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Impacts of Bengal Vaishnavism in the religious set-up of Manipur

and its transformation

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 Hill Geographer
XXXVII:I (2021), Page 53-64
ISSN 0970-5023

Research Paper

Impacts of Bengal Vaishnavism in the religious set-up of Manipur

and its transformation
Saswati Das and Premangshu Chakrabarty *
Department of Geography, Visva-Bharati, Santiniketan, - 731235, India,
(*Corresponding author: [email protected])

Abstract
Apart from Assam in the North-East India, Manipur is the only stronghold of Hinduism.
None of the available studies in the domain of cultural geography has adequately
evaluated yet the influence of Vaishnavism that diffused from Bengal while forming
such religious legacy.The decline in the percentage of Hindu population in Manipur
during last few decades have triggered a number of research questionst and this paper
is an attempt to address the research gap in this context focussing on the resilience
capacity of its Vaishnavite culture evolved from the theology and philosophy of Bengal
Vaishnavism. By the efforts of the followers of Sri Chaitanya, the founder of Gaudiya
Vaishnavism in Bengal, Vaishnavism became the State Religion of Manipur in the middle
of 18th century and Nabadwip, the birth place of Sri Chaitanya in West Bengal, became
the prime place of pilgrimage for the Manipuri Vaishnavas. Ethnographic surveys
have been conducted among Manipuri’s pilgrims visiting Nabadwip and their travel
motivations have been evaluated by the application of Principal Component Analysis.
A special thrust has been given on the qualitative analysis of metaphors concerning the
landscape that highlights assimilation between tribal culture of Meiteis and Vaishnava
culture of Bengal with reference to its impacts in shaping the distinctive identity of
Manipur among the north eastern states of India.
Keywords: Hinduism, landscape, culture, pilgrimage, metaphor.

Introduction
Among the hilly north-eastern states of India, Manipur is world renowned for its music, dance and
drama oriented unique religious culture developed by the Meiteis, who adopted Hinduism under
the influence of Vaishanava missionaries migrated from Bengal. Manipur became stronghold of
Vaishnavism as the result of transculturation between Bengal Vaishnavism and traditional tribal
faith of animistic origin. Apart from Meiteis, there are other two tribal communities in Manipur,

Hill Geographer,Vol. XXXVII : I (June, 2021)/ISSN 0970-5023 53

namely Loi and the Vaithibi, who never adopted Hinduism. In the context of demography, the
Bishnupriya and Bamon are among the emigrants of Manipur, who were originally Hindus.
The Bamons are Brahmins mostly from Bengal, who were not only accepted but also absorbed
in Meitei society with their distinctive Vaishnava culture. These migrant Brahmins got married
with the Meitei girls and settled all over the Imphal valley. It is impossible to find any Meitei
village where a Brahmin family is absent (Singh 1963). Such Brahmins used to occupy prestigious
positions in the royal court of Manipur and by their intellect, a lot of Hindu elements have
been intruded in Meitei culture since the 15th century. However, a transculturation took place
by the end of the 18th century through Meiteisation of Vaishnava faith leading to the growth
of neo-Vaishnavism, which is nothing but a new dogma in Hinduism characterized by the
inherent strength of Meitei culture. There evolved a Hinduism which is unique in nature with
ritualistic differences from any other part of India. In available literatures, there is absence of
cultural geographic interpretation on why and how such spatial organization was evolved and
ratified through centuries with emphasis on origin, functionalities and vulnerabilities of Manipur
Vaishnavism.
Manipur, (240 16/ N to 250 02/ N and 930 41/ E to 940 09/ E) is strategically an important
state of sovereign India connected by three National Highways (NH-39, NH-53 and NH- 153)
situated at India – Myanmar border. Hinduism is the dominant religion of India and during the
last few decades, decay of Hinduism in Manipur in association with the rise of non- Hindu rebels
demanding separate nation is identified as a national security threat on account of locational
importance of the state in international border. In 1951 Census, population of Manipur was
578,000 which became 2,855,794 in census year 2011. In 1961, when total population was 780,000
in the state, Hindus were absolute majority (about 62 per cent of the total population) while
Christians were about 19 per cent only. In 2011, the Hindu and Christian population are found
in neck-to-neck situation constituting 41.39 per cent and 41.29 per cent respectively (Census
of India 2011). Significantly, Hindus are found as majority in urban areas while Christianity has
evolved as the dominant religion in rural areas. Even in 2001, total Hindu population in the state
enumerated was 996894 while total Christian population was 6,84,795.Though there are a few
incidents of reconversion of Meiteis in their traditional religion, it is found that the percentage
of the followers of traditional religion also decreased in 2011 Census. The activities of Christian
Missionaries in the villages of Manipur are one of its reasons while migration of Christian
Nagas in the territory of Manipur from Nagaland is further responsible for rapid growth of the
population as well as change in religious demography of the state. The Naga insurgency is one
of the oldest separatist movements in India with its aim to form a Christian nation. Christianity
was one of the driving forces of Naga nationhood even in British India supporting separate
Naga territorialism as lebensraum (living space) in between then Hindu dominated colonial NEFA
(North East Frontier Agency) and Buddhist dominated Myanmar. Conversion of the hill tribes
of Manipur adopting Christianity is allegedly strengthening the force of separatism in a state
which is suffering from rebellion and insurgency along with controversies on the Armed Force
Special Power Act,1958 (AFSPA) imposed since 1980. Such socio-political situation of Manipur
is the background of designing the present research with the following objectives:
i) To highlight the multiple layers and complexities in culture of Manipur arising from
the co-existence of traditional animistic Meitei religion and Hindu religion in Manipur

Hill Geographer,Vol. XXXVII : I (June, 2021)/ISSN 0970-5023 54

 since the 15th century.
ii) To trace the assimilation and synthesis between Meitei and Bengali Vaishnava culture
with special emphasis on Manipuri pilgrimage in Nabadwip.
Manipuri pilgrimage in Nabadwip is vital because it exhibits a continuity of linkage between
the tribal lands of north-east and the mainland of the country. Nabadwip is the place where pious
Manipuri princess Bimbavati, who was the daughter of legendary Manipuri king Bhagyachandra spent
the later part of her life for divine causes since 1797. It was by the effort of Manipur Royal dynasty,
Chaitanyaism was revived at Nabadwip. Nabadwip is the birth place of Sri Chaitanya (born in 1486A.D.),
where his followers were subdued by the practitioners of Tantra and Sakti cult. In the 18th century in
Nabadwip during the reign of Raja Krishnachandra, the rival Sakta sect sought the permission to burn
the wooden image of Chaitanya, (named by the devotees as ‘Dhameswar’i.e the Lord of the place)
that was sculptured in the lifetime of Sri Chaitanya and worshipped by Vishnupriya, the wife of the
Master. The adverse situation compelled the Vaishnavas to conceal the image in an underground vault
beneath a Kali temple. It is noteworthy to mention that the Kali worshipper Saktas were against the
divinity of Chayitanya and considered it sin to worship a man as a deity. It was Bhagyachandra, the
Vaishnava king of Manipur who negotiated and became successful in the withdrawal of oppression
against Nabadwip Vaishnavas. Responding to his request, the king of Krishnagar lifted the ban on
worshipping Chaitanya image in Nabadwip. Bhagyachandra made sufficient funding to enshrine
the said historical image which was curved in 15th century after obtaining the permission from Sri
Chaitanya Mahaprabhu. The Manipuri king was so emotionally attached with Nabadwip that after his
death, some of his ashes were taken to join the sacred soils of the birth place of Chaitanya (Morinis
1984). The contribution of Manipur in the revival of Vaishanavism in Nabadwip is still recognized by
a custom in assigning them the prestigious holy duty of painting the wooden image of ‘Dhameswar
Mahaprabhu’ (the presiding deity of Nabadwip) after certain intervals.
Background of the study
The word Manipur is derived from Sanskrit word Mani meaning gem relating to a strange mixture
of tribal folklore and Hindu mythology (Gupta et al 2002). The gem on the head of Meitei snake
god (Pakhangba,the guardian deity of the Manipur Royal Dynasty) was believed to illuminate
the whole country during the divine dance of creation performed by the Hindu deities i.e.
Shiva and His consort Devi Parvati that continued for consecutive seven days and nights. Such
legend manifests a cultural synthesis between Mongoloid and Aryan traditions since tribal deity
Nongpokningthou has been conceived as Lord Shiva while the Mother Goddess Panthoibi as
Parvati or Durga among the Hindu Manipuris.
According to another myth, Pakhangba came out of the navel of Guru Shidaba (the
creator in Meitei belief). Characteristically, this tribal snake god is similar to the Hindu legendary
snake Ananta, who is also known as the Sheshnag, the celestial snake on which Lord Vishnu
reclines. It is noteworthy that seven clans of Meitei is believed to be originated from various body
parts of Guru Shidaba, one from his teeth and two each from his eye, ear and nostril (Chatterji,
1974). Before the activities of Bengali Vaishnavas in Manipur, Shiva worship in the form of
phallism was the dominant Hindu religious practice.

Hill Geographer,Vol. XXXVII : I (June, 2021)/ISSN 0970-5023 55

 Fig. 1. Vaishnava shrines in and around Imphal
Fig. 1. Vaishnava shrines in and around Imphal
It is due to the influence of Vaishnava culture of Bengal, the Meitei as a community
gradually
It is due became to distinct from the of
the influence animistic hill tribes
Vaishnava of North-East
culture of Bengal, India the(Shakespear
Meitei as a
1918). Gradually Lord Krishna became the supreme deity
community gradually became distinct from the animistic hill tribes of North-East of the valley. The Vaishnava king India
Bhagyachandra brought all the clan cultures under the fold of
(Shakespear 1918). Gradually Lord Krishna became the supreme deity of the valley. The Manipuri Vaishnavism around
Sri Gobinda
Vaishnava king Ji, the royal deity who
Bhagyachandra is none all
brought but the
Lordclan Krishna. Under under
cultures his patronage,
the fold traditional
of Manipuri
Laiharoba (the dance celebration of Meitei god and goddesses
Vaishnavism around Sri Gobinda Ji, the royal deity who is none but Lord Krishna. commemorating the belief on Under
drying the valley
his patronage, named Kangla to facilitate
traditionalLaiharoba(the their habitation)
dance celebration was of transformed
Meitei god into Vaishnava
and goddesses
dance. The Manipuri word Lai
commemorating the belief on drying the valley named Kangla toparticipate
Rasa is projected as representative of the gopis who in their
facilitate
Rasa dance
habitation) wasas atma (spirit) aiming
transformed intoto merge with paramatma
Vaishnava Rasa dance.(supremeThe spirit Manipuri
i.e., Lord Krishna).
word Lai is
This paper
projected is an attempt to evaluate
as representative of the the dimensions
gopis of Vaishnavain
who participate impacts
Rasa indance
transformation
as atmaof (spirit)
aimingtheto
culture
mergeof Manipur with special emphasis
with paramatma (supreme with spirit
its interaction with Nabadwip
i.e., Lord Krishna).of This West Bengal
paper is an
since
attempt tothe 17th century.
evaluate the Nabadwip
dimensions as theof birth place of impacts
Vaishnava Sri Chaitanya is still serving as the
in transformation of pivot
the culture
of Bengal
of Manipur –Manipur
with special cultural relation,with
emphasis whichits is not adequately with
interaction focusedNabadwip
yet in available studies.Bengal
of West
since Vishnu
the 17worship
th century. in Manipur
Nabadwipdates back
as theto the beginning
birth placeofofthe Sri16Chaitanya
th
century andisLamangdong
still serving is as the
the place (later renamed Brahmapur), where first Vishnu temple
pivot of Bengal –Manipur cultural relation, which is not adequately focused yet in was built (Fig. 1).
available studies.
Materials Vishnu worship in Manipur dates back to the beginning of the 16th
and methods
century andwith
To deal Lamangdong is theidentity
the aforesaid material placeof(later renamed
the vernacular Brahmapur),
landscape where
and its cultural first Vishnu
symbolism,
temple was built (Fig. 1).
an iconographic approach is adopted which is one of the key methodological concerns of the
new cultural
Materials geographies of landscape that sought to recover the layers of meaning lying beneath
and Methods
To deal with the aforesaid material identity of the vernacular landscape and its cultural
symbolism, an iconographic approach is adopted which is one of the key methodological
Hill Geographer,Vol.
concerns of the new XXXVII
cultural: Igeographies
(June, 2021)/ISSN
of0970-5023 56 layers
landscape that sought to recover the
of meaning lying beneath the symbolic geographies (Gregory 1994). In the new
paradigm, the landscape is evaluated as text for understanding its multiplelayers and
the symbolic geographies (Gregory 1994). In the new paradigm, the landscape is evaluated as
text for understanding its multiple layers and complexities (Aitken 2005). The discussions on
metaphors of Manipur have been made to fulfill the demand of the new cultural geographies
that coalesced around the memorials and monuments of cultural landscape representing the
assimilation of cultures. Maps representing the landscape is the product of the application of
digital cartographic techniques available in GIS environment.
A special emphasis is given on analyzing the Manipuri pilgrimage at Nabadwip which
is a municipal town accommodating 125543 population (Census of India 2011). The Principal
Component Analysis has been undertaken using SPSS Version 15 software on the travel
motivation data obtained from 300 pilgrims out of yearly arrival of about 3000 Manipuri
Vaishnavas as found from the record provided by Anu Prabhu temple administration. The
numbers of sample is fixed purposively at three hundred only after eliminating the response
of those respondents (random sampling covered 1152 Manipuri travellers in Nabadwip during
various festivities), the travel of whom have been identified as pseudo pilgrimage because
of their expression regarding nature of demand and various behavioural aspects contrary to
pilgrim characteristics. It is noteworthy that pure pilgrimage and pseudo pilgrimage are the two
extremes of a continuum and the survey questionnaire is designed primarily to classify them.
Among the total respondents, selected three hundred people who are not pseudo pilgrims and
exhibiting communitas tendencies are taken for the analysis to focus on the spiritual tie up and
bonding between Manipur and Nabadwip. Communitas is defined as a feeling of unity and
comradeship prevailing among the participants, which is a a stage of liminality developed among
the true pilgrims while approaching to a peripheral centre (Turner, 1973) The pseudo pilgrims’
motivation is consumption oriented and if their responses have been included in the analysis,
the exercise would hamper the objective of the study. The pilgrims who are taken as samples for
this study mostly arrive directly by reserved buses from Manipur. Many of them had to deposit
money in regular intervals to their agents for one or two years in order to avoid difficulty to pay
their travel expenses at one time in order to fulfill their pilgrimage desire. . Their socio-economic
hierarchies however become blurred by the togetherness shaped from their pilgrimage journey.
On an average 35-40 of such tourist buses from Manipur arrive as per record of Nabadwip
municipality during festivities every year and after pilgrimage at Nabadwip, they usually start for
Puri or Vrindavan like famous Gaudiya Vaishnava destinations.
Results and discussions
The Meiteis are traditionally the worshipper of Sanamahi (the Sun God). In every Meitei village,
the day begins with offering prayer to this deity, who is accompanied with his mother Leimarel
Sidavi (the Earth goddess). The word Sanamahi literally means molten gold resembling the
golden colour of the rising sun. The deity is conceived as the brother of snake god Pakhangba
who was originated as the Moon God. The Meitei folklore states that Guru Shidaba created the
sun (manifested as Sanamahi) and moon (Sentreng, renamed Pakhangba) initially in the form of
man. In order to test their abilities and intelligence, Guru Shidaba, took the disguise of dead cow
and floated down a river. As Sentreng recognised him readily and rescued him from water, he
earned the name Pakhangba (Pa means father and Khang-ba means to know i.e. he who knows
the father). Hindu influence on these two original Meitei deities is revealed from the popularity of
the legend on the competition that was organised between the two brothers asking them to tour

Hill Geographer,Vol. XXXVII : I (June, 2021)/ISSN 0970-5023 57

round the world. Pakhangba pleased Guru Shidaba by circumambulating round his throne seven
times and became the king whereas Sanamahi was out of the kingdom for realization of the same
task. This Meitei folklore has remarkable similarity with the myth on Puranic god Karttikeya
and Ganesa, the sons of Shiva and Parbati in Hindu pantheon. With such a unique synthesis of
Indo-Aryan and Mongolian folklores, Hindu gods and goddesses have been gradually accepted
by the Meitei population.
Vishnu was introduced in Manipur in the reign of Meiding-U-Kyamba (1467-1508) who
received a Salachakra (round black stone traditionally used as emblem of Lord Vishnu) from the
Pong King of Burma (Myanmar). Though the king was not converted to a new faith, he ordered
Brahmins to worship Vishnu and the seed of sankirtan (devotional music which is characteristics
of Bengal Vaishnavism) was also sown during his reign (Singh 1963). It was in the year 1704,
Charai Rongba was the first king converted into Hinduism and Vaishnavism became the religious
faith of the royal dynasty (Bhattacharyya 1995). As the other Vaishnava sects became insignificant
with the advancement of time due to lack of royal patronage, Chaitanyaism being advanced from
its sere to climax phase in religious ecology of Manipur. It was strengthened by the continuous
arrival of Vaishnava preachers from Nabadwip, the birthplace of Sri Chaitanya in Bengal and the
counter flow of Manipuri’s pilgrims to observe the Chaitanya places of Nabadwip.
Assimilation and synthesis between pre-Hindu Meitei religious culture with Gaudiya
Vaishnavism culture contributed a neo-Hinduism in Manipur which retains the flavor of tribal
culture. Following the desire of Vaishnava King Garib Niwaz in the year 1724, burial was
replaced by cremation. But the presence of ethnic religious legacy can be still traced in the bone
gathering ceremony that takes place on the 6th day of cremation. The frontal bone is preserved
for immersion in a sacred river in due course (Singh 1998). It is observed that the bone is kept
within silk cloth and brought back to the courtyard of the family through a procession from
cremation place led by a Brahmin priest accompanied with drummers and musicians. Devotional
Sankirtan is performed while practicing the ritual along with recitation of sacred literatures like
‘Chaitanya Charitamrita’ or ‘Chaitanya Bhagavat’. After offering sacred flowers, the bone is often
preserved in the household until it is carried to Nabadwip for immersion in Ganges. A separate
ghat is maintained by the Nabadwip town municipality for this purpose called the Manipur ghat.
Among the travel motivations subjected to factor analysis (Table 1), attraction of this ritual is
found most important.
The International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) which operates
worldwide from its headquarter at Mayapur organizes regular pilgrimage of devotees from
Manipur. But these devotees seldom visit Anu Prabhu temple administered by the Royal Dynasty
of Manipur and do not participate in ethnic rituals like bone immersion .The ISKCON devotees
stationed at Mayapur are followers of the Great Tradition of Vaishnavism practicing the Vedic
rituals. The worshippers following ethnic customs and rituals belonging to the Little Tradition is
the focus of the present study, who may visit the modern temple of ISKCON at Mayapur usually
using waterway during their stay at Nabadwip but spiritually attached with Anu Prabhu, the deity
bridging between Manipur and Nabadwip. The components of their pilgrimage behaviour can
be categorized into four groups:

Hill Geographer,Vol. XXXVII : I (June, 2021)/ISSN 0970-5023 58

 Table 1: Results of Principal Component Analysis
Component

Rotated Component Matrix 1 2 3 4

V1 Death oriented rituals .841 .155 -.075 .077
V11 ISKCON, Mayapur .794 .266 -.024 -.066
V2 Festivities & celebrations .773 -.248 .073 .024
V3 Manipuri royal heritage & institution .561 -.158 .211 .288
V8 Mahaprabhu memorial places .001 .842 .014 .144
V10 Spiritual heritage in destination image .028 .730 .154 -.041
V7 Sacred groves .122 .296 .760 .139
V6 Tribal connection in heritage landscape .205 .111 .754 -.182
V9 Circumambulation to get rid of sins -.284 -.135 .497 .016
V5 Sacred lore on Ganges as a deity .081 -.036 -.168 .795
V4 Historical Idols of Mahaprabhu .044 .145 .122 .780
(i) Socio-Religious: Apart from death-oriented rituals already explained, this group
participate in various celebrations among which the festival of spring on the birth day of Sri
Chaitanya (Dol Yatra) and Rasa following Manipuri rituals are most important.
(ii) Cognitive: Various tangible and intangible heritages including the memorial places of
Mahaprabhu along with his legendary iconographies, particularly the Dhameswar (the presiding
deity of Nabadwip; this wooden image was carved during the lifetime of Master) and Anu Prabhu
(the image that came from Manipur) along with the spirituality of the place vividly described in
literary resources and association of Manipur Royal family with the place have influenced the
ways of seeing by the Manipuri pilgrims turning the landscape a very complex cultural product.
(iii) Metaphorical: The folklores on Sri Chaitanya and his association with the sacred river
Ganga, which also generate metaphors, are revealed as important from the analysis.
(iv) Ethnic: Since the Manipuri pilgrims are tribal in origin, the sacred groves associated
with Sri Chaitanya and various Hindu deities like Pora Maa (a tree goddess) with whom they
discover similarities with the local deities of their own land draw the focus of attention.
For the Manipuri Vaishnavas Sri Chaitanya is an incarnation of Lord Vishnu (or Krishna),
one of the supreme Hindu deities revered for blessings with protective energy. Vishnu was
worshipped since the 15th century in Manipur but the introduction of Krishna as a Vaishnava
deity was however a contribution of a Nimbarka Brahmin from Puri, who initiated King Charai
Rongba in the beginning of the 18th century. He popularized Krishna worship among public by
constructing a temple at Imphal in the year 1707. It is noteworthy that the Vaishnavite school
of Nimbarka flourished in the 12th century in eastern India and Jaydeva, the author of famous
Vaishnavite treatise ‘Geetagovindam’ in Sanskrit belonged to this cult. With Nimbarkism, Sanskrit

Hill Geographer,Vol. XXXVII : I (June, 2021)/ISSN 0970-5023 59

literary resources drew the scholarly attention of royal court in Manipur while Bengali language
came with Kirtan, the devotional music of Chaitanya doctrine. The similarities between Nimbarka
(1114-1162) and Chaitanya (1485-1533) in teaching Krishna-Radha cult further strengthened
the process of diffusion of Vaishnavism in Manipur. The efforts of Bengali missionaries to
spread Vishnavism in Manipur are prominent in the historiographic evidences of the period of
king Khagemba (1597-1652). A priest named Raghunath Bhattacharya migrated from Nabadwip
of Bengal with his son Bhavanath, who has been given the credit for the introduction of the
Nabadwip Kirtana in Manipur (Bhattachrya 1988). Initiation from Bengali speaking Goswami
Gurus (preceptors) led the kings to accept both the languages and scripts of Bengal.
The form of the Vaishnavism to which Garib Niwaj (1709-48) was initiated initially was
none but the Chaitanya Vaishnavism from his Bengali preceptor Gopal Das in the year 1717,
who returned to his native place near Nabadwip three years later (Singh 2012). After following
Chaitanya school of Vaishnavism for twelve years, the king however opted for Ramanandi cult
under the influence of a missionary named Shanti Dasa from Sylhet (presently in Bangladesh),
who instigated the king to put an end to the tribal practices even by applying force. Burning the
traditional scriptures was among the drastic actions taken by the royal administration under his
instigation. Santi Dasa converted the king to be the follower of Rama by convincing him that the
teaching of Chaitanya was too soft and not useful to run a State. The king however never turned
hostile to Chaitanya cult and both the faiths co-existed in royal dynasty during his reign.
Gour Shyam, the grandson of Garib Niwaj, who ruled the state in two terms from 1753-
1759 and 1762-1763 was the worshipper of a deity named Sri Radha-Raman.The deity was shifted
to a shrine in Nabadwip after his death since the widow of the king migrated to Nabadwip in
order to spend the rest part of her life. Thus, the social connectivity between Nabadwip and
Manipur was more if compared to the Assamese Vaishnava Satras practising neo-Vaishnavism
of Sankardeva (1449-1568), who was contemporary of Sri Chaintanya. The Satra institution
of Assam that propagates the spiritual superiority of Sankardeva has served as the radiating
force of Vaishnava movement for the entire North-East India since the closing decade of the
15th century (Bhakat, 2012). The stream of the Bhakti (devotion) cult from Nabadwip however
memorized Manipur by overcoming intervening obstacle in the form of physical distance (Fig.
2) and influence of Assamese Satras.
One pertinent research question that has been investigated during the field study includes
why Bengal Vaishnavism could play such pivotal role in the geography of religion in Manipur
instead of Assamese Vaishnavism especially when the Satra institutions are functioning for the
diffusion of Asamese Vaishnavism. The bonding with Nabadwip was very strong and it was
nurtured under royal patronage for a considerable period that neo-Vaishnavism of neighboring
Assam never surpassed the influence of Bengal Vaishnavism in the soils of Manipur. It is
noteworthy that physical barriers that separated Manipur from Assam before development of
modern communication technologies played a vital role in this context. It allowed the diffusion
of Sankardeva school of Vaishnavism towards plain lands in the west- ward direction that
penetrated up to the northern districts of West Bengal. It was alike a flood of Bhaki cult regulated
by the Satras but its diffusion towards the Imphal valley in the south was somehow restricted due
to the physical barriers created by rivers, forests and hills. The regular pilgrimage and preceptor

Hill Geographer,Vol. XXXVII : I (June, 2021)/ISSN 0970-5023 60

flow in between Manipur and Nabadwip through the districts of present Bangladesh further
strengthened the tie between the Nabadwip mandala and Imphal valley.

Fig.2.2.
Fig. Pilgrimage
Pilgrimage to Nabadwip
to Nabadwip byfrom
by road roadManipur
from Manipur
One pertinent
Ascending the throneresearch question
as the 54 th
Meitei that
King has been investigated
of Manipur, duringthe
Chingthang Khomba field study
earned
includes
the name Jaywhy
SinghBengal
by tamingVaishnavism
an elephant in could play when
Ahom court suchhepivotalrole
was dethroned inbythe geography of
his maternal
religion
uncle and in
wasManipur
in exile instead
in Tekhao.of Jai
Assamese Vaishnavism
Singh ruled Manipur inespecially
two termswhen theSatrainstitutions
1759-62 and 1763-
are functioning for the diffusion of Asamese Vaishnavism. The bonding with Nabadwip
98. Incarnated by Paramananda, a Vaishnavite saint of Jiaganj, presently a municipal town in
was very strong and it was nurtured under royal patronage for a considerable period that
Murshidabad district ofofWest
neo-Vaishnavism Bengal (Sen,1988),the
neighboring king wassurpassed
Assam never renamed Bhagyachandra,
the influence meaning
of Bengal
‘fortunate
Vaishnavism in the soils of Manipur. It is noteworthy that physical barriers taming
one.’ It is believed that by the blessings of Lord Krishna, he was successful in a
that separated
wild elephant that was deputed to kill him. According to a popular ballad
Manipur from Assam before development of modern communication technologies played of Manipur, he was so
a vitalrole in this context. It allowed the diffusion of Sankardeva school of Vaishnavism
towards plain lands in the west- ward directionthat penetrated up to the northern districts
of Geographer,Vol.
Hill West Bengal.ItXXXVII
was alike a flood
: I (June, of Bhaki
2021)/ISSN cult regulated by the Satras but its 61
0970-5023 diffusion
towards the Imphal valley in the southwas somehow restricted due to the physical
barriers created by rivers, forests and hills. The regular pilgrimage and preceptor flow in
between Manipur and Nabadwip through the districts of present
fortunate that Shri Govinda Himself came to save him on that occasion.This was acknowledged
later by Bhagyachandra while carving the image of Lord Gobinda out of a sacred jackfruit tree
of Kaina hill (called Bhaskargiri by Vaishnavas).The log was brought to his capital Lamangdong
floating down the Iril River. From the same trunk of the tree, a number of images (Table 2)
have been carved out and installed in several places of Manipur during his reign. Three of these
images namely Sri Anu Prabhu, Sri Nityananda and Sri Adwaita are living manifestations of
Nabadwip influence on Manipuri Vaishnavism.
Table 2: Vaishnava iconography in Manipur
Image Place of installation
Shri Gobindaji Carved at Bishnupur but installed at Canchipur (1779),where the first
Manipuri Rasa dedicated to Lord Krishna was performed
Shri Bijoy Gobinda Carved before Shri Gobindaji but installed at Sagolband as the image
did not resemble with the dream of Bhagyachandra
Shri Gopinathji At Ningthoukhong, where the king took shelter and married Yangam
Chanu Keshari while returning from Tekhao, the deity was given in
care of the son of that queen after the installation.
Shri Nityananda First installed in 1795 at the Gobindji temple, Canchipur but shifted
to Arambam in custody of Princess Premabati
Shri Mandan Mohan Presently at Oinam Thingel, this image was curved around 1797 while
shifting the royal palace from Canchipur; given to Labanyachandra,
the next king while Bhagyachandra went for pilgrimage to Bengal.
Shri Anu Prabhu Carving of this image was for its installation at Nabadwip in Bengal,
the birth place of Sri Chaitanya where worship of him was banned at
that time.
Shri Adwaitya Prabhu The last image in the series carved from the stump closest to the root
in 1798 at Bishnupur on the way to a pilgrimage; given to the custody
of Jatishwari, another daughter of the King who married the son of
his Bengali Guru Premananda.
Source:Archival data of Anuprabhu temple and Nabadwip Purattava Parisad
Instead of the application of force and vandalism to destroy the tribal tradition following
the policy of his grandfather Garib Niwaj, the king concentrated on developing a Manipuri
edition of Vaishnavism by assimilating the customs and rituals of the animistic Meitei culture and
Bengali Vaishnavite culture. From his experimentation in this context, the world famous ‘Rasa
Dance’, a cultural pride of modern Manipur was invented. Except the image of Anu Prabhu,
all the images have been installed in different places of Manipur to generate a number of nerve
centers for the diffusion of Vaishnavism. Pilgrimage to install Anu Prabhu at Nabadwip was a
spiritual mission to rejuvenate Chaitanyaism in its place of origin where it was then endangered
and needed external interference on account of survival.
The design of installation of these images (called Nirpun/Nirpum) by Bhagyachandra,
which the pious king executed with reference to divine dream in each occasion, would be
interpreted from the then geostrategic standpoint. The king decided to consolidate the strength

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of his kingdom from where he was once driven out. Recapturing power in 1772, he experimented
on designing a new cultural paradigm with hidden agenda of uniting all the ethnic groups under
the fold of a Royal Religion. The use of foreign language was deliberately encouraged in ritualistic
performances to make belief among the tribals that the dialogues and songs were originally of
the deities (Kirti Singh 1988). It is also alleged that taming of wild elephant at Ahom court was
possible due to the fact that the elephant was brought from Manipur after the assassination of
Garib Niwaj during the period of chaos and thus the elephant recognised the grandson of Garib
Niwaj by its keen sense of smell (Devi, 2016). However, the tale of supernatural power given by
Lord Krishna, which helped Bhagyachandra was diplomatically highlighted for strengthening the
idea of divinity associated with his monarchy. The king became a regular practitioner of divine
dream execution in his political career while experimenting with various tribal religious traditions.
As for example, the king dreamt the dresses and ornaments of Rasa dance when he was working
on transformation of traditional Laiharaoba that has been deeply connected with Meitei belief on
the origin of their labensraum.
Conclusion
Religious conversion in the land of Manipur is not a new phenomenon. Even the Meitei deities in
a large number have been found assimilated with Hindu deities. With genealogical fictions, divine
ancestry was claimed by the royal dynasty of Manipur and encouraged the elites attached to the
royal court to adopt the Vaishnava faith following the footsteps of the royal family members.
Elevation of social status of ruling class was probably the inherent design, which deliberately kept
the lower class away from neo- Vaishnavism. The Christian missionaries address the inequality
issues prevailed in society primarily by providing aids to all who are deprived. The marginal
people like Jhum cultivators in rural areas, who live below the poverty line came promptly under
their influence. After the success of the conversion programme in the Naga Hills, the foreign
missionaries made a focus on the hill areas of Manipur (Zou 2016). The majority of valley people
who adopted Vaishnavism used to enjoy the better social status and their social distance from
hill people facilitated the Christian missionaries to become successful in mass conversion of the
hill tribes.
The Vaishnava dynasty of Manipur was unsuccessful to wipe out the traditional deities
and they ultimately propounded a pseudo-Vaishnavite religion masking the Sanamahi worship
prevailed among the Manipuri Hindus (Hodson 1913). The Christian missionaries are also
unable to uproot the traditional deities from the converted minds which reveal the inner strength
of Manipuri ethnicities. Survey reveals that people who have been converted into Christianity
during the last few decades were not able to alienate themselves from the traditional belief
system. Under such circumstance, the revival of traditional culture could be very much useful
to prevent the design of the foreign missionaries, which otherwise may lead to the emergence
of a Christian nationhood affecting the integrity and sovereignty of Indian statehood.,The
rejuvenation of Nabadwip-Manipur relation might be vital to overcome the existing crisis on
Hindu religion of Manipur as evident from the rise of Christianity. To satisfy the Manipuri
pilgrims, Nabadwip could be included as a destination for the Krishna circuit under the Swadesh
Darshan Yojana of Central Government in order to improve its infrastructural capabilities.
Inclusion of Nabadwip for HRIDAY (Heritage City Development and Augmentation Yojana)

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 and PRASAD (Pilgrimage rejuvenation and Spiritual Augmentation Drive) like governmental
schemes. Among the diversities encouraging disintegration, Bengal Vaishnavism provided the
spirit of integrity with the mainstream of the country. The conflicts and contestations relating
to the transformation of society with time in Manipur is required to be studied intrinsically,
preferably adopting the approaches of cultural anthropology.
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