MOTIVATION

The term Motivation refers to internal processes that serve to activate, guide and maintain our
behavior. Understanding motivation helps us to answer the question “why?”. As in “why do
people behave as they do?”. “what specific motives direct our behavior?”

Motivation is concerned with the factors that direct and energize the behavior of humans and
other organisms. It refers to goal-directed behavior. The behavior of a motivated organism
differs from that of an unmotivated organism. E.g.- A runner who wants to complete a
marathon will train more vigorously than an individual who has only a casual interest in
distance running. Similarly, a hungry rat placed in a complex maze will search for food more
purposefully than a rat that has not been deprived of food.
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The complexity of motivation has led to the development of a variety of conceptual
approaches. Although they vary in the degree to which they focus on biological, cognitive
and social factors, all seek to explain the energy that guides people’s behavior in particular
directions.

Instinct theories

Since the 19th century theorists have used the concept of instincts to explain motivation in
terms of innate biological programming. Instincts appear to explain why squirrels bury nuts,
why certain species of birds migrate to the south in autumn.

William McDougal’s (1908) instinct theory was psychology’s most influential theory of
motivation the first third of the 20th century. McDougal viewed instincts as behavioral
patterns that are (1) unlearned, (2) uniform in expression and (3) universal species. For
instance, if all members of a particular bird species build their nests in the same way, even
when raised in isolation (indicating the response is unlearned), then this nest-building
behavior is instinctive. Instinct theories were rooted in the study of animal behavior.
However, McDougal believed that instincts play a large role in human behavior as well. He
proposed an extensive list of human instincts, including ones for parenting, submission,
sympathy, mating, jealousy, cleanliness and more.

When subjected to closer scrutiny, the instinct concept did not explain human behavior very
well (Kuo, 1921 Tolman, 1923). Instinct theorists could not agree on the list of human
instincts because the concept proved too vague. Furthermore, critics showed that many
proposed human instincts, such as jealousy and cleanliness are not universal or automatic but
are heavily dependent on personal experience. Instinct theories fared better as explanations of
some aspects of animal behavior. However, researchers eventually demonstrated that even
animals’ instinctive behavior can be modified by learning (Tinbergen, 1951).

Today, some theorists continue to advocate “instinct-orientated” explanations of human

motivation (Aedrey, 1966; Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1979; Loremz, 1981). But these theorists mostly
emphasize the biological roots of specific motives such as sex and aggression. They don’t
suggest that instincts produce automatic, stereotyped responses in humans. Instead, they
argue that some human motives are instinctive in that these motives have an innate
component that is a by-product of evolutionary forces. In recent years, the most prominent
instinct-orientated model of human motivation has been [Link]’ socio-biological
theory.

Sociobiology’s View

Sociobiology is the study of the genetic and evolutionary basis of social behavior in all
organisms, including humans.

Sociobiologists argue that the natural selection favors social behaviors that maximize
reproductive success that is passing on genes to the next generation (Hamilton, 1970; Wilson,
1980). Thus, they explain social motives such as competition, dominance, aggression, and
sex drive in terms of their evolutionary value. If a species is competitive, sociobiologists say,
its because competitiveness gives a survival advantage, so that proportionately more
competitive genes are passed on to the next generation.

However, if behavior is as selfish as sociobiologists make it sound, how do they explain self-
sacrifice?. Why does a soldier throw himself on a hand grenade to protect a comrade?
Sociobiologists offer an interesting explanation for this apparent paradox (Krebs, 1987). They
point out that an organism may contribute to passing its genes by sacrificing itself to save
others that share the same genes. Altruistic (self-sacrificing) behavior that evolves the
members of a species protect their own offspring, for example, can be extended to other more
distantly relates members pf the species. Thus, the principal of genetic selfishness may
operate to produce behavior that seem remarkably unselfish.

Some critics argue that sociobiology overestimates the influence of biology on human
behavior while ignoring the importance of cultural factors.

Drive theories

Hull’s concept of drive was derived from Walter cannon’s (1932) observation that organisms
seek to maintain homeostasis- a state of physiological equilibrium or stability. The body
maintains homeostasis in various ways for example, human body temperature normally
fluctuates around 98.6 degrees Fahrenheit. If your body temperature rises or drops noticeably,
automatic responses occur. If your temperature goes up, you will perspire, if your
temperature goes down, you will shiver. These reactions are designed to move your
temperature back towards 98.6 degrees. Thus, your body reacts to many disturbances in
physiological stability by trying to restore equilibrium.

Drive theories apply the concept of homeostasis to behavior. A drive is an internal state of
tension that motivates an organism to engage in activities that should reduce this tension.
These unpleasant states of tension are viewed as disruptions of the preferred equilibrium.
According to drive theories, when individuals experience a drive, they are motivated to
pursue actions that will lead to drive reduction. The hunger motive provides a simple
example of drive theory in action. If you go without food for a while, you begin to experience
some discomfort. This internal tension( the drive) motivates you to obtain food.

Eating reduces the drive and restores physiological equilibrium. Most drive theories assume
that people began life with a small set of unlearned, biological drives and that they gradually
develop a larger, more diverse set of acquired drives through learning and socialization.

Drive theories have been very influential, and the drive concept continues to be widely used
in modern psychology. However, drive theories cannot explain all motivation. Homeostasis
appears irrelevant to some human motives such as “thirst for knowledge.” Also, motivation
may exist without drive arousal. This point is easy to illustrate. Think of all the times that
you’ve eaten when you weren’t the least bit hungry. Because drive theories assume that
people always try to reduce internal tension, they can’t explain this behavior very well.
Incentive theories, which represent a different approach to motivation can account for this
behavior more readily.

Incentive theories

Incentive theories propose that external stimuli regulate motivational states (Bolles, 1975;
McClelland, 1985; Skinner, 1953). An incentive is an external goal that has the capacity to
motivate behavior. Ice cream, a juice steak, a monetary prize, approval from friends, an A on
an exam and a promotion at work are all incentives. Some of these incentives may reduce
drives, but others may not.

Drive and incentive models of motivation are often contrasted as push versus pull theories.
Drive theories emphasize how internal states of tension push people in certain directions.
Incentive theories emphasize how external stimuli pull people in certain directions.
According to drive theories, the source of motivation lies within the organism. According to
incentive theories, the source of motivation lies outside the organism, in the environment.
This means that incentive models don’t operate according to the principle of homeostasis,
which hinges on the internal changes in the organism. Thus, in comparison to drive theories
emphasize environmental factors and downplay the biological bases of human motivation.

People can’t always obtain the goals they desire, such as good grades or choice promotions.
Expectancy value models of motivation are incentive theories that take this reality into
account (Atkinson & Birch 1978). According to expectancy value models, ones motivation to
pursue a particular course of action will depend on two factors: (1) expectancy about ones
chances of attaining the incentive and (2) the value of the desired incentive.
Thus, your motivation to pursue a promotion at work will depend on your estimate of
likelihood that you can share the promotion (expectancy) and on how appealing the
promotion is to you (value).
When both factors are high then motivation is also high. When any one factor is low, then
motivation is also low.

Arranging needs in a hierarchy

Maslow’s theory

Abraham Maslow (1962, 1970), a prominent humanistic theorist, proposed a sweeping

overview of human Maslow proposed that human motives are organized hierarchically. His
hierarchy of needs is a systematic arrangement of needs according to priority, which assume
that basic needs must be met before less basic needs are aroused. Maslow believed that
human nature dictates the order of the various levels of needs. This hierarchical arrangement
is usually portrayed as a pyramid. The needs at the bottom of the pyramid are the most basic.
They are fundamental physiological needs that are essential to survival, such as the needs for
food, water, as stable body temperature, and so on. They must be satisfied fairly well before
the individual can become concerned about needs at higher levels in the hierarchy. When a
person manages to satisfy a level of need reasonably well (complete satisfaction is not
necessary), this satisfaction activates needs at the next level.

The second tier in Maslow’s pyramid is made up of safety and security needs. These needs
reflect concern about long-term survival. Safety and security needs motivate adults to seek a
steady job, to buy insurance, and to put money in their savings accounts. When safety and
security needs are met adequately, needs for love and belongingness become more prominent.
When these needs are gratified, esteem needs are activated. People then become more
concerned about their achievements and the recognition, respect and status that they earn.

Consistent with his humanistic perspective, Maslow theorized that people have growth needs
that emerge out of the human striving for personal growth- that is, evolution toward a higher
state of being. The growth needs such as the needs for knowledge, understanding, and
aesthetic beauty are found in the uppermost reaches of Maslow hierarchy. Foremost among
them is the need for self-actualization, which is need to fulfill ones potential. It is the highest
need in Maslows motivational hierarchy. Maslow summarized this concept with a very
simple statement: “what a man can be, he must be.” According to Maslow, people will be
frustrated if they are unable to fully use their talents or pursue their true interests but must
work as sales clerk, your need for self-actualization will be frustrated.
Maslow contributed to the understanding of motivation by suggesting a hierarchical principle
that takes both the biological and social foundations of human motives into consideration. As
one moves upwards in his hierarchy. For example, it has been popular in the world of
business, where it has guided many efforts to enhance employee productivity and job
satisfaction (Aamoldi 1991). However, growth needs such as self-actualization have proven
difficult to measure and study. Thus,Maslows theory rests on a thin foundation of research
(geller, 1982). Moreover, some of this research has raised doubts about basic assumptions in
the theory (Neher, 1991). Individuals needs are not always prioritized in the order proposed
by Maslow. For example, some people put a higher priority on meeting their esteem needs
than their love and belongingness needs, which ordinarily are more basic.
Thus, Maslow theory has its strengths and its weaknesses just as all the other motivational
theories do. No one’s theory has come to dominate the investigation of motivation in
contemporary psychology. Perhaps it’s unrealistic to expect a single theory to explain the
great variety of motives that inspire goal – directed behavior.

The range and diversity of human motives.

Humans display an enormous diversity of motives. Most theories distinguish between

biological motives that originate in bodily needs, such as hunger, and social motives that
originate in social experiences, such as the needs for achievement.
Examples of Biological needs in humans Examples of social needs in humans
 Hunger motive  Achievement motive
(need to excel)
 Thirst motive  Affiliation motive
(need for social bonds)
 Sex motive  Autonomy motive
(need for independence)
 Temperature motive  Nurturance motive
(need for appropriate body temperature) (need to nourish and protect others)
 Excretory motive  Dominance motive
(need to eliminate bodily wastes) (need to influence or control others)
 Sleep and rest motive  Exhibition motive
(need to make an impression on others)
 Activity motive  Order motive
(need for optimal level of stimulation & (need for orderliness, tidiness,
arousal) organization)
 Aggression motive  Play motive
(need for fun, relaxation, amusement)

Biological motives
Hunger motive
Hunger is deceptive. It only looks simple. Actually, it’s a terribly puzzling and complex
motivational system. Despite extensive studies of hunger, scientists are still struggling to
understand the factirs that regulate eating behavior. Most people equate a rumbling stomach
with hunger, and in fact, the first scientific theories of hunger were based on this simple
equation. In an elaborate 1912 study, Walter Cannon and [Link] verified what people
have noticed based on causal observations. There is an association between stomach
contractions and the experiences of hunger. Based on this correlation, Cannon theorized that
stomach contractions cause hunger. However, as we have seen before, correlation is no
assurance of causation, and his theory was eventually discredited. Stomach contractions often
accompany hunger, but they don’t cause it. How do we know? Because, later research
showed that people often continue to experience hunger, even after their stomach has been
removed out of medical necessity (Waangensteen&Carlson, 1931). If hunger can occur
without a stomach, then stomach contractions cannot be the cause of hunger. This realization
led to more elaborate theories of hunger that focus on (1) the role of brain (2) blood sugar
levels (3) hormones.

Dual Centre Theory

Research with laboratory animals eventually suggested that the experience of hunger is
controlled in the brain specifically, in the hypothalamus. The hypothalamus is a tiny structure
involved in the regulation of a variety of biological needs related to survival. Researchers
have typically investigated the role of the hypothalamus in behavior, by subjecting animals to
electrical stimulation of the brain (ESB). They implant an electrode in the hypothalamus and
then pass different currents through the electrode to either destroy(lesion) or activate the area
of the brain at the base of the electrode.

Investigators have found that when they activate the lateral hypothalamus (LH) through ESB,
animals promptly begin to eat even if they are already full. The animals stop eating when the
electrical stimulation of the LH is halted. In contrast, when researches destroy the LH,
animals typically ignore available food and frequently starve (Anand
&Broebeck,1951;Teitelbaum& Epstein,1962).The opposite pattern is seen when researchers
stimulate or lesion the ventromedial nucleus of the hypothalamus(VMH) and destruction of
VMH leads to extensive over eating and obesity. Activation curtails eating behavior.

Doubts about this dual centered model of hunger soon surfaced , however, researchers notice
that hypothalamic stimulation and leisoning led to some peculiarities in the eating behavior of
experimental animals. For example, rats with VMH leisons usually engaged in massive over
eating. However, they are lazy, and if they are forced to work for their food (by pressing a
lever), they end up eating less than normal (Graff & Stellar ,1962). They are also picky and
reject food that doesn’t taste good (Ferguson & Keesey, 1975). Critics argued that if animals
were really hungry, they wouldn’t be so lazy and picky.
Researchers shed some light on these riddles when they found that the effects of LH and
VMH manipulations are not unique to hunger. For instance, LH stimulation, which triggers
eating when food is present, will elicit drinking if water alone is present. Furthermore, if
neither food nor water is available, LH stimulation elicits running. Thus, Eliot Valenstein
(1973) responded that LH simulation does not produce hunger but rather generalized
stimulation. He argued that this arousal led to eating in many studies, simply because the
animals were confined to cages with food present- what else could they do?. In a similar
fashion, Valenstein argued that VMH activation blocks eating by general arousal. Finally, he
asserted that hypothalamic manipulations led to peculiarities in eating because the animals
are experiencing genuine hunger. Although Valenstein’ s theory is the subject of debate ,
several other lines of evidence support the idea that the activation or destruction of the
hypothalamic areas influences eating indirectly(Grossman, 1979).

Investigators have found that increased levels of nor epinephrine and endorphins are
associated with the increased eating in laboratory animals and that serotonin activities
associated with the inhibition of hunger(Hoebel, 1988; Le Magnen,1990).Moreover, they
have found that some of these neurochemical changes related to eating unfold in a third area
of the hypothalamus(the paraventricular nucleus ) that may be yet another centre involved in
the regulation of hunger.

Glucose Static Theory

Much of the food taken in the body is converted into glucose, which circulates in the blood.

Glucose is a simple sugar that is an important source of energy. Manipulations that decrease
blood glucose level can increase hunger. Manipulations that increase blood glucose level can
make people feel satiated or full. Based on these findings, Jean Mayor(1955,1968) proposed
that hunger is regulated by the rise and fall of blood glucose levels.

Glucostatic theory proposed that fluctuations in the blood glucose levels are monitored by the
brain by glucostats-nuerons sensitive to glucose in the surrounding fluid. Glucostats located
in the hypothalamus were thought to control the experience of hunger. In its simplest form,
glucostatic theory quickly ran into a major complication. People who are diabetic typically
have high levels of glucose in their blood(which would make them feel full) but they still feel
hungry all the time. Mayer accounted for this fact by the reasoning that its not the level of
glucose in the blood that is monitored by the glucostats but rather the cells uptake of glucose
from the blood. Thus, diabetic’s frequent hunger makes sense because their disease involves
a deficiency in extracting glucose from the blood.

The current evidence suggests that the glucostatic regulation of hunger is accomplished
primarily through the liver. It appears that glucostats in the liver send signals to the
hypothalamus by way of the vagus nerve that connects the liver with the brain. The lver may
also monitor other physiological changes that affect hunger.

Hormonal Regulation

Insulin is a hormone secreted by the pancreas. It must be present for cells to extract glucose
from the blood. Normal secretion of insulin by the pancreas is also associsatedwith increased
hunger. Actually, insulin may not be the only hormone involved in hunger regulation. A
hormone called cholecystokinin(CCK) is apparently secreted when the food enters the
digestive system. Investigators suspect that CCK plays a role in the experience of satiety that
brings eating to a halt.

a. Environmental Factors

Hunger clearly is a biological need, but eating is not regulated by biological factors alone.
Studies show that social and environmental factors govern eating to a considerable extent.
Three key environmental factors are:(a)learners preferences and habits(b)food-related cues,
(c) stress.

People from different cultures display very different patterns of food consumption. Humans
do have some innate taste preferences of a general sort (for sweet over sour, for instance). But
learning wields a great deal of influence over what people prefer to eat(Birch,1987). Taste
preferences are partly a function of learned associations formed through classical
conditioning. For example, youngsters can be conditioned to prefer flavors paired with high
calorific intake or pleasant social interactions(Logue, 1991). Of course, taste aversions can
also be acquired through conditioning when foods are followed by nausea.

Eating habits are also shaped by observational learning. To a large degree, food preferences
are a matter of exposure(Rozin,1990). People generally prefer familiar foods. But
geographical, cultural, religious and ethnic factors limit people’s exposure to various foods.
Young children are more likely to taste an unfamiliar food if adults try it first. Repeated
exposures to a new food usually lead to increased liking.

Individual’s reactions to food are also shaped by the reactions of others around them, such as
parents, siblings and peers. Learned habits and social considerations also influence how much
people eat. For instance, more people tend to consume more food when they are with others
than when they are alone.

b. Food Related Cues

Hunger can also be influenced by exposure to environmental cues that have been associated
with eating(Birch,et al ,1989). You have no doubt had your hunger aroused by television
commercials or delicious looking foods or by seductive odors coming from the kitchen.
These experiences illustrate how food related cues can trigger hunger.
Stanley Schacter(1971) conducted numerous studies on how external cues affect hunger. In
one study, Schacter and Gross (1968),manipulated the apparent time by altering the clock in a
room so that it ran fast or slow. The subjects had been asked to remove their watches, so they
were misled about the time of the day. When offered crackers, obese subjects ate nearly twice
as many when they thought (erroneously)that it was late rather than early in the afternoon.
Non obese subjects on the other hand, ate fewer crackers when they thought it was late –
because they didn’t want to spoil their appetite for dinner. Thus, the control of time cues
affected eating in both groups, but with opposite results.

In other studies, Schacter manipulated external cues such as how tasty or appealing food
appeared , how obvious its availability was, and how much effort was required to eat it. All
of these external cues were found to influence eating behavior to some extent. Thus, its clear
that hunger and eating are governed in part by a variety of food related cues.

C. Stress Related Eating

Studies have shown that stress leads to increased eating in a substantial portion of people.
Studies found that the stress eating connection may be more pronounced in women than
men(Grunberg & Straub,1992). Actually it may be stressed induced arousal rather than the
stress itself that stimulates eating. Stressful events often lead to physiological arousal and
several lines of evidence suggest a link between heightened arousal and over eating . thus,
stress is another environmental factor that can influence hunger although it is not clear
whether the effects are direct or indirect.
Eating &Weight : The Roots of Obesity

We just saw that hunger is regulated by a complex interaction of biological and physiological
factors. The same kinds of complexities emerge when investigators explore the roots of
obesity, the condition of being overweight. Typically, people are assumed to be overweight if
their weight exceeds their ideal body weight by 15-20%. Stanley Schacter(1971) advanced
the hypothesis that obese people are extra sensitive to external cues that affect hunger and are
relatively insensitive to internal physiological signals. Schacter argued that obese people eat
excessivelybecause they can’t ignore food related cues that trigger eating.

Although Schacter’s theory has received some support, studies have also led to some
modifications in the theory. Judith Rodin’s research has blurred Schacter’s key distinction
between the internal and external determinants of hunger. She has demonstrated that the
sight, smell and sound of a grilling steak(external determinants) can elicit insulin
secretions(internal determinants)that lead to increased hunger. She has also found that food
related stimulation produce the greatest insulin responses in people who tend to respond to
food related cues by eating. Rodin’s findings raises the possibility that people who are
responsive to external food cues may really be responding to internal signals(insulin
secretions). Their problem may be that they secrete insulin too readily in response to food
related cues.

After reviewing accumulated evidence, Rodin asserts that obesity must depend on factors
besides sensitivity to external food cues. She theorizes that responsiveness to external cues
contributes to obesity, but only in conjunction with genetic and other factors.

You may know some people who can eat constantly without gaining much weight. You may
also know less fortunate people who get chubby, eating far less. Differences in physiological
make up must be the cause of this paradox.

What exactly is inherited by people who are prone to obesity? One obvious hypothesis is that,
some people inherit a sluggish metabolism. The basal metabolic rate is the body’s rate of
energy output at rest after a 12 hour fast. Although metabolic rate can be increased by
exercise, basal metabolic processes generally account for about two thirds of a person’s
energy output. People vary in their basal metabolic rate. This means that some burn off
calories faster than the others. Calories that are burnt off won’t be stored as fat. Thus it is
possible to speculate that hereditary factors lead obese people to have relatively low
metabolic rates. However, investigators who have compared the average metabolic rates of
the obese and lean subjects have not found slower metabolism in the obese group. Thus, the
physiological basis for the inherited differences in the tendency to gain weight remains
obscure. Some theorists believe that obese people are genetically programmed to develop an
excess number of fat cells. This hypothesis remains unproven, but it brings us to set point
theory, which concerns how the body might deposit fat cells.

The concept of Set Point

People who lose weight on a diet have a rather strong tendency to gain back the weight they
lose. The reverse is true. People who have to work to put on weight have trouble keeping it
on. These observations suggest that a person’s body may have a set point, a natural point of
stability in body weight. Theorists who subscribe to this view believe that obesity is usually
the result of an elevated set point.

According to the set point theory, the body monitors levels of fat stores to keep them fairly
stable. When fat store slips below a crucial set point, the body supposedly begins to
compensate for this change. This compensation process apparently leads to increased hunger
and decreased metabolism. The location and nature of cells that monitors fat stores are
unknown. Some proponents of this theory believe that the hypothalamus is involved (Keesey,
1986). In fact, they maintain that the stimulation and destruction of animals’ hypothalamic
centers affect eating, altering their set point.

Studies suggest that long term excessive eating gradually increase ones set point, but
decreasing it, seems to be very difficult (Keesey, 1986). This finding does not mean that all
obese people are doomed to stay obese forever. However, it does suggest that most
overweight people must be prepared to take permanent changes in their eating and exercise
habits if they expect to keep their weight down.

Sexual Motivation: The most intimate motive

Sexual motivation or motivation to engage in sexual activity is clearly another strong force in
human behavior.

Hormones and sexual behavior: the onset of puberty involves a rapid increase in the activity
of the sex glands or gonads. The hormones the gonads have produce many effects on the
body. So, do these hormones influence sexual motivation? In most organisms other than
human beings, the answer seems to be yes. Sex hormones exhibit what are known as
activational effects. In their absence, sexual behavior does not occur, or take place with very
low frequency, for example, in many animals, removal of the ovaries totally eliminates
female sexual receptivity. In makes, removal of testes produces similar, though somewhat
less clear cut results. For many species, hormones play a key role in sexual motivation.

Human beings however are something of an exception to this general pattern. Most women
do not report large changes in sexual desires over the course of their monthly cycle, despite
major shifts in the concentration of various sex hormones in their blood. Further, many
continue to engage in sexual relations after menopause, when the hormonal output of the
ovaries drops sharply. In men, there is little evidence of a link between blood level of sex
hormones such as testosterone and sexual responsiveness.
Some women do report peaks of sexual arousal in the middle of their cycle and again prior to
menstruation (Harvey, 1987). Among males, there is some evidence that testosterone levels
are associated with the differences in sexual arousal.

In general, though, the link between sex hormones and sexual motivation appears far less
clear cut and less compelling for human beings, than it is for different species. Other
chemical substances within the body, however, may play more direct and less dramatic roles.
Recent finding suggest that when humans are sexually attracted to another person, their brain
produces increased production of several substances that are related to amphetamines.
Amphetamines are stimulants, so the increased production of amphetamine-like-substances
such as phenylethyllamine (PEA) may account for the fact that many people describe strong
sexual attraction – the first stage of falling in love – as a feeling that “sweeps them away.”

Until the 1960s, the only source of scientific information about human sexual motivation was
that provided by Surveys. The most famous of these were the Kinsey Reports, published in
the 1940’s & 1950’s.
Starting in the 1960’s, however, another source of information about Human Sexual
Motivation became available directly & systematic observation of actual sexual activities.
The first & still the most famous project of this kind was conducted by Master’s& Johnson’s
in the mid 60’s. These researchers filmed, observed & monitored the reactions of several
hundred volunteers of both sexes. More than 10,000 cycles of arousal & satisfaction was
studied. The results yielded important insights into the nature of human sexuality.

Perhaps the clearest finding was the fact that both male & females move through four distinct
phases during sexual behavior.

First, they enter the Excitement phase. During this phase, many physiological changes
indicative of growing sexual excitement occour. The Penis & Clitoris become enlarged,
vaginal lubrication increases, and nipples may erect in both the sexes. If the sexual
stimulation persists, both men & women enter the Plateau phase. Muscle tension, respiration,
heartrate and blood pressure all raise to high levels. After a variable period of direct
stimulation, both male & female approach the Orgasmic phase.

This consists of several contractions of muscles surrounding the genitals, along with the
intense sensations of pleasure. The pattern of contractions, including their timing & length, is
virtually identical in male & females.

The most striking difference between the two sexes occours during the final Resolution
Phase. For males, orgasm is followed by a reduction in sexual & physiological arousal.
Among females, in contrast, two distinct pattern are possible. The, two, may experience a
reduction in sexual & physiological arousal. Alternatively, if stimulation continues, they may
experience additional orgasms.

Human Sexual Behavior – What’s Arousing & Why?

Clearly, sexual motivation plays and important role in human behavior. But what, precisely,
stimulates arousal? In certain respects, the same vents & stimuli that produce arousal in other
species. First, direct physical contacts in various forms of touching & foreplay – generate
arousal. Second, there is some evidence that human beings like other organisms can be
sexually aroused by certain naturally occouring orders. For ex.: One study found that
approximately 20% males appear to be sexually stimulated by the scents of copulins,
chemicals found in vaginal secretions (Hassett, 1978). More recently, some sceintists have
reported that odorless natural substances known as Pheromones can produce sexual
attractions and arousal in males & females (Blake, 1993). On the basis of these findings, large
perfume companies have added synthetic human pheromones to their products.

One potential source of sexual motivation, however, does seem to set human beings apart
from other species really or imagined erotic stimuli and images. Unlike other species, human
beings possess the capacity to generate their own sexual arousal on the basis of erotic
fantasies or day dreams. Many people respond strongly to erotic material containing either
visual images or verbal descriptions of sexual behavior.

With respect to self generated imagery, research findings indicate that many people can
produce intense sexual arousal, even orgasm, through internally generated sexual images
(Money, 1985). Further, many report using sexual thoughts or images to enhance their
pleasure during sexual intercourse or masturbation, or, to speed up or delay the occurrence of
orgasm (Davidson & Hoffman, 1986).In these and other ways, our impressive cognitive
abilities can play a major role in sexual motivation.

External erotic stimuli, too can produce such effects. Explicit erotic materials can be too
explicit for some people taste so that exposure to them reduces rather than increases sexual
motivation (Zillmann, 1984). However, given erotic stimuli that they do find attractive, most
persons can be sexually aroused in this indirect manner.

However, growing evidence suggest that exposure to such materials other effects as well –
effects that may find objectionable. First, repeated exposure to explicit erotica has been found
to increase viewers estimates of the frequency of several unusual & widely disapproved
sexual practices including Sadomasochism (sexual practices in which the participants
physically hurt one another), Human – Animal contact and sex between Adults & Children
(Zillmann& Bryant, 1984). Second, exposure to explicit erotic materials seems to reduce
viewers’ satisfaction with their own sex lives and their current sexual partner. These findings
suggest that the ready availability of erotic material in many socities may have social
consequences that were not fully anticipated when widespread sales of such material was
legalized.

Sexual Jealousy – A Negative State aroused by a perceived threat to ones valued sexual
relationship with another person is very commonamong our own species (Salovey, 1991 ;
White & Mullen, 1990). Bother women & men experience sexual jealousy. Recent findings
suggest, however, that the two sexes may differ in some ways with respect to such reactions.
It appears that men may experience more intense jealousy on response to sexual infidelity on
the part of their partners, while women may experience more intense jealousy in response to
emotional infidelity. Why should this be so? The field of Socio Biology or Evolutionary
Psychology provides on potential answer.

According to Socio Biology, men should be especially upset by sexual infidelity for two
reasons.
- A man can never be certain if he is the father of his children and
- Men invest lots of energy & resources in caring for their mates and their offspring’s.
If a man’s partner engages in sexual relations with other males, he runs the risk of investing
resources in another man’s children. Emotional infidelity, as long as it dosent in less
threatening, for obvious reasons. What about women – why should they find emotional
fidelity so disturbing? From a social-biological perspective, the answer is as follows: Women
know with certainty that they are the mothers of their children. However, through most of
human history, women needed the assistance of a male to raise their children. Emotional
infidelity threatened such support, for if a woman’s mate fell in love with another woman, he
might leave taking with him his needed support & assistance. In contrast, sexual infidelity by
the male would pose no threat as long as he didn’t become seriously involved with the other
woman.

These suggestions are supported by the findings of several studies conducted by Buss & his
colleagues (Buss, 1992). In one of these investigations, male &female students were asked to
indicate which would upset them more : imagining that their partner was forming a deep
emotional attachment to another person, or learning that their partner as enjoying passionate
sexual intercourse with that person. Results are clear : a large majority of men (60%) reported
greater distress over sexual infidelity, while a large majority of women (83%) reported
greater distress over emotional infidelity.

In a follow-up study, male & female participants were asked to imaging their partner was
having sexual intercourse with another partner and that their partner was falling in love with
another person while the participating were imagining these scenes, the researchers recorded
their physiological reactions: activity in the facial muscle involved in frowning, pulse rate,
and electrodermal activity (electrical conductivity of the skin). Again the results were clear:
males showed greater arousal and more signs of frowning when imagining sexual infidelity;
females showed greater arousal and more frowning when imagining emotional infidelity.

Sexual Orientation
Estimates vary, but it appears that about 2% of all adults are exclusively homosexual in their
sexual orientation. They engage in sexual relations only with the members of their own sex.
In addition, many other persons, perhaps, another 2% or 3% are bisexual. They seek out and
enjoy sexual contact with members of both sexes. The remaining population is heterosexual
and engages in sexual relations only with the members of the opposite sex.
In the past, homosexuals of both sexes often remained “in the closet”, concealing their
orientations from others. Since the early 1970s, however, the situation has changed radically,
and many homosexuals have engaged in vigorous efforts to gain equal treatment in many
areas of life.
Male homosexuals do not have lower levels of male sex hormones than heterosexuals
(Gladue, 1991) and increasingly their levels of male hormones does not alter their
homosexual preferences. Similarly, careful study of the family backgrounds of both male and
female homosexuals, has failed to yield any reliable differences between these groups and
heterosexuals.
Another theory is that, homosexuality stems from experiences during puberty (Storms 1981).
Some individuals learn to associate their emerging sexual impulses with members of their
own sex and so develop homosexual preferences. At present, however, direct evidence for
such effects is lacking.
Another possible explanation for the origin of homosexuality: the view that genetic factors
may play an important role (Henry, 1993). Perhaps the most convincing evidence for this
view till date, is provided by the results of a study conducted by the National Cancer
Institute’s Laboratory of Biochemistry and published in the prestigious journal – Science. In
this study, it was found that a higher proportion of male relatives of male homosexuals than
would be expected by chances, were also homosexual – but only on the maternal side of the
family. Specifically, about 7% of the male cousins and uncles of the male homosexuals were
homosexual, versus about 2% in the general population. This was true only for male relative
related to participant’s mothers; however, the rate of homosexuality among male relatives on
the father’s side was not higher than that of the general population. These findings suggested
that a tendency toward homosexuality may be inherited and that it may somehow to the
chromosomes that all children inherit from their mothers. Further evidence for this
conclusion is provided by additional research in which DNA samples were obtained from 40
pairs of homosexual brothers. In 33 of the pairs, a portion of the X chromosome matched
exactly.
Taken together, these and related findings suggest that homosexuality may stem at least in
part from genetic factors. However, this in no way implies that a homosexual orientation is
set in stone or that all persons who inherit homosexual tendencies will become homosexual.
On the contrary, it is clear that environmental factors too play an important role. Still, the
finding that a tendency toward homosexuality maybe inherited, is consistent with the
experience of many homosexuals who often feel that they knew they were “different,” from
most other persons, from a very early age.

SOCIAL MOTIVES

Power motive
Winter (1973) has defined power as “the ability or capacity of a person to produce
(consciously or unconsciously) intended effects on the behavior and emotions of another.”
The goals of power motivation are to influence, control, cajole, persuade, lead, and charm
others and to enhance one’s own reputation in the eye other people. People with strong power
motivation drive satisfaction from achievement these goals.
Power motivation (the need for power, or n power as it is often termed) varies in strength
from person to person and can be measured from the stories told in the picture-projection
technique. The degree of n power in a person is reflected in story themes about direct control
of other people, in stories concerning the emotional impact one person has on another and by
the concern of the people in the stories for their reputations.
The following are some of the ways in which people with high power motivation express
themselves:
1. By impulsive and aggressive actions, especially by men in lower socio-economic
brackets.
2. By participation in competitive sports such as hockey, football, tennis and basketball,
especially by men in lower socio-economic brackets and by college men.
3. By joining organizations and holding office in these organizations.
4. Among men, by drinking and sexually dominating women.
5. By obtaining and collecting possessions such as fancy cars, guns, elaborate stereo
sets, numerous credit cards and the like.
6. By choosing occupations such as teaching, diplomacy, business and the clergy-
occupations in which high n power people believe they have a chance to have an
impact on others.
7. Women high in a need for power are more apt than men to channel their power needs
in a socially responsible manner like displaying highly nurturing power.

Achievement motive
The achievement motive is the need to master difficult challenges, to outperform others,
and to meet high standards of excellence. Above all else, the need for achievement
involves the desire to excel – especially on competition with others.
David McClelland and his colleagues have been studying the achievement motive for about
40 years. McClelland sees the need for achievement as the spark that ignites economic
growth,scientific progress, inspirational leadership and masterpieces in the creative arts.
The need for achievement is a fairly stable aspect of personality. Hence, research in this area
has focused mostly on individual differences in achievement motivation. Subject’s need for
achievement can be measured effectively with the Thematic Apperception Test.
The research on individual differences in achievement motivation has yielded interesting
findings on the characteristics of people who scored high in the need for achievement. They
also are more future oriented than others and are more likely to delay gratification in order to
pursue long term goals. In terms of careers, they typically go into competitive,
entrepreneurial occupations that provide with an excellent opportunity to
excel(McClelland,1987). Apparently, their persistence and hard work often pay off. High
achievement motivation correlates positively with measures of career success and with
upward social mobility among lower class men(Crocket,1962;McClelland&Boyatzis,1982).
Situational factors can also influence achievement strivings. John Atkinson has elaborated
extensively on McClelland’s original theory of achievement motivation and has identified
some important situational determinants of achievement behavior. Atkinson theorizes that the
tendency to pursue achievement in a particular situation depends on the following factors:
1. The strength of ones motivation to achieve success. This is viewed as a stable aspect
of personality.
2. Ones estimate of the probablility of success for the task at hand. This varied from task
to task.
3. The incentive value of success. This depends on the tangible and intangible rewards
for success on the specific task.
The latter two variables are situational determinants of achievement behavior. That
is , they vary from one situation to another. According to Atkinson, the pursuit of
achievement increases as the probability and incentive value of success go up.
The joint influence of these situational factors may explain why high achievers prefer
tasks of intermediate difficulty. Atkinson notes that the probability of success and the
incentive value of success on tasks are interdependent to some degree. As tasks get
easier, success becomes let satisfying. As the tasks get harder, success becomes more
satisfying but its likelihood obviously declines. When the probability and incentive
value of success are weighed together, moderately challenging tasks seem to offer the
best overall value in terms of maximizing ones sense of achievement.
Factoring the fear of failure:
According to Atkinson, a person’s fear of failure must be considered essential in
understanding

This motive is considered a stable aspect of personality together with situational factors such
as the probability of failure and the negative value placed on failure, It influences
achievement strivings.
As with the motive to achieve success, the motive to avoid failure can stimulate achievement.
For example, you might work very hard and persistently in calculus primarily because you
couldn’t tolerate the shame associated with failure. In other words, you might work more to
avoid bad grades than to earn a good grade,
In some situations, the motivation to avoid failure may inhibit achievement. A strong fear of
failure can prevent you from pursuing a goal altogether.

Affiliation Motive:
The affiliation motive involves the need to associate with others and maintain social
bonds. Affiliation encompasses ones need for companionship, friendship, love and a feeling
that one belongs to a social group. Abraham Maslow(1970) considered affiliation to be a
basic motive and place it at the third level in his hierarchy of needs. When the affiliation
motive is frustrated, people often experience considerable distress. The importance of
affiliation is demonstrated by the strong correlation observed between feelings of loneliness
and depression(Anderson&Harvey,1988).
Although affiliation may be partly biologically in origin, most theorists believe that it is
primarily a social motive.
Some people have stronger affiliation needs than others. Some are joiners while others are
loners. Much of the research on affiliation has looked into these individual differences. In this
research, investigators usually measure subjects need for affiliation with some variant of
Henry Murrays Thematic Apperception Test.
How do people who score high in affiliation differ from people who score low?
First, they devote more time to interpersonal activities. For example, the join more social
groups such as clubs and church organizations(Smart,1965).they make more phone calls and
visits to friends(McClelland and Winter,1969).second, people with strong affiliation needs
worry more about the acceptance than those with low affiliation drives. For example, they
experience greater anxiety when they are being evaluated socially by their peers. They also
go out of their way to avoid being argumentative in groups, because they fear rejection.
The affiliation motive encompasses a variety of related needs. In recent years, investigators
have begun to examine some of these specific elements of affiliation motivation. For
example, Dan McAdams has argued that the need for intimacy is an important component of
the affiliation motive. The intimacy motive is the need to have warm, close exchanges with
others, marked by open communication. In contrast to the broader affiliation motive, the
intimacy motive reflects a desire for particular quality of social interactions.
McAdams found that people who scored high on intimacy motive were rated by peers as
relatively warm, sincere and loving. Those who scored low were seen as more self centered
and domineering. The same subjects need for affiliation failed to predict these differences in
interpersonal behavior. Additional studies indicate that students high in intimacy motivation
disclose more about themselves to their friends, and they laugh, smile, and look at others
more than people low in intimacy motivation do(McAdams, Heely & Krause,
1984;McAdams, Jackson&Krishnet,1984). Several lines of research also suggest that
intimacy motivation is positively correlated with measures of happiness and mental
health(McAdams,1992).thus, it appears that the need for intimacy is an important factor in
interpersonal behavior, deserving of further study.

Emotion
Everyone has plenty of personal experiences with emotion, but its an elusive concept to
define. Emotion includes cognitive, physiological and behavioural components which are
summarized in the following definition:
Emotion involves a

 A subjective conscious experience (cognitive component) accompanied by

 Bodily arousal (physiological component) and by
 Characteristic overt expressions (behavioural component)

Cognitive component:
Subjective feelings: Over 550 words in English language refer to emotions (Averill, 1980).
Ironically, however people often have difficulty describing their emotions to others (Zajonc,
1980). Emotion is a highly personal, subjective experience. In studying the cognitive
component of emotions, psychologists generally rely on subject’s verbal reports of what they
are experiencing. Their reports indicate that emotions are potentially intense internal feelings
that sometimes seem to have a life of their own.
Our cognitive appraisals of events in our lives are key determinants of the emotions that we
experience (Lazarus, 1991). A specific event, such as giving a speech, may be highly
threatening and thus anxiety arousing for one person, but a routine “hohum” matter for
another. The conscious experience of emotion includes an evaluative aspect. People
characterize their emotions as pleasant and unpleasant (Schlosberg, 1954). Of course,
individuals often experience “mixed” emotions that include both pleasant and unpleasant
qualities (Polivy, 1981). For example, an executive just given promotion with challenging
new responsibilities may experience both happiness and anxiety.
Physiological component:
Autonomic arousal: Emotions are accompanied by physiological arousal. The physiological
arousal associated with emotion occurs mainly through the actions of autonomic nervous
system, which regulates the activity of glands, smooth muscles and blood vessels. The
autonomic nervous system is responsible for highly emotional fight or flight response, which
is largely modulated by the release of adrenal hormones that radiate throughout the body.
Hormonal changes clearly play a crucial role in emotional responses to stress and may
contribute to many other emotions as well.
Activity in any area of the brain depends on neurotransmitters – the chemicals that carry
signals from one neuron to another throughout the central nervous system. Efforts to identify
the neurotransmitters crucial to the experience of emotions have begun only recently.
Relatively, little is known, although several lines of evidence suggest that dopamine circuits
play a major role in pleasant emotions.

Behavioural component:
Non-verbal Expressiveness: At the behavioural level, people reveal their emotions through
characteristic overt expressions such as smiles, frowns, furrowed brows, clenched fists or
slumped shoulders. In other words, emotions are expressed in body language or non-verbal
behaviour.
Facial expressions reveal a variety of basic emotions. In an intensive research project, Paul
Ekman and Wallace Friesen have asked subjects to identify what emotion a person was
experiencing on the basis of facial cues in photographs. They have found that subjects are
generally successful in identifying six fundamental emotions – happiness, sadness, anger,
fear, surprise and disgust (Ekman & Friesen, 1975,1984). There is also evidence, although its
more open to debate that four other emotions – contempt, shame, guilt, interest – can be
reliably distinguished based on facial expressions.
Some theorists believe that muscular feedback from ones own facial expressions contribute to
one’s conscious experience of emotions (Izard, 1971,1990; Tomkins, 1980,1991). Proponents
of the facial feedback hypothesis assert that facial muscles send signals to the brain and that
these signals help the brain to recognize the emotion that one is experiencing. According to
this view, smiles, frowns and furrowed brows help create the subjective experience of various
emotions. Consistent with this idea, studies show that if subjects are instructed to contract
their facial muscles to mimic facial expressions associated with certain emotions, they tend to
report that they actually experience these emotions (Laird, 1984; Levenson 1992). For
example, a subject induced to frown would begin to feel angry. As a whole, evidence
supports the idea that facial feedback exerts some influence over the experience of emotions.
The facial expressions that go with different emotions may be largely innate (Eibl-Ebesfedt,
1975). People who have been blind since birth smile and frown much like everyone else,
even though they have never seen smile or a frown (Charlesworth & Kreutzer, 1973). The
idea that facial expressions of emotions might be biologically built in has led to extensive
cross-cultural research on the dynamics of emotion.

Theories of Emotion
James Lange Theory:
William James was a prominent early theorist who urged psychologists to explore the
function of consciousness. James (1884) developed a theory of emotion over 100 years ago
that remains influential today. At about the same time Carl Lange (1885) independently
proposed that the conscious experience of emotion results from one’s autonomic arousal.
Their theory stood common sense on its head. Everyday logic suggests that when you
stumble into a rattlesnake in the woods, the conscious experience of fear leads to a visceral
arousal (the fight or flight response). The James-Lange theory emphasizes the physiological
determinants of emotion. According to this view, different patterns of autonomic activation
lead to the experience of different emotions. Hence, as people supposedly distinguish
emotions such as fear, joy and anger on the basis of the exact configuration of physical
reactions they experience.
Cannon-Bard Theory:
Walter Cannon (1927) found the James-Lange theory unconvincing. Cannon, who developed
the concepts of homeostasis and fight or flight response, pointed out that physiological
arousal may occur without the experience of emotion (if one exercises vigorously, for
instance). He also argued that visceral changes are too slow to precede the conscious
experience of emotion. Finally, he argued that people experiencing very different emotions
such as fear, joy, anger, exhibit almost identical patterns of autonomic arousal.
This, Cannon espoused a different explanation of emotion. Later, Philip Bard (1934)
elaborated on it. The resulting Cannon-Bard theory argues that emotion occurs when the
thalamus sends signals simultaneously to the cortex – creating the conscious experience of
emotion and to the autonomic nervous system, creating visceral arousal.
Ultimately, the key issue in the debate between the James-Lange theory and Cannon-Bard
theory turned out to be whether different emotions are associated with different patterns of
autonomic arousal. The research findings mostly supported the Cannon-Bard findings for
several decades. Investigators found that different emotions are not reliable associated with
different patterns of autonomic activation (Strongman, 1978). However, more recent studies
have detected some subtle differences in the patterns of visceral arousal that accompany basic
emotions such as happiness, sadness, anger, fear (Ekman, Levenson & Friesen, 1983;
Levenson 1992)
The debate continues because many psychologists debate whether people can actually
distinguish between these slightly different patterns of physiological activation (Zillmann,
1983). Humans are not particularly adept at recognizing their autonomic fluctuations. Thus,
there must be some other explanations for how people differentiate various emotions.
Schachter’s Two-factor Theory:
Stanley Schachter believes that people look at situational cues to differentiate between
alternative emotions. According to Schachter (1964; Schachter & Singer 1962;1979), the
experience of emotion depends on two factors- (1) autonomic arousal and (2) cognitive
interpretation of that arousal. Schachter proposes that when you experience visceral arousal,
you search your environment for an explanation. If you are stuck in a traffic jam, you will
probably label your arousal as anger. If you are taking an important exam, you will probably
label it as anxiety. If you are celebrating your birthday, you will probably label it as
happiness. People look at the external rather than internal cues to differentiate and label their
emotions.
Although the Two-factor theory has received support, studies have revealed some limitations
as well (Leventhall & Tomarken, 1986). Situations can’t mould emotions in just any way at
any time. In searching to explain arousal, subjects don’t limit themselves to the immediate
situation. They may consider memories of past events (Maslach, 1979). Finally, the
misperceptions of emotions that provide the foundation for two-factor theory seem to occur
mostly in novel situations when arousal is moderate (Cotton, 1981). Thus, emotions are not
pliable as the two-factor theory initially suggested.
Evolutionary Theories of Emotion:
As the limitations of the two-factor theory were exposed, theorists began returning to ideas
espoused by Charles Darwin over a century ago. Darwin (1872) believed that emotions
developed because of their adaptive value. Fear for instance, would help an organism avoid
danger and thus would aid in survival. Hence Darwin viewed human emotions as a product of
evolution. The premise serves as a foundation for several prominent theories of emotion
developed independently by S S Tomkins (1980,1991), Carroll Izard (1984,1991) and Robert
Plutchik (1984).
These evolutionary theories consider emotions to be largely innate reactions to certain
stimuli. Evolutionary theorists believe that emotion evolved before they thought. They assert
that thought plays a relatively small role in emotion, although they admit that learning and
cognition may have some influence on human emotions. Evolutionary theories generally
assume that emotions originate in sub-cortical brain structures (such as hypothalamus and
most of the limbic system) that evolve before the higher brain areas (I the cortex) associated
with complex thought.
Evolutionary theories also assume that evolution has equipped humans with a small number
of innate emotions with proven adaptive value. Hence, the principal question that
evolutionary of emotion wrestle with is – what are fundamental emotions? Tomkins, Izard
and Plutchik have not come up with identical lists but there is considerable agreement. All
three conclude that people exhibit eight to ten primary emotions. Moreover, six of these
emotions appear on all three lists: fear, anger, joy, disgust, interest and surprise.

Emotion and Cognition

How affect influences Cognition:
The findings of many studies indicate that our current moods can strongly influence several
aspects of cognition. One such effect involves the impact of our current moods or affective
states, on our perception of ambiguous stimuli. In general, we perceive and evaluate these
stimuli more favourably when we are in good mood than when we are in negative one (Isen,
1993; Isen & Baron, 1991). For example, when asked to interview applicants whose
qualifications for a job are ambiguous – neither very strong nor very weak – research
participants assign higher ratings to applicants when they (the interviewers) are in a positive
mood than when they are in a negative mood (Baron, 1987, 1993a).
Another way in which affect influences cognition is through its impact on style of
information processing we adopt. A growing body of research findings indicate that a
positive affect encourages us to adopt a flexible, fluid style of thinking, while negative affect
leads us to engage in more systematic and careful processing (Stroessner & Mackie, 1992).
Why? Perhaps because we interpret negative affect as a kind of danger signal, indicating that
the current situation requires our full attention. Our current moods also influence another
important aspect of cognition- creativity. The results of several studies suggest that being in a
happy mood can increase creativity- perhaps because being in happy mood activates a wider
range of social situations. For instance, recent findings reported by Forgas (1998b) suggest
that negotiators who are in a good mood adopt more cooperative strategies and expect better
outcomes than ones who are in bad mood.
How cognition influences affect:
Most research on the relationship between affect and cognition has focused on how feelings
influence thought. However, there is also compelling evidence for the reverse – the impact of
cognition on affect. Schachter and Singers two-factor theory suggests that we often don’t
know our own feeling or attitudes directly. Rather, because these internal reactions are often
somewhat ambiguous, we look outward – at our own behaviour or at other aspects of the
external world – for clues about the nature of our feelings. In such cases, emotions or feelings
we experience are strongly determined by the interpretation or cognitive labels we select.
A second way in which cognition can affect emotions is through the activation of schemas
containing a strong affective component. For example, if we label an individual as belonging
to some group, our schema for this social category may suggest what traits he or she may
possess. In addition, it may also tell us how we feel about such persons. Thus, activation of a
strong racial. Ethnic or religious schema or stereotypes exert powerful effects upon our
current feelings or moods.
Third, our thoughts can often influence our reactions to emotion-provoking events. For
example, anger and resulting aggressive motivation can often be reduced by apologies and
other information that helps explain why others have treated us in a provocative manner
(Ohbuchi, Kameda & Agarie, 1989). Further, anger can sometimes be reduced- or even
prevented -by techniques such as thinking about events other than those that generate anger
(Zillman, 1993). In such instances, the effects of cognition on feelings can have important
social consequences.
In sum, as our everyday experience suggests, there are indeed many links between affect and
cognition. The way we feel- our current mood- influences the way we think and our thoughts,
in turn, often shape our moods and emotions.

Emotional Intelligence
EQ is a cluster of traits or abilities relating to the emotional side of life.
Major Components of Emotional Intelligence
Goleman (1995) suggests that emotional intelligence consists of five major parts:
1. Knowing our emotions
2. Managing our emotions
3. Motivating ourselves
4. Recognizing the emotions of others &
5. Handling relationships.
Each of these elements, he contends, plays an important role in shaping the outcomes we
experience in life.
Knowing our Emotions: Emotions are often powerful reactions, so it would seem at first
glance that everyone ought to be able to recognize their own feelings. In fact, however, this is
not always the case. Some persons are highly aware of their emotions and their thoughts
about them, but others seem totally oblivious to these. What are the implications of such
differences? First, to the extent individuals are not aware of their own feelings and thus they
cannot make intelligent choices. How can they tell whom to date or marry, what job to take,
which house or car to buy, or even what to order in a restaurant? Second, because such
persons aren’t aware of their own emotions, they are often low in expressiveness – they don’t
show their feelings clearly through facial expressions, body language or other cues most of us
use to recognize others’ feelings (Malandro & Barker, 1994). This can have adverse effects
on their interpersonal relationships, because other people find it hard to know how they are
feeling or reacting. For these reasons, this first component of emotional intelligence seems to
be quite important.
Managing our Emotions: To regulate their nature, intensity and expression (E.g. Zillman,
1996). Doing so is very important both for our own mental health and from the point of view
of interacting effectively with others. For instance, consider persons who simply cannot
control their temper, are they bound for success and a happy life? No. They will probably be
avoided by many people and will not get the jobs, promotions or lovers they want.
Motivating Ourselves: To motivate ourselves to work long and hard on a task, remaining
enthusiastic and optimistic about the final outcome, and being able to delay gratification- to
put off receiving small rewards now in order to get larger ones later on (Shoda, Mischel &
Peake, 1990). Being high in such skills can indeed contribute to success in many different
contexts.
Recognising and Influencing others Emotions: Another aspect of emotional intelligence, as
described by Goleman, is the ability to “read” others accurately – to recognize the mood they
are in and what emotion they are experiencing. This skill is valuable in many practical
settings. For instance, if you can accurately gauge another person’s current mood, you can
tell whether it’s the right time to ask him/her for a favour. Similarly, persons who are skilled
at generating strong emotions in others are often highly successful in such fields such as sales
and politics. They can get other people to feel what they want them to feel.
Handling relationships: Some people seem to have a knack for getting along with others:
most people who meet these people like then, and as a result, they have many friends and
often enjoy high levels of success in their careers. In contrast, others seem to make a mess of
virtually all their personal relationships. According to Goleman (1995), such differences are
another reflection of differences in emotional intelligence, or, as some researchers would
phrase it, differences in interpersonal intelligence.