RIPH 111 (handwritten and unprinted like archival

materials and memoirs)

LESSON 1
✓ Non-Written Sources - Oral history, artifacts,
PPT + NOTES fossils, etc.

• History • Primary Sources

- derived from the Greek word “istoria” means - testimony of an eyewitness.
knowledge acquired through inquiry or - It must have been produced by a contemporary
investigation. of that is narrated.
- as a discipline, it existed for around 2,400 years - It is a document or physical object written or
and is as old as mathematics and philosophy. created during the time under study.
- provides significant records of events of the - These sources were present during an
past, a meaningful story of mankind depicting experience or time period and offer an inside
the details of what happened to man and why it view of a particular event.
happened. - Ex. Maps, Memoirs, Personal Accounts,
Newspapers & Magazines, Legislative Journals,
• Various Historians Court Records, A Historical Record, Records of
1. Burckhardt – “History is the record of what one Social Observations, Chronicles, Human Fossils,
age finds worthy of note in another.” Artifacts, Royal Decrees and Laws, Official
2. Henry Johnson – “History, in its broadest sense, Reports
is everything that ever happened.”
3. V.S. Smith – “The value and interest of history • Secondary Sources
depend largely on the degree in which the - Interpret and analyze primary sources.
present is illuminated by the past.” - they are one or more steps removed from the
4. Jawaharal Nehru – “History is the story of man’s event.
struggle through the ages against nature and - Ex. Printed Textbooks, Books with endnotes and
the elements; against wild beasts and the jungle footnotes, Biographies, Preprints of Artwork,
and some of his own kind who have tried to Journal/Magazine which interprets or reviews
keep him down and to exploit him for their own previous findings, Conference Proceedings,
benefit.” Literary Criticism, Book Reviews, most works
incorporating primary sources
• Nature of History
1. History is a study of the present in the light of • Secondary Research/Tertiary Sources
the past. - Ex. Books, Periodicals/Magazines, Indexes,
2. History is the study of man. Databases, Internet, Market Consultants,
3. History is concerned with man in time. Marketing Professionals
4. History Is concerned with man in space.
5. History provides an objective record of
• Repositories of Primary and Secondary Sources
happenings.
- National Archives of the Philippines
6. History is multisided. - National Library of the Philippines
7. History is a dialogue between the events of the
- National Historical Commission of the
past & progressively emerging future ends. Philippines
8. History is not only narration but it is also an
- National Museum of the Philippines
analysis. - U.P Main Library
9. Continuity and coherence are the necessary
- OLFU Library
prerequisites of history. - Library of Congress
10. History is relevant. - National Archives and Records Administration
11. History is comprehensive. - Lopez Memorial Museum
- Ayala Museum
• Relevance and Functions of History
1. History helps us understand people & societies. • Both primary and secondary sources are useful in
2. History contributes to moral understanding.
writing and learning history. However, they need to
3. History provides identity.
scrutinize thoroughly these documents to avoid
4. Studying history is essential for good deception and to come up with the historical truth.
citizenship.
5. History is useful in the world of work.
• Historical Criticisms
A. External Criticism
• Historical Sources - deals with the problem of Authenticity: to spot
- an object from the past or testimony
hoaxes, fakes, forgeries and_ fabrications.
concerning the past which historian’s use to
- Tests of Authenticity are:
create their own depiction of the past.
o Determine the date if it is
✓ Written Sources - are published materials Anachronistic: a material, skill or culture
(books, journals etc.) and manuscript
does not exist at that time.
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 o Determine the Provenance or Custody: - Presently, the word “history” means the “past
genuineness. of mankind”. History is the study of past events,
o Determine the Semantics: meaning of a particularly in human affairs.
text or word - History in German is “Geschichte”, meaning,
o Determine the Hermeneutics, the “that which has happened”. This means that the
ambiguities (the branch of knowledge word implies that history teaches and we may
that deals w/ interpretation, especially learn from the lessons of history.
of the bible) - With the definition of history, it brings man to a
recognition that history cannot be
B. Internal Criticism reconstructed, that the past of mankind, much
- deals with the problem of Credibility. of it, is beyond recall. And that even the best of
- Tests of Credibility are: our memories cannot re-create our past.
o Determine the Character of the Author, - The reconstruction of the total past of mankind
his reliability, and his Ability and is the total goal of historians which, however, is
Willingness to tell the truth. unattainable. Historians will never really know
o Determine. the Corroboration, everything that happened in the past.
historical facts rest upon the testimony - The problem that every historian confronts is
of two or more reliable witnesses. that the evidence they rely on is likely to be
• Historical Method fragmented, incomplete and even
- the process of critically examining and analyzing contradictory. The result is, each historian’s
the records and survivals of the past. conclusions are influenced by the evidence they
✓ The historian is many times removed from have selected from what is available and from
the events under investigation. how they interpreted it.
✓ They rely on surviving records. - And from whatever a historian only has will be
✓ History is a reconstruction. the only thing that he can use to connect him to
the past.
Notes:
• Coherence – based on facts, chronological
• Historical Sources – according to origin, anything
that is tangible (can touch)
• Memoirs (read as memwa or memors)
- narrative
- historical account or biography
- written as personal knowledge or special sources
(witness from the historical event/s happened)
• Primary and Secondary Sources – according to form
• Primary Sources – serves as evidence
• Justify – mapatunayan
• Archival Materials – e.g photography, documents,
diary
• Repositories – kung saan nakatago, nakalagay, o
pinangangalagaan yung mga archival materials
• Autobiography (primary) - an account of a person's
life, written by that person.
• Biography (secondary) - an account of a person's
life, written by someone else.
• Ambiguities – kalituhan

CANVAS

• The Meaning of History

- The English word history is derived from the
Greek word “istoia” meaning learning
- According to Aristotle, history is the systematic
account of a set of natural phenomena whether
or not chronological ordering was a factor in an
account, and this is considered as natural
history.
- As time passed, the equivalent Latin word
“scientia”, which is science in English later was
used more to designate non-chronological
systematic accounts of phenomena.

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 LESSON 2 - Took on the responsibility of establishing
factions of the secret society in different parts
PPT
of Morong or Rizal province and Bulacan
KATIPUNAN AND THE REVOLUTION: MEMOIRS OF - Original member of Katipunan
GENERAL
• Gregoria De Jesus
• Santiago Alvarez - Founder and vice president of the women’s
- Revolutionary general chapter of the Katipunan of the Philippines
- Honorary president of the first directorate of - Wife of Andres Bonifacio
the Nacionalista Party
- Known as “Kidlat ng Apoy” or “General Apoy”
• Jose Dizon
- Hero of the Battle of Dalahican (Cavite) - A Filipino patriot who was among those who
o 36 hours battle
founded the Katipunan
o One of the bloodiest encounters during
the revolution
• March 14, 1896 - Saturday
o He scored a decisive victory and
✓ Gen. Santiago V. Alvarez accompanied
repulsed the Spanish troops
neophytes Emilio Aguinaldo and Raymundo
o Simultaneous battle during PH
Mata to Manila for their initiation into the
revolution (November 9-11, 1896)
Katipunan secret society, where they waited at
o The result of the battle was the first
the quarters of Jacinto Lumbreras , a Katipunan
significant Filipino victory in country’s
member.
history
✓ Before leaving Lumbreras place, the two were
blindfolded as they reach the home of Andres
• Paula Carolina Malay Bonifacio, the Katipunan Supremo
- Graduated from UP
✓ They pledged to destroy oppression by signing
- Turned to translation and writing during the their names in their own blood and were
martial law period welcomed by fellow katipuneros
- Translated the Katipunan and the Revolution:
Memoirs of a General
• April 6, 1896 – Monday
✓ Aguinaldo asked Santiago to accompany him to
• General Artemio meet the Supremo Bonifacio to learn more
- Filipino general during PH revolution
about the Katipunan
- Father of the Philippine Army
✓ They travelled from Cavite to Manila via
- First Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Ynchausti Boats
Philippines ✓ Aguinaldo went to the port office to attend
some business, only to be upset over the
• Emilio Aguinaldo superciliousness of Ramon Padilla, an official at
- Filipino revolutionary, politician and military the port office
leader. ✓ They walked until they reached Lavezares
- First and the youngest president of the Street, Binondo. They met with Supremo
Philippines Andres Bonifacio, his wife Gregoria De Jesus,
- Original member of Katipunan Jose Dizon, and Dr. Valenzuela himself
- He led Philippine forces first against Spain in the
latter part of the Philippine Revolution
• KKK
- Kataas-taasan, Kagalang-galangang Katipunan
• Reymundo Mata ng mga Anak ng Bayan
- Fellow Caviteños - Katipunan means “assembly” or “asscociation”
that comes from the root word “tipon” which
• Jacinto Lumbreras means “gather”
- A Magdiwang - A secret organization founded by Filipino
- First presiding officer of the Tejeros Convention patriots specifically Andres Bonifacio led to the
- A Katipunan member outbreak of the Philippine Revolution

• Andres Bonifacio • Magdiwang Government

- A Filipino revolutionary hero - Mariano Alvarez as President
- Founded the Katipunan - One of two Katipunan branches in Cavite along
- First leader of the Philippine Revolution with Magdalo
- First self-declared president of the Independent - The Magdiwang Council was acknowledged as
Philippines “the supreme organ responsible for the
successful campaigns against the enemy
• Dr. Pio Valenzuela
- A Filipino physician and a major figure during
the Philippine Revolution

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 HISTORY OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE • Burial Jar in Tabon Cave
- At least 200 jars, jar covers and small vessels
• Teodoro A. Agoncillo (November 8, 1912)
scattered on the cave was recovered
- a renowned Filipino historian and national
scientist, was born in Lemery, Batangas
• Manunggul Cave
- Agoncillo started writing history from the so-
- Discovered by Mr. Victor Decalan, Mr. Hans
called Filipino point of view, along with his
Kasten and volunteer workers from us peace
contemporary historians Renato Constantino
corps in 1964
and Gregorio F. Zaide
- Composed of 4 chambers with 3 openings but
- They stand as the most prominent 20th century
only 2 were used for jar burial
Filipino historians
- Has a large round mouth
- Agoncillo’s “History of the Filipino People” was
- Tunnel-like having a send opening on the
first published in 1960. It remained a popular
northeast side of cliff
standard textbook in many Filipino universities
- Some his other well-known works include
a. Chamber A
Revolts of the Masses (1956), Malolos the Crisis
- Has three animal or bird heads surrounding an
of the Republic (1960), the Fateful Years (1965),
opening
and History of the Filipino People (1960) which
- A unique tripod construction
are all still being used as textbooks in many
schools
• Manunggul Jar
- For this outstanding works as a historian, he
- A kind of burial jar which is unrivaled in
was conferred as a National Scientist in 1985
southeast asia and considered as the work of a
- Accordingly, Agoncillo obtained a Bachelor's
master potter
degree in Philosophy from the University of the
- Signifies the belief of early Filipinos in life after
Philippine in 1934 and a Master's degree in Arts
death
from the same university
- The boatman is seated behind a figure whose
- He became a linguistic assistant at the Institute
hands are crossed on the chest
of National Language and as an Instructor at the
- The position of hands is a traditional Filipino
Far Eastern University and at the Manuel L.
practice observed when arranging the corpse
Quezon University and a faculty member of
U.P., chairing the Department of History from
• Other Artifacts
1963 to 1969, until his retirement in 1977
- Wooden Coffin
- Until his death on January 14, 1985, Agoncillo
- Kalayaan Pottery
served as a member of the National Historical
- La-kuynb Pottery
Institute
- True Jade
TABON CAVE
• Fragments of the distinct bracelets and other
• Robert Bradford Fox accessories
- He found Tabon Caves between the year of - 4 of jade
1962-1966 - 3 of agate
o Artifacts recovered ranging 50,000 - Two made from large limpet shells
years ago to the 14th century - 1 perfect jasper ear pendant
- He led a 6-year archaeological research in - Super thin and translucent, ellipsoid-shaped
Palawan; caves and rock shelters of Lipuun pendant of a red chalcedony
Point
b. Chamber B
• Tabon Man - A highly decorated funerary
- the oldest known human skeletal - Sand tempering
- Surface colors
• Tabon Cave - Form of burial jars
- Large main cave where only Pleistocene human - Trunconial jar cover
fossils in the Philippines were found
- Scattered fossil bones of at least 3 individuals • Types of Pottery
were excavated - Tabon plain
- Tabon polish
• Fossil Human Bones - Tabon impressed
- Tabon Man may 1 be dated from 22,000 -
24,000 years ago • Types of Shells
- Large ring like beads
• The Beginnings of Philippine Archaeology - Tiny disk beads
- The discovery of TABON cave in Palawan - Typical small covering beads
- Site of an important Philippine Archaeological - Shell spoons
discovery: The TABON MAN o In 1948, number of spoons collected
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 INTERNAL CRITICISM
• Chapter 6 - gives the list of Castillian officials
• About the Author
between 1637 and 1808 and the epilogue contains
- 1918-1985
a few 18th century dates from Miag-ao
- Anthropologist and leading historian on the Pre-
Hispanic Philippines
• The Confederation of Madia-As
- Actively served the National Museum of the
- The settlements set up in Panay by the seven
Philippines in 1948-1975
Bornean datus.
- Serving as consultant to the Philippine president
- The datus divided the islands into three areas;
on anthropological matters and as dean of
o Hantik (now Antique), under Datu
brent school in Baguio City
Sumakwel
- Head of the anthropology division of the
o Irong-irong (now Iloilo), under Datu
National Museum of the Philippines
Paliburong
- Taught at the UP and served as presidential
o Aklan (now Aklan and Capiz), under
assistant for national minorities
Datu Bangkay.
- the 3 areas united themselves into a
PREHISPANIC SOURCE: MARAGTAS
confederation under the overall rule of Datu
• The Maragtas (History of Panay) Sumakwel, the wisest of the datus and this
- Published by the Kadapig sang Banwa at the El grouping was called the Confederation of
Tiempo Press, Iloilo in 1907 Madya-as.
- It is written in mixed Hiligaynon and Kin-iraya
CANVAS
• Pedro Monteclaro
• William Henry Scott
- Born in Miag-ao, Iloilo on October 15, 1850
- A historian of the Gran Cordillera Central and
- Served as Teniente Mayor in 1891 and
Pre-Hispanic Philippines
Gobernadorcillo in 1892-1894
- Also known as poet in both the vernacular and
Spanish

• Chapter 1 - Anthropological treatise on the former

customs, clothes, dialect, heredity, organization of
the Aetas (Negritos) of Panay.

• Chapter 2 - the upcoming of the Ten Datus from

Borneo, fleeing the tyranny of Datu Makatunaw,
and their purchase of the Island of Panay from
Marikudko.

• Chapter 3 - the romance of Sumakwel, Kapinangan

and her lover Garung-garung, a charming little tale
in its own right.

• Ten Bornean Datus

1. Datu Puti (And Wife Piangpangan)
2. Datu Sumakwel (And Wife Kapinangan)
3. Datu Bangkaya (And Wife Katurong)
4. Datu Paiborong (And Wife Pabilaan)
5. Datu Paduhinogan (And Wife Tibongsapay)
6. Datu Dumangsol
7. Datu Libay
8. Datu Dumangsil
9. Datu Dumalogdog
10. Datu Balensuela

• Chapter 4 – concludes the tale of ten Datus, telling

their political arrangements and their
circumnavigation of the Island

• Chapter 5 - another anthropological sort of treatise

describing language, commerce, clothes , customs,
marriages, funerals, mourning habits, cockfighting,
timekeeping techniques and calendars, and
personal characteristics
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1.3 An Example of Primary Source. EXCERPT FROM THE SANTIAGO ALVAREZ ACCOUNT “Katipunan
and the Revolution: Memoirs of a General”, (pp. 82-88). This is referring to the events that
transpired during the Tejeros Convention.

The assembly at Tejeros was finally convened on 25 March 1897. The invitations to the meeting were
signed by Secretary Jacinto Lumbreras of the Magdiwang Council, and he presided over the assembly.
Seated with Lumbreras at the long presidential table were the Supremo Andres Bonifacio, Messrs.
Mariano M. Alvarez, Pascual Alvarez, Ariston Villanueva, Mariano C. Trias, Diego Mojica, Emiliano R. de
Dios, Santiago Rillo, all of them of the Magdiwang. Among the Magdalo seated at the head table were
Messrs. Baldomero Aguinaldo, Daniel Tirona, and Cayetano Topacio.

It must be mentioned that, before the assembly was convened, Secretary of War Ariston Villanueva
of the Magdiwang Council received and the confidential information that Mr. Daniel Tirona of the
Magdalo faction was set to undermine the proceedings of the assembly and that he had already
succeeded in enjoining many among the Magdiwang leaders to ally with him. Secretary Villanueva kept
silent, but nevertheless alerted Captain General Apoy, who had troops in readiness for any sudden
eventuality.

The leaders were seated at the presidential table, as previously described, and all the others were
standing in groups on both sides of those seated. After Chairman Jacinto Lumbreras had declared the
assembly open, he announced the main topic of discussion, which was how to bolster the defenses in the
areas still under Magdiwang control. Presently, Mr. Severino de las Alas rose to speak, and when he was
recognized he said, “Before we discuss minor details, let us first tackle the major issue such as what kind
of government we should have and how we should go about establishing it. Once we make a decision
about these questions, the problem if organization and strengthening of defenses will be resolved.”

“As initiator of the Revolution,” Chariman Lumbreras replied, “the Katipunan now holds
authorityover the islands. It has a government of law and a definite program. It has a government of law
and a definite program. It is obeyed and respected by all because it stands for f reedom, brotherly love,
and a well-organized and well-run government. The purpose of this meeting is to discuss the best
measures to take to strengthen the Magdiwang government vis-ӑ-vis the enemy. We should avoid
surrendering the headquarters of the Katipunan army should the Magdalo eventually lose out.”

The chair next recognized the Supremo. He concurred with what Chairman Lumbreras had just said
and explained that the “K” in the middle of the sun in the Katipunan flag used in the Revolution stood for
Kalayaan (Freedom).

Mr. Severino de las Alas spoke again. He countered that the letter “K” and the sun on the flag did not
indicate whether the revolutionary government was democratic or not.

The Supremo replied that from the rank and file to the highest levels, the Katipunan was united in its
respect for universal brotherhood and equality of men. It was risking bloodshed and life itself in its
struggle against the king, in order to establish a sovereign and free government. In short, it stood for
people’s sovereignty, not a government led by only one or two.

Mr. Antonio Montenegro spoke in defense of Mr. Severino de las Alas’s stand. He argued that if they
would not agree on the kind of revolutionary they were to have and that if they were to let status quo
prevail, then they who were in the Revolution would be no better than a pack of bandits or of wild,
mindless animals.

General Apoy was hurt by these words of Mr. Montenegro. He quickly stood up and looked angrily at
the precious speaker.

“We of the Katipunan,” he began, “are under the jurisdiction of our respected Highest Council of the
Sons of the People. This Council is the defender of, and has authority over, the Magdiwang and Magdalo
governments of Cavite. We are true revolutionaries fighting for freedom of the native land. We are not
bandits who rob others of their property and wealth. Noe should we be likened to beasts, for we know
how to protect and defend others, especially the political refugees who seek asylum with us. We are
rational and we do not expose those who talk big but do not accomplish anything. If you want to
establish a different kind of government that is to your liking, you must do as we have done: Go back to
your localities and snatch them from Spanish control! Then you can do what pleases you; but don’t you
dare seek refuge among cowards who might call you bandits and beasts. And for everybody’s
satisfactions, I am now ordering your arrest!”

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 Captain General Apoy stopped speaking and looked intently at the person he was alluding to and
ordered a detachment under Maj. Damaso Fojas to keep him under guard. After a short while, Dr. Jose
Rizal’s sister, Trining, and his widow, Josephine, pleaded with General Apoy not to arrest Mr.
Montenegro, but to let him stay at the estate house where they themselves were staying. They
volunteered to be held personally responsible for Mr. Montenegro while in their custody. Captain General
Apoy easily acceded to the request.

The strong and excited denunciation by Captain General Apoy of Mr. Monteneg ro alerted the
Magdiwang troops. The leaders eyed everyone suspiciously and were only awaiting a signal from
General Apot for them to begin shooting. Disorder ensued and disrupted the assembly.

When order was restored, some wanted convention adjourned, but the Supremo Bonifacio prevailed
upon the others to continue. However, the presiding officer, Mr. Lumbreras, refused to resume his role of
chairman. He wanted to yield the chair to the Supremo whom he thought to be the rightful chairman.

“The Katipunan, as you know,” Mr. Lumbreras explained, “was responsible from the beginning for
the spread of the revolutionary movement throughout the Philippines. But because of the disaffection of
some, this assembly was called to establish a new overall revolutionary council. If we are to pursue this
ambitious and important undertaking, only the Supremo has the right to preside at this assembly, for he
is the Father of the Katipunan and the Revolution.”

Mr. Lumbreras’s speech was well received and his proposal was unanimously accepted. The Supremo
Bonifacio assumed the chairmanship accordingly and said, “Your aim is to establish a new overall
government of the Katipunan of the Sons of the People. This would repudiate the decisions made at the
meeting held at the friar estate house in Imus. In my capacity as “President-Supremo” of the Most
Venerable Katipunan of the Sons of the People, I agree and sympathize with your aspirations. But I wish
to remind you that we should respect all decisions properly discussed and approved in all our meetings.
We should respect and abide by the wishes of the majority.”

Because of a repeated clamor for the approval of the establishment of a government of the
Philippine Republic, the chair proceeded to prepare for an election to the following positions: president,
vice-president, minister of finance, minister of welfare, minister of justice, and captain general.

The Supremo spoke again before the election began. He said that the candidate who would get the
most number of votes for each position should be the winner, no matter what his station in life or his
educational attainment. What should matter was that the candidate had never been a traitor to the
cause of the Motherland. Everyone agreed and there were shouts of approval such as, “That is how it
should-- be equality for everyone! Nobody should be higher nor lower than the other. May love of
country prevail!”

The Supremo Bonifacio appointed Gen. Artemio Ricarte as secretary. Then, with the help of Mr.
Daniel Tirona, he distributed pieces of paper to serve as ballots. When the ballots had been collected and
the votes were ready to be canvassed, Mr. Diego Mojica, the Magdiwang secretary of the treasury,
warned the Supremo that many ballots distributed were already filled out and that the voters had not
done this themselves. The Supremo ignored this remark. He proceeded with the business at hand as if
nothing unusual had happened.

When the votes for president were counted, Mr. Emilio Aguinaldo won over Mr. Andres Bonifacio,
the Supremo. The winner was acclaimed by applause and shouts of “Mabuhay!” (Long live!)

Mr. Severino de las Alas spoke again to say that since the Supremo Bonifacio had second highest
number votes for the presidency, he should be proclaimed vice-president of the Philippine Republic.
When nobody signified approval or disapproval of the proposal, the presiding officer, the Supremo
Bonifacio, ruled that the election continued. For vice- president, Mr. Mariano Trias won over Mr.
Mariano Alvarez and the Supremo Bonifacio. General Vibora was elected captain over General Apoy.
General Vibora demurred, saying that he had neither the ability nor the right to ass ume the new
position. But General Apoy cut his objections by saying that he personally vouched for General Vibora’s
competence and right to occupy the position to which he was elected. General Apoy’s endorsement was
greeted with shouts of “Long live the newly elected captain general!”

Mr. Baldomero Aguinaldo wanted the elections to be finished before it got too dark. To facilitate th e
counting of votes, he suggested that for all other positions to be voted upon, voters should stand on one
side of the hall if in favor and on the other side if against. The suggestion was adopted for the rest of the
election. For the position of secretary war, Mr. Emiliano R. de Dios was elected overwhelmingly over

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Messrs. Santiago V. Alvarez, Ariston Villanueva, and Daniel Tirona. After the voters had given the proper
honors to the new secretary of war, they proceeded to elect the secretary of the interior. Mr. Andres
Bonifacio, the Supremo, won over Mr. Mariano Alvarez. The crowd broke into shouts of “Mabuhay!” Mr.
Daniel Tirona requested for a restoration of order and then spoke aloud:

“My brethren, the office of secretary of the interior is of so great a scope and such sensitivity that we
should not entrust it to one who is not a lawyer. One among us here is a lawyer. He is Mr. Jose del
Rosario. Let us reconsider the choice for the last position, for he has no credentials to show attesting to
any educational attainment.

Then in as loud a voice as he could muster, Tirona shouted, “Let us elect Mr. Jose del Rosario, the
lawyer!”

Greatly embarrassed, the Supremo Bonifacio quickly stood up and said, “We agreed to abide by the
majority vote and accept its choice no matter what station in life of the person elected. And because of
this, I demand from you, Mr. Daniel Tirona, an apology. You must restore to the voters and the one they
elected the honor you have only now besmirched.”

Then he pulled out his revolver and took aim.

Instead of replying, Mr. Tirona ignored the Supremo’s remarks and, perhaps because of fear, he slid
away and got lost in the crowd. Disorder ensued as the convention secretary tried to disarm the
Supremo, who was intent on shooting Mr. Tirona. The people began to disperse and the Supremo
adjourned the meeting with these words:

“In my capacity as chairman of this convention and as President-Supremo of the Most Venerable
Katipunan of the Sons of the People which association is known and acknowledged by all, I hereby
declare null and void all matters approved in this meeting.”

Then he left quickly and was followed by his aides and some others present.

Mr. Baldomero Aguinaldo, the Magdalo president, did not leave San Francisco de Malabon that
night, in order to convince the Magdiwang leaders to reconvene the disrupted meeting the following
day. They agreed to his proposal. That same night, rumor had it that Messrs. Mariano Trias, Daniel
Tirona, Emiliano R. de Dios, Santiago Rillo, and others were in the parish house of the Catholic church at
Tanza (Santa Cruz de Malabon), and that they were conferring with the priest, Fr. Cenon Villafranca.
Many attested to seeing them, but no one knew what they talked about.

On the request of Magdalo Pres. Baldomero Aguinaldo, a meeting was called at the same friar estate
house in Tejeros. Called on the day after the tumultuous convention, its purpose was to continue and
revalidate the proceedings of the election meeting, to revive their former alliances, and to restore
cordiality and fraternal love in their relations. Aside from the Supremo Andres Bonifacio, among the
Magdiwang leaders who atented were Messrs. Mariano Alvarez, Diego Mojica, Ariston Villanueva,
Pascual Alvarez, Jacinto Lumbreras, Santiago Alvarez, Artemio Ricarte, Nicolas Portilla, Santos Nocon,
and Fr. Manuel Trias, the parish priest of San Francisco de Malabon. They waited until five that
afternoon, but none of the Magdalo members came, not even their president who had initiated what
would have been a reconciliation meeting.

That same night it was rumored that the Magdalo leaders were currently holding their own meeting
at the parish house i Tanza. Though it had a reason to be apprehensive because the Magdalo were
meeting in territory under its jurisdiction, the Magdiwang leadership looked the other way because the
Magdalo were hard-pressed for meeting places since its territories had all been taken by the Spanish
enemy.

The next morning, 27 March 1897, eyewitnesses who had spied in the proceedin gs revealed that,
indeed, a meeting had taken place at the Tanza parish house and that Supremo’s decisions regarding the
election at the friar estate house were not respected. These revelations surfaced despite denials from
many sectors.

At the gathering in the Tanza parish house, those elected at the Tejeros convention knelt before a
crucifix and in the name of the Holy Father, the highest pointiff of the Roman Catholic Church, invoked
the martyred saints and solemnly took their office. Fr. Cenon Villafranca officiated, With Messrs.
Severino de las Alas and Daniel Tirona as witnesses, the following took their oaths of office: Messrs.
Emilio Aguinaldo, Mariano C. Trias, and Artemio Ricarte. Conspicuously absent was the Supremo Andres
Bonifacio, who was not invited although he was one of those Tejeros convention, he declared null and

3
void all matters approved by the assembly because of a grave violation of a principle a greed upon before
the election.

It should be noted here that, unknown to the Magdiwang Council, the Magdalo posted troops to
guard the Tanza parish house for their oath-taking ceremonies. The troops were under strict orders not
to admit any of the unwanted Magdiwang partisans. If the news about the secret ceremony had leaked
out earlier, and the underdogs in the power struggle had attempted to break into it, they would have
been annihilated then and there.

1.4 An Example of Secondary Source: EXCERPT from TEODORO AGONCILLO, “The Revolt of the
Masses, the story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan”, University of the Philippines Press: Q.C. 2002,
(pp. 205-211; 214-217). Also referring to the events that transpired during the Tejeros Convention.
This is from chapter 12, “Seeds of Discontent”.

…The misunderstanding that existed between the followers of the Magdiwang and the Magdalo, so
destructive of the Katipunan plans, deepened into mutual suspicion and jealousies that resulted in
military reverses in several sectors. Polavieja’s counter-offensives led to the fall of several towns hitherto
held by the rebels, and the attitude of non-cooperation exhibited by one faction when the other was
harassed by the enemy led, as it must, to disaster in the field. The situation, both camps believed, could
only be remedied by coming together and threshing out differences of opinion and solving, ultimately,
the question of leadership in the province. For this purpose, the leaders of the Magdiwang and the
Magdalo decided to call a convention or assembly at Imus.

In the assembly hall, the two factions met and exchanged the usual greetings. Bonifacio entered,
proceeded to the head of the table and unceremoniously occupied the chair. He beckoned to the
Magdiwang Ministers to sit at his right side. This obvious partiality to the Magdiwang was resented by
the Magdalo, for as Supreme Head of the Katipunan who was called upon to mediate between the two
factions, Bonifacio was expected to show impartiality. But his actions in the case were motivated by his
regard for his wife’s uncle, Mariano Alvarez, the President of the Magdiwang-- a fact that aggrevated
the situation. Even so, the Magdalo men did not show their resentment but kept silent in order to
prevent further misunderstanding between the followers of both camps. Seeing that Bonifacio had called
his Ministers, Baldomero Aguinaldo, President of the Magdalo, without being invited, sat to the left of
Bonifacio. General Emilio Aguinaldo, seeing his position as purely military one, was content to be a mere
observer. He had, however, a plan of his own. Since it was the intention of his faction to propose the
establishment of a revolutionary government, he had decided beforehand that in the coming election for
the presidency he would nominate and support Edilberto Evangelista, since among them all “Evangelista
was the best educated.” Bonifacio knew of Aguinaldo’s active electioneering in favor of Evangelista and
was deeply hurt, for as founder and Supreme Head of the Katipunan he felt that the presidency should be
given to him as a reward.

The assembly opened with Bonifacio as Chairman. It was evident, when Baldomero Aguinaldo made
the proposal to establish a revolutionary government, that the two factions would never come to an
understanding. The Magdalo men contended that the continuance of the Katipunan government was no
longer necessary, for since the start if the Revolution the Society had ceased to remain a secret society
and must therefore be supplanted by one that would better fit the situation. The Magdalo people further
contended that being small, Cavite must not be divided between the two factions. On the other hand, the
Magdiwang followers argued that the Katipunan already had a constitution and by-laws duly approved
and enforced in the Islands and that, by virtue of this, provincial and municipal governments in and
around Manila had already been established. There was, therefore, no necessity of establishing a new
government. Even so, the Magdiwang Minister of War, Ariston Villanueva, stood up and said that if a
new government was to be established, Andres Bonifacio, who had organized and planned the entire
revolutionary movement, must of right occupy the presidency without any election. Further, he pointed
out that as Chairman and Supremo, Bonifacio should be given blanket authority to appoint the Ministers.
The Magdalo group strenuously objected and insisted on an election. The discussion became heated and
did not accomplish any tangible result. The assembly was adjourned and each faction left without any
definite understanding.

4
 Suspicions and jealousies continued to plague the ranks of the rebels, and even among the members
of the same faction petty quarrels continued to come up. The Magdalo followers suspected the
Magdiwang of courting the favor of the Spaniards, while the same suspicion was aroused in the
Magdiwang as regards the Magdalo. In a situation where the Magdalo needed the help of the
Magdiwang, the latter, to which Bonifacio belonged, refused to come to the aid of the former. Moreover,
the Magdiwang followers were themselves occupied, now and then, with petty jealousies and quarrels
that tended to demoralize the soldiers. Thus, when the town fiesta of San Francisco de Malabon was held
in January 1897, the rebels, then enjoying the afternoon games, were disturbed by a series of rifle shots
that sent them scampering away to places safety. Thinking that the enemy was approaching, Ariston
Villanueva and Santiago Alvarez gathered their men and prepared to meet an attack. They later found
out that the rifle shots came from the men of Captain Mariano San Gabriel, also a Magdiwang man,
who, trigger-happy, had fired several shots in the air. Alvarez’s men tried to disarm the offending
soldiers, but instead were themselves disarmed. Alvarez was furious and demanded that San Gabriel
disarm his men. The latter refused and left for Noveleta. It was only through Ricarte’s intervention that
the two men, Alvarez and San Gabriel, were brought together again as comrades.

The situation had not eased up a bit when the leaders of the Magdiwang planned to hold another
convention, this time in the estate-house of Tejeros, a Magdiwang territory situated about two
kilometers from San Francisco de Malabon and about half a kilometer from the town proper of Salinas.
The government under the Magdalo, comprising the towns of Kawit, Bakood and Imus, was at the time
seriously threatened by the Spanish army which occupied the estate-house of Salitran and which had dug
in as a preparatory step to the battle that was about to commence. General Emilio Aguinaldo, leading
the Magdalo soldiers, faced the Spaniards in Salitran, a barrio between the towns of Imus and
Dasmarinas. It was March 22, 1897, Aguinaldo’s birthday, when simultaneously the battle raged and the
assembly convened at Tejeros.

The delegates, mostly belonging to the Magdiwang, lazily trooped that sultry afternoon to the
spacious estate-house of Tejeros. Some of the men were barefoot; others wore buri hats or were dressed
in barong Tagalog. They came from all directions: from Kawit, Noveleta and Imus to the north ; from
Tanza to the west; and from San Francisco de Malabon to the northeast. The estate-house, surrounded
by stone walls and built in the middle of the six-hectare farm owned by the friars and now in rebel hands,
had a 60-meter frontage….

It was this place, the former summer resort of the friars that witnessed the first and important
election held under the auspices of the Katipunan government. An invitation was sent by the Magdiwang
chieftains to the Magdalo followers to attend the meeting, but because of the battle then raging around
the locality not all the Magdalo leaders were able to attend. The Magdiwang was represented by Andres
Bonifacio, Mariano Alvarez, Pascual Alvarez, Santiago Alvarez, Luciano San Miguel, Mariano Trias,
Severino de las Alas, Santos Nocon and others, while the Magdalo was represented by Baldomero
Aguinaldo, Daniel Tirona, Cayetano Topacio, Antonio Montenegro and others. The estate-house buzzed
with life as more rebels, some of them uninvited, came to the convention. It was past two in the
afternoon when the meeting was formally opened.

Jacinto Lumbreras, acting president of the Magdiwang, took the chair and opened the convention
with introductory remarks summing up the purpose of the meeting. To his right sat Teodoro Gonzales,
also a Magdiwang, who acted as secretary. Severino de las Alas, a Magdiwng, immediately took the
floor and explained that before discussing ways and means of defending such a small area as Cavite, the
convention assembled should first of all agree upon the kind of government that should be set up to
administer the whole country under the prevailing circumstances. “From this government,” he said,
“anything that is necessary in the defense of the country can emanate.” The presiding officer, however,
reminded the speaker that a government had already been established upon the founding of the
Katipunan, Its Supreme Council, its Provincial Councils and its Popular Councils, and that the meeting was
called to adopt defensive measures. At this juncture, Bonifacio spoke and supplemented Lumbreras’
explanation, calling the attention of those assembled to the Katipunan flag with a K in the middle, which
embodied the ideal of the revolutionists, namely, liberty. De las Alas, not contended with the Supremo’s
explanation, countered that the K in the flag of the Katipunan did not in any way identify the kind of
government that they had, whether such government was monarchical or republican. Bonifacio
remarked that all the Katipuneros, from the Supreme head to the lowest member, recognized the
principle of Unity, Fraternity and Equality. “It can be seen“ he said, “that the Government of the
Association of the Sons of the People is republican in form.”

5
 The discussion was going nowhere and tempers ran high as the men insisted on their own points of
view. So far, the discussion was between the men of the same faction. In an unfortunate moment, a
Magdalo man, Antonio Montenegro, stood up and, shouting at the top of his voice, took issue with
Bonifacio. “If we do not act upon the suggestion of Mr. de las Alas,” he said, “we, the rebels, will be
likened unto a mere pack of highway robbers, or worse, like animals without reason.” The words, uttered
in good faith and in the belief that something must be done to have a new government organized,
touched off a sensitive spot in the hearts of the Magdiwang listeners. Santiago Alvarez, a Magdiwang,
pricked to anger, took the floor and, throwing a malicious side-glance at Montenegro, retorted: “We, the
rebels of Cavite, especially those under the Magdiwang, recognize the Government organized by the
Assouciation of the Sons of the People. And if you want to set up another form of government, you can
go back to your own province and wrest the authority from the Spaniards, as we have already done. As
such; you can do whatever you want to and nobody would interfere with whatever you want to and
nobody would interfere with you. We of Cavite,” he added with a meaning full of bitterness, “we of
Cavite do not need and will never need any adviser of your own standing only.

Pandemonium reigned as the voice of Santiago Alvarez boomed inside the spacious sala. His
bodyguards, planted near the stairs, moved ominously-all set to fire at those inside the hall. Lumbreras,
sensing the explosive situation, tactfully called a recess to give sufficient time for the angry men to cool
off. At the end of an hour, the meeting was resumed. Jacinto Lumbreras, seeing that it would be useless
for him to continue to preside in such an atmosphere, refused to take the chair, saying: “As the question
under discussion is completely outside of what is mentioned in the agenda of the meeting and is
concerned instead with the establishment of an over-all government of the revolution, I should not
continue to preside over this session.” Then he took his seat among the members, and Andres Bonifacio,
who was acclaimed by all to succeed him, took the chair as the presiding officer by virtue of his being the
president of the Supreme Council of the Katipunan. He then called the meeting to order and said: “As you
desire to set up a supreme government to direct the revolution, abolishing what was organized by the
Katipunan and repudiating the resolution approved in the Assembly of Imus, I accede to your just
petition, but first of all I want to ask you to recognize a principle as a basis of agreement in this or in
other meetings, which is: that we respect and obey the will of the majority.” Those present saw the
justice and wisdom of his proposition and assented unanimously.

The Republic of the Philippines was then and there proclaimed amidst enthusiastic hurrahs. With a
new form of government determined to take the place of the Katipunan, the election of officers was then
prepared. Nine officers were to be elected by popular cote, namely, President , Vice-President, Captain-
General, Director of War, Director of Interior, Director of State, Director of Finance, Director of Fomento
and Director of Justice. Before proceeding with the election, Bonifacio, probably assailed by doubts and
aware of his limitations, called the attention of all the electors representing the different regions of the
Philippines to the principle that whoever would be elected should be recognized and respected regardless
of his social condition and education. The proposal, made in the form of a mere statement and reminder,
was approved, for in that convention very few, if any, were

Illustration of Casa Hacienda de Tejeros by Isagani Medina

( Source: https://xiaochua.net/2013/03/27/xiao-time-26-march-2013-ang-tejeros-convention/)

6
 The controversial convention at Barrio Tejeros
( Source: https://filipinoscribbles.wordpress.com/tag/tejeros-convention/)

men of high intellectual attainments. The ballots were prepared and distributed. The balloting was made
successively, that is, the office of the President was first voted upon, after which the other offices were
filled in singly. After an hour, the ballots were cast for the presidency, and Emilio Aguinaldo won in
absentia over Andres Bonifacio and Mariano Trias. The President-elect was proclaimed with loud shouts
and applause.

Before the ballots were cast for the Vice-Presidency, Severino de las Alas stood up and suggested
that in as much as Bonifacio had received the second largest number of votes he should automatically be
allowed to occupy the Vice-Presidency. The men assembled appeared lukewarm to the suggestion, there
being no one who approved or disapproved it. Consequently, Bonifacio decided to continue with the
election of the Vice-President. Mariano Trias was elected to the position over Andres Bonifacio, Severino
De las Alas and Mariano Alvarez. The election of the Captain-General came next and Ricarte, the acting
Secretary of the convention, came out over Santiago Alvarez. With a modesty that sprang from the
realization of the responsibility attached to the position, Ricarte stood up and declared: “None better
than I know my own limitations and fitness: the position with which this assembly honors me is beyond
my scant ability and strength; to me it is a very honorable position but its horizon is too wide for me: so I
request the assembly not to resent my refusal to accept it.” Ricarte’s modesty, genuin e or assumed,
proved effective. Cries of disapproval followed his request to be relieved, and the disturbance created by
the enthusiastic followers of the General forced Bonifacio to call the meeting to order. Then: “it is getting
dark,” he said, “so we have to proceed to the election to other positions.” Somebody suggested that in
order to expedite the election to the remaining positions, the electors should step to one side when their
candidates were called, a proposal that was immediately approved. In this manner, the following were
elected: Director of War, Emiliano Riego de Dios, who won over Ariston Villanueva, Daniel Tirona and
Santiago Alvarez; Director of Interior, Andres Bonifacio, who won over Mariano Alvarez and Pascual
Alvarez.

The election of Bonifacio gave rise to an incident that nearly ended in a bloody affair. Amidst the
acclamations that followed the announcement of his election, Daniel Tirona, a Magdalo man, stood up
and said: “The position of Director of the Interior is an exalted one and it is not meet that a person
without a lawyer’s diploma should occupy it. We have in our province a lawyer, Jose del Rosario;
therefore, we should protest against the elected and acclaimed,” And, shouting at the top of his voice, he
added: “Let us vote for Jose del Rosario!” No one, however, took up the suggestion which was shouted
four times. Nevertheless, Bonifacio felt insulted and he turned crimson with anger. Controlling himself,
he demanded that Daniel Tirona retract what he had said. “Did we not agree,” he added, “that we have
to abide by the decision of the majority whatever may be the social standing of the elected?” He insisted
that Tirona give satisfaction to the assembly for his defamatory words. But Tirona ignored Bonifacio and
tried to lose himself in the crowd. In the flush of his anger, Bonifacio whipped out his pistol to fire at
Tirona but Ricarte grabbed his hand and thus prevented what might have been a tragic affair. The
people then began to leave the hall, and Bonifacio, frustrated and deeply wounded in feeling, cried
aloud: “I, as chairman of this assembly, and as President of the Supreme Council of the Katipunan, as all
of you do not deny, declare this assembly dissolved, and I annul all that has been approved and
resolved.” With this parting statement, he left the hall, followed by his men.

7
THE SEED OF DISCONTENT, resultimg from his failure to get the presidency, and which was watered by
the unfortunate attitude of Daniel Tirona, who, by another sad coincidence, belonged to the opposite
faction, found fertile ground in Bonifacio’s heart and mind. Aside from the fact that as founder of the
Katipunan and the initiator of the Revolution he believed he should have been given the presidency, he
contented that irregularities were committed by the Magdalo men and that he would have been elected
had it not been for the premeditated frauds of the rival faction. Writing to his uncle-in-law, Mariano
Alvarez, he said:”

My Dear General Mainam:

Our recently ended election at Mapagtiis (San Francisco de Malabon) has left a large
poisonous thorn in my heart. I reiterate to you my nullification of all that had been agreed
upon there. Ay, General, I never expected that my complacency and faithfulness would be
rewarded with avarice and insult upon my person by your fellowtownsmen who are false
patriots. I shall make them realize when I set foot on Morong soil that it was not I whom they
insulted but the whole country.

Send me food at once and faithful soldiers of the Mother Country here at Limbon as a
fulfilment of your promised help when I left in disquietude. Your supremo, And, Bonifacio,
Maypagasa.

Giving vent to his resentment over the procedure and results of the elections, Bonifacio, in a letter to
his friend, Emilio Jacinto, then in Laguna explained his side and gave the background of the event:

The majority of those in the convention determined to organize a government; but I gave
them to understand that this could not be done on account of the absence of the
representatives of the other districts, aside from an agreement having already been made at
the convention at Imus; that all this annulled the majority, because in view of the present
critical situation of these pueblos there was no time to wait for the representatives from other
places, and the Imus Convention lacked validity on account of the alleged absence of the
minutes. Nevertheless, I assured those present there that in case the manifest will of the people
governed in the election of officers, I would respect it.

Moreover, before the election began, I discovered the underhand work of some of the
Imus crowd who had quietly spread the statement that it was not advisable that they be
governed by men from other pueblos, and that they should for this reason strive to elect Captain
Emilio as President. As soon as I heard of this, I said that this meeting was dirty work, because this
was what they were after and they were deceiving the people, adding that if they wished me to
point out, one by one, those who were conducting themselves in this matter, I would do so. The
majority said that this was no longer necessary. I also said that if the manifest will of the people was
not complied with, I would not recognize the chiefs elected, and if I did not recognize them they would
not be recognized by our people there, either. Don Artemio Ricarte, the General-elect, also said at
the meeting that this election was due to bad practices.

1.5. Comparing Sources: A. Robert Fox, ”The Tabon Caves”, Manila: National Museum: 1970. (p.
40) [Human remains and artifacts]

Tabon Man- during the initial excavations of the Tabon cave, June and July 1962, the scattered
fossil bones of at least three individuals were excavated, including a large fragment of a frontal bone
with the brows and portions of the nasal bones. These fossil bones were recovered towards the rear of
the cave along the left wall. Unfortunately, the area in which the fossil human bones were recovered
had been disturbed by Megapode birds. It was not possible in 1962 to establish the association of thes
bones with a specific flake assemblage. Although they were provisionally related to either Flake
Assemblage II or III. Subsequent excavations in the same area mow strongly suggest that the fossil
human bones were associated with Flake Assemblage III for only the flakes of this assemblage have
been found to date in this area of the cave. The available date would suggest that Tabon Man may be
dated from 22,000 to 24,000 years. Ago. But, only further excavations in the cave and chemical

8
 analysis of human and animal bones from disturbed and undisturbed levels in the cave will define the
exact age of the human fossils.

The fossil bones are those of Homo sapiens. These will form a separate study by a specialist
which will be inciuded in the final site report for Tabon Cave. It is important, however, because of a
recent publication (Scott, 1969), that a preliminary study of the fossil bones of Tabon Man shows that
it is above average in skull dimensions when compared to the modern Filipino. There is no evidence
that Tabon Man was “…a less brainy individual…” *Scott (1969) 36+. Moreover, Scott’s study include
many misstatements about the Tabon Caves, always the problem when writers work from
“conversations.”

Supplementary Source: Hugh Gibb and Robert B. Fox, Philippine Story, 1. The Tabon Caves.
Honolulu, Hawaii: Academics Hawaii, 1981. Video: Videocassette: U-matic, Visual
mat erial: E nglish [Human remains and artifacts]

THE DOCUMENTARY VIDEO features Dr. Robert B. Fox, noted American archaeologist, and Dr.
Alfredo Evangelista of the Philippine National Museum as they explain finds made during excavations in
the Tabon Caves, Philippines. These caves, located in limestone cliffs high above the South China Sea,
were inhabited by early Filipino man at least 50,000 years ago. The archaeological finds include
decorated funeral jars, stone tools and skeletal remains which raise questions of possible links with the
aborigines of Australia.

The documentary film may be viewed at www.youtube.com under the title Archeology 1 (3/3)

B. William Henry Scott, “Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine
History.”(1984) Quezon City: Newday Publishers (pp 14-15; p.28)

Excerpts:

Tabon Man – The earliest human skull remains known in the Philippines are the fossilized
fragments of a skullcap and jawbone of three individuals who are collectively called “Tabon Man”
after the place where they were found on the west coast of Palawan. Tabon Cave appears to be a
kind of little Stone Age factory: both finshed tools and waste cores and flakes have been found at
four different levels in the main chamber. Charcoal left from cooking fires has been recovered from
three of thsre assemblages and dated by C-14 to roughly 7,000 B.C., 20, 000 B.C., and 28, 000 B.C.
with an earlier level lying so far below these that it must represent Upper Pleistocene dates like 45 or
50,000 years ago…. Physical anthropologists who have examined the Tabon skullcap are agreed that
it belonged to modern man-- that is, Homo sapiens as distinguished from those mid-Pleistocene
species nowadays called Homo erectus. Two experts have given the further opinion that the
mandible is “Australian” in physical type, and that the skullcap measurements are mostly nearly like
those of Ainus and Tasmanians. What this basically means is that Tabon man was “pre-Mongoloid,”
Mongoloid being the term anthropologists apply to the racial stock which entered Southeast Asia
during the Holocene and absorbed earlies peoples and absorbed earlier peoples to produce the
modern Malay, Indonesian, Filipino, and Pacific peoples popularly- and- uscientifically- called, “the
brown race,” Tabon man presumably belonged to one of those earlier peoples, but,… except one
thing: Tabon man was not a Negrito.

(p.28) … All skulls and teeth that have been studied professionally—with the possible exception
of the three Tabon man fragments-- display the diagnostic features of the physical type
anthropologists call “Mongoloid” or “Southern Mongoloid”; none displayed any racial variations, and
none belonged to pygmy Negritos.

9
 LESSON 3 - Since Magellan and his crew crossed the
International Dateline, there is one day added
PPT
to the original dates that Antonio Pigafetta
EXCERPT FROM ANTONIO PIGAFETTA'S FIRST VOYAGE wrote in his book for the better perspective of
AROUND THE WORLD us Filipino.
- Throughout the expedition, there served a
• Background of the Author translator named Enrique.
- Born sometime in the closing year of the 15th - Enrique was from Sumatra (present day
century. Indonesia) and was a slave of Ferdinand
- Parents: Giovanni Pigafetta and Angela Zoga. Magellan
- The eldest child among his siblings of 2. - Magellan acquired Enrique as a slave at Malaca.
- Was a native of Vicenza, a town about a - March 17, 1521 (originally March 16)
hundred kilometers west of Venice, Italy. o Arrival in Zamal (Samar at present)
- Studied astronomy, geography, and o The island was called Humunu (now
cartography. Homonhon)
- Served on board the ships of the Knights of o Magellan and his men called it Acquada
Rhodes at the beginning of the 16th century. da li buoni Segnialli (“The Watering-
- Had an aunt, Elisabetta, who married Valerio place of Good Signs”)
Chiericati. o There are many islands in that district,
- Accompanied Monsignor Chiericati to Spain in and therefore they called them the
1519. archipelago of San Lazaro, as they were
- Accompanied Ferdinand Magellan, together discovered on the Sunday of St. Lazarus.
with Juan Sebastián Elcano in the famous - April 1, 1521 (originally March 31)
expedition to Moluccas which began in August o The first mass in the Philippines was
1519 and ended in September 1522. held in Mazaua(Limasawa)
o It was attended by Magellan, Raia
• Historical Context of the Document Colambu (Rajah Kolambu), Raia
- The First Voyage Around the World by Antonio Siaui(Rajah Siagu), Spanish voyagers,
Pigafetta was written on board one of the 5 and the local islanders.
ships that was first to circumnavigate the world - (Originally April 7)
during an expedition that was led by the o Magellan and his men entered the port
Portuguese explorer, Ferdinand Magellan and of Zubu.
after his death during the voyage, by Juan - April 8, 1521
Sebastián Elcano. The expedition started in o Initially, Magellan and his men
1519 and ended in Spain in 1522. encountered some struggle first
- Name of the Spanish fleet that was led by entering the port of Zubu.
Ferdinand Magellan: Armada de Molucca. o The “king” of Zubu wanted Magellan
- Provided by King Charles V, included 5ships: the and his men to pay tribute to them but,
Trinidad (crew: 55) under Magellan's command, Magellan refused and told the
the San Antonio (crew: 60) commanded by Juan translator that they are working for the
de Cartageña, the Concepcion (crew: 45) King of Spain and threatens him with
commanded by Gaspar de Quesada, the war.
Santiago (crew: 32) commanded by Juan - April 15, 1521 (originally April 14)
Rodriguez Serrano and the Victoria (crew:43) o A mass was held with Raia Humabon
commanded by Luiz Mendoza, which carried and his people attending the ceremony.
supplies and provisions. o 800 souls were baptized.
- The Santiago was a caravel, while the others o Pigafetta showed the queen an image
were rated as carracks. of our Lady, a very beautiful wooden
- At the end of the voyage, Antonio Pigafetta, the child Jesus, and a cross.
author of the book, was on board the Victoria; o She asked for the little child Jesus to
this was the only ship that was able to return to keep in place of her idols and this image
Spain. of child Jesus is now known as the Sto.
- Upon arrival in Europe, Pigafetta presented Niño found in Cebu.
copies of his account to several high - Image of Sto. Niño de Jesus was given to the
personages, including Pope Clement VII, mother Wife of Raia Humabon
of King Francis I of France, etc. - April 27, 1521 (originally April 26)
- His original diary was lost, and it is not known in o According to Zula, the chief of Matan,
what language it was written. Cilapulapu refused to obey the king of
- Survives in 4 manuscript versions; one in Italian, Spain.
3 in French. o Cilapulapu did not want to pay
Magellan and his men the goat that
• Analysis of the Important Information found in the they were promised.
Document

NJAA - BSN
 o Magellan was not pleased since they - Growing up, we’ve understood this issue just
went to Matan to garner food for their simply as the start of the Spanish era and
expedition. Magellan being the Philippines’ villain without
- Zula requested the captain to send him only taking into debate the context and different
one boat load of men to fight against the other reasons of the expedition.
chief. The captain-general decided to go thither - The expedition that was held from 1519-1522:
with three boatloads. - Opened many doors for Spain together with
- The captain did not wish to fight then, but sent many other different countries around the
a message to the natives to the effect that if world due to the different discoveries from this
they would obey the king of Spain, recognize expedition.
the Christian king as their sovereign, and pay us - Led the world to be a more globalized society
our tribute, he would be their friend; but that if because of how other countries were revealed
they wished otherwise, they should wait to see to the European countries.
how our lances wounded." - Businesses rose because of the discoveries that
- April 28, 1521 (originally April 27) made up the different products. Collaborations
o At midnight, sixty of Magellan’s men set were also made that benefited the different
out armed with corselets and helmets, sides.
Christian king, prince, some of the chief - Opened many doors for the Philippines.
men, 20 or 30 balanghais. - Helped us in knowing how the early Filipinos
o The local islanders had lances of lived by the account of a primary source who
bamboo and stakes hardened with fire. witnessed it firsthand.
- They shot the captain through the right leg with - Will help us understand how the Filipinos of the
a poisoned arrow, knocked his helmet off his past lived and how they coped when Magellan
head twice. and his men came to the Philippines.
- An Indian hurled a bamboo spear in the - We discover what religion Filipinos used to have
captain’s face, but the latter immediately killed and they became Christians.
him with his lance, which he left in the Indian’s - We also find out how the first Filipinos fought
body. and delayed the Spanish occupation by about
- April 28, 1521 (originally April 27) 40 years.
o 8 of Magellan’s men were killed, 4 - Pigafetta’s journal is also a vital piece not only
Indians were killed by mortars. of Philippine history, but also of World history.
o Of Cilapulapu’s men, only 15 were He narrated the events that transpired in a way
killed. that gives the readers of his journal a clear
picture of what it was like to be part of the first
• Contribution of the Document in Understanding voyage around the world.
the Grand Narrative in Philippine History
- Elaborated the lifestyle back then and it EXCERPT FROM JUAN DE PLASENCIA'S CUSTOMS OF THE
described what the local islanders wore, what TAGALOGS
they ate, how they communicated, and how
- Born to the illustrious family of Portoc arreros
they lived.
in Plasensia in the region of Extremadura, Spain
- Pigafetta’s journal is the only known document
in the early 16" century. He was one of the
about Lapu-Lapu’s life
seven children of Pedro Portocarrero, a captain
- Considered the best source today of the
of a Spanish schooner.
customs and usages of the Filipinos in the early
- Juan de Plasencia grew up during the period
16th century due to the daily notes Pigafetta
known as the Siglo de Oro, a Golden Age when
took and details about the expedition that he
arts and literature flourished in many parts of
wrote about.
Spain, among them his native Extremadura.
- Contains the first vocabulary of Visayan words
- Fray Joan de Puerto Carrero, del convento de
ever penned by a European.
Villanueva de la Serena was his real name.

• Relevance of the Document

• Arrival in the Philippines
- August 10, 1519 is the starting point of the first
- Fray Juan de Plasencia came together with the
expedition around the world of Magellan.
first batch of Franciscan missionaries in the
- The book served as evidence that the world is
Philippines.
round and not flat.
- Arrived at a port in Cavite, a few kilometers
- This book aids the researchers and students of
south of Manila on the 2nd of July 1578.
today in understanding the context of the
Magellan expedition and how the whole
• Purpose: Relacion De Las Costumbres and
Europe-Philippines conflict commenced.
Instruccion
- Magellan discovered the Pacific Ocean.
- To put an end to some injustices being
- Magellan proved that there was a way to the
committed against the natives by certain
east by sailing west.
government officials.

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 - “The chronicler, Francis enemies, and so I can - The unit of government is called Barangay ruled
hardly express the sadness I feel any time the by a chieftain, and consist of 30 to 100 families
news of such incidents reach my ears or I myself together with their relatives and slaves.
am involved; however, if one is to choose
between enmity and friendship and between • Administration of Justice
peace and war, I believe enmity is to be - The chieftain’s executive function includes
preferred. For considering the kind of persons implementing laws, ensuring order and giving
most of the alcaldes mayores are nowadays, protection to his subject.
nothing indicates that friendship with them will - Disputes between individuals were settled by a
help the missions in any way. On the contrary, it court made up of the chieftain and council of
will destroy them. Because, as I have observed, elders.
you can hardly find one that is not blinded and
moved by greediness, thus destroying his own • Inheritance
soul as well as the lives and possessions of the - The 1st son of the barangay chieftain inherits
poor Indians.” his father’s position; if the 1st son dies, the 2nd
son succeeds their father; in the absence of
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE DOCUMENT male heirs, it is the eldest daughter that
becomes the chieftain.
• Social Classes

• Slaves
- A person becomes slave by:
Chieftain (Datu)
1. by captivity in war
2. by reason of debt
Nobles (Maharlika) 3. by inheritance
4. by purchase by committing a crime
Commoners (Aliping - Slaves can be emancipated through:
Namamahay)
1. by forgiveness
2. by paying debt
Slaves (Aliping Saguiguilir)
3. by condonation
4. by bravery (where a slave can possibly
• Datu become a Datu)
- chief, captain of wars, whom governed, obeyed 5. by marriage
and reverenced.
• Marriage Customs
• Nobles or Maharlika - Men were in general, monogamous; while their
- Free-born, they do not pay taxes. wives are called Asawa.
- Courtship begins with Paninilbihan.
• Commoners or Aliping Namamahay - Prior to marriage the man requires to give a
- They live in their own houses and lords of their dowry:
property and gold. 1. Bigay-kaya (a piece of land or gold)
2. Panghihimuyat (a gift for the bride’s
• Slaves or Aliping sa Guiguilir parents)
- They serve their master in his house and his 3. Bigay-suso (for bride’s wet nurse).
cultivated lands and can be sold - Marriage between couples belonging to
different social classes were not common.
• Mode of Dressing - Several grounds of divorce are:
- Male 1. Adultery
o Head gear is called Putong (symbolizes 2. Abandonment on the part of the
the number of persons the wearer had husband
killed) 3. Cruelty
o (Upper) a jacket with short sleeves 4. Insanity
called Kanggan
o (Lower) Bahag • Religious Belief
- Female - They worship many gods and goddesses:
o (Upper) Baro or Camisa 1. bathala, supreme being
o (Lower) Saya 2. Idayanale, God of agriculture
3. Sidarapa, God of death
• Ornaments 4. Agni, God of fire
- A decorative object or detail that adds quality 5. Balangaw, a God of rainbow
or distinction to a person, place or thing. 6. Mandarangan, God of war
7. Lalahon, God of harvest and
• Government 8. Siginarugan, God of hell
- Also believe in sacred animals and tress

NJAA - BSN
• Superstitious Beliefs
- Believe in Aswang, Dwende, Kapre, Tikbalang,
Patyanak/Tiyanak.
- They also believe in magical power of amulet
and charms such as anting-anting, kulam and
gayuma or love potion.

• Economic Life
- Agriculture in the plane lands: planting of rice, a
corn, banana, coconut, sugar canes and other
kinds of vegetable and fruits.
- Hunting in high lands.
- Fishing in river banks and sea.
- Ship building, weaving, poultry, mining and
lumbering.
- Domestic trade of different baranggays by boat.
- Foreign trade with countries like Borneo, China,
Japan, Cambodia, Java, and Thailand.

• Language and System of Writing

- Major languages: Tagalog, Ilocano, Pangasinan,
Pangpangan, Sugbuhanon, Hiligaynon,
Magindanaw and Samarnon. These languages
are originated from the Malayo-Polenisian
language.
- System of writing: the alphabets consisted of 3
vowels and 14 consonants called Baybayi.
- They used tap of tress as ink and pointed stick
as pencil.
- They wrote on large plant leaves, bark of a tree
or “bamboo tubes.

CANVAS

• Antonio Pigafetta
- An Italian scholar and explorer from the
Republic of Venice.
- He joined the expedition to the Spice Islands led
by explorer Ferdinand Magellan under the flag
of King Charles I of Spain and, after Magellan's
death in the Philippines, the subsequent voyage
around the world.
- During the expedition, he served as Magellan's
assistant and kept an accurate journal which
later assisted him in translating the Cebuano
language. It is the first recorded document
concerning the language.

• Juan de Plasencia
- A Spanish friar of the Franciscan Order.
- He spent most of his missionary life in the
Philippines, where he founded numerous towns
in Luzon and authored several religious and
linguistic books, most notably the Doctrina
Cristiana (Christian Doctrine), the first book
ever printed in the Philippines.

NJAA - BSN
PRIMARY SOURCES:

2.1. Antonio Pigafetta. First Voyage Around the World [Chronicle]. Emma Helen Blair and James
Alexander Robertson. The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Vol. XXXIII 1519-1522: 1906 (pp
175-183).

EXCERPT: This portion is referring to the events that transpired before, during and after the Battle
of Mactan.

On Friday, April twenty-six, Zula, a chief of the island of Matan, sent one of his sons to present two goats
to the captain-general, and to say that he would send him all that he had promised, but that he had not
been able to send it to him because of the other chief Cilapulapu, who refused to obey the king of
Spagnia. He requested the captain to send him only one boatload of men on the next night, so that they
might help him and fight against the other chief. The captain-general decided to go thither with three
boatloads. We begged him repeatedly not to go, but he, like a good shepherd, refused to abandon his
flock. At midnight, sixty men of us set out armed with corselets and helmets, together with the Christian
king, the prince, some of the chief men, and twenty or thirty balanguais. We reached Matan three hours
before dawn. The captain did not wish to fight then, but sent a message to the natives by the Moro to
the effect that if they would obey the king of Spagnia, recognize the Christian king as their sovereign, and
pay us our tribute, he would be their friend; but that if they wished otherwise, they should wait to see
how our lances wounded. They replied that if we had lances they had lances of bamboo and stakes
hardened with fire. [They asked us] not to proceed to attack them at once, but to wait until morning, so
that they might have more men. They said that in order to induce us to go in search of them; for they had
dug certain pitholes between the houses in order that we might fall into them. When morning came
forty-nine of us leaped into the water up to our thighs, and walked through water for more than two
crossbow flights before we could reach the shore. The boats could not approach nearer because of
certain rocks in the water. The other eleven men remained behind to guard the boats. When we reached
land, those men had formed in three divisions to the number of more than one thousand five hundred
persons. When they saw us, they charged down upon us with exceeding loud cries, two divisions on our
flanks and the other on our front. When the captain saw that, he formed us into two divisions, and thus
did we begin to fight. The musketeers and crossbowmen shot from a distance for about a half-hour, but
uselessly; for the shots only passed through the shields which were made of thin wood and the arms [of
the bearers]. The captain cried to them, “Cease firing! cease firing!” but his order was not at all heeded.
When the natives saw that we were shooting our muskets to no purpose, crying out they determined to
stand firm, but they redoubled their shouts. When our muskets were discharged, the native would never
stand still, but leaped hither and thither, covering themselves with their shields. They shot so many
arrows at us and hurled so many bamboo spears (some of them tipped with iron) at the captain -general,
besides pointed stakes hardened with fire, stones, and mud, that we could scarcely defend ourselves.
Seeing that the captain-general sent some men to burn their houses in order to terrify them. When they
saw their houses burning, they were roused to greater fury. Two of our men were killed near the houses,
while we burned twenty or thirty houses. So many of them charged down upon us that they shot the
captain through the right leg with a poisoned arrow. On that account, he ordered us to retire slowly, but
the men took to flight, except six or eight of us who remained with the captain. The natives shot only at
our legs, for the latter were bare; and so many were the spears and stones that they hurled at us, that
we could offer no resistance. The mortars in the boats could not aid us as they were too far away. So we
continued to retire for more than a good crossbow flight from the shore always fighting up to our knees
in the water. The natives continued to pursue us, and picking up the same spear four or six times, hurled
it at us again and again. Recognizing the captain, so many turned upon him that they knocked his helmet
off his head twice, but he always stood firmly like a good knight, together with some others. Thus did we
fight for more than one hour, refusing to retire further. An Indian hurled a bamboo spear into the
captain’s face, but the latter immediately killed him with his lance, which he left in the Indian’s body.
Then, trying to lay hand on sword, he could draw it out but halfway, because he had been wounded in
the arm with a bamboo spear. When the natives saw that, they all hurled themselves upon him. One of
them wounded him on the left leg with a large cutlass, which resembles a scimitar, only being larger.
That caused the captain to fall face downward, when immediately they rushed upon him with iron and
bamboo spears and with their cutlasses, until they killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and our true
guide. When they wounded him, he turned back many times to see whether we were all in the boats.
Thereupon, beholding him dead, we, wounded, retreated, as best we could, to the boats, which were
already pulling off. The Christian king would have aided us, but the captain charged him before we
landed, not to leave his balanghai, but to stay to see how we fought. When the king learned that the

1
captain was dead, he wept. Had it not been for that unfortunate captain, not a single one of us would
have been saved in the boats, for while he was fighting the others retired to the boats. I hope through
[the efforts of] your most illustrious Lordship that the fame of so noble a captain will not become effaced
in our times. Among the other virtues which he possessed, he was more constant than ever any one else
in the greatest of adversity. He endured hunger better than all the others, and more accurately than any
man in the world did he understand sea charts and navigation. And that this was the truth was seen
openly, for no other had had so much natural talent nor the boldness to learn how to circumnavigate the
world, as he had almost done. That battle was fought on Saturday, April twenty-seven, 1521.The captain
desired to fight on Saturday, because it was the day especially holy to him. Eight of our men were killed
with him in that battle, and four Indians, who had become Christians and who had come afterward to aid
us were killed by the mortars of the boats. Of the enemy, only fifteen were killed, while many of us were
wounded.

In the afternoon the Christian king sent a message with our consent to the people of Matan, to the effect
that if they would give us the captain and the other men who had been killed, we would give them as
much merchandise as they wished. They answered that they would not give up such a man, as we
imagined [they would do], and that they would not give him for all the riches in the world, but that they
intended to keep him as a memorial.

2.2. Juan de Plasencia. Customs of the Tagalogs. Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander
Robertson, edited. The Philippine Islands, Vol. VII 1588-91: 1906 (pp. 164-186)
[Social and Cultural Observation].

Historical Background:

Juan de Plasencia entered the Franciscan order very young. He came to the Philippine Islands as
one of the first Franciscan missionaries in 1577. He was distinguished for his labors among the natives.
He gathered converts into reductions (villages where they dwelt separate from the heathen, and under
the special care of the missionaries) He also established numerous primary schools and was well known
for his linguistic abilities as he was one of the first to form a grammar and vocabulary of the Tagal
language. Fr. Plasencia conducted ethnological researches which are embodied in the records presented
in this text. He died at Lilio, in the province of La Laguna, in 1590.

EXCERPT: This portion refers to the social observations made by the author among the Tagalog
natives.

CUSTOMS OF THE TAGALOGS

This people always had chiefs, called by them datos, who governed them and were captains in their
wars, and whom they obeyed and reverenced. The subject who committed any offense against them, or
spoke but a word to their wives and children, was severely punished.

These chiefs ruled over but few people; sometimes as many as a hundred houses, sometimes even less
than thirty. This tribal gathering is called in Tagalo a barangay. It was inferred that the reason for giving
themselves this name arose from the fact (as they are classed, by their language, among the Malay
nations) that when they came to this land, the head of the barangay, which is a boat, thus called—as is
discussed at length in the first chapter of the first ten chapters—became a dato. And so, even at the
present day, it is ascertained that this barangay in its origin was a family of parents and children,
relations and slaves. There were many of these barangays in each town, or, at least, on account of wars,
they did not settle far from one another. They were not, however, subject to one another, except in
friendship and relationship. The chiefs, in their various wars, helped one another with their respective
barangays.

In addition to the chiefs, who corresponded to our knights, there were three castes: nobles, commoners,
and slaves. The nobles were the free-born whom they call maharlica. They did not pay tax or tribute to
the dato, but must accompany him in war, at their own expense. The chief offered them beforehand a

2
feast, and afterward they divided the spoils. Moreover, when the dato went upon the water those whom
he summoned rowed for him. If he built a house, they helped him, and had to be fed for it. The same was
true when the whole barangay went to clear up his lands for tillage. The lands which they inhabited were
divided among the whole barangay, especially the irrigated portion, and thus each one knew his own. No
one belonging to another barangay would cultivate them unless after purchase or inheritance. The lands
on the tingues, or mountain-ridges, are not divided, but owned in common by the barangay.
Consequently, at the time of the rice harvest, any individual of any particular barangay, although he may
have come from some other village, if he commences to clear any land may sow it, and no one can
compel him to abandon it. There are some villages (as, for example, Pila de la Laguna) in which these
nobles, or maharlicas, paid annually to the dato a hundred gantas of rice. The reason of this was that, at
the time of their settlement there, another chief occupied the lands, which the new chief, upon his
arrival, bought with his own gold; and therefore the members of his barangay paid him for the arable
land, and he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But now, since the advent of the
Spaniards, it is not so divided.

The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established limits, and sections of the rivers for
markets. At these no one could fish, or trade in the markets, without paying for the privilege, unless he
belonged to the chief's barangay or village.

The commoners are called aliping namamahay. They are married, and serve their master, whether he be
a dato or not, with half of their cultivated lands, as was agreed upon in the beginning. They accompanied
him whenever he went beyond the island, and rowed for him. They live in their own houses, and are lords
of their property and gold. Their children inherit it, and enjoy their property and lands. The children, then,
enjoy the rank of their fathers, and they cannot be made slaves (sa guiguilir) nor can either parents or
children be sold. If they should fall by inheritance into the hands of a son of their master who was going
to dwell in another village, they could not be taken from their own village and carried with him; but they
would remain in their native village, doing service there and cultivating the sowed lands.

The slaves are called aliping sa guiguilir. They serve their master in his house and on his cultivated lands,
and may be sold. The master grants them, should he see fit, and providing that he has profited through
their industry, a portion of their harvests, so that they may work faithfully. For these reasons, servants
who are born in the house of their master are rarely, if ever, sold. That is the lot of captives in war, and of
those brought up in the harvest fields.

Those to whom a debt was owed transferred the debt to another, thereby themselves making a profit,
and reducing the wretched debtors to a slavery which was not their natural lot. If any person among
those who were made slaves (sa guiguilir)—through war, by the trade of goldsmith, or otherwise—
happened to possess any gold beyond the sum that he had to give his master, he ransomed himself,
becoming thus a namamahay, or what we call a commoner. The price of this ransom was never less than
five taels, and from that upwards; and if he gave ten or more taels, as they might agree, he became
wholly free. An amusing ceremony accompanied this custom. After having divided all the trinkets which
the slave possessed, if he maintained a house of his own, they divided even the pots and jars, and if an
odd one of these remained, they broke it; and if a piece of cloth were left, they parted it in the middle.

The difference between the aliping namamahay and the aliping sa guiguilir, should be noted; for, by a
confusion of the two terms, many have been classed as slaves who really are not. The Indians seeing that
the alcaldes-mayor do not understand this, have adopted the custom of taking away the children of
the aliping namamahay, making use of them as they would of the aliping sa guiguilir, as servants in their
households, which is illegal, and if the aliping namamahay should appeal to justice, it is proved that he is
an aliping as well as his father and mother before him and no reservation is made as to whether he
is aliping namamahay or atiping sa guiguilir. He is at once considered an alipin, without further
declaration. In this way he becomes a sa guiguilir, and is even sold. Consequently, the alcaldes-mayor
should be instructed to ascertain, when anyone asks for his alipin, to which class he belongs, and to have
the answer put in the document that they give him.

In these three classes, those who are maharlicas on both the father's and mother's side continue to be so
forever; and if it happens that they should become slaves, it is through marriage, as I s hall soon explain.
If these maharlicas had children among their slaves, the children and their mothers became free; if one
of them had children by the slave-woman of another, she was compelled, when pregnant, to give her
master half of a gold tael, because of her risk of death, and for her inability to labor during the
pregnancy. In such a case half of the child was free—namely, the half belonging to the father, who
supplied the child with food. If he did not do this, he showed that he did not recognize him as his child, in
which case the latter was wholly a slave. If a free woman had children by a slave, they were all free,
provided he were not her husband.

3
If two persons married, of whom one was a maharlica and the other a slave, whether namamahay or sa
guiguilir, the children were divided: the first, whether male or female, belonged to the father, as did the
third and fifth; the second, the fourth, and the sixth fell to the mother, and so on. In this manner, if the
father were free, all those who belonged to him were free; if he were a slave, all those who belonged to
him were slaves; and the same applied to the mother. If there should not be more than one child he was
half free and half slave. The only question here concerned the division, whether the child were male or
female. Those who became slaves fell under the category of servitude which was their parent's, either
namamahay or sa guiguilir. If there were an odd number of children, the odd one was half free and half
slave. I have not been able to ascertain with any certainty when or at what age the division of children
was made, for each one suited himself in this respect. Of these two kinds of slaves the sa guiguilir could
be sold, but not the namamahay and their children, nor could they be transferred . However, they could
be transferred from the barangay by inheritance, provided they remained in the same village.

The maharlicas could not, after marriage, move from one village to another, or from one barangay to
another, without paying a certain fine in gold, as arranged among them. This fine was larger or smaller
according to the inclination of the different villages, running from one to three taels and a banquet to the
entire barangay. Failure to pay the fine might result in a war between the barangay which the person left
and the one which he entered. This applied equally to men and women, except that when one married a
woman of another village, the children were afterwards divided equally between the two barangays.
This arrangement kept them obedient to the dato, or chief, which is no longer the case—because, if the
dato is energetic and commands what the religious fathers enjoin him, they soon leave him and go to
other villages and other datos, who endure and protect them and do not order them about. This is the
kind of dato that they now prefer, not him who has the spirit to command. There is a great need of
reform in this, for the chiefs are spiritless and faint-hearted.

Investigations made and sentences passed by the dato must take place in the presence of those of his
barangay. If any of the litigants felt himself aggrieved, an arbiter was unanimously named from another
village or barangay, whether he were a dato or not; since they had for this purpose some persons, known
as fair and just men, who were said to give true judgment according to their customs. If the controversy
lay between two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war, they also convoked judges to act as arbiters;
they did the same if the disputants belonged to two different barangays. In this ceremony they always
had to drink, the plaintiff inviting the others.

They had laws by which they condemned to death a man of low birth who insulted the daughter or wife
of a chief; likewise witches, and others of the same class.

They condemned no one to slavery, unless he merited the death-penalty. As for the witches, they killed
them, and their children and accomplices became slaves of the chief, after he had made
some recompense to the injured person. All other offenses were punished by fines in gold , which, if not
paid with promptness, exposed the culprit to serve, until the payment should be made, the person
aggrieved, to whom the money was to be paid. This was done in the following way: Half the cultivated
lands and all their produce belonged to the master. The master provided the culprit with food and
clothing, thus enslaving the culprit and his children until such time as he might amass enough money to
pay the fine. If the father should by chance pay his debt, the master then claimed that he had f ed and
clothed his children, and should be paid therefor. In this way he kept possession of the children if the
payment could not be met. This last was usually the case, and they remained slaves. If the culprit had
some relative or friend who paid for him, he was obliged to render the latter half his service until he was
paid—not, however, service within the house as aliping sa guiguilir, but living independently, as aliping
namamahay. If the creditor were not served in this wise, the culprit had to pay the double of what was
lent him. In this way slaves were made by debt: either sa guiguilir, if they served the master to whom the
judgment applied; or aliping namamahay, if they served the person who lent them wherewith to pay.

In what concerns loans, there was formerly, and is today, an excess of usury, which is a great hindrance
to baptism as well as to confession; for it turns out in the same way as I have showed in the case of the
one under judgment, who gives half of his cultivated lands and profits until he pays the debt. The debtor
is condemned to a life of toil; and thus borrowers become slaves, and after the death of the father the
children pay the debt. Not doing so, double the amount must be paid. This system should and can be
reformed.

As for inheritances, the legitimate children of a father and mother inherited equally, except in the case
where the father and mother showed a slight partiality by such gifts as two or three gold taels, or
perhaps a jewel.

4
When the parents gave a dowry to any son, and, when, in order to marry him to a chief's daughter, the
dowry was greater than the sum given the other sons, the excess was not counted in the whole property
to be divided. But any other thing that should have been given to any son, though it might be for some
necessity, was taken into consideration at the time of the partition of the property, unless the parents
should declare that such a bestowal was made outside of the inheritance. If one had had children by two
or more legitimate wives, each child received the inheritance and dowry of his mother, with its increase,
and that share of his father's estate which fell to him out of the whole. If a man had a child by one of his
slaves, as well as legitimate children, the former had no share in the inheritance; but the legitimate
children were bound to free the mother, and to give him something—a tael or a slave, if the father were
a chief; or if, finally, anything else were given it was by the unanimous consent of all. If besides his
legitimate children, he had also some son by a free unmarried woman, to whom a dowry was given but
who was not considered as a real wife, all these were classed as natural children, although the child by
the unmarried woman should have been begotten after his marriage. Such children did not inherit
equally with the legitimate children, but only the third part. For example, if there were two children, the
legitimate one had two parts, and the one of the inaasava one part. When there were no children by a
legitimate wife, but only children by an unmarried woman, or inaasava, the latter inherited all. If he had
a child by a slave woman, that child received his share as above stated. If there were no legitimate or
natural child, or a child by an inaasava, whether there was a son of a slav e woman or not, the
inheritance went only to the father or grandparents, brothers, or nearest relatives of the deceased, who
gave to the slave-child as above stated.

In the case of a child by a free married woman, born while she was married, if the husband punished the
adulterer this was considered a dowry; and the child entered with the others into partition in the
inheritance. His share equaled the part left by the father, nothing more. If there were no other sons than
he, the children and the nearest relatives inherited equally with him. But if the adulterer were not
punished by the husband of the woman who had the child, the latter was not considered as his child, nor
did he inherit anything. It should be noticed that the offender was not considered dishonored by the
punishment inflicted, nor did the husband leave the woman. By the punishment of the father the child
was fittingly made legitimate.

Adopted children, of whom there are many among them, inherit the double of what was paid for their
adoption. For example, if one gold tael was given that he might be adopted when the first father died,
the child was given [in inheritance] two taels. But if this child should die first, his children do not inherit
from the second father, for the arrangement stops at that point.

This is the danger to which his money is exposed, as well as his being protected as a child. On this
account this manner of adoption common among them is considered lawful.

Dowries are given by the men to the women's parents. If the latter are living, they enjoy the use of it. At
their death, provided the dowry has not been consumed, it is divided like the rest of the estate, equally
among the children, except in case the father should care to bestow something additional upon the
daughter. If the wife, at the time of her marriage, has neither father, mother, nor grandparents, she
enjoys her dowry—which, in such a case, belongs to no other relative or child. It should be noticed that
unmarried women can own no property, in land or dowry, for the result of all their labors accrues to their
parents.

In the case of a divorce before the birth of children, if the wife left the husband for the purpose of
marrying another, all her dowry and an equal additional amount fell to the husband; but if she left him,
and did not marry another, the dowry was returned. When the husband left his wife, he lost the half of
the dowry, and the other half was returned to him. If he possessed children at the time of his divorce, the
whole dowry and the fine went to the children, and was held for them by their grandparents or other
responsible relatives.

I have also seen another practice in two villages. In one case, upon the death of the wife who in a year's
time had borne no children, the parents returned one-half the dowry to the husband whose wife had
died. In the other case, upon the death of the husband, one-half the dowry was returned to the relatives
of the husband. I have ascertained that this is not a general practice; for upon inquiry I learned that
when this is done it is done through piety, and that all do not do it.

In the matter of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their sons when they are about to be
married, and half of which is given immediately, even when they are only children, there is a great dea l
more complexity. There is a fine stipulated in the contract, that he who violates it shall pay a certain sum
which varies according to the practice of the village and the affluence of the individual. The fine was
heaviest if, upon the death of the parents, the son or daughter should be unwilling to marry because it

5
had been arranged by his or her parents. In this case the dowry which the parents had received was
returned and nothing more. But if the parents were living, they paid the fine, because it was assumed
that it had been their design to separate the children.

The above is what I have been able to ascertain clearly concerning customs observed among these
natives in all this Laguna and the tingues, and among the entire Tagalo race. The old men say th at a dato
who did anything contrary to this would not be esteemed; and, in relating tyrannies which they had
committed, some condemned them and adjudged them wicked.

Others, perchance, may offer a more extended narrative, but leaving aside irrelevant matters concerning
government and justice among them, a summary of the whole truth is contained in the above. I am
sending the account in this clear and concise form because I had received no orders to pursue the work
further. Whatever may be decided upon, it is certainly important that it should be given to the alcal-des-
mayor, accompanied by an explanation; for the absurdities which are to be found in their opinions are
indeed pitiable.

May our Lord bestow upon your Lordship His grace and spirit, so that in every step good fortune may be
yours; and upon every occasion may your Lordship deign to consider me your humble servant, to be
which would be the greatest satisfaction and favor that I could receive. Nagcarlán, October 21, 1589.

FRAY JUAN DE PLASENCIA

RELATION OF THE WORSHIP OF THE TAGALOGS, THEIR GODS, AND THEIR BURIALS AND SUPERSTITIONS

In all the villages, or in other parts of the Filipinas Islands, there are no temples consecrated to the
performing of sacrifices, the adoration of their idols, or the general practice of idolatry. It is true that
they have the name simbahan, which means a temple or place of adoration; but this is because,
formerly, when they wished to celebrate a festival, which they called pandot, or “worship,” they
celebrated it in the large house of a chief. There they constructed, for the purpose of sheltering the
assembled people, a temporary shed on each side of the house, with a roof, called sibi, to protect the
people from the wet when it rained. They so constructed the house that it might contain many people—
dividing it, after the fashion of ships, into three compartments. On the posts of the house they set small
lamps, called sorihile; in the center of the house they placed one large lamp, adorned with leaves of the
white palm, wrought into many designs. They also brought together many drums, large and small, which
they beat successively while the feast lasted, which was usually four days. During this time the whole
barangay, or family, united and joined in the worship which they call nagaanitos. The house, for the
above-mentioned period of time, was called a temple.

Among their many idols there was one called. Badhala, whom they especially worshiped. The title seems
to signify “all powerful,” or “maker of all things.” They also worshiped the sun, which, on account of its
beauty, is almost universally respected and honored by heathens. They worshiped, too, the moon,
especially when it was new, at which time they held great rejoicings, adoring it and bidding it welcome.
Some of them also adored the stars, although they did not know them by their names, as the Spaniards
and other nations know the planets—with the one exception of the morning star, which they called Tala.
They knew, too, the “seven little goats” [the Pleiades]—as we call them—and, consequently, the change
of seasons, which they call Mapolon; and Balatic, which is our Greater Bear. They possessed many idols
called lic-ha, which were images with different shapes; and at times they worshiped any little trifle, in
which they adored, as did the Romans, some particular dead man who was brave in war and endowed
with special faculties, to whom they commended themselves for protection in their tribulations. They had
another idol called Dian masalanta, who was the patron of lovers and of generation. The idols called
Lacapati and Idianale were the patrons of the cultivated lands and of husbandry. They paid reverence to
water-lizards called by them buaya, or crocodiles, from fear of being harmed by them. They were even in
the habit of offering these animals a portion of what they carried in their boats, by throwing it int o the
water, or placing it upon the bank.

They were, moreover, very liable to find auguries in things they witnessed. For example, if they left their
house and met on the way a serpent or rat, or a bird called Tigmamanuguin which was singing in the
tree, or if they chanced upon anyone who sneezed, they returned at once to their house, considering the
incident as an augury that some evil might befall them if they should continue their journey —especially
when the above-mentioned bird sang. This song had two different forms: in the one case it was
considered as an evil omen; in the other, as a good omen, and then they continued their journey. They
also practiced divination, to see whether weapons, such as a dagger or knife, were to be useful and lucky
for their possessor whenever occasion should offer.

6
These natives had no established division of years, months, and days; these are determined by
the cultivation of the soil, counted by moons, and the different effect produced upon the trees when
yielding flowers, fruits, and leaves: all this helps them in making up the year. The winter and summer are
distinguished as sun-time and water-time—the latter term designating winter in those regions, where
there is no cold, snow, or ice.

It seems, however, that now since they have become Christians, the seasons are not quite the same, for
at Christmas it gets somewhat cooler. The years, since the advent of the Spaniards, have been
determined by the latter, and the seasons have been given their proper names, and they have been
divided into weeks.

Their manner of offering sacrifice was to proclaim a feast, and offer to the devil what they had to eat.
This was done in front of the idol, which they anoint with fragrant perfumes, such as musk and civet, or
gum of the storax-tree and other odoriferous woods, and praise it in poetic songs sung by the officiating
priest, male or female, who is called catolonan. The participants made responses to the song, beseeching
the idol to favor them with those things of which they were in need, and generally, by offering repeated
healths, they all became intoxicated. In some of their idolatries they were accustomed to place a good
piece of cloth, doubled, over the idol, and over the cloth a chain or large, gold ring, thus worshiping the
devil without having sight of him. The devil was sometimes liable to enter into the body of the catolonan,
and, assuming her shape and appearance, filled her with so great arrogance—he being the cause of it—
that she seemed to shoot flames from her eyes; her hair stood on end, a fearful sight to those
beholding, and she uttered words of arrogance and superiority. In some districts, especially in the
mountains, when in those idolatries the devil incarnated himself and took on the form of his minister, the
latter had to be tied to a tree by his companions, to prevent the devil in his infernal fury from destroying
him. This, however, happened but rarely. The objects of sacrifice were goats, fowls, and swine, which
were flayed, decapitated, and laid before the idol. They performed another ceremony by cooking a jar of
rice until the water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and the rice was left as an intact
mass which was set before the idol; and all about it, at intervals, were placed a few buyos —which is a
small fruit3 wrapped in a leaf with some lime, a food generally eaten in these regions—as well as fried
food and fruits. All the above-mentioned articles were eaten by the guests at the feast; the heads [of the
animals], after being “offered,” as they expressed it, were cooked and eaten also.

The reasons for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition to whatever personal matters
there might be, the recovery of a sick person, the prosperous voyage of those embarking on the sea, a
good harvest in the sowed lands, a propitious result in wars, a successful delivery in childbirth, and a
happy outcome in married life. If this took place among people of rank, the festivities lasted thirty days.

In the case of young girls who first had their monthly courses, their eyes were blindfolded four days and
four nights; and, in the meantime, the friends and relatives were all invited to partake of food and drink.
At the end of this period, the catolonan took the young girl to the water, bathed her and washed her
head, and removed the bandage from her eyes. The old men said that they did this in order that the girls
might bear children, and have fortune in finding husbands to their taste, who would not leave them
widows in their youth.

The distinctions made among the priests of the devil were as follows: The first, called catolonan, as
above stated, was either a man or a woman. This office was an honorable one among the natives, and
was held ordinarily by people of rank, this rule being general in all the islands.

The second they called mangagauay, or witches, who deceived by pretending to heal the sick. These
priests even induced maladies by their charms, which in proportion to the strength and efficacy of the
witchcraft, are capable of causing death. In this way, if they wished to kill at once they did so; or they
could prolong life for a year by binding to the waist a live serpent, which was believed to be the devil, or
at least his substance. This office was general throughout the land. The third they called manyisalat,
which is the same as magagauay. These priests had the power of applying such remedies to lovers that
they would abandon and despise their own wives, and in fact could prevent them from having
intercourse with the latter. If the woman, constrained by these means, were abandoned, it would bring
sickness upon her; and on account of the desertion she would discharge blood and matter. This office
was also general throughout the land.

The fourth was called mancocolam, whose duty it was to emit fire from himself at night, once or
oftener each month. This fire could not be extinguished; nor could it be thus emitted except as the priest
wallowed in the ordure and filth which falls from the houses; and he who lived in the house where the
priest was wallowing in order to emit this fire from himself, fell ill and died. This office was general.

7
The fifth was called hocloban, which is another kind of witch, of greater efficacy than the mangagauay.
Without the use of medicine, and by simply saluting or raising the hand, they killed whom they chose.
But if they desired to heal those whom they had made ill by their charms, they did so by using other
charms. Moreover, if they wished to destroy the house of some Indian hostile to them, they were able to
do so without instruments. This was in Catanduanes, an island off the upper part of Luzon.

The sixth was called silagan, whose office it was, if they saw anyone clothed in white, to tear out his liver
and eat it, thus causing his death. This, like the preceding, was in the island of Catanduanes. Let no one,
moreover, consider this a fable; because, in Calavan, they tore out in this way through the anus all the
intestines of a Spanish notary, who was buried in Calilaya by father Fray Juan de Mérida.

The seventh was called magtatangal, and his purpose was to show himself at night to many persons,
without his head or entrails. In such wise the devil walked about and carried, or pretended to carry, his
head to different places; and, in the morning, returned it to his body—remaining, as before, alive. This
seems to me to be a fable, although the natives affirm that they have seen it, because the devil probably
caused them so to believe. This occurred in Catanduanes.

The eighth they called osuang, which is equivalent to “sorcerer;” they say that they have seen him fly,
and that he murdered men and ate their flesh. This was among the Visayas Islands; among the Tagalos
these did not exist.

The ninth was another class of witches called mangagayoma. They made charms for lovers out of herbs,
stones, and wood, which would infuse the heart with love. Thus did they deceive the people, although
sometimes, through the intervention of the devil, they gained their ends.

The tenth was known as sonat, which is equivalent to “preacher.” It was his office to help one to die, at
which time he predicted the salvation or condemnation of the soul. It was not lawful for the functions of
this office to be fulfilled by others than people of high standing, on account of the esteem in which it was
held. This office was general throughout the islands.

The eleventh, pangatahojan, was a soothsayer, and predicted the future. This office was general in all
the islands.

The twelfth, bayoguin, signified a “cotquean,” a man whose nature inclined toward that of a woman.

Their manner of burying the dead was as follows: The deceased was buried beside his house; and, if he
were a chief, he was placed beneath a little house or porch which they constructed for this purpose.
Before interring him, they mourned him for four days; and afterward laid him on a boat which served as
a coffin or bier, placing him beneath the porch, where guard was kept over him by a slave. In place of
rowers, various animals were placed within the boat, each one being assigned a place at the oar by
twos—male and female of each species being together—as for example two goats, two deer, or two
fowls. It was the slave's care to see that they were fed. If the deceased had been a warrior, a living slave
was tied beneath his body until in this wretched way he died. In course of time, all suffered decay; and
for many days the relatives of the dead man bewailed him, singing dirges, and praises of his good
qualities, until finally they wearied of it. This grief was also accompanied by eating and drinking. This
was a custom of the Tagalos.

The Aetas, or Negrillos [Negritos] inhabitants of this island, had also a form of burial, but different. They
dug a deep, perpendicular hole, and placed the deceased within it, leaving him upright with head or
crown unburied, on top of which they put half a cocoa-nut which was to serve him as a shield. Then they
went in pursuit of some Indian, whom they killed in retribution for the Negrillo who had died. To this end
they conspired together, hanging a certain token on their necks until some one of them procured the
death of the innocent one.

These infidels said that they knew that there was another life of rest which they called maca, just as if we
should say “paradise,” or, in other words, “village of rest.” They say that those who go to this place are
the just, and the valiant, and those who lived without doing harm, or who possessed other moral virtues.
They said also that in the other life and mortality, there was a place of punishment, grief, and affliction,
called casanaan, which was “a place of anguish;” they also maintained that no one would go to heaven,
where there dwelt only Bathala, “the maker of all things,” who governed from above. There were also
other pagans who confessed more clearly to a hell, which they called, as I have said, casanaan; they said
that all the wicked went to that place, and there dwelt the demons, whom they called sitan.

8
All the various kinds of infernal ministers were, therefore, as has been stated: catolonan; sonat (who was
a sort of bishop who ordained priestesses and received their reverence, for they knelt before him as
before one who could pardon sins, and expected salvation through him); mangagauay, manyisalat,
mancocolam, hocloban, silagan, magtatangal, osuan, mangagayoma, pangatahoan .5

There were also ghosts, which they called vibit; and phantoms, which they called Tigbalaang. They had
another deception—namely, that if any woman died in childbirth, she and the child suffered punishment;
and that, at night, she could be heard lamenting. This was called patianac. May the honor and glory be
God our Lord's, that among all the Tagalos not a trace of this is left; and that those who are now
marrying do not even know what it is, thanks to the preaching of the holy gospel, which has banished it.

9
 LESSON 4 7. Do not waste your time; lost wealth can be
retrieved, but time lost is lost forever.
PPT
8. Defend the oppressed and fight the oppressor.
EMILIO JACINTO y DIZON'S KARTILLA NG KATIPUNAN 9. A wise man is someone who is careful in all that
[DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES] he says; learn to keep the things that need to be
kept secret.
- He was one of the highest-ranking officers 10. In the thorny path of life, the man leads the way
during the Philippine revolution. and his wife and children follow; If the leader
- He joined the secret society goes the way of evil, so do the followers.
kataastaasan,kagalang-galangang katipunan ng 11. Never regard a woman as an object for you to
mga anak ng bayan, better known as the trifle with; rather you should consider her as a
Katipunan or KKK, at the age of 19. partner and a friend in times of need; Give
- He serves as the advisor on fiscal matters and proper considerations to a woman's frailty and
secretary to Andres Bonifacio. never forget that your own mother, who
- He edited the revolutionary newspaper of the brought you forth and nurtured you from
katipunan called KALAYAAN under the infancy, is herself such a person.
pseudonym 'Dimasilaw ‘and used the monicker 12. Do not do to the wife, children and brothers
'Pingkian ‘in the secret society. Identified as the and sisters of others what you do not want
BRAIN OF THE KATIPUNAN, he authored the others to do to your wife, children and brothers
kartilya ng katipunan. and sisters.
- Bonifacio found a twin soul in katipunan the 13. A (person's) worth is not measured by his/her
younger and intelligent Emilio Jacinto. status in life, neither by the length of his nose
- Born in Tondo, Manila on December 12,1975 nor the fairness of skin, and certainly not by
- Jacinto lived a hard life when he was young. His whether he is a priest claiming to be God's
father died early which compelled his mother to deputy. Even if he is a tribesman/tribeswoman
send him to his uncle's house for support. from the hills and speaks only his/her own
- He first studied at San Juan de Letran and later tongue, a (person) is honorable if he/she
transferred to the University of Santo Tomas possesses a good character, is true to his/her
where he studied law. word, has fine perceptions and is loyal to
- Jacinto joined at the katipunan leaving his his/her native land.
studies. 14. When these teachings shall have been
- Bonifacio warmed up to him and a deep propagated and the glorious sun of freedom
friendship developed between the two, then begins to shine on these poor islands to
greatly influenced the katipunan. enlighten a united race and people, then all the
- He wrote in tagalog, the language of the loves lost, all the struggle and sacrifices shall
masses, expect one poem in Spanish, A mi not have been in vain.
patria (country)
- Jacinto believed. that the people, the masses,
• Apolinario Mabini (Memoirs)
could be reached only on their own language,
- Is known in literature and history as the
so they both wrote in tagalog. SUBLIME PARALYTIC and the BRAINS of the
- Bonifacio assigned him to lead the rebels in REVOLUTION.
laguna
- Born in Talaga, Tanauan, Batangas on July 22,
- he died in mahayhay laguna on april 6, 1899 at
1864.
the young age of 24 - Became known to his professors and classmates
at Letran and the UST because of his sharp
• Mga Aral nang Katipunan ng mga A.N.B. (The memory and the simple clothes he used to wear
Teachings of the Katipunan) throughout his schooling.
1. A life that is not dedicated to a noble and divine - Became the right-hand of Emilio Aguinaldo
cause is like a tree without a shade, if not, a when the latter founded his Republic in
poisonous weed. Malolos.
2. A deed that is motivated by self-interest or self-
pity and done without sincerity lacks nobility. • EMILIO AGUINALDO (Memoirs)
3. True piety is the act of being charitable, loving - The first president in the Philippines
one's fellowmen, and being judicious in
- He was born on March 22, 1869 at Cavite el
behavior, speech and deed. viejo also known as Kawit, Cavite.
4. We are all equal, regardless of the color of their
- He died on February 6, 1964
skin; While one could have more education, - His parents are Carlos Jamir Aguinaldo and
wealth or beauty than the other, none of them
Trinidad Famy-Aguinaldo.
can overpass one's identity.
5. A person with a noble character values honor CANVAS
above self-interest, while a person with a base
• Emilio Jacinto
character values self-interest above honor.’
- A Filipino General during the Philippine
6. To a man with a sense of shame, his word is
Revolution
inviolate.
NJAA - BSN
 - He was one of the highest-ranking officer in the
Philippine Revolution and was one of the
highest-ranking officers of the revolutionary
society Kataas-taasan, Kagalang-galang na
Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan, or simply and
more popularly called Katipunan, being a
member of its Supreme Council.

• Kartilla
- served as the guidebook for new members of
the organization, which laid out the group's
rules and principles. The first edition of the
Kartilya was written by Andres Bonifacio. Emilio
Jacinto later pens a revised Decalogue.

• Apolinario Mabini
- Filipino revolutionary leader, educator, lawyer
and statesman who served first as a legal and
constitutional adviser to the Revolutionary
Government, and then as the first Prime
Minister of the Philippines upon the
establishment of the First Philippine Republic.
- He is regarded as the "Utak ng Himagsikan" or
"Brain of the Revolution".
- Mabini performed all his revolutionary and
governmental activities despite having lost the
use of both his legs to polio shortly before the
Philippine Revolution of 1896.

NJAA - BSN
2.5. Apolinario Mabini. The Philippine Revolution. Translated into English by Leon Ma. Guerrero
(chapters 9 and 10). National Historical Commission. [Memoirs]

Excerpt:

This primary source excerpt refers to the events that took place from the beginning and up to the end of
the Philippine Revolution of 1896 according to Apolinario Mabini who is referred to as the “Brains of the
Philippine Revolution”.

CHAPTER VIII

First Stage of the Revolution

Less than a year afterward I heard that the Katipunan had spread all over the province of Manila and
was beginning to branch out into Cavite and Bulacan. I foresaw the horrors which would follow its
discovery by the authorities, but, having been unable to obstruct (its activities) before, much less could I
do so now when I was already ill and was, besides, considered by the society's leaders as a very
lukewarm patriot. In August 1896 the head of the printing press of the Diario de Manila, having
discovered that some of his employees belonged to a secret society, handed them over to the
constabulary for the corresponding investigation. Recourse was had to the usual methods of torture, and
not only the Katipunan but also the Masonic brotherhood and other societies already dissolved, like
the Liga and the Cuerpo de Compromisarios, were discovered. Warned in time, Bonifacio and his
followers were able to flee to the mountains, and from there ordered the people's councils to rise or join
them so as not to fall in the hands of the constabulary. The Spanish authorities, following the advice of
the friars, decided to teach a terrible exemplary lesson and for this purpose seized not only
thekatipuneros but the Masons as well and all those who had belonged to the dissolved societies.
Convinced that the insurrection could not be the work of the unlettered but rather of the country's
educated class, they also ordered the arrest of all the prominent Filipinos in every province. The fate of
the captured was cruel and horrible. The katipuneros had managed to put themselves beyond reach of
the persecution in time, and only those who were not, were arrested. Since the latter were tortured to
compel them to admit their complicity in the insurrection, and they knew nothing about it, they could not
escape these sufferings. Many died as a result; many were executed under sentence of courts-martial;
many others, shot without any trial at all; and still others, suffocated in grim dungeons. Those who
suffered only imprisonment and deportation were lucky. Rizal was shot on the 30th December 1896 as
the principal instigator of the movement, and those really guilty of giving cause for the Filipinos to hate
the very name of Spaniard were praised for their patriotism.

Shortly before the outbreak of the insurrection Rizal, in order to put an end to an indefinite exile, had
offered his medical services to the Spanish army campaigning in Cuba. The government having agreed to
his proposal, he was taken from Dapitan and kept aboard a warship anchored in Manila Bay, awaiting
transport to Spain. It was during this time that the insurrection happened to break out. Nonetheless the
governor general sent Rizal on to Spain, whence he had to be sent back soon after because the judge
advocate of the continuing court-martial demanded custody of Rizal to answer the charges against him
that might appear from the evidence. Although Rizal's banishment to Dapitan eliminated all possibility of
his active participation in the movement, he was found guilty of having been its chief instigator because,
had it not been for the articles he had published in La Solidaridad and for his novels, the people would
never have taken to politics. This judgment was totally incorrect because political activities in the
Philippines antedated Rizal, because Rizal was only a personality created by the needs of these activities:
if Rizal had not existed, somebody else would have played his role. The movement was by nature slow
and gentle, it had become violent because obstructed. Rizal had not started the resistance, yet he was
condemned to death: were he not innocent, he would not be a martyr.
In contrast to Burgos who wept because he died guiltless, Rizal went to the execution ground calm and
even cheerful, to show that he was happy to sacrifice his life, which he had dedicated to the good of all
the Filipinos, confident that in love and gratitude they would always remember him and follow his
example and teaching. In truth the merit of Rizal's sacrifice consists precisely in that it was voluntary and
conscious. He had known perfectly well that, if he denounced the abuses which the Spaniards were
committing in the Philippines, they would not sleep in peace until they had encompassed his ruin; yet he
did so because, if the abuses were not exposed, they would never be remedied. From the day Rizal
understood the misfortunes of his native land and decided to work to redress them, his vivid imagination
never ceased to picture to him at every moment of his life the terrors of the death that awaited him; thus
he learned not to fear it, and had no fear when it came to take him away; the life of Rizal, from the time
he dedicated it to the service of his native land, was therefore a continuing death, bravely endured until
the end for love of his countrymen. God grant that they will know how to render to him the only tribute
worth of his memory: the imitation of his virtues.

Such cruelties could do no less than arouse general indignation, and, rather than suffer them, the rebels
preferred to die fighting even though armed only with bolos. Besides, the movement had more success in
Cavite because the government forces there consisted only of small constabulary detachments scattered
in different towns of the province, except for the port and arsenal which the rebels were unable to take.
At that time theKatipunan had two people's councils in the province, one called Magdalo in Kawit led by
Don Baldomero Aguinaldo, and the other, the Magdiwang in Noveleta under the orders of Mariano
Alvarez. There were also a number of katipuneros in San Francisco de Malabon who obeyed the latter.
Upon receiving Andres Bonifacio's order to rise, the katipuneros, helped by their friends, were able to
surprise the constabulary barracks and kill the Spanish officers and sergeants in command. With the
handful of arms thus captured, the citizens of Noveleta, under the command of Don Artemio Ricarte,
threw back the forces of General Blanco on the 9th November 1896, while those of Kawit, under the
orders of Don Emilio Aguinaldo, the town mayor, and of Don Candido Tirona, who died in the encounter,
were able to retake, on the 11th of the same month, the powder-magazine of Binacayan, which had
fallen to the Spaniards a few days before.

On the basis of these gains, the two people's councils took provincial jurisdiction, the towns of Kawit,
Imus, Bacoor, Perez Dasmariñas, Silang, Mendez Nuñez, and Amadeo falling under Magdalo, and the
remaining towns in the province under Magdiwang. Invited by some friends, Andres Bonifacio went to
Cavite to unify the endeavors of the two, but Magdalo already paid little heed to his authority and
orders. Fortunately, Don Edilberto Evangelista, a Manilan who was a civil engineer graduated from the
University of Ghent in Belgium, put his services at the disposal of the insurrection and directed all the
entrenchment and defense works which would give the Spanish forces so much trouble. General
Polavieja, at the head of a considerable force, boldly decided to overrun the province of Cavite, and
Edilberto, who was conducting the defense of the Sapote river, died fighting heroically on the 17th
February 1897. From then on the Spanish forces were able to take one after the other the towns within
the jurisdiction of the Magdalo council, whose members were finally compelled to withdraw to San
Francisco de Malabon, there to meet with the Magdiwang and arrive at an agreement with the latter on
the most appropriate measures for the defense of the province. For that purpose the members of both
councils, together with the principal military leaders, gathered in the estate-house of Tejeros on the 12th
March 1897. The assembly, presided over by Bonifacio, agreed on the election of a central government
which would take charge of the general business of the insurrection. Don Emilio Aguinaldo was elected
president, and Don Mariano Trias, vice-president. Bonifacio was elected director of the department of
the interior, but, affronted when some of those present opposed his appointment because he was not
educationally qualified, he walked out of the meeting, declaring that, as head of the Katipunan, he did
not recognize the validity of the decisions, reached. Nevertheless those elected took possession of their
offices and, in high dudgeon, Bonifacio went off with his two brothers to the mountains of San Mateo;
but (Mr. Aguinaldo sent after him) two companies of soldiers were sent after him with orders to arrest
him. Bonifacio resisted, and as a result he was wounded thrice, and one of his brothers and three of the
soldiers were killed. The soldiers were able to take Bonifacio and his other brother to Naic, thence to
Maragondon, and afterward to Mount Buntis where the two brothers were shot.

The general opinion finds no justification, not even mitigation, for such a manner of proceeding (on the
part of Mr. Aguinaldo). Andres Bonifacio had no less schooling than any of those elected in the aforesaid
assembly, and he had shown an uncommon sagacity in organizing theKatipunan. All the electors were
friends of Don Emilio Aguinaldo and Don Mariano Trias, who were united, while Bonifacio, although he
had established his integrity, was looked upon with distrust only because he was not a native of the
province: this explains his resentment. However, he did not show it by any act of turbulent defiance, for,
seeing that no one was working for reconciliation, he was content with quitting the province for San
Mateo in the company of his brothers. When it is considered that Mr. Aguinaldo ( the elected leader) was
primarily answerable for insubordination against the head of the Katipunan of which he was a member;
when it is appreciated that reconciliation was the only solution proper in the critical state of the
Revolution, the motive for the assassination cannot be ascribed except to feelings and judgments which
deeply dishonor the former; in any case, such a crime was the first victory of personal ambition over true
patriotism.

This tragedy smothered the enthusiasm for the revolutionary cause, and hastened the failure of the
insurrection in Cavite, because many from Manila, Laguna and Batangas, who were fighting for the
province (of Cavite), were demoralized and quit, and soon the so-called central government had to
withdraw to the mountains of Biak-na-Bato in Bulacan. It could afford to remain there because the
Spaniards ceased to attack it to cut down their casualties. Besides, Don Pedro A. Paterno offered himself
to General Primo de Rivera as a negotiator with the leaders of the insurrection for what they called an
honorable peace. Mr. Paterno was a purely volunteer mediator, that is to say, he had no official
standing. The general's purpose, was to keep the revolutionary chieftains abroad because, once there,
watched constantly by the operatives of the Spanish consulates, it would be very difficult for them to arm
an expedition and return to the islands, and with this in mind he offered them money, safe-conduct and
free passage. Reflecting that they would be compelled by lack of arms to surrender later under worse
conditions, the chieftains accepted the offer, encouraged by a design to spend the money on the
purchase of arms with which they would return to the archipelago at the first favorable opportunity. It
was agreed that the government would give 400,000 to Mr. Aguinaldo and his companions in Hong
Kong, 200,000 to the chieftains re maining in the islands, and 200,000 more some time after, perhaps
in the light of the subsequent conduct of the chieftains who surrendered. For this part Mr. Aguinaldo
promised to order all the people in arms to surrender and turn over their weapons to the Spanish
authorities.

To all appearances the pact of Biak-na-Bato gave the leaders of the Revolution an advantageous way out
of an indefensible position. Since both parties were acting in bad faith, one of them could not complain if
the other broke its pledges. But such a solution was far from enough to quench the general state of
excitement because there was no public announcement of any specific covenant on the political reforms
hoped for by the people. The Spanish government believed that, with the voluntary expatriation of some
leaders and the unconditional surrender of some others, peace would soon be restored, but it was wholly
mistaken. Only the grant of the reforms sought by La Solidaridad could have restored a spirit of peace,
but, precisely to avoid such concessions, the Spanish government was using all the means suggested by
diplomatic guile and skill. And so it came about that many of the discontented remained afield with
forebodings of grave and unpredictable events.

CHAPTER IX

Development of the Revolution

Because I had been a member of the Liga Filipina and one of the compromisarios, I too was indicted and
imprisoned as one of the instigators of the rebellion. However, I had suffered a paralytic stroke six
months before the uprising and I attribute to this circumstance my not having been beaten up and shot
together with Don Domingo Franco and others. In the event I was covered by General Primo de Rivera's
amnesty proclamation and set free by virtue thereof after having been confined for almost nine months
in the prisoners' section of the San Juan de Dios hospital in Manila. Months afterwards, I moved to the
town of Los Baños, and thence to Bay, in the province of La Laguna, where I d rafted a scheme for the
organization of a general uprising, which I judged to be imminent in view of the general restlessness. This
transpired two months before the declaration of war between the United States and Spain, which was
soon followed by the annihilation of the Spanish fleet in the Philippines by Admiral Dewey on the 1st May
1898, and Mr. Aguinaldo's return to, the island s. When the latter, upon arrival, proclaimed to the people
the readiness of the United States to help the Filipinos regain their natural rights, everyone thought that
the government of that country, recognizing Mr. Aguinaldo as the representative of the Filipino people,
had entered into a formal agreement with him, and so each province, acknowledging his indisputable
leadership, went into action to fight the Spanish forces within its boundaries. This impression was
confirmed by the vague and equivocal statements of the American commanders.

One of the copies of the scheme which I had drafted reached Mr. Aguinaldo's hands by chance, and he
thereupon wrote, although he did not know me, asking me to help him. Although I was just as
unacquainted with him, I wanted to help in the common endeavour as far as I was able, and I called on
him at Cavite port on the 12th June 1898, the very day on which the independence of the Philippines was
being proclaimed in the town of Kawit. I immediately asked him about the agreement he had concluded
with the United States Government, and to my great surprise learned that there was none, and that the
(American) consul in Singapore, Pratt, and Admiral Dewey had only given him verbal assurances that the
United States Government did not want any part of the islands and it designed only to help the natives
destroy the Spanish tyranny so that all the Filipinos could enjoy the blessings of an independent
government. I realized then that the American representatives had limited themselves to ambigu ous
verbal promises, which Mr. Aguinaldo had accepted because he ardently desired to return to the islands,
fearful that other influential Filipinos should (rob him of glory and) reach an understanding with the
Americans in the name of the people. I realized also that the proclamation of independence which was
being made that day was premature and imprudent because the Americans were concealing their true
designs while we were making ours manifest. I foresaw, of course, that because of this want of caution
the American commanders and forces would be on guard against the revolutionists, and the United
States consuls on the China coast would sabotage the purchase of arms for the revolution. However,
unable to prevent the proclamation because I had arrived too late to do so, I kept my peace and set
myself to studying in detail the measures most urgently called for in the existing situation.

The sudden general uprising had at one blow destroyed the structure established by the Spanish
administration in the provinces and towns of the archipelago, and it was therefore urgently necessary to
found a new structure so that anarchy might not lead to fatal consequences. I proposed a scheme
reorganizing the provinces and towns in the most democratic form possible in the circumstances and,
with Mr. Aguinaldo's approval, it was carried out without loss of time. I followed this up with anoth er
proposal for the creation of the (government) departments needed for the orderly working of the central
administration, as well as of an assembly or congress composed of two prominent residents of each
province to advise Mr. Aguinaldo and propose measures for the common welfare and the attainment of
the longed for rights. This congress would not have legislative functions because the state of war
required an concentration of powers necessary for swift action, but I considered its creation indi
spensable so that the provinces should not distrust the dictatorial authority of Mr. Aguinaldo. He
approved my proposal and offered to make me the head of one of the new departments. I was not sure I
was fit for the job because of my illness, and declined the offer, but for the time being I handled the
limited amount of business regarding foreign relations until such time as Mr. Arellano, who had been
offered this portfolio because of his recognized competence, should take over.

By this time General Anderson's brigade had already landed in Cavite, and the remaining forces
commanded by General Merritt were beginning to arrive, making relations with the Americans more
troublesome. On the other hand, the siege of Manila by the Filipino forces was stalled because of the lack
of coordination in the activities of the columns operating in the different zones, and Aguinaldo, who, by
virtue of his prestige, could alone impose such unity, could not make up his mind to take personal
command of the operation. If the Filipinos had been able to take Manila before the arrival of General
Merritt's forces, relations with the Americans would have been cleared up from the start. But it did not
turn out that way. The Americans landed in Paranaque and attacked Manila, ignoring the Filipino
besieging forces. Many Filipino military commanders were of the opinion that this behaviour was
sufficient cause for the opening of hostilities against the Americans, but I advised Mr. Aguinald o to try to
avoid the conflict at all costs because otherwise we would be facing two enemies, and the most likely
result would be the partition of the islands between them.

After the capitulation of Manila, the Philippine, Government moved from Bacoor, Cavite, to Malolos,
Bulacan, where the newly created Congress held its first session. The first results of this assembly's
deliberations were the ratification of the proclamation of independence prematurely made in Kawit, and
the decision to draft a constitution for the establishment of a Philippine Republic. I should note that,
although Mr. Arellano had not yet assumed office as Secretary of Foreign Affairs, his deputy, Don
Trinidad H. Pardo de Tavera, had taken over the business of the department, so that I was then simply
Mr. Aguinaldo's private adviser. As such I advised him to address a message to Congress, reminding it
that Congress should not draft a constitution because it was not a constitutional convention; that neither
could Congress enact laws because it had no legislative functions; and that its principal and urgent duty
was to determine the best system for the organization of our armed forces and the raising of the f unds
needed for their maintenance, the plans agreed upon to be submitted to him. He was to add further that
it was not the opportune time for the drafting of a constitution since the ind ependence of the Philippines
was not yet officially recognized; that, once independence had been embodied in a constitution, the
Philippine Government would be violating the fundamental law of the State; and that, in those arduous
circumstances, I was of the opinion that the Government should have freedom of actin to negotiate an
agreement which would prevent the horrors of war with the United States, on condition that such an
agreement should bring positive benefits to the country and recognize the natural rights of the citizens.
Mr. Aguinaldo submitted my opinion to the consideration of the members of his cabinet, I do not know in
what terms; what I certainly know is that not only was my advice rejected but I was also bitterly criticized
for holding tyrannical ideas and inculcating them in the head of the government. On account of these
unfortunate services political scandal-mongers nicknamed me "Devil's Advocate to the President". Seeing
that my advice was not only useless but even resented by th e cabinet members, and fearing that they
would blame me for their own failures, I tried to disassociate myself from Mr. Aguinaldo moving to
another house against his wishes, but he immediately ordered the installation of a telephone connexion
between his house and my new residence, so that, to my discomfiture, I continued to play th e part of
devil's advocate. I limited this to giving my opinion on matters of great gravity and importance, and
suggesting to Mr. Aguinaldo that it was his duty to lend his support to the actuations of his secretaries so
long as they did not give evidence of unfitness or sufficient motive to believe they were abusing his
confidence.

After a long wait, Mr. Arellano finally stated that he could not discharge the office of Secretary of Foreign
Affairs, in view of which Mr. Aguinaldo insisted that I should take charge of the department. I accepted
for the purpose of seeking an understanding with the United States Government before the proposed
constitution was voted upon by the Philippine Congress, and assumed office on the 2nd January 1899. All
my efforts failed because the Treaty of Paris, concluded on the 10th December the previous year, had
vested in the Congress of the United States the authority to determine the civil rights and the political
status of the Filipinos, and Congress -- according to the emphatic assurances of General Otis -- would not
exercise that authority so long as the Filipinos were up in arms. Since the administration in Washington
had a majority in Congress, it was very likely that the latter would take a decision, in accordance with the
wishes of the administration; but if we surrendered unco nditionally, leaving our political fate at its
mercy, the Americans would no longer have any doubts about our unfitness because, by not defending
our freedom, we would be showing our little understanding and love for it. We had therefore to choose
between war and the charge of unfitness. Amid this crisis, the Constitution of the Philippine Republic,
already definitely voted upon and approved, was sent to the government for promulgation. I was still
trying to delay it because of the gravity of the situation, but seeing that on the one hand, the
representatives were obdurate and threatened a scandal, and that, oh the other hand, an understanding
with the American Government was impossible because of its refusal to recognize our juridical existence
and its insistence on unconditional surrender, I had to give in especially since Mr. Aguinaldo too was in
favour of the promulgation. I did not yet have reason to even suspect that the most determined
advocates of the promulgation of the Constitution would be the leas t ready to defend it at the least sign
of danger to their persons and interests. Apprehending that war was inevitable, I limited my efforts to
preventing the aggression from coming from our side, convinced that our weakness could not justify any
provocation.

Meantime, on the other side of the sea, in the capital of the Republic of the United States, things were
happening which merit all possible attention. The ratification of the Treaty of Paris was being postponed
and delayed in the Senate by the stubborn opposition of the Democrats, and this persuaded President
McKinley to stage what is called a coup d'etat. In the night of the 4th February, 1899 the American forces
started an action that led to the outbreak of hostilities, and the news was immediately communicated to
Washington. The likelihood of new complications with Spain, and perhaps with other powers, put an end
to all opposition, and the treaty was ratified by the Senate on the 6th February. 'The amount, of
$20,000,000 stipulated for the cession of the Philippines was appropriated by Congress on the 2nd
March. The instruments of ratification having been exchanged on the 11th April, the price for the cession
was paid on the lst May, thus consummating the purchase and sale.

Elsewhere Senator McEnery, explaining the administration's objectives, proposed in the Senate, that the
United States declare it did not intend to annex the islands permanently, but rather to prepare the
inhabitants for an autonomous government which would promote American and Filipino interests. For
his part, Senator Bacon, expressing the wishes of the opposition, proposed an amendment asking the
United States to declare that it renounce all purpose of exercising sovereignty, jurisdictions and control
over the islands since its intention was to hand over their government and administration to the Filipinos
when the latter should have established a stable government worthy of recognition. This amendment
was put to a vote and 29 senators voted in favour, and another 29 against. The Vice-President of the
United States, Hobart, as President of the Senate, broke the tie by giving his casting vote to those
against, thus leading to the approval of the McEnery proposal, that is to say, the administration's policy.
Under this proposal the Philippines can be neither a territory nor a state because it should not be
permanently annexed to the United States, but, as property bought by. the United States, the latter can
dispose of the Philippines at its discretion, that is to say, without the limitations of its Constitution. If the
United States is the absolute owner of the islands, Congress has absolute power to legislate on them, and
hence can fix at it's discretion the political status and civil rights of the inhabitants. If the latter enjoy life
and liberty, it is not because they have an inborn right to them, by virtue of natural law, but because the
United States Congress so wishes.. Undoubtedly President McKinley destroyed the Spanish tyranny, but,
apparently, only in order to replace it with another in the American manner. It is interesting to observe
that the Republican Party, led by a Lincoln in its beginnings, freed many millions o f slaves in the United
States, while, led by a McKinley in its greatest period of vigour and prosperity, it made the United States
the absolute owner of many millions of Filipinos. Immortal Washington, speaking of the Constitution of
the United States, said that so long as the civic virtues did not wholly vanish among the classes of North-
American society, the distribution of powers made in that Constitution would not permit an unjust policy
to become permanent. God grant that the Americans do not, forget the father of their country, or
defraud his fond hopes!

CHAPTER X

End and Fall of the Revolution

As I had foreseen, our improvised militia could not withstand the first blow struck by the disciplined
American troops. Moreover, it must be admitted that the Filipino forces stationed around Manila were
not prepared for an attack that night: General Ricarte, in command of the detachments in the south, and
General San Miguel, commander of the eastern zone where the attack began, were. then in Malolos.
Little accustomed to war, the Filipino commanders and officers hardly appreciated the value of military
instruction and discipline so that the emplacements were not served with anything approaching order
and precision. The Filipino general staff had not studied or laid down any plans for offensive or
withdrawal movements in case of an outbreak of hostilities. Mr. Aguinaldo, who had scant appreciation
of the advantages of a unified command and coordinated tactics, had made no provision for the prompt
restoration of communications among the various it -- my units should a sudden retreat i nterrupt the
telegraphic system. Mr. Aguinaldo wanted to keep the forces around Manila under his direct orders,
commanding them from his residence in Malolos, although he could not devote himself completely to the
proper discharge of the duties of this command because of his preoccupations as head of the
government and the conceit of personally deciding many matters which should have been channeled
through the departments of the central administration. Only after the outbreak of hostilities, when the
telegraph lines had already been cut, did he name General Luna commander of the forces operating
around Manila, but by that time the various army units had already evacuated their old emplacements,
and communications among them had become slow and hazardous. Furthermore, Luna resigned his
command shortly afterward because the War Minister had disapproved one of his dispositions. However,
he resumed command of the defensive operations north of Manila when the Philippine Government was
compelled to leave Malolos for San Isidro in the province of Nueva Ecija. Luna was able to raise fresh
forces in Calumpit, forming a number of companies composed of veteran soldiers. of the former native
army organized by the Spanish Government, and with these troops as a core he imposed a stern
disciplinary system to stop the demoralization of our troops. But many commanders, jealous of their
authority, withheld from him the effective cooperation that was necessary. This led to the cashiering by
brute force of commanders who did not recognize his authority, or the court-martialing of those who
abandoned their posts in the face of the enemy, or the disarming of troops that disobeyed his or ders.

In spite of all these obstacles, Luna would have succeeded in imposing and maintaining discipline if
Aguinaldo had supported him with all the power of his prestige and authority, but the latter was also
beginning to grow jealous, seeing Luna slowly gain ascendancy by his bravery, audacity, and military
skill. All those affronted by his actuations were inducing Aguinaldo to believe that Luna was plotting to
wrest from him the supreme authority. After the Calumpit bridge had fallen to the American forces, due
mainly to the scarcity of ammunition, Luna came to see me in San Isidro and entreated me to help him
convince Mr. Aguinaldo that the time had come to adopt guerrilla warfare. I promised to do what he
wanted, while making it clear to him that I doubted I would get anywhere because my advice was hardly
heeded in military matters inasmuch as, not being a military man but a man of letters, my military
knowledgeability must be scant, if not nonexistent. I could not keep my promise because after our
meeting I did not get to see Mr. Aguinaldo until after some time when he came expressly to seek my
advice on whether or not it would be expedient to reorganize the cabinet. Unable to overcome my sense
of propriety even in those circumstances, I answered in the affirmative, and, having relinquished office to
my successor, Don Pedro A. Paterno, in the first days of May 1899, 1 left for the town of Rosales near
Bayambang. Some weeks later Mr. Aguinaldo sent a telegram asking Luna to see him in Cabanatuan for
an exchange of views, but when Luna arrived in Cabanatuan he met not Aguinaldo but d eath by
treachery plotted by the very same soldiers whom he had disarmed and court-martialed for
abandonment of their post and disobedience to his orders (he did not find Aguinaldo at home and was
treacherously murdered by the soldiers who were on sentry duty there). Colonel Francisco Roman, who
accompanied Luna, died with him. While Luna was being murdered. Mr. Aguinaldo was in Tarlac taking
over command of the forces which the deceased had organized. Before his death Luna had his
headquarters in Bayambang, and had reconnoitered Bangued to determine if it met the conditions for an
efficacious defense in case of a retreat; what is more, he was already beginning to transport there the
heavier pieces of ordnance. Notwithstanding, Aguinaldo established his government in Tarlac, wasting
his time on political and literary activates, a negligence which General Otis exploited by landing his
infantry in San Fabian while his cavalry, wheeling through San Jose and Umingan, took San Quintin and
Tayug, thus cutting all of Mr. Aguinaldo's lines of retreat and giving the deathblow to the Revolution.

Until now I cannot believe that Luna was plotting to wrest from Mr. Aguinaldo the high office he held
although Luna certainly aspired to be prime minister instead of Mr. Paterno, with whom Luna disagreed
because the former's autonomy program was a violation of the fundamental law of the State and as
such was a punishable crime. This is shown by a report in the newspaper La Independencia, inspired by
Luna and published a few days before his death, which stated that the Paterno-Buencaminio cabinet
would be replaced by another in which Luna would be prime minister as well as war minister. When a
few days afterward Luna received Mr. Aguinaldo's telegram calling him to Cabanatuan, Luna thought
perhaps that the subject of their meeting would be the new cabinet; he did not expect an attempt to
assassinate him precisely at the critical juncture when the Revolution most needed his strong and skilled
right arm; nor could he believe that a licit and correct ambition should inspire fear i n Mr. Aguinaldo who
had named him commanding general of the Philippine army. Luna had certainly allowed himself to say
on occasion that Aguinaldo had a weak character and was unfit to be a leader, but such lan guage was
only an explosive outlet for a fiery and ebullient temperament which saw its plans frustrated by the lack
of necessary support. All of Luna's acts revealed integrity and patriotism combined with a zealous activity
that measured up to the situation. If he was sometimes hasty and even cruel in his decisions, it was
because the army was in a desperate position due to the demoralization of the troops and the lack of
munitions; only acts of daring and extraordinary energy could prevent its disintegration.

The death of Andres Bonifacio had plainly shown in Mr. Aguinaldo a boundless appetite for power, and
Luna's personal enemies exploited this weakness of Aguinaldo with skillful intrigues in order to
encompass Luna's ruin.

To say that if Aguinaldo, instead of killing Luna (allowing Luna to be killed), had supported him with all
his power, the Revolution would have triumphed, would be presumption indeed, but I have not the least
doubt that the Americans would have had a higher regard for the courage and military abilities of the
Filipinos. Had Luna been alive, I am sure that Otis's mortal blow would have been parried or at least
timely prevented, and Mr.. Aguinaldo's unfitness for military command would not have been exposed so
clearly. Furthermore, to rid himself of Luna, Aguinaldo had recourse to the very soldiers whom Luna had
punished for breaches of discipline; by doing so Aguinaldo destroyed that discipline, and with it his own
army. With Luna, its most firm support, fell the Revolution, and, the ignominy of that fall bearing wholly
on Aguinaldo, brought about in turn his own moral death, a thousand times more bitter than physical
death. Aguinaldo therefore ruined himself, damned by his own deeds. Thus are great crimes punished by
Providence.

To sum it up, the Revolution failed because it was badly led; because its leader won his post by
reprehensible rather than meritorious acts; because instead of supporting the men most useful to the
people, he made them useless out of jealousy. Identifying the aggrandizement of the people with his
own, he judged the worth of men not by their ability, character and patriotism but rather by their degree
of friendship and kinship with him; and anxious to secure the readiness of his favorites to sacrifice
themselves for him, he was tolerant even of their transgressions. Because he thus neglected the people
forsook him; and forsaken by the people, he was bound to fall like a waxen idol melting in the heat of
adversity. God grant we do not forget such a terrible lesson, learnt at the cost of untold suffering.
 LESSON 5 Diaz, Ladislao Diwa, Andres Bonifacio, and Jose
Dizon.
PPT
- The Magdalo factiom was officially led by
Baldomero Aguinaldo, but his cousin Emilio
THE 1898 DECLARATION OF PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE
BY AMBROSIO RIANZARES BAUTISTA [PROCLAMATION] Aguinaldo (who’s own Katipunan codename
was "Magdalo") was its most famous leader.
- Battle of Manila Bay on May 1, 1898
- Kawit Cavite before Cavite-Viejo 1. When was the Philippines discovered? - March 15,
- June 12, 1898 (the Philippine Independence 1521
Day) 2. The Battle when Magellan Died. - The Battle of
- Treaty of Paris on 10 December 1898 Mactan
- Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista 3. He arrived in the Philippines on 1565. - Miguel
- National Flag of The Philippines designed by Lopez de Legazpi
General Aguinaldo and made in Hong kong by 4. The Philippines was named after him. - King Philip II
Mrs. Marcela Agoncillo and Delfina Herboza 5. Spain’s primary aim and intention in the Philippines
o The lower red stripe represents was to spread? - Roman Catholicism
patriotism and valor. 6. Katipunan was Created by Dr. Jose Rizal. - F
o The upper blue stripe signifies peace, 7. June 12, 1898 is the Philippine Independence. - T
truth and justice. 8. Emilio Aguinaldo the first President of the Philippine
o The white triangle stands for Equality Republic. - T
o The three stars indicate the three 9. Magdalo led by Andres Bonifacio - F
Geographical areas of Luzon, Visayas 10. The upper blue stripe signifies Patriotism and Valor.
and Mindanao. –F
o The eight rays of the sun refer to the
first eight provinces of Manila, Bulacan, CANVAS
Pampanga, Nueva Ecija, Bataan,
- The Philippine Declaration of Independence
Laguna, Batangas and Cavite.
occurred in Kawit, Cavite on 12 June 1898
- “Marcha Filipina Magdalo”
where Filipino revolutionary forces under
- Julian Felipe - composer
General Emilio Aguinaldo proclaimed the
- Jose Palma poem “Filipina”
sovereignty and independence of the Philippine
NOTES islands from Spanish colonization after the
latter was defeated at the Battle of Manila Bay
- The Philippines was claimed in the name of on 1 May 1898 during the Spanish-American
Spain in 1521 by Ferdinand Magellan, a War.
Portuguese explorer sailing for Spain, who - The Act of the Declaration of Independence was
named the islands after King Philip II of Spain. prepared and written by Ambrosio Rianzares
They were then called Las Felipinas. Bautista in Spanish, who also read the said
- The Battle of Mactan was a fierce clash fought declaration. The Philippine Declaration was
in the Philippines on 27 April 1521. signed by ninety-eight persons, among them an
- Portuguese explorer Ferdinand Magellan was American army officer who witnessed the
killed by a poison arrow during a skirmish on proclamation.
the island of Mactan in what is now the - The Act declared that the Filipinos “are and
Philippines. Magellan and his crew were have the right to be free and independent,” and
assisting a local king they had allied with when that the nation from ”this day commences to
they landed on the island of Cebu weeks earlier. have a life of its own, with every political tie
- Ferdinand Magellan was the first European between Filipinas and Spain severed and
recorded to have landed in the Philippines. He annulled”.
arrived in March 1521 during his - Emilio Aguinaldo was a filipino revolutionary,
circumnavigation of the globe. Following several politician, and military leader who is officially
more Spanish expeditions, the first permanent recognized as the first and the youngest
settlement was established in Cebu in 1565. President of the Philippines (1899–1901) and
- Spain had three objectives in its policy toward first president of a constitutional republic in
the Philippines, its only colony in Asia: to Asia.
acquire a share in the spice trade, to develop
contacts with China and Japan in order to
further Christian missionary efforts there, and
to convert the Filipinos to Christianity.
- Andres Bonifacio is the one who created
Katipunan. This organization was part of the
late 19th century Propaganda Movement in the
Philippines. The founders of the Katipunan were
Deodato Arrellano, Teodoro Plata, Valentin

NJAA - BSN
2.6. Emilio Aguinaldo, Mga Gunita ng Himagsikan (Memoirs of the Revolution). (pp. 78-82; 95- 100;
177-188; 212-227) [Memoirs]

Excerpts: This primary source deals with the memories of President Aguinaldo of the Philippine
Revolution, his exploits as a general, his sacrifices, views on certain events and his crucial
war decisions.

One day in November, 1896, a muscular and well-built man who was suspected to be a secret
agent of the Spaniards came to me in our headquarters at Zapote. He said he was Edilberto
Evangelista, a Filipino civil engineer who came from Dantes, Italy, purposely to help us liberate the
Philippines. He introduced himself to me. He showed his diploma and, after further questioning, I
discerned that he was sincere. So I accepted his offer as I was really desirous to have learned men
who could help and join us in our Revolution. I made him the director general of our natural resources
and I assigned him to take charge of the construction of the trenches. I asked him to it that he was
not sent to battle.
Sometime later Feliciano Jocson, owner of a drug store on the Escolta in Manila, offered his
help in putting out from Manila, saltpeter which was necessary in our munitions factory. This patriot
later accompanied General Jose Alejandrino to HongKong to buy guns with the sum of P20, 000 that
the two councils, Magdalo and Magdiwang, gave them in January, 1897.
While they succeeded in buying the arms, they had to throw them overboard o their way home
for fear that their boat might sink. The supremo, Andres Bonfacio, and his companions met them at
Nasugbu, Batangas, only to be disappointed.

My Bloodiest Fight
ON NOVEMBER 1, 1896, we planned to attack the detachment of Spanish soldiers in Bañadero,
Tanauan, Batangas. I had with me my two seasoned generals – Candido Tria Tirona and Pio del Pilar.
We travelled three days to reach Silang where we asked General Vito Belarmino to join us. Then we
went up to Tagaytay, travelled about 30 kilometers down to Iruhin and finally Talisay where we
stayed for two days, finalizing our plans for the attack.
While in Talisay, a man came hurriedly to us bringing a message from President Baldomero
Aguinaldo who enjoined us to go home because s large number of Spanish soldiers using about 50
native boat had landed at Polvorin, Binakayan.
I was astounded with the contents of the letter. I suspected it was mere imagination and fear
that caused him to write me. Nevertheless, I became restless and I did not know what to do.
At midnight, I woke up General Candido Tria Tirona and told him about the matter. I did not
want to return for we had covered 30 kilometers already and we were nearing our destination. But he
advised to go back because he said we might be helping others but losing our own. I was convinced
with the explanation. I told the cook to prepare food for the soldiers. We also walk up General Vito
Belarmino so he could send a messenger to Silang to tell the people to prepare an early lunch for our
soldiers. When the soldiers learned of the bad news many of them wanted to go ahead even without
having had their breakfast, but I told them that it was difficult to travel 50 kilometers and to fight on
empty stomachs.
At about four o’ clock of the following morning, we started for our homeward journey. When I
noticed that the soldiers were almost running in their haste to reach our destination, I ordered them
to refrain from running to conserve their energy.
When we reached Silang, another letter of President Baldomero Aguinaldo hand carried to me
by Lieutenant Dalupan brought the news that our first foothold at Kulanta, Binakayan, which was
under General Crispulo Aguinaldo, was already in the hands of the enemy. There was danger that our
second position might be captured, too.
Saddened by the news, many of our men who could not wait any longer for calesas went ahead
walking. When we reached Imus at about five o’ clock on the afternoon of November 8, we found it a
veritable ghost town for the people had left, leaving only the officials headed by the President
Baldomera Aguinaldo behind. But when the news spread that we had come back, they came out from
their hiding places and joined us once more.
From the people I learned that our troops in Binakayan were tricked by the Filipino soldiers in
the enemy side who shouted, “Brothers, brothers, don’t shoot us because we are coming to join you.”
But when they were already near, they started firing at us. So our soldiers were taken
unawares, and many of them retreated. The enemy was headed by Regiment 73 and followed by five
battalions of cazadores and marine infantry under the leadership of Captain General Ramon Blanco.
That same afternoon, I gathered all my generals, chiefs, and officers for an emergency
consultation. We decided to divide our troops into three groups. On the west side of the streets, I
stationed General Candido tria Tirona’s troops; on the east, the troops of Generals Vito Belarmino
and Pantaleon Garcia. At our rear were the troops of Generals Baldomero Aguinaldo and C rispulo
Aguinaldo. Walking, crawling, stealthily, we slowly wended our way to our second position until we
were about 300 meters away from the enemy. We were very happy to see that our Central Battery
was still there. We were able to traverse this distance without the enemy’s noticing us as it was busy
setting the houses and ban-cas on fire. Meanwhile, I ordered our men to rest.
During the night, I ordered the building on trenches on both sides of the streets where the
enemy might possibly enter. I had to supervise to supervise the men personally and cajole them to
work because they were already tired and sleepy. It must be recalled that most of the men came from
Talisay, yet, I had to do this myself for the other generals were as sleep too. I did not like to wake
them up also to relieve me because they needed the rest very much. It was heart-rending to see some
of the men with spades and hoes, falling asleep on the earth they were shoveling. However, before
dawn we had built two trenches 500 meters long. As a precaution, while we were building these
trenches, I ordered General Mariano Noriel to feign an attack on Polvorin on the other side of the
river of Bacoor, a kilometer away. The troops were accompanied by a band.
By sunrise, general Tirona came and admired the new trenches. He asked to be assigned there,
so I readily gave in the planned to stay there.
Before I left, however, I gave this instruction to all: no one should be seen by the enemy; no one
should fire at the enemy until he had heard my signal from the center of the trenches.
The troops had hardly gone to their positions when we heard the bugle of the enemy. On the
opposite shore, we saw the enemy coming. It was a huge army, the biggest I ever encountered. I
believed there were about 5,000 all armed with guns and Bayonets which shone in the sun. It was a
horrible sight and fear clutched my heart. However, I did not show this fear to my companions. I could
not eat my breakfast. I just swallowed two raw eggs and drank a cup of coffee. Then I went to the
trenches and prepared for any eventuality.
“Long live Spain! Long live Spain!” shouted the enemy as it approached our trenches. The
shouts sounded like thunder to our ears. Then it started firing right and left, but our soldiers remained
calm. When the enemy was about 40 meters from the center of the trenches. I heard shots from the
battery of General Tirona. As the enemy rushed upon my men I ordered the cannons fired, and soon
broke the enemy ranks which were replaced anew by others. For a moment I thought this incessant
replacement was interminable. The shots that filled the air were terrifying and deafening. It saddened
me to see how the enemy face death while bodies fell in heaps.
At the same time I noticed how braved my own soldiers were, rushing and lashing at
the enemy with their bolos. There arrows flew rapidly and found their marks accurately. It was in this
battle that I noticed my Remington gun could kill as many as four: my Mauser gun, five; while my
Winchester gun, which I acquired from the parish priest of Imus, could finish many with its eight
successive shots.
In the midst of what I had just seen, I was filled with a mixed feeling of joy and sorrow, because
most of those who lay lifeless and wounded were my own countrymen. I could not fathom why they
were with the Spanish soldiers, so immediately I ordered my men not to molest the enemy soldiers
carrying the dead. I was however happy because the hardships we went through at Talisay seemed to
have been rewarded with success in this battle.
 When the enemy saw that it could not penetrate our lines it slowly backed out, firing parting
shots as its bugles sounded retreat. Upon seeing the enemy retreating in a rout, I was emboldened
and had my own buglers sound the advance to my bolomen who instantly emerged from their hiding
places and fell upon the retreating enemy. I could have been a casualty myself had not Juan Munti,
my strong and trusted aide, pulled me away from the line of fire. Unfortunately, several of my men
were hit by the random and aimless shots of the retreating enemy.
I remembered that in the midst of this confusion, I spotted Candido Tria, Tirona, my compadre,
and, in a loud voice, admonished him to be careful. He seemed certain that no harm would befall him.
So he, in turn, told me to be careful.
After we had recovered the trenches that were taken from General Crispulo Aguinaldo. I
ordered the soldiers to case firing as we were to face a bigger enemy from Polvorin composed of the
Spanish squadrons protected by the cruisers and the fleet under the command of General Ramon
Blanco.
When the battle was all over, we realized that the whole province of Cavite had been liberated.
We gathered 200 guns. I also realized the great disadvantage to us of my order not to molest the
enemy soldiers carrying their dead for, as a result, we gathered only a few guns from the 15 cartloads
left of dead soldiers aside from the three bancas of wounded and dead which they brought to Manila
and brought to Manila and buried at Dalahikan, Noveleta. I learned later that Governor Blanco was
very much grieved over the loss of his men.
In the midst of this joyful triumph, I was greatly saddened by the news that Candido Tria
Tirona, my dear friend, was killed in the encounter. Other casualties were Captain Simeon Alcantara
and may brave soldiers.
For the next three days, the enemy did not harass us, but on November 12, 13, 14, 1896, it
started bombarding again the towns of Cavite el Viejo, Bacoor, and Novieta with cannon shots from
Fort Vaga of Cavite. It was a good thing that no serious damage on the towns was wrought. We
thanked God whom we believed was on our side, for most of the shells hurled were duds. As a result,
we gathered phosphorus which we used in our munitions factory. In the heavy fighting at Binakayan,
we were able to gather many empty catridges.

Bonifacio Invited to Cavite

AFTER SUPREMO Andres Bonifacio and his men met defeat at the hands of the Spaniards, we in
Cavite had lost track of their whereabouts. As we were worried about Bonifacio, we sent men look for
him in the forests of Caloocan and Malabon, andinstructed them to invite the Supremo to Cavite
which had already been liberated from Spanish rule.
By then Cavite had been independent from Spanish rule for three months and was peacefully
being governed by the Revolutionary Government. But the Supremo and his wife, Gregoria de Jesus,
his two brothers. Procopio and Ciriaco, General Lucino, and 20 soldiers sis not reach cavite until the
first day of December, 1896. One can easily imagine the dangers, hardships, and privations they went
through before finally arriving in Cavite.
When the news of their arrival reached me, I was fighting at Zapote, Arumahan, Las Piñas, and
Pintong Bato, Bacoor. So I sent Generals Mariano Noriel and Pio Zapote River were even penetrated
by the enemy because our soldiers fatigued from fighting, did not notice their coming. The
penetration could have gone further were it not for the brave bolomen Funder Generals Mariano
Noriel and Pio del Pilar who pounced upon the enemy without mercy. Once more the waters of the
Zapote River turned red with human blood. This was almost an ordinary occurrence in our columns.
Magdiwang Council Reorganized

THE SUCCESS of the liberation movement in Cavite was the result of the leadership and efforts of the
leadership and efforts of the two councils: the Magdiwang Council headed initially by General
 Mariano Alvarez in Noveleta, and the Magdalo Council of Cavite el Viejo headed by General
Baldomero Aguinaldo.
With the transfer of Magdiwang Council later to San Francisco de Malabon, it was able to
complete itsline-up of officers as follows:
King ………………………………………………………… Andres Bonifacio
Vice-King ……………………………………………Mariano Alvarez
Minister of War ……………………………… Ariston Villanueva
Minister of Interior ……………………………… Jacinto Lumbreras
Minister of Finance ……………………………… Diego Mojica
Minister of Justice ……………………………… Mariano C. Trias
(Tagalog writer and poet)
Minister of of Natural Resources……………………. Emiliano Riego de Rios
Captain General ………………………………… Santiago Alvarez
The towns under their control were Noveleta, San Francisco de Malabon, Rosario, Tanza, Naic,
Ternate, Maragondon, Magallanes, Bailen, Alfonso, Indang, and San Roque.
The reader will notice a great difference between the Magdalo and Magdiwang Councils, in
spite of their common objective: liberation of the Motherland from the tyranny of Spain.
The Magdiwang Council headed by Andres Bomifaciohad the tendency to become monarchial
in form. Even the terms used had the flavors of monarchism. The terms – king and ministers – remind
one of the monarchical forms of government.
On the other hand, the Magdalo Council was Republican in form. We used the term Magdalo
which we got from our miraculous patron saint of Cavite el Viejo, the Lady of Magdalene, and also
because of our principle to help those in need.
The Magdalo Council moved to the hacienda in Imus because Cavite el Viejo was constantly
under cannon fire from the enemy.
The Magdalo Council, which had democratic tendencies, was headed by the following officers:
President …………………………………………… General Baldomera Aguinaldo
Vice-President………………………………………….. Edilberto Evangelista
Secretary of war ……………………………… General Candido Tria Terona
Secretary of Interior ……………………………… Felix Cuenca
Secretary of Natural Resources ……………… Glicerio Topacio
Secretary of Agriculture …………………………. Cayetano Topacio
Lieutenant General
(Flag Bearer) ……………………………………….. General Emilio Aguinaldo
The towns under their control were Cavite el Viejo, Imus, Dasmariñas, Silang, Amadeo, Mendez
Nuñez, Bacoor, and Carmona.
The MagdiwangCouncil was very lucky for it figured in only one battle from the time war was
declared until April, 1897. This was the victory at Dalahikan, Noveleta, where many Spaniards were
killed and 100 guns captured. Credit for this victory goes to Generals Pascual Alvarez, Mariano Riego de
Dios, Santiago Alavarez, and Aguedo Montoya Captain Francisco Montoya and others.
The Magdalo Council had already many bloody encounters and almost every day the towns
under its control were bombarded by the enemy.
 Four days later, Major Gregorio Jocson with his troops from Naic arrived at Pasong Santol to
join our forces. They left the Magdiwang faction because there was no fighting at their place.
We had a lull the next two weeks because the Spanish forces did not molest us. During this
time we lengthened our trenches to three kilometers. We also learned from the eight men from the
Spanish camp who voluntarily joined us that our successive battles plus the counterattack at Salitran
caused Governor General Polavieja’s illness and subsequent resignation. Pending the arrival of
Governor General Fernando Primo de Rivera, the new governor general, General Lachambre
temporarily took over.
One sad news that reached us during this the death of Colonel Mariano Yengko who was killed
in action during the battle on the western pairies of Pasong Santol. His body was brought to Imus
where he was accorded a military burial on March 1, 1897.
The dangers of the times and a surprise attack by the enemy kept me worried, so much that I
did not even have the time to visit my family or the headquarters of Magdalo Council. I did not even
remember it was my birthday on March 22.

My Election to the Presidency

WHILE I was busy supervising the building of our defenses at Pasong Santol in Dasmariñas, a
group of cavalry soldiers headed by Colonel Vicente Riego de Dios of Magdiwang Council arrived to tell
me that I had been elected the head of the government as a result of the Magdiwang and the Magdalo
factions.
The fallowing is their narration of the results of the national meeting presided over by Supremo
Andres Bonifaci. In the election for the President of the Revolutionary Government, Andres Bonifacio
and Emilio Aguinaldo do were nominated. Emilio Aguinaldo won. For the Vice-President, Andres
Bonifacio was again nominated, but his own Minister of Justice, Gen. Mariano Trias, defeated him.
For the position of Captain General, Captain General Santiago Alvarez and General Artemio
Ricarte were nominated. General Ricarte won, but he objected on the ground that he thought he was
not capable. However, his objection was overruled and he was not capable. However, his objection was
overruled and he was proclaimed shortly after.
For Secretary of War, Andres Bonifacio was nominated for the third time, but General Emiliano
Riego de Dios beat him.
For Secretary of Interior, Bonifacio was again nominated. His opponents were Ministers Diego
Mojica and Severino de las Alas. This time he won and everybody began congratulating him. But
General Daniel Tirona objected to his election on the ground that Bonifacio was not a lawyer and
proposed that the position be given instead to Jose del Rosario, a lawyer from Tanza. Although the
motion was not seconded and therefore was invalid, Andres Bonifacio stood up and said, “Did we not
agree from the beginning that whoever among us was elected in this meeting will be recognized and
respected by everybody?”
“Yes, sir,” the assembly agreed
“Then,” he continued, “Why is it that when I won, there was an objection?”
“Nobody seconded the motion,” reminded the group.
The Supremo was visibly angry; he pulled out his revolver and aimed at General Tirona. Had it
not been for the timely intervention of Secretary Jacinto Lumbreras and General Ricarte, General Tirona
could not have been saved. Tirona disappeared in the throng.
Although after this incident, order had been restored in the meeting, nevertheless in his bitter
disappointment and anger, the Supremo stood up and declared, “By virtue of my being head of this
national meeting, I declare this election null and void.” Then he started to leave.
 Confusion reigned for a while. Thereupon, Colonel Santiago Rillo, delegate from Batangas,
stood up and shouted that the Supremo need not go for he had been proclaimed Secretary of Interior.
Moreover, the motion of General Tirona was not valid since it was not seconded. The Supremo left and
proceeded to Malabon.
Delegate Rillo turned to the assembly and asked them if they wanted to continue the meeting.
He would act as the presiding officer. The crowd consented, so the meeting was resumed. The
delegates then reiterated their respect for the elected officials and appointed a commission headed by
Colonel Vicente Riego de Dios to apprise General Emilio Aguinaldo of his election as President of the
new Revolutionary government and to fetch him immediately so he could take his oath of office.
The meeting was temporarily adjourned while they waited anxiously the appearance of
General Emilio Aguinaldo.
After this story of Colonel Vicente Riego de Dios, I said:
I am very happy that at last the two factions are united. This was the suggestion of
General Baldomero Aguinaldo on December 28, 1896, but since the Magdiwang faction did not
want to elect the head of the revolutionary Government, but rather to appoint Supremo Andres
Bonifacio to this position, nothing was accomplished. I am indeed grateful that the Supremo
had changed his mind, hence this election. I thank you for having elected me to this position,
and I hope that with God’s help and your help we shall succeed.
I believe this union is rather late because our enemy has already defeated us and right
now the towns of Silang and Dasmariñas are in the hands of the enemy.
I am sorry, however, that I cannot grant your request to take me with you. How can I
leave now when we are actually facing the enemy? Ten thousand armed men are coming
towards us. I am sorry, but my personal interests can never go above those of the Mother
Country.
As the commission was greatly disappointed, it left without a single word.
Then at two o’clock in the afternoon, more cavalry men headed by General Crispulo Aguinaldo,
my eldest brother, arrived. As head of the delegation he addressed me thus:
My dear President and brother: I know that you are in a dilemma regarding these two
great problems in our country. You have to choose between remaining here to defend this
section of the country and that of taking your oath of office as head of the Revolutionary
Government. But if you will heed my advice, I shall ask you to respond to the call of the
Revolutionary Government by taking the oath of office. The people await you anxiously and
your acceptance will strengthen greatly our bid for freedom.
I was requested to fetch you and I promised the assembly that I will do my best to
persuade you to go and entrust your job here to me. I will do my best to thwart the attempt of
the enemy to penetrate our defenses. It can do this only over my dead body. So, my dear
brother, please go with these men and leave your troops under my care. I must remind you that
you were elected on March 22, your birthday, which seems to point that it is God’s will that
you lead this struggle for freedom for our Motherland.
I was persuaded, so I left the troops under my brother’s care and proceeded to the assembly at
the house on the hacienda in Tejeros. When we arrived, we found the house closed because the
Supremo did not want us to use it. We were advised to move the assembly either to the convent of
Tanza or Santa Cruz, Malabon, upon the invitation of Father Cennon Fernandez.
We went to Tanza where we were warmly received. I was greeted by Colonel Rillo on behalf of
the assembly, followed by the Vice-President, General Mariano Trias, and the secretary of war, General
Emiliano Riego de Dios. The only one absent was General Artemio Ricarte who, according to the news
received, was afraid of the Supremo.
At about seven o’ clock in the evening before a crucifix, General Mariano Trias, General
Emiliano Riego de Dios, and I took our oaths of office, one after the other. Colonel Santiago Rillo, head
of the national meeting, presided over the ceremonies.
 At about ten o’ clock that night, General Ricarte arrived. But he refused to take his oath of
office until Secretary Riego de Dios somehow persuaded him. So amidst the joy and shouting of all
those present, General Ricarte was sworn in.
After the oath-taking rites that same evening, I called my companions – General Mariano Trias
and Riego de Dios – and General Artemio Ricarte to a meeting. I told them of the need for the
Lieutenant-in-command in every town not actually in battle to come to Tanza and help General
Crispulo Aguinaldo in Pasong Santol.
I had barely made this suggestion when General Artemio Ricarte stood up and said he was
feeling dizzy. So he went out without biding goodbye. I was amazed at such behav ior from a general of
our army! However, I did mind it. The two other generals gave me all the support I needed and
followed my suggestions. That night dispatches were sent to all the troops of the Magdiwang group.
At ten o’ clock of the next morning, March 23, I was very happy to see a battalion under the
command of Major Andres Villanueva from Naic responds to our request. So I sent Lieutenant
Villanueva and his men immediately to General Crispulo Aguinaldo.
It was noon of March 24 when I Received news at Tanza that the Supremo and his ministers,
including General Artemio Ricarte, met in council on the morning of march23 and passed a resolution
declaring null and void the general meeting held on March 22 in Tejeros, Malabon.
Instead of going after Bonifacio and his cohorts since I had the power to do so, I chose to ignore
them. I patiently accepted this difficult situation so that petty jealousies and recriminations of brother
against brother be stopped.
After all, one by one, troops from Ternate, Maragondon, Magallanes, and other towns arrived.
I sent them all to Pasong Santol to join the forces of General Crispulo Aguinaldo.
But what a bitter disappointment and sorrow we had when we learned that our troops bound
for Pasong Santol were all intercepted by General Ricarte, upon orders of the Supremo. They were
gathered at the big yard of Mrs. Estefania Potente in Malabon where the Supremo ordered them to
wait for the enemy. They were also instructed to kidnap me on my way to Imus. When I learned about
this plot, I heaved I sigh and said, “Our Revolution is bound to fail because of the selfishness and
vindictiveness of one person.” General Trias suggested that I order the arrest of the traitors.
On the night of March 25, like a thunderbolt, the news came that Pasong Santol had been
taken by the enemy and the Spanish flag raised in victory, but only after General Crispulo Aguinaldo,
my brother died fighting as he had vowed.
To my mind, such a disaster could have been averted had not Andres Bonifacio asked General
Artemio Ricarte to intercept our reinforcement to Pasong Santol. This is a black spot of the history of
our struggle for independence which I can never forget.

I Returned to Imus

IN THE face of these events, especially our defeat at Pasong Santol caused by the failure of the
Magdiwang troops to help, I was plunged into deep thinking about the fate of our Revolution. I had to
go over the events with regret and remorse. Added to this depressing state of affairs was the news that
the Supremo had ordered my capture on my way home to Pasong Santol. This was perhaps the reason
for gathering in his big yard my troops who were to reinforce Pasong Santol. It was not illogical to
conclude that perhaps the plan of Andres Bonifacio was not merely to cripple the forces of General
Crispulo Aguinaldo, but also to make my capture easy. The Magdiwang troops new that when I took
my oath of office. I had with me only Benito Ylapit, my cousin, who carried my rifle.
The plot did not bother me very much as my main concern was to reach Imus so I could pick up
the Revolution from where it fell and carry our cause through. I
In returning the fir, the men of Colonel Bonson killed Colonel Bonifacio and wounded some
soldiers and Supremo whose wound necessitated his immediate transfer to Naic on a hammock.
 On the morning of April 29, 1897, the troops led by Colonels Bonson, Pava, and Topacio
returned to Naic with their captives headed by Andres and Procopio Bonifacio. They were taken to the
tribunal first before medical treatment was given to them in the convent.
I summoned Generals Emiliano Riego de Dios, Baldomero Aguinaldo, and Tomas Mascardo and
we chose the officials to compose the tribunal or military court to try Bonifacio brothers. The capture of
the Supremo by Colonels Bonson, Topacio, and Pawa and the immediate surrender of his troops
averted unnecessary bloodshed and killing on both sides. It was a good thing, too, that General Ricarte
and his troops were not there then.

The Military Court

THE GENERALS whom I consulted regarding the creation of a military court were all against this
plan. They thought that such court was unnecessary for two reason; first, because we were in a state of
war, and, secondly, because we were harassed by the enemy at many points almost every day.
At the meeting, the generals drew up five serious charges against the Bonifacio brothers. These
charges and their attempt to subvert the interest of the revolutionary Government, if prove, were
sufficient to warrant the death penalty for them. The charges were: (1) the anonymous letter accusing
me of an alleged plot to surrender to General Lachambre, (2) there plan to establish another
government, (3) there plan to liquidate me, (4) the escape of the brothers and General Ricarte to evade
responsibility for their acts, and (5) derelictions of duty for refusing to fight for their country.
My generals wanted Andress and Procopio Bonifacio shot to death without the benefit of trial.
As this matter involved the lights of two men, I listened carefully and weighed their arguments. I notice
that they were very sad about the whole thing. After a few minutes, I said: “I am very sorry to differ
with your opinion on the matter. I believe that even if we are in a state of war, it is absolutely necessary
that we act like prudent and civilized human beings. The life of a person, no matter who he is, needs be
respected. I don’t think it is right to have anyone, especially our brothers, shot just like animals.
Whatever their crimes are, they should be entitled to a fair trial. While it is true that ordinary laws are
suspended during war time it is equally true that we follow laws during war. We have the military
courts to render justice.”
After my explanation, everyone was silent. So I directed General Mariano Noriel to create the
court at once. I appointed Colonnel Jose Lipana as presiding judge; Colonnel Jose Elises, fiscal;
Colonnels Placido Martinez and Teodoro Gonzales (one secretary of the Supremo), defense counsels for
the Bonifacio brothers. I instructed the court to be lenient because they were merely following their
superior’s orders. The court started the trial at Naic, but later moved to Maragondon.

Enemy Attack on Naic

A PEACEFUL month had barely past when suddenly Timalan, a barrio of Naic, was attacked by
thousand cazadores belongin to Infantry Battalion 14 under the leadership of General Don Fernando
Primo de Rivera, successor of Captain General Camilo de Polaviej. Probably the bloody fight at the river
was just a feeler to determine the strength of our defenses at Naic.
The Spaniards once more showed their bravery and courage in facing our soldiers who showed
equal valor and determination. After the enemy had crossed the river and met our men, it realized that
to go further was useless, so it retreated. Most of the dead were carried away by the tide. Our booty
consisted of 100 Mauser and Remington guns, ammunition, and plenty of food. We learned later that
the enemy was part of Battalion 14.
About and followed us to Maragondon, leaving their homes behind. The number grew as in a
procession because everyone we passed by joined the group.
 When we reached the town, more people welcomed us the women even wept with joy. This
was the second time that I was rumored to be dead. The first one was rumored to be dead. The first
one was on September 13, 1896, after the bloody battle Bacoor.
In the midst of this happiness, I disclosed to the people my determination to dfia at Naic, but by
streak at fortune, an “eagle man” in the person of General Mariano Riego de Dios snatched me from
sure death with his sharp “talons.”
“Do you think,” I asked, “that is rescue was an act of the Almighty Who had to save me to carry
on our fight for independence?”
Then I expressed to them my gratitude for the wonderful gesture they had showered on us
which was a fitting evidence of their believf in the mission of Revolution. I made special tribute to the
wonderful hospitality of the townspeople, a trait that has made the Filipinos famous all over the world.
In all my moments of rest, one thought had always haunted me: the realization that I was
facing that would be the fate of our country in case of defeat? We were at the remotest town of Cavite.
It was the last stronghold of the province. How could I prevent an onslaught by the enemy? This
problem was foremost in my mind, and it seemed hopeless to resist.
Thereupon, I thought of building trenches again in Maragondon. With the help of Riego de Dios
brothers – Generals Emiliano and Mariano – who were both from Maragondon, Colonel Riel, and the
other officials of the town, we constructed the trenches in a very short time.

Death of the Bonifacio Brothers

AFTER a detailed and careful trial by the military court composed of seven members headed by
General Mariano Noriel, the two Bonifacio brothers were found guilty of disloyalty to and treachery
against the revolutionary Government as well as the sedition and rebellion. Having established their
guilt beyond reasonable doubt, the court unanimously imposed the death sentence on them.
The decision was referred to me as head of Revolutionary Government and military
commander. When I learned of the decision, pity for two former comrades seized my heart. In this
connection, I have to mention here that ever since my early childhood, and even in school, I never had
any enemy. I never thought that in that in this struggle against Spain, I would have an enemy and a
Filipino at that!
By virtue of my power as head of the revolutionary movement, I ordered Colonel Pedro Lipana,
the presiding judge, to ask the military court to relax the penalty on the brothers. My reasons were pity,
my desire to preserve the unity of the Filipinos and, above all because I did not want to sh ed the blood
of other revolutionists. I therefore suggested that the brothers be banished to Pico de Loro, a mountain
quite far but still within Cavite.
Upon learning of my wish, Generals Pio del Pilar and Mariano Noriel rushed back to me.
“Our dear general,” General Pio del Pilar began, “the crimes committed by the two brothers, Andres
and Procopio, are of common knowledge, If you want to live a little longer and continue the task that
you have so nobly begun, and if you want peace and order in our Revolutionary Government, do not
show them any mercy. Recall your order because what these two brother had committed treachery to
our country. By means of an anonymous letter, we are led astray so that we agreed to put your
government down and establish a new one. It was a good thing you can upon us in that secret meeting
at the hacienda, otherwise, you and I would not be alive today. They named the commanding general
of the revolutionary forces and left everything in my hands to bind the two armies by whatever means.
We further agreed that should anyone found guilty of treason, he should be given capital punishment.
This we swore to follow till death.”
“I took the same oath,” interrupted General Mariano Noriel. “If you want the goal of
Revolution to be fulfilled, and if you wish to live some more years, don’ show mercy on the brothers,
because their main aim is to liquidate you by all means. I think the military court was right in giving
them capital punishment.”
 And they added, “General, if you will allow Andres Bonifacio to leave, the cause of the
revolution will be in danger. We cannot afford to be divided, especially in these critical moments.”
Besides these two generals many people, most of them former followers of Andres Bonifacio
came to me to dissuade me from my decision of relaxing the sentence on them. Because of their
explanations and requests, plus the strong evidence to prove their criminal acts. I rescinded my order.
Thereupon, General Mariano Noriel ordered major Lazaro Macapagal to bring with him a squad of
soldiers to fetch the prisoners and carry out the punishment originally imposed by the military court.
Very early on the morning of May 10, 1897, Major Macapagal and his men took the prisoners
to Mount Tala where they were shot.
As I was busy leading the fight against the enemy in Maragondon, I did not learn of the
execution of the Bonifacio brothers until days later.