MODULE 1I: Streams of Feminism

Streams of Feminist thinking (Liberal, Marxist and Socialist, Radical and

Postmodern)

Major waves of Feminism.

Feminism is a broad-based philosophical perspective which accommodates

various approaches. It is a value system which gives us an alternative way of
looking at things. Feminism is an ideology, philosophy and attitude of mind.
It is not a unitary concept but instead a diverse and multi-faced grouping of
ideas and action. Feminism is mainly concerned with women’s inferior
position in a society and with discriminative encountered by women
because of their sex. Hence all feminists call for change in social, cultural,
religious, political and economic fields.

They work to reduce inequality and eventually overcome it. It is an awareness

of women oppression and exploitation in society at the place of work and
within the family, an awareness of patriarchal control. Exploitation and
oppression of woman’s labour, fertility and sexuality happens in the family, at
the place of work and in society. In general feminism is an attitude of mind
which needs to be developed or cultivated among men and women in
society. Hence the first aim is to spread awareness make people sensitive about
women issues. This awareness is necessary for both men and women it is not
enough to know or to be aware what is required is change in the social
conciliations.

Feminism in a broad sense can be seen as a perspective grounded in the

belief that sex inequality is rooted in discriminatory practices and can be
eliminated through policies of educational, economic, and political reform.
The origins of the feminist movement are found in the abolitionist movement of
the 1830’s.
The main goals of feminism are:

1. To demonstrate the importance of women.

2. To reveal that historically women have been subordinated to men.

3. To bring about gender equity.

Thus, Feminism far from being a static ideology, involves a complex and
dynamic set of ideas that has evolved over the last 300 years and that is still
constantly developing and challenging its own assumptions, as well as
contributing and reacting to mainstream ideologies. Feminism is not and should
not be typical urban middle class concept. It touches all aspects of social life.
Patriarchy and women’s oppression are found in all castes, classes,
religions, group and cultures. Hence feminist perspective is found in
medicine, science film making, teaching, curriculum text-book etc.

At different age level women may think differently, from child to old women
experiences may be different, yet feminism influences personal life experiences
at all levels. Some look at this concept also from a historical point of view. They
talk about strong feminist movement of different times in history. This is known
as waves. Thus, first wave refers to late 19th and early 20th century feminist
movements that were mainly concerned with gaining equal right for
women. They mainly demanded equal legal and political rights. In other words,
women’s equal status in the outside world.

Second wave feminism refers to feminism activities in late 1960s and 1970s.
Here women protest cantered around women’s inequality especially in
family and work place. It helped to relook at many basic institutions in society
like marriage, family, work place, etc.

Finally in last 10 or 15 years there is third wave referring to differences and

inequalities among women themselves. This classification of women’s
movement is useful, but this may give false impression that outside, those three
waves there are no feminist activities. This is not true. Perhaps women activists
were invisible in this period of time. It is true feminism movements have been
more active and have required more members of certain historical period.
However, it would be more accurate to look at feminist at a continuum of
thoughts and action.

Streams of Feminism

Feminism is certainly not a unified ideology but contains many competing

stands. These have frequently been identified as ‘liberal’, ‘radical’, ‘Marxist,

socialist’ and ‘post-modernist’ feminism. Liberal feminism can be understood
as ‘equal rights feminism’. It asserts that women are rational beings like
men, and that they should therefore have the same legal and political
rights, and the opportunity to compete equally with men in politics and
paid employment.

Marxist feminists argue against this, that woman’s oppression is essentially

a byproduct of class society, and that full equality will only be achieved
when capitalism is replaced by genuine socialism. Both these approaches use
existing male theories and apply them to the situation of women.

Radical feminists claim to provide a new perspective of women’s own

experiences. They argue that the patriarchal domination of women by men
is both the most basic form of power in society and one that has its source
in such apparently private areas of life as the family and sexual
relationships. This analysis involves a redefinition of power and politics, and
an attack on the allegedly artificial distinction between public and private life.
Modern socialist feminism seeks to combine this radical perspective with
Marxist class analysis by exploring the interrelationship between
capitalism and patriarchy. Feminism has frequently been seen as the preserve
of white middle class women; some feminists now argue that the experiences of
black women must not only be included in feminist analysis but taken as its
starting point. Finally, a number of feminists have recently endorsed post-
modernist critiques of western philosophy and are attempting to use these
as a basis for exploring new women cantered forms of knowledge and
understanding.

All feminists are concerned with improving women’s status within society.
They are committed to analyze women’s present position, understand its cause
or conditions responsible for it and think and plan course of action to improve
this. However, within this common frame-work there are differences. These
differences are regarding the cause of present situation and plant to change it.
All feminist groups agree on the fact change in women’s status. Must take place
the difference is regarding how to bring change there are differences like, liberal
feminism, radical feminism, socialist feminism, Marxist feminism, eco-
feminism, condition feminism, new-wave feminism, etc.

Liberal Feminism

Liberal feminism has its roots in 18 th century philosophy called

Enlightenment period. It was the time when two strong values developed viz.
rationality and individuality. It is also called as age of reason. It was against
religious dogmas and autocratic government. Institutions, ideas which could not
stand the critical test of reason have to be changed. Hence many topics come
up for discussion was the role of women. This role should critically study
with the help of prominent valves of rationalism and individualism.
Individualism means individual’s freedom to do what one wishes to do what
one wishes to do without interference from other. Feminist writer Mary
Wollstonecraft wrote in this a book called “A Vindication of the rights of
women”. The critical theme of the book is “women are first and foremost
human being rational creatures and not sexual being. They are capable of
governing themselves by reason. Hence, if women are to be denied natural
right, then it must be proved that they are not rational creatures”. Another
liberal philosopher John Stuart Mill wrote on “the subjection of women.”
Legal subordination is wrong and harmful for human development.
Accordingly, to him, it is contradiction between democratic value of
liberalism and subjection of women.

Theoretical aspects

Liberalism, the school of political thought from which liberal feminism has
evolved, is in the process of reconceptualizing, reconsidering, and
restructuring itself. A perspective grounded in the belief that sex inequality
is rooted in discriminatory practices and can be eliminated through policies
of educational, economic, and political reform.

Liberal feminists wish to free women from oppressive gender roles, that is,
from those roles used as excuses or justifications for giving women a lesser
place, or no place at all, in the academy, the forum, and the marketplace.

These feminists stress that patriarchal society conflates sex and gender,
deeming appropriate for women only those jobs associated with the
traditional feminine personality.

Thus, in the United States, for example, women are pushed into jobs like
nursing, teaching, and childcare, while they are steered away from jobs in
business, science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. In addition,
legislation specifically barring women from such “masculine” jobs as mining
and firefighting or preventing women from working the night shift or overtime
is not exactly a distant memory.
To be sure, de jure gender discrimination in the workplace is relatively rare
nowadays. But de facto gender discrimination in the workplace remains all
too prevalent. Faced with a choice between male or female candidates for
certain jobs, many employers still prefer to hire men for particularly demanding
positions on the grounds that women are more likely than men to let their family
responsibilities interfere with their job commitment and performance.

Although liberal feminists sympathize with men who find it difficult to pursue
child-centered careers because of de facto gender discrimination, they still think
the kind of de facto gender discrimination men experience is not nearly as
systematic as the kind that women experience.

Society remains structured in ways that Favor men and disfavour women
in the competitive race for power, prestige, and money. The fact that, as of
2005, U.S. women still earned only seventy-two cents for every dollar man
earned is not an accident.

Although women sometimes earn less than men because they freely choose
to work less hard or fewer hours than men do, more often, women’s
salaries are lower than men’s because society expects women to make their
families their first priority.

Liberal feminism is developed on the assumption that men and women are
more or less alike than they are different and thus both have equal status
for inalienable human rights of equality, fairness, etc. that underpin
Western democracies. Liberal feminists seek to publicize inequalities and
campaign for their correction but do not challenge the broader social
structures within which the sexes operate.

Liberal feminism dominated till 1960s. Yet did not provide any explanation
or roots of women but accepted the existing social order as valid. They
advocated for improvement of social customs, institution, laws, attitudes
without altering social structure. The strongly believed that progression
reforms will lead to real and substantial equality for women as individuals.
Liberal feminists state that democracy and democratic structure constitute
essential condition for successful reform. Radical change could only
diminish the available freedom and justice for both men and women.

Types of Liberal Feminism

There are two types of liberal feminists classical and welfare. Like classical
liberals in general, classical liberal feminists Favor limited government and
a free market. They also view political and legal rights as particularly
important. Freedom of expression, religion, and conscience play a major role
in the psyches of classical liberal feminists. In contrast, welfare liberal
feminists are like welfare liberals in general. Welfare liberals think
government should provide citizens, especially underprivileged ones, with
housing, education, health care, and social security. Moreover, they think the
market should be limited by means of significant taxes and curbs on profits. For
welfare liberal feminists, social and economic rights are the condition of
possibility for the exercise of political and legal rights.

Critiques of Liberal Feminism

Liberal feminism dominated till 1960s. Yet did not provide any explanation or
roots of women but accepted the existing social order as valid. It advocated for
improvement of social customs, institution, laws and attitudes without
altering social structure. They strongly believed that progression reforms will
lead to real and substantial equality for women as individuals. Liberal feminists
state that democracy and democratic structure constitute essential condition for
successful reform. Radical change could only diminish the available freedom
and justice for both men and women. In recent years, non-liberal feminists have
increasingly dismissed liberal feminists. These critics claim that the main tenets
of liberal feminist thought (all human persons are rational and free, share
fundamental rights, and are equal) do not necessarily advance all women’s
interests. At best, they advance the interests of only certain kinds of women -
namely, privileged women who, because of their privilege, think and act like
men. Because the critiques levelled against liberal feminism are quite harsh, we
need to carefully assess their merit. For all the ways liberal feminism may have
gone wrong for women, it did some things very right for women along the way.
Women owe to liberal feminists many of the civil, educational, occupational,
and reproductive rights they currently enjoy. They also owe to liberal feminists
the ability to walk increasingly at ease in the public domain, claiming it as no
less their territory than men’s. Critics of liberal feminism argue that the concept
of equality is too vague. (Equality according to what criteria: opportunity or
outcome; quantitative or qualitative? Equality between whom? Which particular
females should be equal with which particular males?) The reluctance to pose a
more fundamental challenge to gender relations, critics argue, will result in
superficial changes only.

Socialist Feminism

Socialist feminism does not assume the primacy of capitalist relations over
gender relations, but in relying rather more on Gramsci's hegemony
theory. It seeks to understand gender and class as mutually supporting systems.
According to socialist feminists, gender inequality is not caused solely by
economic factors, but also by patriarchal ideologies which suggest that it is
inappropriate for women to take part in certain activities. By invoking
hegemony, socialist feminists identify the continual negotiation and
accommodation of ideas as a key social process.

Socialist feminism arose in the late 1960’s. It grew out of the same social
ferment and the same consciousness raising groups that produced other forms of
feminism. Socialist feminists attempted to produce a creative synthesis of
debates raging in the feminist community in the 1970's about the roots of
the oppression of women. At the crux of socialist feminist thought is the
understanding that not just one system of oppression is at the heart of
women's subordination; rather, it is a combination of systems related to
race, social class, gender, sexuality and nation.

From this perspective, dealing with just one of these without also and
simultaneously dealing with the others, will not lead to liberation. As a result,
socialist feminists focus on a full range of oppressions, not simply the
sex/gender system. It is possible to add up Marxism and feminism and call the
sum “socialist feminism.” Socialist feminists are called “mechanical Marxists.”
In fact, this is probably how most socialist feminists see it most of the time as a
kind of hybrid, pushing our feminism in socialist circles, our socialism in
feminist circles.

Perspective

A perspective which argues that gender inequality is a product of both

capitalism and the patriarchy; a belief that production and reproduction are
interconnected and that race, class and gender intersect to form multiple
oppressions. Like radical feminism, socialist feminism is also located toward
the left of the political continuum. Yet socialist feminists maintain that there
is no primary root of oppression, but that all forms of oppression, including
sexism, racism, ethnocentrism, homophobia, heterosexism, and classism
support and reinforce one another. Audre Lorde’s article “There Is No
Hierarchy of Oppression” reflects this perspective. She argues that, in order to
address any one form of oppression, we must consider all of them
simultaneously.

Socialist feminists believe that there is a direct link between class structure and
the oppression of women. Western society rewards working men because they
produce tangible, tradable goods. On the other hand, women's work in the
domestic sphere is not valued by western society because women do not
produce a tangible, tradable good. This gives men power and control over
women. Socialist feminists reject the idea that biology predetermines ones
gender. Social roles are not inherent and women's status must change in both the
public and private spheres.

Socialist feminists like to challenge the ideologies of capitalism and patriarchy.

Much like the views of radical feminists, socialist feminists believe that
although women are divided by class, race, ethnicity and religion, they all
experience the same oppression simply for being a woman. Socialist feminist
believe that the way to end this oppression is to put an end to class and gender.
Women must work side by side men in the political sphere. In order to get
anything accomplished, women must work with men, as opposed to ostracizing
them. There must be a coalition between the two and they must see each other
as equals in all spheres of life. In contrast to ideals of liberal feminism, which
tend to focus on the individual woman, the socialist feminist theory focuses on
the broader context of social relations in the community and includes aspects of
race, ethnicity and other differences.

Socialist feminists agree that liberal feminism does not appreciate the depth of
the oppression of women and basically only addresses the situation of women of
the upper and upper middle classes. They also agree that women have been
oppressed in virtually all known societies, but the nature of this oppression has
differed because of the different economic realities. Socialist feminists do not
think that the oppression of women is based solely on the economic system, and
they suggest that patriarchy and capitalism are combined into one system. They
believe that we must understand the continuing effects that colonization,
imperialism, and racism have on the women of the world. Socialist feminists
maintain that it is wrong to suggest that any one form of oppression is the most
important or key form of oppression. Instead, they recognize that oppression
based on sex/gender, class, race, and sexual orientation are all are interwoven.

To effectively challenge any one of these forms of oppression, we must

understand and challenge all of them. Socialist feminists emphasize the
economic, social, and cultural importance of women as people who give birth,
socialize children, care for the sick, and provide the emotional labor that creates
the realm of the home as a retreat for men from the realities of the workplace
and the public arena. These feminists see this as important labor that is
overlooked and denigrated. They are concerned with the reality of what Arlie
Hochschild calls the "second shift." They emphasize that within the workplace
women face challenges of job market segregation, lower wages for the same
work, and sexual harassment. They also recognize that the labor movement has
been complicit in maintaining this. The Chicago Women’s Liberation Union is
the great example of Socialist feminist Movement, which founded in 1969 was
instrumental in articulating a new social feminist vision of society.

Criticism on Socialist Feminism

The important criticism of socialist feminism and indeed all varieties of

feminism that despite their emancipator claims they lend to be located in the
assumption and aspiration at urban middle class women. There is growing
concern within feminist theory over practical and theoretical problems passed
by the exploitation of women of one class, rare ethnic group and religious
community by another group Socialist Feminism is criticized for being
neither revolutionary nor radical enough to create lasting solutions to the
problem of female economic and social exploitation. They abandoned
materialist explanation of women’s oppression instead gave importance to
psychological explanation of women’s oppression. To conclude this
discussion on socialists’ feminism, we can say, this is most active group
amongst feminist. Using Marx and Engel’s frame work they have observed &
analysed women’s problems. Oppressed women’s involvement in the struggle is
achieved by socialist feminist.

Marxist Feminism

Marxist feminism, a powerful feminist theory, offers a unique perspective by

intersecting gender equality with class struggle. It analyzes
how capitalism perpetuates gender oppression and exploitation, aiming to
create a more just society where gender equality is achieved through
dismantling capitalist systems. With its focus on the Marxist
perspective and feminist analysis, Marxist feminism provides a
comprehensive understanding of the complexities
surrounding gender inequality.

Key Points

 Marxist feminism intersects gender equality with class struggle from

a Marxist perspective.
 It analyzes how capitalism perpetuates gender
oppression and exploitation.
 Marxist feminists aim to create a more just society by
dismantling capitalist systems.
 Intersectionality acknowledges that gender oppression intersects
with race, class, and other forms of oppression.
 Socialist feminism builds upon Marxist feminism, incorporating
the political and economic dimensions of gender oppression.

Social Reproduction and Labor Exploitation

 Marxist feminism recognizes the significance of social reproduction,

which encompasses unpaid labour that sustains daily life and ensures the
reproduction of the working class. This includes tasks such as childcare,
 housework, and emotional labour. Women have historically been
burdened with the majority of social reproductive labor, often sacrificing
their own opportunities for personal and professional development.
 In a capitalist society, this unpaid labor contributes to
the accumulation of wealth for the capitalist class. Marxist feminists
argue that the system exploits women’s labour by devaluing the
important contributions they make to society. By recognizing the role
of social reproduction and its connection to gender oppression, Marxist
feminism sheds light on the ways in which capitalism perpetuates
inequality.

The Interplay of Gender Oppression and Capitalism

 Marxist feminists contend that gender oppression is intimately tied

to capitalism. The patriarchy and capitalism are intertwined systems
that reinforce and perpetuate each other. Capitalism relies on the
division of labour, where women are often assigned roles associated with
nurturing and domestic work, while men are dominant in the labour
market. This gendered division of labour not only reinforces
traditional gender norms but also allows capitalism to exploit
women’s labour and maintain a supply of cheap or unpaid
workforce.
 Furthermore, capitalist societies place a higher value on traditionally
male-dominated sectors, resulting in a gender pay gap and limited
opportunities for women to advance in their careers. Marxist feminism
exposes the ways in which capitalism reinforces gender inequality and
perpetuates the exploitation of women’s labor.

The Intersectionality of Gender, Class, and Oppression

  Marxist feminism incorporates the concept of intersectionality,
recognizing that gender oppression intersects with other forms of
oppression, such as race and class. This approach acknowledges that
individuals’ experiences of gender inequality are shaped by multiple
intersecting identities and oppressions.
 The intersectional analysis of Marxist feminism helps to uncover the
ways in which systems of power, privilege, and discrimination intersect
and interact. It highlights the unique experiences of women from
marginalized communities who face multiple forms of oppression. By
understanding and addressing these intersections, Marxist feminism
strives for a more inclusive and equitable society that challenges all
forms of oppression.

The Role of Capitalism in Marxist Feminism

 In Marxist feminism, capitalism plays a central role in perpetuating
gender oppression. The capitalist system relies on the exploitation of
workers to generate profit. Marxist feminists argue that women’s labor,
particularly in social reproduction, is undervalued and often
unpaid. Capitalism commodifies women’s labor and contributes to the
creation of surplus value, where the capitalist class accumulates wealth
through the exploitation of workers, including women. This
understanding of capitalism helps to reveal the underlying power
dynamics and inequalities that exist within society.
 One of the key aspects of Marxist feminism is the recognition of the class
struggle embedded within capitalist societies. Capitalism, as an
economic system, prioritizes the accumulation of wealth by
the capitalist class. This accumulation is made possible through the
exploitation of workers, who are coerced to sell their labor in exchange
for wages that often do not match the true value of their contributions.
  Marxist feminists argue that women’s labor is particularly exploited in
the capitalist system. They point to the undervaluation and underpayment
of women’s work, especially in the realm of social reproduction. Social
reproduction refers to the unpaid labor that maintains daily life, such as
caring for children, cooking, cleaning, and emotional support. This labor
is often performed by women and is crucial for the functioning of society
and the reproduction of the labor force.
 The Intersectionality of Race, Class, and Gender

Intersectionalit
Multiple Oppressions
y

Individuals of marginalized racial backgrounds may face

Race discrimination and systemic racism, in addition to gender
oppression.

Socioeconomic status and class can impact individuals’

Class access to resources and opportunities, intersecting with gender
inequality.

The patriarchy and gender norms shape experiences of gender

Gender oppression, but these intersect with race and class to
compound forms of discrimination.

 Intersectionality highlights the complex relationship between race, class,

and gender in shaping individuals’ experiences of oppression. This
framework recognizes that individuals possess multiple identities and that
 these identities intersect to create unique forms of discrimination and
privilege.
 Understanding the intersectionality of race, class, and gender is crucial
for Marxist feminists in their pursuit of social justice. By recognizing and
addressing the interconnected nature of various forms of oppression,
Marxist feminism strives to create a more inclusive and equitable society,
where individuals are not solely defined by a single aspect of their
identity, but rather embraced for their diverse experiences and
intersectional identities.

 Marxist feminists like Kate Millett (Sexual politics, 1969), Emma Goldman (The
Traffic in Women, 1970), Lillian Robinson (Sex, class and culture, 1978), Michele
Barrett (Women’s oppression today, 1980) among others argue that it is the
exploitative character of the class system that can be seen as equal to patriarchal
oppression; thus viewing capitalist patriarchy as a cause of women’s oppression.
 Paddy Quick’s analysis in The Class Nature of Women’s Oppression (1977) wherein
it is argued that “the oppression of women is based on the role of women in the
exploited class as the reproducers of labourers in class society. In this way, the
material basis of patriarchy can be placed in the division of labour thesis which is
present in both capitalism and patriarchy. ‘Housework for Wages Campaign’ initiated
by Marxist feminists
 Regarding the distinction between the Marxist and Socialist feminism, “Whereas
socialist feminists believe that gender and class play an approximately equal role in
any explanation of women’s oppression, Marxist feminists believe that class
ultimately better accounts for women’s status and function(s).” Thus the thorny issue
among them is whether class or sex is at the core of differentiating ‘men and women’.

 Conclusion
 Marxist Feminism provides a powerful framework for understanding and
addressing the complex intersections between gender inequality,
capitalism, and class struggle. By recognizing the economic exploitation
of women’s labor and the role of capitalism in perpetuating gender
 oppression, this feminist theory sheds light on the systemic issues that
hinder gender equality and social justice.
 By analyzing the undervaluation and exploitation of women’s labor,
particularly in social reproduction, Marxist Feminism exposes how
capitalism commodifies women’s contributions and contributes to the
accumulation of wealth by the capitalist class. This understanding reveals
the underlying power dynamics and inequalities that exist within society,
highlighting the need for change.
 Moreover, Marxist Feminism adopts an intersectional approach that
acknowledges the interconnectedness of race, class, and gender in
shaping individuals’ experiences of oppression. By addressing the
multiple dimensions of identity and oppressions, this theory strives to
create a more inclusive and equitable society where all individuals can
thrive.
 In conclusion, Marxist Feminism offers a comprehensive understanding
of the systemic barriers to gender equality and social justice. Through its
analysis of capitalism, class struggle, and intersectionality, this feminist
theory provides a roadmap for challenging the status quo and working
towards a more just and equal society.

Radical Feminism

Radical feminism is also known as revolutionary feminism. It is difficult to

distinguish between radical and socialist feminism. Many times, radical
feminist movement emerged because radical of the bad experiences women
had in the socialist movement.

Both radical and socialist feminists have their roots in Marxist concepts at
class-conflict and exploitation. Radical feminist’s main demand is
destruction of patriarchy. There are three emotionally charged beliefs stared
by radicalists. They are,

1. Women are of absolute positive value as men. This belief is asserted

against what they claim to be universal devaluation at women.

2. Women are everywhere violently oppressed by the system of patriarchy.

3. Roots at women’s subordination are in the biological family, the

hierarchical sexual division at society & sex roles. Biological differences are
linked with social distribution at power, wealth and status.

Radicalist perspective sees women’s oppression as a model of other

oppressions. Radical feminists believe that inequality is rooted in
patriarchal and heterosexual relations. Radical feminism is based on the
premise that men and women are essentially different from each other and
that from these inherent physical and psychological differences a system of
relations - patriarchy has developed by which men dominate women.

Existing social structures, therefore, need to be replaced or renovated from

the viewpoint of women. Radical feminists thus seek the creation of distinct
and separate female cultures that have the potential to provide more liberating
and humane sporting experiences. Radical feminism is not just a pro-woman
stance, but asserts that women and feminine qualities are inherently
superior to men and masculinity.

Radical feminists provide solutions to these problems. Women should be

made aware of this male domination, solidarity among women, self-reliance
should be developing among women, so that they are not dependent on
men. Basic reworking at women’s consciousness is necessary. Each woman
should recognize her own valves and strengths and should reject
patriarchal pressure.

Unlike reformist feminists, who joined fundamentally mainstream

women’s rights groups, these revolutionary feminists did not become
interested in women’s issues as a result of working for government
agencies, being appointed to commissions on the status of women, or
joining women’s educational or professional groups. Instead, their desire
to improve women’s condition emerged in the context of their
participation in radical social movements, such as the civil-rights and
anti-Vietnam War movements.

The claim that women’s oppression as women is more fundamental than

other forms of human oppression is difficult to unpack. According to Alison
Jaggar and Paula Rothenberg, it can be interpreted to mean one or more of
five things:

1. That women were, historically, the first oppressed group.

2. That women’s oppression is the most widespread, existing in virtually

every known society.

3. That women’s oppression is the hardest form of oppression to eradicate

and cannot be removed by other social changes such as the abolition of class
society.

4. That women’s oppression causes the most suffering to its victims,

qualitatively as well as quantitatively, although the suffering may often go
unrecognized because of the sexist prejudices of both the oppressors and the
victims.

5. That women’s oppression provides a conceptual model for understanding

all other forms of oppression
Two types of Radical feminism

a) Radical-libertarian feminism
These feminists claimed that an exclusively feminine gender identity is
likely to limit women’s development as full human persons. Thus, they
encouraged women to become androgynous persons, that is, persons who
embody both (good) masculine and (good) feminine characteristics.
Among the first radical-libertarian feminists to celebrate androgynous
women was Joreen Freeman.
In short radical-libertarian feminists are convinced that the fewer women
are involved in the reproductive process, the more time and energy they
will have to engage in society¹s productive processes.
b) Radical-Cultural Feminism
This group of feminists sees femaleness as empowering and therefore
believe women should embrace the values traditionally associated with
femininity such as community, sharing, and body to name a few.
Radical-cultural feminists see women's power to create new life as the
ultimate source of our power and believe it is in women¹s best interests to
procreate naturally. To take this power from a woman and put it in the
hands of doctors and scientists via reproductive technologies is to strip
women of our power and to continue to make us vulnerable to men's
power.
Radical-cultural feminists theorise that women's oppression is not caused
by female biology and reproductive possibilities but rather by men's
jealousy of women's reproductive abilities and their desire to control
them through new reproductive technologies.
Critiques
 Critics claim Radical feminists simplify the issues and therefore tend to
suggest that men are the victimizers and women the victims. Of course
we know that not all women are victims and not all men corrupt.
.Many critiques of this standpoint pay attention to the fact that early
Radical feminism often ignored race, class and sexual orientation
differences.

Postmodern feminism

Postmodern feminism is a subsection of third-wave feminism, mainly because

of its rejection of the universality of the gendered experiences of individuals
living in patriarchal systems.

Postmodern feminism is based on postmodern ideas as well as concepts from

post-structuralism and French feminism. It understands gender stereotypes
to be a cultural construct of patriarchy and aims to de-construct them to
liberate individuals to define their understanding of what it is to be
themselves.

Structuralism is a movement that understands culture to be made up of

complementary structures defined in opposition to each other and often
arranged in a hierarchy. Examples are man-woman; rational-emotional.

Post-structuralism rejects the binary view of the world and suggests that
history and culture have a big impact in defining each subject.

French feminism is a branch of third-wave feminism characterised by a focus

on philosophy and literature instead of politics. It produced literary works
that were metaphorical, effusive and focused on theories of the body.
Postmodern feminism aims to dissect the intrinsic societal, cultural and
language-based causes of gender inequality.

According to Postmodern feminism, the causes of gender oppression in

patriarchal structures are multiple. Examples of these could be the erasure and
underrepresentation of gender identities that challenge restrictive gender binaries
and norms.

Once inequality is identified, postmodern feminists, aim to challenge these

oppressive patriarchal tools. An example of this in action, is generating new
ways of being, expressing and behaving which challenge patriarchal gender norms
and the gender binary.

Postmodern feminism is sometimes criticised for a lack of a unified, clear

solution. Other critics see postmodern feminism as too academic and jargonistic.
This means that it risks getting lost in theories and is, therefore, less applicable to
a political struggle.

Postmodern feminism, like postmodernism, rejects essentialism and binary

oppositions as it sees them as patriarchal constructs that oppress the
feminine.

The postmodern feminist philosopher, writer, poet, and playwright Helene Cixous
draws a commentary on masculinity and femininity by analysing male writing and
encouraging female writing. She describes male writing as (typically) linear,
based on oppositions and lacking gender diversity, as it excludes the body.
According to Cixous, female writing should be escapism, which can never be
“theorised, enclosed or coded”. She demonstrates this kind of writing by including
many writing styles in her works, from densely theoretical, to slang, from flowy
poetry and metaphors to associative wordplay.
Luce Irigaray is a French feminist, linguist, psychoanalyst and cultural theorist
who spend a vast amount of her life analysing literary works from a logocentric
perspective.

Logocentrism refers to the Western tradition of regarding words and language,

and more specifically, written prose, as the best way to express reality.

In Luce Irigaray's main work, Speculum of the Other Woman, she analysed
and criticised the works of Plato, Aristotle, Kant and Freud from the
perspective of phallocentrism. Phallocentrism is the prioritising of the male
perspective when analysing society and social relations.

For example, Freud bases a lot of his psychological development theories on the
idea that initially we are all boys, and that girls' development hinges on the trauma
faced when they realise, they are not boys.

Irigaray studied language deeply, always with a focus on how males and females
in expressing themselves, and concluded that in language there are patterns that
imply dominance in males and passivity in females.

In the 1960s, she carried out a study on dementia patients to look at

differences in language between males and females. She found that while the
male patients were still able to articulate themselves with language, the
female patients expressed their conditions through their bodies. She
concluded that this was because the male patient could reflect themselves in
the language (because of the inherent male bias), while the female patients
lacked this connection to it.

In later years, her works took a slight change in focus. She wrote a book inspired
by yoga, on the joining of the body and the spirit, 4 and looked at how men and
women could come together and create relationships5 in a more democratic way.
Luce Irigaray is still a feminism activist but refuses to identify with a specific
branch of feminism as she thinks that subdivisions contribute to unnecessary
competition

Another example of language bias that postmodern feminism highlights is the use
of gendered pronouns.

As in the example of the Italian language above, English traditionally uses

he/him/his and she/her/hers to talk about masculine and feminine subjects. The
LGBTQ+ movement has challenged this strict gendered binary inbuilt within the
English language. Additionally, promoting the use of they/their/theirs to more
accurately represent, and crucially not pre-determine the gender identity of
members of the trans and non-binary community.

Postmodern Feminism - Key takeaways

 Postmodernism, instead, rejects the idea of an objective, universal truth.

 Postmodern feminism is a branch of third-wave feminism that sees gender

stereotypes as culturally constructed through language and aims to dethrone
them in favour of embracing differences and individual experiences.

 Postmodern feminist theory tells us that both sex and gender are socially
constructed through language, and that feminity is at a hierarchical
disadvantage in this construct.

 Postmodern feminism rejects essentialism and binary oppositions.

 Postmodern feminism is criticised for the lack of a unified solution and for
being too academic.

Conclusion: Postmodern feminism is a theory that challenges the idea of

a universal, essentialized womanhood, arguing that gender is a social
construct that varies across time and place. Postmodern feminists
advocate for a politics of difference that recognizes and values the
diversity of women’s experiences and perspectives, and seek to
destabilize gender norms and categories. While postmodern feminism has
had a profound impact on feminist theory and activism, it has also been
subject to criticism for its relativism and lack of clarity in its political
objectives. Nevertheless, postmodern feminism remains a powerful force
in shaping contemporary feminist discourse and practice.

Waves of Feminism
Feminism generally means the belief in the social, economic, and
political equality of the sexes.

Feminists share a common goal of supporting equality for men and

women. Although all feminists strive for gender equality, there are
various ways to approach this theory.

The history of modern feminism can be divided into four parts which
are termed ‘waves.’ Each wave marks a specific cultural period in which
specific feminist issues are brought to light.
First wave
The first wave of feminism is believed to have started around 1848,
often tied to the first formal Women’s Rights Convention in Seneca
Falls, New York. The convention was notably run by Lucretia Mott
and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who were among the other 300 in
attendance.
Stanton declared that all men and women were created equal, and
thus, she advocated for women’s education, their right to own
property, and organizational leadership. Many of the activists believed
that their goals would be hard to accomplish without women’s right to
vote. Thus, for the following 70 years, this was the main goal.

Early feminists are thought to have been inspired by feminist writings

such as those by Mary Wollstonecraft’s The Vindication of the Right
of Women (1792) and John Stuart Mill’s The Subjection of Women
(1869).
First wave activism
Despite its international range, the first wave of feminism was most
active in the United States and Western Europe.

Activists engaged in social campaigns that expressed dissatisfaction

with women’s limited rights for work, education, property,
reproduction, marital status, and social agency.

They protested in the form of public gatherings, speeches, and writings.

The women’s suffrage movement campaigned for the right for

women to vote. Their activism revolved around the press, which was the
major source of information communication at the time. Early coverage
of the movement was unfavorable and biased, often portraying the
women as bad-looking, unfeminine, and haters of men.

In the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland, suffrage was associated

with a particularly prominent and militant campaign, often involving
violence.
One of the most notable ‘militant’ feminists was suffragette Emily
Davidson who was sent to prison several times for her activism. In
1913, she tragically died as she threw herself onto the racetrack at the
Epsom Derby, causing her to be trampled by a horse. The word ‘militant’
from then on became symbolic for media depictions of suffragists’
actions.

As the movement developed, it began to turn to the question of

reproductive rights for women. In 1916, Margaret Sanger opened the first
birth control clinic in the United States, defying the New York state law
that forbade the distribution of contraception. Sanger would later go on to
establish the clinic that became Planned Parenthood.

First wave feminists had to wait until August of 1920 to be granted

the right to vote. After 1920, the momentum of the movement began to
decline after this massive success. However, other activists continued to
advocate for their rights within local organizations and special interest
groups.
Criticisms
The activism of first wave feminism is often criticized for being a
feminism for exclusively white women. Although the vote was granted
to white women in 1920, it would take much longer for women of color
to be able to exercise their right to vote.

As the suffrage movement progressed, the concerns of women of color

were often overlooked by first wave feminists.
Despite this, groups of women were often uninvited or excluded from
fully participating in feminist organizations. They would often have to
join segregated suffrage associations if they were included at all.
Many of the women in the movement would use racial prejudice as fuel
for their work, many arguing that men of color should not be allowed to
vote before white women.
Second Wave of Feminism
The second wave of feminism is believed to have taken place between the
early 1960s to the late 1980s. This wave commenced after the postwar
chaos, and it was thought to be inspired by the civil rights movement
in the United States and the labor rights movement in the United
Kingdom.

After achieving the vote for women, the feminist movement gradually
turned its attention to women’s inequality in wider society. Many
women began questioning their social roles in the workplace and in the
family environment.

A noteworthy writing prior to the second wave, which may have been
influential to the movement, is Simone de Beauvoir’s 1949 book titled
The Second Sex. In this book, she understands women’s oppression by
analyzing the particular institutions which define women’s lives, such
as marriage, family, and motherhood.

Betty Friedan is thought to be one of the most famous second wave

feminists. She wrote the book The Feminine Mystique in 1963 and is
widely credited with kick-starting the second wave. Friedan’s book
highlighted the increasing alienation and unhappiness felt by
American housewives in the post-war boom years.
What are the ideas of second wave feminism?
A common principle of the second wave of feminism was women’s
autonomy: an insistence on women’s right to determine what they want
to do with their lives and their body. Their goals were to legalize
abortions, promote easier and safer contraception, and fight racist
and classist, birth-control programs.
Other major issues at the time were sexual discrimination and sexual
harassment, especially in the workplace and other institutional settings.
Second wave feminists aimed to highlight these issues and put
legislature in place to prevent this.

The second wave asked questions about the concept of gender roles and
women’s sexuality. They coined the phrase ‘the personal is political’
as a means of highlighting the impact of sexism and patriarchy on
every aspect of women’s private lives

Second wave feminists were concerned with women’s lived experiences

but also in media representation. As television became the main medium
at this time, it was observed that women struggled for televisual presence.
Data from the BBC in the late 1980s showed a disproportionate balance
of 5 women to every 150 men in television-related jobs

Second wave activism

Many of the second wave feminists were radical and critical in their
approach. They were impatient for social and political change and
brought international issues into their politics
Many activists agreed with socialist ideas, while others were active in
peace movements, revolutionary workers’ rights, and anti-racist
struggles.

The practice of ‘consciousness raising’ was a popular form of

activism at the time. This is where women met to discuss their
experiences of sexism, discrimination, abortions, and patriarchy. This
helped to create political awareness and solidarity expressed through the
term ‘sisterhood’.
A significant radical feminist group during this time was the ‘New York
Radical Women’ group, founded by Shulamith Firestone and Pam
Allen. They wanted to spread the message that ‘sisterhood is powerful’
through their protests.

A well-known protest occurred during the Miss America Pageant in

1968. Hundreds of women marched the streets outside the event and
displayed banners during the live broadcast of the event which read
‘Women’s Liberation’, which brought a great deal of public
awareness to the movement.

During the second wave, the work of Black feminist groups brought
the different experiences and priorities of Black feminists into focus.
Writers such as bell hooks, Angela Davis, and Audre Lord paved the way
for greater appreciation of the unequal power dynamics woven into early
second wave feminism.

Achievements of the second wave

The Equal Pay Act of 1963 was enforced which makes it illegal for
employers to have different rates of pay for women and men doing the
same job. It was also the first federal law to address sex
discrimination.

The Equal Credit Opportunity Act was enforced in the United States in
1974, banning discrimination in access to credit based on sex or marital
status. Before then, many women could not get credit in their own name
or would need to have a man’s permission to get loans or credit cards.

The Roe v. Wade case was pivotal in the legalization of abortion. In

1973, this right was granted by the United States Supreme Court
meaning that women had the choice of terminating their pregnancy
in the first trimester.

In addition to achieving abortion rights, second wave feminism

accomplished other things such as opening up avenues for women to
engage in ‘non-traditional’ educational options and jobs that would have
been traditionally dominated by men.

Third Wave of Feminism

The third wave is thought to have spanned from the late 1980s until the
1990s. There are some overlaps and continuations from second wave
feminism, but many third wave feminists simply sought to rid the
perceived rigid ideology of second wave feminists.

The young feminists of this era were often the children of second
wave feminists. They were growing up in a world of mass media and
technology, and they saw themselves as more media savvy than the
feminists from their mothers’ generation.
Feminist writer Rebecca Walker explained that it seemed that to be a
feminist before this time, was to conform to an identity and way of living
that does not allow for individuality. That can lead people to pit against
each other; female against male, black against white, etc.

Third wave feminists are believed to be less rigid and judgmental

compared to second wavers who are suggested to be sexually
judgmental, anti-sexual, and see having too much fun as a threat to
the revolution

Third wave feminism is believed to be shaped by postmodern theory.

Feminists of the time sought to challenge, reclaim, and redefine ideas of
the self, the fluidity of gender, sexual identity, and what it means to be a
woman.

The ideas of third wave feminism

Third wave feminists depict their feminism as more inclusive and racially
diverse than previous waves.

Kimberlé Crenshaw coined the term intersectionality to describe how

everyone has their own unique experiences of discrimination and
oppression. For instance, a black woman can be oppressed on the
basis of being a woman, but also for being black.

The introduction of intersectionality by Crenshaw in 1989 may have

helped shape third wave feminists’ perception of how each woman has
a different identity.
Not only differences based on race, ethnicity, or social class, but also for
identities such as women who partake in sport, beauty, music, and
religion – those which may have clashed with previous ideas about
feminism in the past.

Since third wavers question the gender binary male/female and have
a generally non-essentialist approach to considering gender,
transgender individuals fit better into this wave than in second wave
thinking

Third wave feminism ideals are focused on choice. Whatever a woman

chooses to do, it is feminist as long as she made that choice. They claim
that using makeup is not a sign that a woman is adhering to the ‘male
gaze’, instead, a woman can use makeup for themselves without any
loaded issues.

Third wavers feel entitled to interact with men as equals and actively
play with femininity. The concept of ‘girl power’ also came about at
this time.

Third wave feminism is often pro-sex, defending pornography, sex

work, intercourse, and marriage, and reducing the stigma
surrounding sexual pleasure in feminism. This contrasts with a lot of
the radical feminists of the second wave who would often reject
femininity and disengage from heterosexual intercourse with men.

Many third wave literature emphasizes the importance of cultural

production, focusing on female pop icons, hip-hop music, and beauty
culture, rather than on traditional politics.
Being enraged by this, they sought to establish their own space to
produce punk music that stood for female empowerment and created an
environment where women could exist without the male gaze.

Third wavers faced a lot of criticism. The sexualized behavior of

feminists was questioned as to whether this truly represented sexual
liberation and gender equality or whether it was old oppressions in
disguise.

Likewise, many claimed the movement lived past its usefulness and that
the wave did not contribute to anything of substance. There was nothing
revolutionary that happened during this wave like there was with the right
to vote being granted to women in the first wave, and legislative changes
made during the second wave.

Nevertheless, it can be argued that the third wave encouraged a new

generation of feminists, and it was a step that paved the way for future
waves to come.

Fourth Wave of Feminism

While there is some disagreement, it is generally accepted that there is a

fourth wave of feminism which may have started anywhere from 2007 to
2012 and continues to the present day.
Prudence Chamberlain (2017) defines the fourth wave by its focus on
justice for women, particularly those who have experienced sexual
violence. The current wave combines aspects of the previous waves
though with an increased focus on intersectionality and sub-narratives
such as transgender activism.
Many claim that the internet itself and increased social media usage
has enabled a shift from third wave to fourth wave feminism.
Chamberlain notes that ‘feminists who identify as second or third wave
are still participating in and driving activism’.

She claims generations have joined forces as ‘social media is

providing a platform to a wide range of women who are able to use
the connectivity and immediacy’.

The internet has become a platform for feminists from around the world
to come together to ‘call out’ cultures in which sexism and sexism can be
challenged and exposed. This is continuing the influence of the third
wave, with a focus on micropolitics, challenging sexism in adverts, film,
literature, and the media, among others.

Facebook was forced to confront the issue of hate speech on its website
after initially suggesting that images of women being abused did not
violate its terms of service.

In the United Kingdom, campaigns such as ‘No More Page 3’ (a

reference to The Sun’s page 3, which from 1970 to 2015 featured a
topless model) and The Everyday Sexism Project were some of the
earlier online campaigns in the fourth wave.

After the inauguration of Donald Trump as president of the United States

in 2017, a Women’s March was held which captured the international
spotlight as arguably the largest and most peaceful single-day protest
in US history.
In the same year, the #MeToo movement hit social media in over 85
countries, where individuals shared their experiences of sexual abuse
and harassment to demonstrate the widespread number of cases of
sexual violence. This allowed people to see that sexual violence is not a
personal problem but a structural issue

The fourth wave encourages women to be politically active and

passionate about the previous wave’s issues, such as the wage gap
and ending sexual violence. and to create solidarity among victims.
The main goals of the fourth wave are thought to call out social injustices
and those responsible for them, as well as to educate others on feminist
issues and to be inclusive to all groups of women.