes has shown a dramatic increase. However, the proportion of women
who are coaches or admininstrators has declined significantly. In 1972, 90%
of women's teams were coached by women; in 1989, 47% were coached by
women. Similarly, the non--<.:oach administrators of women's sports programs
tend to be men, and the few women administrators in place are supervised by
men.
The discrimination against women in sport has been documented in many
areas and continues. The greatest promise of scholarship in this area, howev­
er, is theoretical. Feminist social theorists assert that sport is one of many
social systems dominated by patriarchal value systems and dominance pat­
terns (Birrell 1984, Hall 1988). The starting point of feminist social theory is
the understanding of the dominance patterns found in patriarchal social
structures (Hall 1984:88). Since sport is a cultural form, emergent, changing,
and subject to the influence of gender and class, the meanings attached to
sport participation cannot be properly assessed with traditional empirical
methods. In the view of most feminist theorists, a feminist view must be
cultural, humanist, interpretive, phenomenological, and value oriented. Thus,
there is an affinity for the incorporation of the cultural studies approach by
feminist scholars.
An interesting variant of gender scholarship and theoretical development
has been through the study of masculinity and sport. Two of these de­
velopments appear to be especially fruitful (Messner 1990). Some pro­
feminist, male scholars have used their own biographies to understand mascu­
line worlds from a feminine viewpoint that emphasizes institutional patriarchy
(Sabo 1986, Kimmel 1987). Thus, the emphasis is on the links between the
 518 FREY & EITZEN

costs and privileges of masculinity. The other approach is called "inclusive

feminism." Messner, a leading proponent of this approach, summarizes:

Through an inclusive feminism that recognizes the importance of working from multiple
standpoints, we can begin to build an understanding of how class, racial, and sexual
struggles within hierarchies of intermale dominance serve to construct men's global
subordination of women (1990:149).
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Just as scholars in other subfields in sociology, scholars in the sociology of

sport are beginning to describe dominance and subordination and to analyze
their complexity as they are simultaneously structured along racial, gender,
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1991.17:503-522. Downloaded from [Link]

and class lines (Birrell 1989).

CONCLUSION

Over a decade ago Gunther Luschen summarized the status of sport sociology
as a subdiscipline of sociology in volume 6 of the Annual Review of Sociology
(Luschen 1980). He asserted that sport sociology had garnered some follow­
ers who published sport-related articles in over 100 different scholarly j our­
nals. It appeared that sport sociology was on the verge of expanding as a field
of social inquiry and of gaining acceptance in mainstream sociology. This
promise, however, has not been realized.
Even with the formation of the North American Society for the Sociology
of Sport (NASSS) and the publication of its Sociology of Sport Journal, sport
sociology remains somewhat of an orphan speciality. The critical mass of
theorists and researchers required to promote collaborative efforts, network
formation, and professional identity has not emerged (Kenyon 1986, Coakley
1987). Even with the routine inclusion of sport sociology sessions on region­
al, national, and international conference programs, the profession of sociolo­
gy has not accepted the study of sport into its mainstream. Neither has sport
sociology attained high status in physical education where there are more
physical educators claiming sport sociology as an area of study than there are
such members of the American Sociological Association. Few graduate pro­
grams are available, and fewer courses are found in standard undergraduate
curriculums. Sport research is often an "after-thought," pursued as an aca­
demic interest only after "serious" work is done.
The most serious charge against sport sociology is that the theoretical
development is relatively weak (Luschen 1980, Kenyon 1986, Coakley 1987,
MacAloon 1987). Coakley summarizes this criticism:

Unfortunately, much of the research in sociology of sport has been neither cumulative or
theory-based, nor has it been dedicated to theory development (Kenyon 1986). More often,
research has bcen designed to describe sport in ways that call popular beliefs into question,
or to document the existence for an issue or problem. This is true of the field as a whole,
 SPORT 5 19

but it is especially true of work done in the U.S. This is not to say that theory has not
informed some of the work done by American sport sociologists, but little of their research
has grown directly out of concern for theory testing or theory development in sociology
(1987:14).

As a subdiscipline the sociology of sport is only 25 years old, and its

professional association has been in existence just over a decade. This sub­
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discipline has the same problems found in the rest of sociology. While much
of the research in sport sociology is not guided by theory, some very impor­
tant work is, Leaders in the field are calling for theoretically based studies
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1991.17:503-522. Downloaded from [Link]

(see, Kenyon 1986, Birrell 1989), and some exemplars are leading the way,
The work of gender theorists appears especially promising not only for the
sport sociology but for sociology in general. This is because sport is such a
fruitful arena in which "to take into account the contours of the particular
relations of dominance and subordination that exist among groups located at
the intersection of class and racial conflicts" (Birrell 1989:22 1),

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