Keys to a Longer, Happier Life
Keys to a Longer, Happier Life
com/science/article/pii/S0277953617306561
Manuscript_d1c931c2d8c55f5dc2a78566130a0b03
HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY 1
University of Connecticut
Author Notes
We thank Frances Aboud, Chris Dunkel Schetter, Emily Alden Hennessy, Benjamin X. White, and
Richard Wolferz, Jr. for their very helpful comments on a prior draft of this article; and, we thank Emma
The preparation of this article was supported in part by a subcontract from U.S. Public Health
and Policy (InCHIP), University of Connecticut, 2006 Hillside Road, Unit 1248, Storrs, CT 06269-1248 USA.
Email: [email protected]
© 2017 published by Elsevier. This manuscript is made available under the Elsevier user license
https://www.elsevier.com/open-access/userlicense/1.0/
HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY 1
Abstract
Rationale. It has long been known that factors of the mind and of interpersonal relationships influence
health, but it is only in the last 50 years that an independent scientific field of health psychology
appeared, dedicated to understanding psychological and behavioral processes in health, illness, and
healthcare. Objective and method. This article (a) reviews important research that answers the question
of how human beings can have longer, happier lives; and (b) highlights trends in health psychology
featuring articles in Social Science & Medicine as well as other related literature. Results. Since the
1970s, health psychology has embraced a biopsychosocial model such that biological factors interact
and are affected by psychological and social elements. This model has illuminated all subjects of health,
ranging from interventions to lower stress and/or to improve people’s ability to cope with stressors, to
mental and physical health. Importantly, a health psychology perspective is behavioral: The majority of
chronic diseases of today can be avoided or reduced through healthy lifestyles (e.g., sufficient exercise,
proper diet, sufficient sleep). Thus, behavior change is the key target to help reduce the immense public
health burden of chronic lifestyle illnesses. Health psychology also focuses on how social patterns
influence health behavior and outcomes, in the form of patient-provider interactions or as social forces
in communities where people live, work, and play. Health psychology is congenial to other health
sciences, especially when allied with ecological perspectives that incorporate factors upstream from
individual behavior, such as networks linked to individuals (e.g., peer groups, communities). Over its
history, health psychology research has been responsive to societal and medical needs and has routinely
Key words: biopsychosocial model; chronic disease; stress; coping; mental health; patient-provider
1. Introduction
What are the keys to a healthy, happy, productive life? Along with other scientific fields, this question
has been richly addressed by health psychology, which is concerned with psychological and behavioral
processes in health, illness, and healthcare. Health psychology emerged in recent decades as an
important contributor to a broader effort aimed to ameliorate the most pressing health-related issues in
the world today: health, medical care, stress and coping, and how best to prevent, treat, and/or manage
biopsychosocial model that takes into account psychological, physiological, and environmental
influences on health. Health psychology also brings other key factors to bear on health, including
culture, socioeconomic factors, stigma, patient-provider interactions, among others. Health psychology
Our main goal in this article is to review health psychology’s prominent findings and theoretical
perspectives, while giving some sense of the field’s history. Of course, it is impossible to do this subject
justice in a single article; moreover, it is important to honor all of the history of health psychology as
well as influences from related fields, even while we highlight research published in Social Science &
Medicine. Many of the trends we observe in health psychology are in fact part of trends in science and
health; at key junctures, we elucidate intersections of this field with other disciplines. It is also important
to acknowledge that whereas the field of health psychology addresses global health, this review focuses
mainly on issues related to Western society and its health. In Section 2, we describe the dominant
theoretical perspective in health psychology, the biopsychosocial model, which reveals the often
dynamic interrelationships between biological, psychological, and social factors. This model emerged
from research on health psychology’s most central subject matter, stress. This section highlights the
central role that habitual behavior plays in setting the stage for chronic illnesses such as hypertension
HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY 5
and coronary heart disease. In Section 3, we consider how social interactions and networks (e.g.,
patient-provider interactions; community stress) affect health and review interventions to lower stress,
to improve people’s ability to cope with stressors, and to address other health issues. In Section 4, we
offer reflections on trends in health psychology, and Section 5 sums up the field’s answers to the
2.1. From Communicable to Non-Communicable Diseases and the Centrality of Health Behaviors
Medical science has witnessed many revolutions in its history, and these continue to unfold at a
quickening pace. As medical science improved, so did public health: Until this era, human lives might in
fact be well typified as nasty, brutish, and short, to paraphrase the 17th century political philosopher,
Thomas Hobbes. Between 1800 and 2000, lifespans doubled from an average of about 35 years to 70;
developed countries led the trend in expanding lifespan, but in recent decades, lagging nations have
been closing the gap. Medical science developed steadily better maternal care—saving the lives not only
of more women giving birth but also the lives of their newborn infants. Until at least the first half of the
20th century, viral influenza strains regularly killed millions of people in brief epidemics—medical
science developed antibiotics and vaccines that transformed fatal or debilitating diseases into nuisance
conditions that can be stopped before they threaten life or, at best, prevent them altogether. It is
important to recognize that it was not just improvements in medical care that drove progress but also
improved nutrition, shelter, transportation, and perhaps most of all, improved public sanitation services.
Even as medical solutions and technological advances improved public health, they also created
unanticipated problems. In developed countries, the decreasing incidence of acute infections appears to
be contributing to the increase in autoimmune and allergic diseases, according to the hygiene
hypothesis (Okada et al., 2010). Moreover, assistive technology has also led to a sedentary lifestyle
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coupled with the easy availability of fast (and processed) food that has created a rise in avoidable
chronic diseases. While there are still over 800 million people in the world suffering from chronic
hunger, worldwide obesity rates have more than doubled since 1980, and youth obesity rates have
tripled in the past 30 years (Chan, 2016; Ogden et al., 2015). America is in the midst of a healthcare
crisis; approximately 84 million U.S. adults have prediabetes, and more than one-third of American
adults have obesity, contributing to some of the leading causes of preventable death (Ogden et al.,
2015).
The financial burden of chronic lifestyle illness is rising, placing a large toll on the healthcare system that
may not be sustainable. In 2014, 16 million people died prematurely – before the age of 70 – due to
chronic disease, according to the World Health Organization (WHO) (2015). Chronic disease conditions
are noncommunicable diseases as they are not passed from person to person, and include four main
types: 1) cardiovascular diseases (e.g., heart attacks and stroke); 2) cancers; 3) chronic respiratory
diseases (e.g., chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, asthma); and 4) diabetes. In 2015, the WHO
stated that “Premature noncommunicable disease deaths can be significantly reduced through
government policies reducing tobacco use, harmful use of alcohol, unhealthy diets and physical
inactivity, and delivering universal health care.” Notably, the success of this perspective hinges on
individuals adopting and maintaining healthy lifestyles and receiving network support such as care from
providers who understand and address the causes of these conditions. Accordingly, policy officials
increasingly view behavior change on the population level as a key target to help reduce the immense
For the past two centuries, the biomedical model dominated medical science and practice, defining
health as freedom from disease, pain, and defects; thus, the normal human condition is “healthy.” Yet,
HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY 7
health is a continuum, and the absence of disease does not necessarily mean one is in a state of good
health. Modern medical systems are expected to excel at treating diseases of biological etiology, but in
the past, the biomedical model was built on a narrow, reductionist strategy that focused on biological
aspects of disease and illness. Is illness always caused by biological factors? Will targeting detrimental
biological factors guarantee a return to health? Health psychologists increasingly have argued that these
are false assumptions, and stress is known to interact with and exasperate diseases of biological etiology
(e.g., Wade & Halligan, 2004). Although the biomedical model certainly drove and still drives many
innovations in medicine and medical care (e.g., including increasing understanding of the biological
mechanisms of mental disorders), a biomedical perspective alone does not guarantee a positive
outcome, nor explain a number of phenomena such as placebo effects and health disparities;
psychological and social elements must also be included, as well as community-level factors and
environment.
Health care professionals bear witness to the importance of other factors besides disease in the etiology
of illness, and health psychology has provided updated models to take these factors into account. In the
1970s that the field of health psychology more formally emerged, allied with behavioral medicine, which
posited that positive behavior change creates better health (Schwartz & Weiss, 1978). Physician George
L. Engel (1977) was one of the first to propose and label a broad biopsychosocial model that emphasized
the importance of an ecological relationship between an individual and his/her environment, and how
an individual perceives his/her environment. Health psychologists quickly embraced and promoted this
perspective, and today, biopsychosocial models are nearly universally embraced—at least in theory, if
not in practice (Adler, 2009; Ogden, 1995). Moreover, as Section 3.2 expands, a biopsychosocial
perspective is congenial not only to health psychology but also to other disciplines. It provides a
foundation for “lifestyle medicine”, which is an emerging effort to broaden the scope of mainstream
medicine to include the use of evidence-based lifestyle therapeutic approaches, such as a predominantly
HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY 8
whole food, plant-based diet, exercise, sleep, stress management, alcohol moderation and tobacco
cessation, and other non-drug modalities, to prevent, treat, and, potentially even reverse lifestyle-
related, chronic diseases (Antonovsky, 1993; Egger et al., 2009). Similarly, education programs for
medical professionals are incorporating lifestyle medicine into their curriculum to help healthcare
providers better assist patients in developing self-care strategies to improve one’s own health (Vinje et
al., 2017; Egger et al., 2009). In short, a more holistic view of health is necessary.
Stress is a central concept in health psychology because it impacts nearly any bodily system, either
directly or indirectly. Traditionally, health psychologists measured stress based on self-reports of daily
stressors, stressful life events, adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) such as emotional, physical, and
sexual abuse, or food insecurity. More recently, biological measures of chronic stress have become more
commonplace with cortisol as a predominant biomarker. Studies linking stressful life conditions to later
morbidity and mortality show that stress can have direct and measureable effects on the body through
allostatic load, which is overall stress-induced physiological wear-and-tear. Studies often divide common
measurements of allostatic load into categories representing the underlying physiological systems, such
as (a) neuroendocrine system, (b) immune and inflammatory system, (c) metabolic system, (d)
cardiovascular and respiratory systems, and (e) nervous system (Solís et al., 2016). New biomarkers are
emerging at a rapid pace to measure the impact of stress upon each of these biological pathways. A
recent study used 23 different biomarkers to quantify allostatic load (see Fig. 1; Schwartz, 2017);
multivariate approaches that employ a broad range of biomarkers are preferred due to the high
complexity of the underlying biological systems, whereas studies that focus on only one or two
Fig. 1. Stress can have a negative long-term impact on health through multiple physiological pathways
and biological systems (Schwartz, 2017). Biological measures appear below each system; researchers
commonly combine measurements such as these to quantify overall allostatic load.
In more detail, Fig. 2 illustrates pathways through which chronic stress can contribute to chronic
disease, including physiological responses that interact with changes in mood, behavior, and
environment, and may also be influenced by genetics and epigenetic modifications. Pathways are
complex, bidirectional, and can be self-reinforcing. Studies have shown that social and environmental
stressors such as low parental education, maternal distress, and child abuse lead to increased
cardiovascular disease-related risks in children, which may be due in part to desensitization of the
children’s neuroendocrine-immune response (Riis et al., 2016). Among other results, Schwartz (2017)
found that allostatic load was higher in people who perceived more inequality, emphasizing the
importance of the perception in determining how stimuli convey their effects. Similarly, social adversity
HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY 10
(e.g., poverty, unemployment, low education, and lack of social support) increases the risk of chronic
disease through changes in immune cell distribution, contributing to the dualistic response of immune
function in the face of chronic stress (i.e., reduced immune function and increased chronic
inflammation) (Acabchuk et al,, 2017; Simons et al., 2017). Disparities in education offer a further
example of a stress-related impact, with inflammation accounting for the largest portion of the link
between low education and increased risk of mortality (Todd, Shkolnikov, & Goldman, 2016). Thus,
Much research has shown that stress leaves a biological mark, getting “under the skin” through various
pathways to contribute to long-term health or disease (Acabchuk et al., 2017; Das, 2016). Given that
stress has such powerful effects, it is crucial not only to understand what causes stress but also to
identify plausible opportunities of intervention (Fig. 2). Programs that enhance coping skills, especially
those that build resilience, can offer a protective buffer against the negative health burden of stress.
Resilience is defined as the ability to thrive and survive despite exposure to difficulties (e.g., trauma,
adversity). Factors that improve resilience include positive appraisal coping, effective cognitive and
emotion regulation, self-efficacy, strong social support and family bonds (e.g., Bonanno, 2004; Li et al.,
2017). A large part of current research focuses on investigating mechanisms of action, or “active
ingredients” of interventions aimed to improve self-regulation and build resilience to stress in order to
maximize outcomes when such interventions are translated into community-based programs. The points
of intervention opportunities visualized in Fig. 2 emphasize the broad reach of behavior change and
resilience building strategies to reduce the burden of mental health and medical care.
HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY 11
Fig. 2. Pathways and points of intervention between stress and chronic disease. The relationship
between stress and chronic disease is highly complex, bidirectional, and often self-reinforcing (blue and
light gray arrows). Intervention opportunities to reduce the negative health burden of stress along the
pathway appear below the dashed line. See Fig. 1 for additional physiological changes.
PNS=parasympathetic nervous system; SNS=sympathetic nervous system.
Section 2 documented the powerful role that stressors play in health and listed some social pressures
that are connected to stress (e.g., trauma, stigma). In fact, stresses humans face often result from other
people: family obligations, relationships, work stress, financial issues, legal problems, and even minor
disruptions like traffic or waiting in line. Furthermore, struggling to maintain healthy behavior (trying a
new diet, too much or too little exercise, quitting smoking) can also be a major source of stress.
Regardless of whether stresses are caused by other people or not (e.g., food insecurity, lack of
electricity, extreme weather), social support is a key element of the solution; allied networks can be a
other people cause stress, ranging from the death of a close friend or family member to the stress
caused by a demanding boss, abusive spouse, or sick child. The influence of the social environment is
especially critical during development: Youth from a family environment marked by socioeconomic
disadvantage, a lack of support and structure, hostility, and conflict (and other ACEs) are at higher risk
for developing poor mental and physical health outcomes such as depression, substance use,
cardiovascular disease, hypertension, and obesity (Repetti et al., 2002). Parental smoking is one of the
best predictors for smoking in their children (Palmer, 1970). More family illnesses occur when a parent is
deeply depressed (Lewis et al., 1989). Stressed or burnt-out teachers also stress their pupils (Oberle &
Schonert-Reichl, 2016). Of course, having a particular disease or illness potentially links into negative
social pressures, as has been amply demonstrated in the stigma associated with HIV/AIDS (e.g., Parker &
Aggleton, 2003), mental illness (Livingston & Boyd, 2010), and addiction (McGinty et al., 2015). The
same is true for people with stigmatized identities in terms of gender (Hankivsky, 2012), sexual
orientation (Hatzenbuehler et al., 2014), or race (Reid, Dovidio, Ballester, & Johnson, 2014). Workplace
inequality creates stress-related illness (e.g., de Jonge, Bosma, Peter, & Siegrist, 2000; Marmot et al.,
1991; Schnorpfeil et al., 2003; Siegrist et al., 2004). People commonly fret economic debts or time
commitments to others. Such robust effects offer stark testimony to the stress that negative social
networks often create. It may even often be, as the French existential philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre put
On the positive side, other people are essential to human development itself and good social
relationships help individuals thrive (Folkman, 1997). Of course, secure child development is associated
with longer, happier, more productive lives (Berkman, Glass, Brissette, & Seeman, 2000). But the health
benefits of strong relationships are not limited to development; they are essential throughout the
HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY 13
lifespan. Marital satisfaction was found to be a better buffer of day-to-day fluctuations in perceived
health and happiness in older adults compared to time spent with others, emphasizing the importance
of strong relationship bonds in maintaining happiness in the lives of older adults (Waldinger et al., 2010).
Quality of close relationships appear crucial; for example, in a Harvard study, relationship satisfaction at
age 50 predicted health at age 80 better than any biomarker (Waldinger & Schulz, 2016). People with
larger social networks suffer fewer colds despite direct exposure to a rhinovirus (Cohen et al., 1997).
Positive networks can promote having a greater sense of purpose, which is a critical determinant of
longevity (Boyle et al., 2010). People who volunteer for community causes improve their mental health
(Borgonovi, 2008). Social support, whether in the form of friends or family, was found to assist minority
women in initiating an exercise regimen (Eyler et al., 1999). Marriage is consistently linked to health
(Lewis et al., 2006); Umberson (1992) found that married men engage in healthier behavior because
their spouses monitor and attempt to control their health behavior. As Mineo (2017) aptly summarized,
“Good genes are nice, but joy is better.” Open communication between father and child positively
affects the family’s psychosocial functioning (Christensen, 2004). Social networks also have a role in
illness recovery: Breast cancer patients who felt satisfied with the level of support they received from
family members were significantly less anxious and depressed (Neuling & Winefield, 1988). Many people
with serious disabilities nonetheless report having a high quality of life, in part due to good relationships
(Albrecht & Devlieger, 1999). Some people and communities are more resilient than others due to the
positive social interactions at critical junctures (Bonanno, 2004; Berkman & Syme, 1979). In summary,
positive social networks improve productivity, healthy behavior, immune function, disease recovery,
purpose, resilience and overall quality of life. Clearly, social networks, at their best, improve physical
health and are probably the biggest contributor to positive mental health.
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Interventions to improve health behavior by altering appraisal strategies are common targets for
intervention. Stressful life events may be inevitable, but how one perceives and interprets these events
can greatly influence the magnitude of harm imparted upon one’s health (Hagger et al., 2017; Leventhal,
Leventhal, & Contrada, 1998). Cognitive distortions, such as rumination, magnification and
catastrophizing can cause additional stress beyond the initial stressor, contributing to prolonged,
chronic stress (Zola, 1973), which can contribute to chronic disease (Fig. 2). Thus, coping interventions
(e.g., cognitive behavioral therapy, mindfulness-based interventions, goal setting, etc.) emphasize
strategies such as emotion regulation, impulse control and cognitive restructuring to improve mental
health and health behavior (e.g., Giles-Corti & Donovan, 2002; Barker, 2014; Britton et al., 2012; Loucks
et al., 2015; Ferguson, Bender, & Thompson, 2015; Folkman & Lazarus, 1988). New research is beginning
to determine the components of behavior change interventions in order to identify critical regulatory
mechanisms that underlie improved coping skills for stress reduction. For example, a recent dismantling
attitude of receptivity and equanimity toward all momentary experiences that allows even stressful
Most health psychology interventions focus closely on self-regulation of emotions, cognitions, and
behaviors (e.g., Barker, 2014; Felton, Revenson, & Hinrichsen, 1984; Folkman & Lazarus, 1988). In so
doing, interventionists network with target individuals to promote health in person, or more recently,
through technology and social media (Head, Noar, Iannarino, & Harrington, 2013; Johnson et al., 2010).
This strategy attempts to educate, provide needed skills, or to enhance motivation to act in a healthy
fashion. Behavior change theories provide frameworks for evaluating interventions and identifying
target mechanisms that produce desired outcomes (e.g., Fisher & Fisher, 1992; Gardner et al., 2010). A
HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY 15
behavior change technique taxonomy provides researchers with a reliable method for identifying the
key “active ingredients” of a behavior change intervention (e.g., prompts/cues, social support, and
feedback) (Michie et al., 2013). Certain behavior change techniques, such as goal setting and self-
monitoring, appear particularly useful in promoting the development of healthy behaviors, while factors
related to internal motivation and autonomy appear more critical for maintaining those efforts
(Kwasnicka et al., 2016; Samdal et al., 2017). Nonetheless, health behavior change and maintenance do
not happen in a vacuum; social networks are critical. Interventions that accommodate social contagion
will spread behavior change more effectively (Aral & Nicolaides, 2017). Loneliness and high conflict
relationships undermine health, and strong positive close relationships offer protective factors to both
the mind and body. Close relationships help keep us happy and healthy, but they are not a quick fix:
relationships take time and effort to establish and maintain. Although much research has highlighted the
importance of close personal relationships to improve physical and mental health, the challenge remains
to translate such knowledge into interventions to improve social relationships (Dunkel Schetter, 2017).
and other maladies. Since the 1970s, medical practice has moved toward a patient-centered approach
such that patients are no longer passive recipients of health instructions but in fact “have expectations
of the doctor, evaluate the doctor’s actions, and are able to make their own treatment decisions”
(Stimson 1974, p. 97; see also Mead & Bower, 2000). Indeed, part of the placebo response to medical
treatments may stem from the patient’s beliefs and expectations about the provider (Bishop et al.,
2012; Noble, Douglas, & Newman, 2001). Interestingly, Hall and Dornam’s (1988) meta-analysis on
patient satisfaction surveys found that patients considered the overall quality, humaneness, and
competence of the provider to be of higher importance than actual health outcomes. How and when
doctors choose to impart critical medical information can influence a patient’s ability to comprehend
HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY 16
and recall such information (e.g., providing instructions while under the duress of impending test results
may not be ideal; Portnoy, 2010). Effective communication strategies may be even more important
when the patients are members of vulnerable populations (e.g., low SES patients, children). In their
systematic review, Kodjebacheva, Sabo, and Xiong (2016) found that medical communications with
children improved when providers undertook role-playing and seminars, when parents read booklets or
attended discussions, and when children watched videos showing how to communicate with physicians.
Together, these studies illustrate just some of the reasons why patient-provider interactions are an
Another issue related to patient-provider interactions is the need to adhere to medical regimens that
the provider prescribes, because adherence is a primary determinant of treatment success. The WHO
found that only 50% of patients who suffer from chronic diseases adhere to treatment
recommendations (Sabate, 2003). Consequences of poor adherence include both health and economic
implications; thus, the issue of compliance is a major focus of health change research. Since the 1980s,
medical regimen adherence has been viewed more as an issue of self-regulation, albeit triggered by a
visit with a provider, rather than of compliance based on the doctor-patient relationship (Conrad, 1985);
that is, even if patients have a strong positive relationship with their doctor (and finances are not the
issue), they may still have trouble adhering. Not surprisingly, interventions to improve medical regimen
adherence succeed better when they incorporate more social support (de Bruin et al., 2010). Thus, some
part of medical compliance stems from others’ influence, the network regulation of health behavior.
3.2. Connections of Health Psychological Processes Mediate Upstream and Downstream Forces
Our discourse highlights the fact that networks are crucial for individual health. Berkman and colleagues
(2000) posited that factors at a broader, upstream level cascade into lower levels downstream using
processes and structures such as Fig. 3 lists. Thus, cultural, socioeconomic, political, and social change
HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY 17
factors influence social networks, which in turn affect individual outcomes. This and other ecological
models emphasize that, without congenial upstream factors, it is difficult to reduce health burdens at
the individual level. Accordingly, for example, neighborhood factors such as perceived safety, sidewalks,
and proximity to recreational facilities have some influence on physical activity levels (Carver et al.,
activity, but not sufficient to induce behavior (Giles-Corti & Donovan, 2002). In the U.S. and many
developed nations, income inequality has increased in recent decades, which marks an environment
that selectively disadvantages some over others and worsens health (Pickett & Wilkinson, 2015). Thus,
reducing income inequality is increasingly a good way to improve public health, because it improves the
ecology for all concerned. Note that the material we have covered in this article is congenial to both
upstream and downstream factors that Bergman and colleagues identified: Health psychology
Fig. 3. A conceptual model of how social networks impact health (from Berkman et al., 2000).
Although health psychologists have published their work in a wide variety of outlets, many have
appeared in the journal in which this article appears, Social Science & Medicine (SSM), which Pergamon
Press established in 1967 (in 1991, Elsevier Limited acquired Pergamon Press). Thus, this article and
others celebrate SSM’s golden jubilee; in this article, we cited classic sources, many of which appeared
in SSM (for methods, see Appendix A in the online supplement). From its onset, SSM featured articles
from the then-fashionable term medical psychology and it has maintained a health psychology office for
decades. In the past 50 years, SSM has published over 18,000 articles, with a substantial subset focusing
on health psychology.
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As Figure 4 shows, prominent articles published in the 1970s tended to focus more on doctor-patient
relationships/satisfaction, stress, coping, and cardiovascular health, whereas articles since 2010 have
focused more on health or mortality, obesity, mental illness/health, and socioeconomic factors
impacting health, illustrating a shift towards a more proactive approach by looking at behavior change
and programs that attempt to improve practices for better health. Yet, such illustrations cannot capture
all recent advances, such as the crucial importance of sufficient sleep for health (e.g., Exelmans & Van
den Bulck, 2016). Trends in health psychology often reflect current disease epidemics, especially when
funding is allocated to address the issue. For example, the HIV/AIDS epidemic that began in the 1980s
led to a flow of funding that allowed researchers to work across national boundaries, focusing efforts on
behavior change research evaluating prevention programs and strategies to improve care for those
living with or affected by HIV/AIDS (e.g., Parker & Aggleton, 2003). Knowledge gained from HIV/AIDS
interventions is now being translated to additional health domains. Similarly, research follows the
impact of world events, such as the mental health of refugees arriving from war-torn countries (e.g.,
Miller & Rasmussen, 2010). Topics in health psychology also address policy ramifications, which can be
powerful motivators of behavior change. For example, Noar et al.’s (2016) meta-analysis documented
that strengthened cigarette pack warnings increased knowledge, quit line calls, and quit attempts, and
1970s 2010s
Fig. 4. Primary subjects of prominent articles published in Social Science & Medicine during the 1970s
(left) and between 2010 and 2016 (right), sized according to frequency of appearance. Appendix C in
the online supplement offers additional such word cloud figures.
Health disparities have always been an important research agenda for social science, and health
psychology in particular; health disparities are known to persist even after controlling for access-related
factors (Bastos et al., 2010). Racial disparities exist in terms of how physicians perceive and act with
patients, and vice versa (Sussman et al., 1987; Van Ryn & Burke, 2000). Such discrimination can directly
impact treatments or treatment-seeking behavior. For example, Burgess et al. (2008) showed
experimentally that doctors use racial stereotyping when prescribing opioids to manage pain, employing
different decision-making strategies for Whites and Blacks. Rising awareness of extremes of wealth and
prevalence of poverty ought to pressure society’s leaders to address health inequalities. As noted, in the
United States and many developed nations, income inequality has increased in recent decades, which
marks an environment that selectively disadvantages some over others and worsens health (Pickett &
Wilkinson, 2015). Thus, reducing income inequality is logically a way to improve public health.
HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY 21
Culture and social networks shape habits and behavior in almost an unconscious level, having a strong
impact on how we cope with stress and handle anxiety (Bourdieau, 1984; Zola, 1973). Fewer people are
involved in organized religion, which traditionally helped facilitate a sense of community and connection
with a meaningful set of values. A contemporary rise in spirituality may be an attempt to fill this void, as
people seek to find meaning in their lives (e.g., WHOQoL SRPB Group, 2006). Importantly, educational
systems are working to bring healthy meals and mind-body programs into the classroom to improve
student attention and behavior; corporations are investing in lifestyle programs for employees to
increase productivity and reduce healthcare costs; law enforcement personnel are receiving training to
reduce implicit bias and discrimination to improve relationships between police officers and community
members.
Technology continues to change society rapidly, altering many facets of daily life and as an extension,
people’s health. With these changes come both new opportunities and new problems, and new
problems require novel solutions. Health-related benefits of an ever-more-wired era include online
support groups, easily accessible apps to help people deal with problems like addiction, and an array of
fitness trackers, app monitors, and feedback tools that empower people to take control over their own
personal health. Technology is also transforming the doctor-patient relationship in positive ways,
through improved communication, increased monitoring capabilities, and more personalized care. Of
course there are also many concerns associated with the rise in use of technology, such as reduced face-
to-face interactions with physicians due to the push towards telemedicine, which could potentially
impair quality of interaction and subsequent compliance. Examples of other concerns include increased
screen time in youth contributing to childhood obesity, diminished social skills, depression, or issues
with attention and impulse control in a society surrounded by instant gratification (e.g., Liu et al., 2015;
HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY 22
Exelmans & Van den Bulck, 2016; Head et al., 2013). It is not yet known whether social media
addiction (e.g., obsessive monitoring of ‘likes’ on Instagram) will translate into increased health issues
and risk behaviors, but research does suggest that repetitive stimulation of dopaminergic reward
systems can prime addiction pathways, especially during development (Kim et al., 2017). Recent studies
investigate new internet-related issues that arise such as the prevalence of biased online reviews of
medical treatment outcomes (de Barra, 2017), which can lead to consumers/patients basing treatment
2017).
Similar to trends found in related fields, health psychology increasingly investigates causal pathways.
While earlier work focused on identifying and exploring what mental, behavioral, environmental and
cultural factors influence health and illness, as we documented in section 2.3, more recent
investigations work to identify how these factors influence health. Exemplifying this trend in depression,
early studies focused on identifying groups vulnerable to depression, and investigated ethnic differences
in care seeking behavior (Sussman et al., 1987). More recent studies address how environmental factors
contribute to depression. For example, studies ask: Does neighborhood crime influence depressive
symptoms via epigenetic alterations (Lei et al., 2015)? And, what is the directional link between
inflammation and depression (Das, 2016)? These studies illustrate a larger biodemographic trend that
relies on interdisciplinary strategies, often combining “big data” (e.g., spatially linking large public
As collaborations across fields seek to provide novel insight into complex health issues that are often
beyond any single scientist’s area of expertise, it becomes essential to proceed with care; social
scientists must appreciate the rigor required and honor the limitations of biological measurements, and
HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY 23
basic scientists must appreciate the challenges involved in working with uncontrolled samples outside of
the laboratory setting (Johnson & Michie, 2015; Kaufman et al., 2014). Choosing appropriate study
designs is critical, especially when using biomarkers such as cortisol or alpha-amylase that have naturally
occurring diurnal variations (Skoluda et al., 2017). As we noted, new biomarkers for stress and
inflammation are emerging and more commonly used, especially as less invasive methods of collection
become available. Rather than having to obtain blood or urine samples, several markers can now be
analyzed via saliva, and hair samples may even be used to examine temporal change in chronic stress
In the future, emerging scientific advances including those derived from animal studies will likely spur
the field of health psychology to address novel questions related to health, stress, and disease. As an
illustration, animal studies on the microbiota-gut-brain axis have shown that stress changes the internal
environment of the intestinal tract to make it less habitable for the ‘good’ bacteria, increasing levels of
the ‘bad’ bacteria. Changes in the microbiome can affect signaling in the brain, alter mood regulation,
increase pain sensitivity and may even be related to increased risk of disease (e.g., vascular issues that
can lead to stroke or cognitive decline) (Tang et al., 2017). Scientific advances in understanding the
influence of gut microbiota on emotion, cognition and behavior may propel social scientists to ask new
questions about the associations between nutrition and stress, mental health and disease. This
Advances in neuroscience demonstrate that while environmental stressors can create lasting
impairments in behavior and brain functioning through neuroplasticity, these effects can also be
reversible through persistent re-patterning (Liston et al, 2009). Such findings lend important implications
for stress reduction strategies and learned coping skills to mitigate the sequelae of chronic stress (e.g.,
HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY 24
improve cognitive function and behavior). New forms of cognitive behavioral therapy based on
mindfulness, compassion, gratitude, and acceptance (Kahl et al., 2012; Otto et al., 2016) are examples of
mind-body interventions geared towards empowering individuals to take greater control over their own
thoughts, emotions, behaviors and habits. Fortunately, neuroplasticity exists even late in life (Ellwardt,
Van Tilburg, & Aartsen, 2015; Boyke et al., 2008), potentiating positive health behavior change and
maintenance. Similarly, rejecting negative stereotypes about aging is associated with more successful
To reduce the immense burden of chronic disease, health behavior change is necessary at the
population level. Positive social networks along with efforts to improve self-regulation are critical to
establishing and maintaining healthy attitudes and behavior. Public policy to address income inequality
will help alleviate health disparities, but similar to the underlying biological mechanisms of stress, issues
surrounding inequality are highly complex and often bidirectional. A wide opportunity for intervention
lies in improving coping strategies and stress reactions, such as resilience training to reduce additional
Although not commonly stated as such, the lessons of health psychology research offer an answer to the
secret to successful living: Maintain a sense of purpose, positive social relationships and healthy habits,
including a healthy diet, sufficient exercise and sleep; moderation and optimism are best. Not only is this
a recipe for successful living, but successful aging, as well. The caveat is that many factors can interfere
with these lessons, and unless social networks are supportive, health will be compromised. Although
many factors may remain out of an individual’s control (Figs. 2 and 3), behavior change strategies can
empower individuals and populations to improve health, longevity and quality of life. In the end, the
ultimate lesson of health psychology is that good health hinges on taking a comprehensive approach
HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY 25
that optimizes biological, psychological, social, and environmental (natural and built) forces. Future
research that uses increasingly rigorous and interdisciplinary perspectives will elaborate the
mechanisms involved and ensure that, in years to come, health psychology will continue to play an
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