Population

Geography
Concepts and Prospects

Varsha Rani
 Population Geography:
Concepts and Prospects
 Population Geography:
Concepts and Prospects

Varsha Rani
Published by Vidya Books,
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Varsha Rani
ISBN: 978-93-5429-867-7

© 2021 Vidya Books

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 Contents

Chapter 1 Population Growth Trends, Projections, Challenges and

Opportunities .................................................................................................. 1

Chapter 2 Population, Spatial Distribution................................................................... 37

Chapter 3 Age Structural Transitions and Policy Implications ................................... 53

Chapter 4 National Population Policy 2000-Introduction ........................................... 62

Chapter 5 Literacy in India ............................................................................................ 82

Chapter 6 NLM—An Introduction ................................................................................ 89

Chapter 7 Need for Literacy in India .......................................................................... 156

Chapter 8 Literacy as Seen in the 2001 Census ........................................................... 159

Chapter 9 Unorganised Sector Workforce in India .................................................... 164

Chapter 10 India’s Workforce Quality is Superior ....................................................... 177

Chapter 11 Life Expectancy and Mortality in India ..................................................... 184

Chapter 12 An Overview of Migration in India, its Impacts and Key

Issues ............................................................................................................ 188

Chapter 13 Unemployment and Migration .................................................................. 250

 1
Population Growth Trends,
Projections, Challenges and
Opportunities

Introduction
Human beings evolved under conditions of high mortality
due to famines, accidents, illnesses, infections and war and therefore
the relatively high fertility rates were essential for species survival.
In spite of the relatively high fertility rates it took all the time from
evolution of mankind to the middle of the 19th century for the
global population to reach one billion. The twentieth century
witnessed an unprecedented rapid improvement in health care
technologies and access to health care all over the world; as a
result there was a steep fall in the mortality and steep increase in
longevity. The population realized these changes and took steps
to reduce their fertility but the decline in fertility was not so steep.
As a result the global population has undergone a fourfold increase
in a hundred years and has reached 6 billion.

Demographic Transition
Demographers refer to these changes from stable population
with high fertility and mortality to a new stability in population
due to low fertility and mortality patterns as demographic
transition. Demographic transition occurs in four phases; of these
the first three phases are characterized by population growth. In
the first phase there is a fall in death rate and improvement in
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

longevity; this leads to population growth. In the second phase

there is a fall in birth rate but fall is less steep than fall in death
rates and consequently there is population growth. In the third
phase death rates plateau and replacement level of fertility is
attained but the population growth continues because of the large
size of population in reproductive age group. The fourth phase
is characterized by fall in birth rate to below replacement level and
reduction in the proportion of the population in reproductive age
group; as a result of these changes population growth ceases and
population stabilizes. Experience in some of the developed
countries suggest that in some societies even after attainment of
stable population there may be a further decline in fertility so that
there is a further reduction in the population-so called negative
population growth phase of the demographic transition. Different
countries in the world have entered the demographic transition
at different periods of time; there are also substantial differences
in the rate of demographic transition and time taken to achieve
population stabilization.
Global Population Scenario
In 1901 the world population was 1.6 billion. By 1960, it
became 3 billion, and by 1987, 5 billion and in 1999, 6 billion.
Currently, one billion people are added every 12-13 years. During
the last decade there has been substantial decline in birth rate. The
reasons for decline vary from society to society; urbanization,
rising educational attainment, increasing employment among
women, lower infant mortality are some major factors responsible
for growing desire for smaller families; increasing awareness and
improved access to contraception have made it possible for the
majority of the couple to achieve the desired family size. In some
countries slowing of the population growth has been due to an
increase in mortality (e.g. HIV related mortality in sub-saharan
Africa). As a result of all these the decline in the global population
growth during the nineties is steeper than the earlier predictions.
Currently, the annual increment is about 80 million. It is expected
to decrease to about 64 million by 2020-25 and to 33 million by
2045-50; 95 % of the growth of population occurs in developing
countries. Most demographers believe that the current accelerated
decline in population growth will continue for the next few decades

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

and the medium projections of Population Division of United

Nations, that the global population will grow to 8.9 billion by 2050
is likely to be achieved.
Changing Age Structure of the Population
During demographic transition along with the growth in
number there are changes in the population age structure. While
the importance of the population growth as a determinant of
quality of life is universally understood, the profoundly serious
consequences of changing age structure especially if it occurs too
rapidly is not understood by many. Population pyramids
graphically represent complex changes in age structure of the
population so that it can be readily understood and interpreted.
The population pyramids for the global population. Currently
nearly half of the global population is below 25 years of age and
one sixth are in the age group 15-24. Their choices, efforts and
lifestyles will determine not only the population growth but also
future improvement in the quality of life in harmony with global
ecology. In developed countries the reproductive age group
population is relatively small; their fertility is low and the longevity
at birth is high. Population profiles of these countries resemble a
cylinder and not a pyramid. These countries have the advantages
of having achieved a stable population but have to face the problems
of having a relatively small productive workforce to support the
large aged population with substantial non-communicable disease
burden. Some of the developing countries have undergone a very
rapid decline in the birth rates within a short period. This enabled
them to quickly achieve population stabilization but they do face
the problems of rapid changes in the age structure and workforce
which may be inadequate to meet their manpower requirements.
In contrast the population in most of the developing countries
(including India) consist of a very large proportion of children and
persons in reproductive age. Because of the large reproductive age
group (Population momentum) the population will continue to
grow even when replacement level of fertility is reached (couples
having only two children). It is imperative that these countries
should generate enough employment opportunities for this work
force and utilise the human resources and accelerate their economic
growth. Planners and policy makers in developing countries like

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

India have to take into account the ongoing demographic changes

(number and age structure of the population) so that available
human resources are optimally utilised as agents of change and
development to achieve improvement in quality of life.

Demographic Transition in India

Over the last four decades there has been rapid fall in Crude
Death Rate (CDR) from 25.1 in 1951 to 9.8 in 1991 and less steep
decline in the Crude Birth Rate (CBR) from 40.8 in 1951 to 29.5
in 1991. The annual exponential population growth rate has been
over 2% in the period 1961-90. During the nineties the decline in
CBR has been steeper than that in the (CDR) and consequently,
the annual population growth rate has fallen below 2%. The rate
of decline in population growth is likely to be further accelerated
during the next decade.
The changes in the population growth rates have been relatively
slow, steady and sustained. As a result the country was able to
achieve a relatively gradual change in the population numbers
and age structure. The short and long term adverse consequences
of too rapid decline in birth rates and change in age structure on
the social and economic development were avoided and the country
was able to adapt to these changes without massive disruptions
of developmental efforts.
In spite of the uniform national norms set under the 100%
Centrally Funded and Centrally Sponsored Scheme (CSS) of Family
Welfare, there are substantial differences in the performance
between States as assessed by IMR and CBR. Though the decline
in CBR and IMR has occurred in all States, the rate of decline is
slower in some States.
At one end of the spectrum is Kerala with mortality and
fertility rates nearly similar to those in some of the developed
countries. At the other end, there are four large northern States
(Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan) with high
Infant Mortality Rate and Fertility Rates. Though the decline in
CBR, IMR and CDR has occurred in all States, the rate of decline
was slower in some States like U.P. and Bihar. There are substantial
differences in CBR and IMR not only between States but also
between the districts in the same state.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

In view of these findings, the NDC Committee on Population

recommended that efforts should be made to provide reproductive
and child health services at district level and undertake
decentralized area-specific micro planning and implementation of
appropriate interventions. In response to this recommendation
Dept of Family Welfare has abolished the practice of fixing targets
for individual contraceptives by the Central Government from
April 1996 and had initiated decentralized district based, planning
(based on community need assessment), implementation,
monitoring and midcourse corrections of FW programme. The
experience of states with district based planning, implementation
and the impact are being closely monitored.

Consequences of Population Growth

Environmental and Ecological Consequences
The already densely populated developing countries contribute
to over 95% of the population growth and rapid population growth
could lead to environmental deterioration. Developed countries
are less densely populated and contribute very little to population
growth; however, they cause massive ecological damage by the
wasteful, unnecessary and unbalanced consumption the
consequences of which could adversely affect both the developed
and the developing countries. The review on “Promotion of
sustainable development: challenges for environmental policies”
in the Economic Survey 1998-99 had covered in detail the major
environmental problems, and policy options for improvement;
the present review will only briefly touch upon some of the
important ecological consequences of demographic transition.
In many developing countries continued population growth
has resulted in pressure on land, fragmentation of land holding,
collapsing fisheries, shrinking forests, rising temperatures, loss of
plant and animal species. Global warming due to increasing use
of fossil fuels (mainly by the developed countries) could have
serious effects on the populous coastal regions in developing
countries, their food production and essential water supplies. The
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has projected that,
if current greenhouse gas emission trends continue, the mean
global surface temperature will rise from 1 to 3.5 degrees Celsius

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

in the next century. The panel’s best estimate scenario projects a

sea-level rise of 15 to 95 centimetres by 2100. The ecological impact
of rising oceans would include increased flooding, coastal erosion,
salination of aquifers and coastal crop land and displacement of
millions of people living near the coast. Patterns of precipitation
are also likely to change, which combined with increased average
temperatures, could substantially alter the relative agricultural
productivity of different regions. Greenhouse gas emissions are
closely linked to both population growth and development. Slower
population growth in developing countries and ecologically
sustainable lifestyles in developed countries would make reduction
in green house gas emission easier to achieve and provide more
time and options for adaptation to climate change. Rapid
population growth, developmental activities either to meet the
growing population or the growing needs of the population as
well as changing lifestyles and consumption patterns pose major
challenge to preservation and promotion of ecological balance in
India. Some of the major ecological adverse effects reported in
India include:
• Severe pressure on the forests due to both the rate of
resource use and the nature of use. The per capita forest
biomass in the country is only about 6 tons as against the
global average of 82 tons.
• Adverse effect on species diversity.
• Conversion of habitat to some other land use such as
agriculture, urban development, forestry operation. Some
70-80 % of fresh water marshes and lakes in the Gangetic
flood plains has been lost in the last 50 years.
• Tropical deforestation and destruction of mangroves for
commercial needs and fuel wood. The country’s mangrove
areas have reduced from 700,000 ha to 453,000 ha in the
last 50 years.
• Intense grazing by domestic livestock.
• Poaching and illegal harvesting of wildlife.
• Increase in agricultural area, high use of chemical fertilizers
pesticides and weedicides; water stagnation, soil erosion,
soil salinity and low productivity.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

• High level of biomass burning causing large-scale indoor

pollution.
• Encroachment on habitat for rail and road construction
thereby fragmenting the habitat increase in commercial
activities such as mining and unsustainable resource
extraction.
• Degradation of coastal and other aquatic ecosystems from
domestic sewage, pesticides, fertilizers and industrial
effluents.
• Over fishing in water bodies and introduction of weeds
and exotic species.
• Diversion of water for domestic, industrial and agricultural
uses leading to increased river pollution and decrease in
self-cleaning properties of rivers.
• Increasing water requirement leading to tapping deeper
aquifers which have high content of arsenic or fluoride
resulting health problems.
• Disturbance from increased recreational activity and
tourism causing pollution of natural ecosystems with
wastes left behind by people.
The United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development (1992) acknowledged population growth, rising
income levels, changing technologies, increasing consumption
pattern will all have adverse impact on environment. Ensuring
that there is no further deterioration depends on choices made by
the population about family size, life styles, environmental
protection and equity.
Availability of appropriate technology and commitment
towards ensuring sustainable development is increasing
throughout the world. Because of these, it might be possible to
initiate steps to see that the natural carrying capacity of the
environment is not damaged beyond recovery and ecological
balance is to a large extent maintained. It is imperative that the
environmental sustainability of all developmental projects is taken
care of by appropriate inputs at the planning, implementation,
monitoring and evaluation stages.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Urbanization
The proportion of people in developing countries who live in
cities has almost doubled since 1960 (from less than 22 per cent
to more than 40 per cent), while in more developed regions the
urban share has grown from 61 per cent to 76 per cent. Urbanization
is projected to continue well into the next century. By 2030, it is
expected that nearly 5 billion (61 per cent) of the world’s 8.1 billion
people will live in cities. India shares this global trend toward
urbanisation.
Globally, the number of cities with 10 million or more
inhabitants is increasing rapidly, and most of these new
“megacities” are in developing regions. In 1960, only New York
and Tokyo had more than 10 million people. By 1999, the number
of megacities had grown to 17(13 in developing countries). It is
projected that there will be 26 megacities by 2015, (18 in Asia; of
these five in India); more than 10 per cent of the world’s population
will live in these cities (1.7% in 1950). India’s urban population
has doubled from 109 million to 218 million during the last two
decades and is estimated to reach 300 million by 2000 AD. As a
consequence cities are facing the problem of expanding urban
slums.
Like many other demographic changes, urbanization has both
positive and negative effects. Cities and towns have become the
engines of social change and rapid economic development.
Urbanisation is associated with improved access to education,
employment, health care; these result in increase in age at marriage,
reduction in family size and improvement in health indices. As
people have moved towards and into cities, information has flowed
outward. Better communication and transportation now link urban
and rural areas both economically and socially creating an urban-
rural continuum of communities with improvement in some aspects
of lifestyle of both. The ever increasing reach of mass media
communicate new ideas, points of reference, and available options
are becoming more widely recognized, appreciated and sought.
This phenomenon has affected health care, including reproductive
health, in many ways. For instance, radio and television
programmes that discuss gender equity, family size preference
and family planning options are now reaching formerly isolated

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

rural populations. This can create demand for services for mothers
and children, higher contraceptive use, and fewer unwanted
pregnancies, smaller healthier families and lead to more rapid
population stabilisation.
But the rapid growth of urban population also poses some
serious challenges. Urban population growth has outpaced the
development of basic minimum services; housing, water supply,
sewerage and solid waste disposal are far from adequate; increasing
waste generation at home, offices and industries, coupled with
poor waste disposal facilities result in rapid environmental
deterioration. Increasing automobiles add to air pollution. All
these have adverse effect on ecology and health. Poverty persists
in urban and peri-urban areas; awareness about the glaring
inequities in close urban setting may lead to social unrest.

Rural Population and their Development

Over seventy per cent of India’s population still lives in rural
areas. There are substantial differences between the states in the
proportion of rural and urban population (varying from almost
90 per cent in Assam and Bihar to 61 per cent in Maharashtra).
Agriculture is the largest and one of the most important sector of
the rural economy and contributes both to economic growth and
employment. Its contribution to the Gross Domestic Product has
declined over the last five decades but agriculture still remains the
source of livelihood for over 70 per cent of the country’s population.
A large proportion of the rural work force is small and consists
of marginal farmers and landless agricultural labourers. There is
substantial under employment among these people; both wages
and productivity are low. These in turn result in poverty; it is
estimated that 320 million people are still living below the poverty
line in rural India.
Though poverty has declined over the last three decades, the
number of rural poor has in fact increased due to the population
growth. Poor tend to have larger families which puts enormous
burden on their meagre resources, and prevent them from breaking
out of the shackles of poverty. In States like Tamil Nadu where
replacement level of fertility has been attained, population growth
rates are much lower than in many other States; but the population

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

density is high and so there is a pressure on land. In States like

Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Madhya Pradesh population
is growing rapidly, resulting in increasing pressure on land and
resulting land fragmentation. Low productivity of small land
holders leads to poverty, low energy intake and under nutrition,
and this, in turn, prevents the development thus creating a vicious
circle. In most of the states non-farm employment in rural areas
has not grown very much and cannot absorb the growing labour
force. Those who are getting educated specially beyond the primary
level, may not wish to do manual agricultural work. They would
like better opportunities and more remunerative employment. In
this context, it is imperative that programmes for skill development,
vocational training and technical education are taken up on a large
scale in order to generate productive employment in rural areas.
The entire gamut of existing poverty alleviation and employment
generation programmes may have to be restructured to meet the
newly emerging types of demand for employment.
Rural poor have inadequate access to basic minimum services,
because of poor connectivity, lack of awareness, inadequate and
poorly functional infrastructure. There are ongoing efforts to
improve these, but with the growing aspirations of the younger,
educated population these efforts may prove to be inadequate to
meet the increasing needs both in terms of type and quality of
services. Greater education, awareness and better standard of living
among the growing younger age group population would create
the required consciousness among them that smaller families are
desirable; if all the felt needs for health and family welfare services
are fully met, it will be possible to enable them to attain their
reproductive goals, achieve substantial decline in the family size
and improve quality of life.
Water Supply
In many parts of developed and developing world, water
demand substantially exceeds sustainable water supply. It is
estimated that currently 430 millions (8% of the global population)
are living in countries affected by water stress; by 2020 about one
fourth of the global population may be facing chronic and recurring
shortage of fresh water. In India, water withdrawal is estimated

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

to be twice the rate of aquifer recharge; as a result water tables

are falling by one to three meters every year; tapping deeper
aquifers have resulted in larger population groups being exposed
to newer health hazards such as high fluoride or arsenic content
in drinking water. At the other end of the spectrum, excessive use
of water has led to water logging and increasing salinity in some
parts of the country. Eventually, both lack of water and water
logging could have adverse impact on India’s food production.
There is very little arable agricultural land which remains
unexpected and in many areas, agricultural technology
improvement may not be able to ensure further increase in yield
per hectare. It is, therefore, imperative that research in
biotechnology for improving development of foodgrains strains
that would tolerate salinity and those which would require less
water gets high priority. Simultaneously, a movement towards
making water harvesting, storage and its need based use part of
every citizens life should be taken up.
Food Security
Technological innovations in agriculture and increase in area
under cultivation have ensured that so far, food production has
kept pace with the population growth. Evolution of global and
national food security systems have improved access to food. It
is estimated that the global population will grow to 9 billion by
2050 and the food production will double; improvement in
purchasing power and changing dietary habits (shift to animal
products) may further add to the requirement of food grains.
Thus, in the next five decades, the food and nutrition security
could become critical in many parts of the world especially in the
developing countries and pockets of poverty in the developed
countries.
In India one of the major achievements in the last fifty years
has been the green revolution and self-sufficiency in food
production. Food grain production has increased from 50.82 in
1950-51 to 200.88 million tons in 1998-99 (Prov.). It is a matter of
concern that while the cereal production has been growing steadily
at a rate higher than the population growth rates, the coarse grain
and pulse production has not shown a similar increase.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Consequently there has been a reduction in the per capita

availability of pulses (from 60.7 grams in 1951 to 34 grams per day
in 1996) and coarse grains. Over the last five decades there has
been a decline in the per capita availability of pulses. During the
last few years the country has imported pulses to meet the
requirement. There has been a sharp and sustained increase in cost
of pulses, so there is substantial decline in per capita pulses
consumption among poorer segment of population. This in turn
could have an adverse impact on their protein intake. The pulse
component of the “Pulses and Oil Seeds Mission” need to receive
a major thrust in terms of R&D and other inputs, so that essential
pulse requirement of growing population is fully met.
Rising cost of pulses had a beneficial effect also. Till eighties
in central India wages of landless labourers were given in the form
Kesari Dal which was cheaper than cereals or coarse grains.
Consumption of staple diet of Kesari Dal led to crippling disease
of neuro lathyrism. Over the last three decades the rising cost of
pulses has made Kesari Dal more expensive than wheat or rice and
hence it is no longer given to labourers as wages for work done;
as a result the disease has virtually disappeared from Central
India. Over years the coarse grain production has remained stagnant
and per capita availability of coarse grain has under gone substantial
reduction; there has been a shift away from coarse grains to rice
and wheat consumption even among poorer segment of population.
One of the benefits of this change is virtual elimination of pellagra
which was widely prevalent among low income group population
in Deccan Plateau whose staple food was sorghum.
Coarse grains are less expensive than rice and wheat; they can
thus provide higher calories for the same cost as compared to rice
and wheat. Coarse grains which are locally produced and procured
if made available through TPDS at subsidised rate, may not only
substantially bring down the subsidy cost without any reduction
in calories provided but also improve “targetting”-as only the
most needy are likely to access these coarse grains. Another area
of concern is the lack of sufficient focus and thrust in horticulture;
because of this, availability of vegetables especially green leafy
vegetables and yellow/red vegetables throughout the year at
affordable cost both in urban and rural areas has remained an

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

unfulfilled dream. Health and nutrition education emphasizing

the importance of consuming these inexpensive rich sources of
micronutrients will not result in any change in food habits unless
there is harnessing and effective management of horticultural
resources in the country to meet the growing needs of the people
at affordable cost. States like Tamil Nadu and Himachal Pradesh
have initiated some efforts in this direction; similar efforts need
be taken up in other states also.

Nutrition
At the time of independence the country faced two major
nutritional problems; one was the threat of famine and acute
starvation due to low agricultural production and lack of
appropriate food distribution system. The other was chronic energy
deficiency due to poverty, low-literacy, poor access to safe-drinking
water, sanitation and health care; these factors led to wide spread
prevalence of infections and ill health in children and adults.
Kwashiorkor, marasmus, goitre, beri beri, blindness due to Vitamin-
A deficiency and anaemia were major public health problems. The
country adopted multi-sectoral, multi-pronged strategy to combat
the major nutritional problems and to improve nutritional status
of the population. During the last 50 years considerable progress
has been achieved. Famines no longer stalk the country. There has
been substantial reduction in moderate and severe undernutrition
in children and some improvement in nutritional status of all
segments of population. Kwashiorkor, marasmus, pellagra,
lathyrism, beri beri and blindness due to severe Vitamin-A
deficiency have become rare. However, it is a matter of concern
that milder forms of Chronic Energy Deficiency (CED) and
micronutrient deficiencies continue to be widely prevalent in adults
and children. In view of the fact that population growth in India
will continue for the next few decades, it is essential that appropriate
strategies are devised to improve food and nutrition security of
families, identify individuals/families with severe forms of CED
and provide them assistance to over come these problem.
Operational strategy to improve the dietary intake of the family
and improve nutritional status of the rapidly growing adult
population would include:

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

• Ensuring adequate agricultural production of cereals,

pulses, vegetables and other foodstuffs needed to fully
meet the requirement of growing population.
• Improving in purchasing power through employment
generation and employment assurance schemes.
• Providing subsidised food grains through TPDS to the
families below poverty line.
• Exploring feasibility of providing subsidized coarse grains
to families Below Poverty Line (BPL) Operational strategies
to improve health and nutritional status of the growing
numbers of women and children include:
1) Pregnant and lactating women-screening to identify
women with weight below 40 Kgs and ensuring that they/
their preschool children receive food supplements through
Integrated Child Development Services Scheme (ICDS);
adequate antenatal intrapartum and neonatal care.
2) 0-6 months infants-Nutrition education for (a) early
initiation of lactation (b) protection and promotion of
universal breast feeding (c) exclusive breast feeding for
the first six months; unless there is specific reason
supplementation should not be introduced before 6 months
(d) immunisation, growth monitoring and health care.
3) Well planned nutrition education to ensure that the infants
and children do a) continue to get breasted; b) get
appropriate cereal pulse-vegetable based supplement fed
to them at least 3-4 times a day – appropriate help in
ensuring this through family/community/work place
support; c) immunisation and health care.
4) Children in the 0-5 age group; a) screen by weighment to
identify children with moderate and severe undernutrition
b) provide double quantity supplements through ICDS;
c) screening for nutrition and health problems and
appropriate intervention.
5) Primary school children: a) weigh and identify those with
moderate and severe chronic energy deficiency; b) improve
dietary intake to these children through the midday meal.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

6) Monitor for improvement in the identified undernourished

infants, children and mothers; if no improvement after 2
months refer to physician for identification and treatment
of fac tors that might be responsible for lack of
improvement.
7) Nutrition education on varying dietary needs of different
members of the family and how they can be met by minor
modifications from the family meals. Intensive health
education for improving the life style of the population
coupled with active screening and management of the
health problems associated with obesity.

Population Projections for India and their Implications

Right from 1958 the Planning Commission has been
constituting an Expert Group on Population Projections prior to
the preparation of each of the Five Year Plans so that the information
on the population status at the time of initiation of the Plan and
population projections for future are available during the
preparation of the Plan. Population projections have been utilised
not only for planning to ensure provision of essentials necessities
such as food, shelter and clothing but also prerequisites for human
development such as education, employment and health care.
Over the years there has been considerable refinement in the
methodology used for population projections and substantial
improvement in the accuracy of predictions. The projections made
by the Standing Committee on Population Projection in 1988 for
the year 1991 was 843.6 million; this figure was within 0.3% of the
846.3 million reported in the Census 1991. In 1996, Technical
Group on Population Projections, had work out the population
projections for the country and the states for the period 1996 to
2016 on the basis of census 1991 and other available demographic
data.
Economic Implications
Population growth and its relation to economic growth has
been a matter of debate for over a century. The early Malthusian
view was that population growth is likely to impede economic
growth because it will put pressure on the available resources,

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

result in reduction in per capita income and resources; this, in

turn, will result in deterioration in quality of life. Contrary to the
Malthusian predictions, several of the East Asian countries have
been able to achieve economic prosperity and improvement in
quality of life inspite of population growth. This has been attributed
to the increase in productivity due to development and utilisation
of innovative technologies by the young educated population who
formed the majority of the growing population. These countries
have been able to exploit the dynamics of demographic transition
to achieve economic growth by using the human resources as the
engine driving the economic development; improved employment
with adequate emoluments has promoted saving and investment
which in turn stimulated economic growth.
However, not all countries, which have undergone
demographic transition, have been able to transform their
economies. Sri Lanka in South Asia underwent demographic
transition at the same time as South East Asian countries but has
not achieved the economic transition. It is now realized that
population growth or demographic transition can have favourable
impact on economic growth only when there are optimal
interventions aimed at human resource development (HRD) and
appropriate utilisation of available human resources. For India the
current phase of demographic transition with low dependency
ratio and high working age group population, represents both a
challenge and an opportunity.
The challenge is to develop these human resources through
appropriate education and skill development and utilise them
fully by giving them appropriate jobs with adequate emoluments;
if this challenge is met through well planned schemes for HRD
and employment generation which are implemented effectively,
there will be improved national productivity and personal savings
rates; appropriate investment of these savings will help the country
to achieve the economic transition from low economic growth-
low per capita income to high economic growth-high per capita
income.
It is imperative to make the best use of this opportunity so
as to enable the country and its citizens to vault to the high
income-high economic growth status and stabilize at that level.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Interstate Differences
There are marked differences between States in size of the
population and population growth rates, the time by which
replacement level of fertility is to be achieved and age structure
of the population. If the present trend continues, most of the
Southern and the Western States are likely to achieve TFR of 2.1
by 2010. Urgent energetic steps to assess and fully meet the unmet
needs for maternal and child health (MCH) care and contraception
through improvement in availability and access to family welfare
services are needed in the States of UP, MP, Rajasthan and Bihar
in order to achieve a faster decline in their mortality and fertility
rates.
The five states of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh,
Rajasthan and Orissa, which constitute 44% of the total population
of India in 1996, will constitute 48% of the total population of
India in 2016. These states will contribute 55% of the total increase
in population of the country during the period 1996-2016. In all
the states performance in the social and economic sector has been
poor. The poor performance is the outcome of poverty, illiteracy
and poor development which coexist and reinforce each other. The
quality and coverage under health services is poor and the unmet
need for FW services is about 30%. Urgent energetic steps are
required to be initiated to assess and fully meet the unmet needs
for maternal and child health (MCH) care and contraception
through improvement in availability and access to family welfare
services in the states of UP, MP, Rajasthan and Bihar in order to
achieve a faster decline in their mortality and fertility rates. The
performance of these states would determine the year and size of
the population at which the country achieves population
stabilisation.
There are also marked differences between States in socio-
economic development. Increasing investments and rapid economic
development are likely to occur in the States where literacy rates
are high; there is ready availability of skilled work force and
adequate infrastructure. In these States, population growth rates
are low. If equitable distribution of the income and benefits
generated by development is ensured, substantial increase in per

17
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

capita income and improvement in quality of life could occur in

these States in a relatively short time.
In majority of States with high population growth rates, the
performance in the social and economic sector has been poor. The
poor performance could be the outcome of a variety of factors
including paucity of natural, financial or human resources. Poverty,
illiteracy and poor development coexist and aggravate each other.
In order to promote equity and reduce disparity between States,
special assistance has been provided to the poorly performing
States. The benefits accrued from such assistance has to a large
extent depended upon:
• The States’ ability to utilise the available funds; improve
quality & coverage of services and facilities, increase
efficiency and improve performance.
• Community awareness and ability to utilise the available
services.
In spite of the additional assistance provided, improvement
in infrastructure, agriculture and industry have been sub-optimal
and the per capita income continues to be low in most of the
poorly performing States. These States also have high birth rates
and relatively low literacy rates. It is imperative that special efforts
are made during the next two decades to break this vicious self
perpetuating cycle of poor performance, poor per capita income,
poverty, low literacy and high birth rate so that the further widening
of disparities between States in terms of per capita income and
quality of life is prevented.
The higher population growth rates and low per capita income
in poorly performing States are likely to have a major impact on
several social sector programmes. The health status of the
population in these States is poor; the health sector programme
will require inputs not only for improving infrastructure and
manpower, but also increasing efficiency and improving
performance. The Family Welfare Programme has to address the
massive task of meeting all the unmet needs for MCH and
contraception so that there is a rapid decline in mortality and
fertility rates. Due to high birth rate, the number of children
requiring schooling will be large. The emphasis in the education

18
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

sector on primary education is essential to ensure that the resource

constraints do not result in an increase in either proportion or
number of illiterates. Emphasis on prevocational and vocational
training in schools will enable these children to acquire skills
through which they will find gainful employment later.
Migration
The available data from census shows that until 1991 both
internal and international migration has been negligible. The
Technical Group while computing the population projection upto
2016, has assumed that the component of migration between major
States and from India will be negligible. This assumption may not
be valid if there is further widening of the disparity between States
in terms of economic growth and employment opportunity. Given
the combination of high population growth, low literacy and lack
of employment opportunities in the poorly performing States,
there may be increasing rural to urban migration as well as interstate
migration especially of unskilled workers. Such migration may in
the short run assist the migrants in overcoming economic problems
associated with unemployment. However, the migrant workers
and their families may face problems in securing shelter, education
and health care. It is essential to build up a mechanism for
monitoring these changes. Steps will have to be taken to provide
for the minimum essential needs of the vulnerable migrant
population.
Labour, Employment and Manpower
Population, which is engaged in any economic activity
(employed persons) and population seeking work (unemployed)
constitute Labour Force. India has the second largest labour force
in the world. Projection of labour force is pre-requisite ensuring
optimal utilisation of available human resources. Manpower
development is then taken up to provide adequate labour force,
of appropriate skills and quality to different sectors so that there
is rapid socioeconomic development and there is no mismatch
between skills required and skills available. Planning also attempts
to provide enabling environment for employment generation (both
self employment and wage employment) in public, private and
voluntary sectors in urban and rural areas.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Labour force in India will be increasing by more than 10

million per annum during 1997-2012. It will be imperative to plan
for and achieve adequate agricultural and industrial growth to
absorb this work force. Most of the persons entering the labour
force will be educated and have some skills. Increasing literacy
and decreasing birth rates may result in more women seeking
economically productive work outside home. It will be important
to generate appropriate and renumerative employment at places
where labour force are available so as to reduce interstate and
urban migration in search of employment. Attempts should be
made to eliminate bonded labour, employment of children and
women in hazardous industries and minimising occupational
health hazards.
Planners face the challenge to have sustained high economic
growth rate in sectors that are labour-intensive to ensure adequate
employment generation for productively utilising this massive
work force. If the massive work force of literate, skilled, aware
men and women in age-group 20-60 years get fully employed and
adequately paid they could trigger off a period of rapid economic
development. As they have very few dependant children and
elders there will be increased savings and investments at household
level; this in turn will improve the availability of resources for
accelerating economic growth. The current stage of demographic
transition thus provides the country with the opportunity window
for using human resources as the engine to power economic
development and improving the quality of life of all the citizens.

Sex Ratio
The reported decline in the sex ratio during the current century
has been a cause for concern. The factors responsible for this
continued decline are as yet not clearly identified. However, it is
well recognised that the adverse sex ratio is a reflection of the
gender disparity. Higher childhood mortality in girl children is yet
another facet of the existing gender disparities and consequent
adverse effect on survival. In the reproductive age group the
mortality rates among women are higher than those among men.
The continued high maternal mortality is one of the major factors
responsible for this. Effective implementation of the Reproductive

20
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

and Child Health Programme is expected to result in a substantial

reduction in maternal mortality. At the moment, the longevity at
birth among women is only marginally higher than that among
men. However over the next decade life expectancy among women
will progressively increase. Once the reproductive age group is
crossed, the mortality rates among women are lower as women
outlive and outnumber men in the age group 65 and above The
needs especially of the widowed women have to be met so that
quality of life does not deteriorate. The census 2001 will collect
and report vital data on sex disaggregated basis; this will be of
help in identifying and taking up appropriate interventions in
correcting gender disparity; continued collection, collation, analysis
and reporting of sex disaggregated data from all social sectors will
also provide a mechanism to monitor whether girls and women
have equal access to services.
There are substantial differences in sex ratio at birth and in
different age groups between states. The observed sex ratio of 110
is higher than the internationally accepted sex ratio at birth of 106.
There are substantial differences among states in the reported sex
ratio at birth. There had been speculations whether female
infanticide, sex determination and selective female foeticide are
at least in part responsible for this. The Government of India has
enacted a legislation banning the prenatal sex determination and
selective abortion. Intensive community education efforts are under
way to combat these practices, especially in pockets from where
female infanticide and foeticide have been reported.
Increasing Longevity
Over the coming decades the country will be facing a
progressive increase both in the proportion and number of persons
beyond 60 years of age. Over the next 20 years the population of
more than 60 years will grow form 62.3 million to 112.9 million;
the subsequent decades will witness massive increase in this age
group. Increasing longevity will inevitably bring in its wake
increase in the prevalence of non-communicable diseases. The
growing number of senior citizens in the country poses a major
challenge and the cost of providing socio-economic security and
health care to this population has to be met. Currently several

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

region and culture specific innovative interventions to provide

needed care to this population are underway; among these are
efforts to reverse the trend of break up of joint families. If these
efforts succeed, it will be possible to provide necessary care for
rapidly increasing population of senior citizens in the subsequent
two decades within the resources of the family and the country.
Majority of the people in their sixties will be physically and
psychologically fit and would like to participate both in economic
and social activities. They should be encouraged and supported
to lead a productive life and contribute to the national development.
Senior citizens in their seventies and beyond and those with health
problems would require assistance.
So far, the families have borne major share in caring for the
elderly. This will remain the ideal method; however, there are
growing number of elderly without family support; for them,
alternate modes for caring may have to be evolved and
implemented. Improved health care has “added years to life”. The
social sectors have to make the necessary provisions for improving
the quality of life of these senior citizens so that they truly “ add
life to years.”

Health Implication of the Demographic Transition

It was earlier assumed that population growth during
demographic transition will lead to overcrowding, poverty,
undernutrition, environmental deterioration, poor quality of life
and increase in disease burden. Experience in the last few decades
have shown that this may not always be correct. India is currently
in the phase of demographic transition when the increase in
population is mainly among younger, better educated and healthy
population with low morbidity and mortality rate.
The challenge for the health sector is to promote healthy life
styles, improve access to and utilisation of health care so that the
country can achieve substantial reduction in mortality and
morbidity. Occupational health and environmental health
programme need be augmented to ensure that working population
remain healthy and productive. If these challenges are fully met,
it is possible to accelerate reduction in morbidity and mortality
rate in this age group and improve health indices of the country.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

With growing number of senior citizens there may be

substantial increase in health care needs especially for management
of non-communicable diseases. Increasing availability and
awareness about technological advances for management of these
problems, rising expectations of the population and the ever
escalating cost of health care are some of the problems that the
health care system has to cope with. Health care delivery systems
will have to gear up to taking up necessary preventive, promotive,
curative and rehabilitative care for growing population of senior
citizens.

Population Projections and their Implications for the FW

Programme
There will be a marginal decline in the population less than
15 years of age (352.7 million to 350.4 million). The health care
infrastructure will therefore be not grappling with ever increasing
number of children for providing care and they will be able to
concentrate on:
a. improving quality of care;
b. focus on antenatal, intranatal and neonatal care aimed at
reducing neonatal morbidity and mortality;
c. improve coverage and quality of health care to vulnerable
and underserved adolescents;
d. promote intersectoral coordination especially with ICDS
programme so that there is improvement in health and
nutritional status;
e. improve coverage for immunization against vaccine
preventable diseases.
The economic challenge is to provide needed funds so that
these children have access to nutrition, education and skill
development. The challenge faced by the health sector is to achieve
reduction in morbidity and mortality rate in infancy and childhood,
to improve nutritional status and eliminate ill-effects of gender
bias.
There will be a massive increase of population in the 15-59
age group (from 519 million to 800 million). The persons in this

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

age group will be more literate and have greater access to

information; they will therefore have greater awareness and
expectation regarding both the access to a wide spectrum of health
care related services and the quality of these services.
Under the Reproductive and child health care programme
efforts are underway to provide:
• Needed services for this rapid growing population
• To broaden the spectrum of services available
• To improve quality and coverage of health care to women,
children and adolescents, so that their felt needs for health
care are fully met
• To improve the participation of men in the planned
parenthood movement
The components of the comprehensive RCH services are given
in the text box. While providing the package of services, efforts
will have to be made to improve the quality of services, make
services more responsive to users’ needs, ensure that health workers
and health care providers have the necessary skills and supplies
they need and there is a strong and effective referral system to
manage all the risk cases. Family welfare Programme is attempting
to improve the logistics of supply of drugs and vaccine to make
sure good quality drugs are available at appropriate time.
Simultaneously the IEC efforts are being directed to:
• ensure responsible reproductive/sexual behaviour;
• improve awareness about reproductive health needs;
• promote community participation and optimal utilisation
of available services.

Essential Reproductive and Child Health Services

Though it is desirable that the entire package of services
indicated under comprehensive RCH care is made available to all
those who need it, it will not be possible to immediately implement
such a comprehensive package at primary health care level on a
nationwide basis. After consultation with experts a package of
essential reproductive health servic es for nationwide
implementation at primary health care settings has been identified.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Essential components rec ommended for nationwide

implementation include:
• Prevention and management of unwanted pregnancy
• Services to provide antenatal, intra-natal and post-natal,
and neo-natal care
• Services to promote child health and survival
• Prevention and treatment of RTI/STD
Most of these services are already being delivered under the
Family Welfare Programme. However, there are wide variations
in the quality and coverage of services not only between states but
also between districts in the same state. The focus under RCH
Programme is therefore on the improvement in the quality and
coverage of the services over and above the existing level in all
districts/states in an incremental manner so that there is over all
improvement maternal and child health indices.

Family Welfare Programme in India

India, the second most populous country in the world, has no
more than 2.5% of global land but is the home of 1/6th of the
world’s population. The prevailing high maternal, infant, childhood
morbidity and mortality, low life expectancy and high fertility and
associated high morbidity had been a source of concern for public
health professionals right from the pre-independence period. The
Bhore Committee Report (1946) which laid the foundation for
health service planning in India, gave high priority to provision
of maternal and child health services and improving their
nutritional and health status. It is noteworthy that this report
which emphasized the importance of providing integrated
preventive, promotive and curative primary health care services
preceded the Alma Ata declaration by over three decades. Under
the Constitution of India elimination of poverty, ignorance and ill
health are three important goals.
In 1951, the infant republic took stock of the existing situation
in the country and initiated the first Five Year Development Plan.
Living in a resource poor country with high population density,
the Planners recognised in the census figures of 1951, the potential
threat posed by population explosion and the need to take steps

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

to avert it. It was recognised that population stabilisation is an

essential prerequisite for sustainability of development process so
that the benefits of economic development result in enhancement
of the well being of the people and improvement in quality of life.
India became the first country in the world to formulate a National
Family Planning Programme in 1952, with the objective of
“reducing birth rate to the extent necessary to stabilise the
population at a level consistent with requirement of national
economy”. Thus, the key elements of health care to women and
children and provision of contraceptive services have been the
focus of India’s health services right from the time of India’s
independence. Successive Five Year Plans have been providing the
policy framework and funding for planned development of
nationwide health care infrastructure and manpower. The Centrally
Sponsored and 100% centrally funded Family Welfare Programme
provides additional infrastructure, manpower and drugs, vaccines
contraceptives and other consumables needed for improving health
status of women and children and to meet all the felt needs for
fertility regulation.
Basic premises of the Family Welfare Programme are:
• Acceptance of FW services is voluntary
• FW programme will provide
• Integrated Maternal and Child Health (MCH) & FP services
• Effective IEC to improve awareness
• Ensure easy and convenient access to FW services free of
cost
Progress under the FW programme Contraception
Over the last four decades there has been substantial
improvement in the availability and utilization of the and access
to FW services and a progressive increase in the acceptance of
contraception and couple protection rates. In the initial fifteen
years, the rise in the couple protection rate has been steep. The
reduction in the CBR was however not commensurate with the
increase in couple protection rates. In the last ten years, the rise
in CPR is less steep, but the fall in CBR has been steeper than in
the earlier years. The age and parity of the acceptors of

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

contraception, and the continuation rates of temporary methods

of contraception are some of the important factors that determine
birth rates. The trends in CPR and CBR over the last 25 years
suggest that over the years there has been an improvement in the
acceptance of appropriate contraception at appropriate time.
Currently the FW Programme is focusing its attention on need
assessment, balanced presentation of advantages and disadvantages
about all the available methods of contraception counselling,
provision of appropriate contraceptive at the right time and good
follow up services. Effective implementation of the FW programme
and ensuring that all the unmet needs for contraception are met
will result in substantial improvement in CPR and enable rapid
reduction in CBR. Over the last two decades there has been a steep
fall in number of vasectomies. At the moment, over 97% of all
sterilisations are tubectomies. If, over the next decade, attempts
are made to repopularise vasectomy so that this safe, simple
procedure forms at least 50% of all sterilizations, there will be a
further improvement in access to sterilization in the primary health
care settings, substantial reduction both in the morbidity/mortality
associated with terminal methods of contraception and reduction
in the cost of permanent methods of contraception. In addition
this would be one of the efforts to improve participation of men
in planned parenthood.
In the past demographers have assumed that access to a wide
spectrum of spacing and permanent methods of contraception
and achievement of contraceptive prevalence of atleast 60% are
essential for achievement of replacement level of fertility. In Kerala
and Tamil Nadu sterilisation is the most commonly utilised method
of contraception; these States have been able to achieve replacement
level of fertility long before there was improved access to a wide
spectrum temporary methods of contraception and Couple
protection rate of 60% has been achieved. The National FW
programme statistics as well as National Family Health Survey
have shown in all the states in India sterilization is the most
widely accepted method of contraception. Given the fact that most
couples in India complete their family by the time they are in their
mid-20s and marriage is a stable institution, sterilisation is the
most logical, safe and cost effective contraception to protect these
young couples against unwanted pregnancies for the next two

27
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

decades. There are substantial differences between states regarding

the need for temporary and permanent methods of contraception.
It is obvious in most of the poorly performing states over half of
the women have two or more children and are likely to require
permanent methods of contraception sooner or later. On the other
hand in some of the better performing states increasing number
of women may desire to postpone the first or second pregnancy
and there may be a progressive increase in the need for spacing
methods. Contraceptive need assessment, counselling, improved
quality of initial and follow up care would go a long way in
meeting the felt needs of contraception in the population and
accelerate the decline in fertility.
Maternal and Child Health
Even though the decline in IMR and CDR are substantial, it
is noteworthy that maternal, perinatal, neonatal mortality rates
continue to remain high. This is because the antenatal, intrapartum
and neonatal care programmes have, till now, not aimed at
screening of all pregnant women for risk factors, identification
and appropriate referral of the ‘at risk’ individuals. Improvement
in the contents and quality of antenatal and paediatric care at
primary health care level is receiving focussed attention under the
RCH programme.
Inter-State/intra-State Differences in Fertility and
Mortality
As the availability and utilisation of family welfare services
is the critical determinant of performance in Family Welfare
Programme, achievements in terms of reduction in IMR and CBR
go hand in hand in most States. However, there are exceptions;
both Punjab and Tamil Nadu have good primary health care
infrastructure; IMR in both the States are identical and the age at
marriage in these States is similar; TFR in Tamil Nadu is 2.1 and
in Punjab it is 2.9. In Bihar, IMR is 72 and TFR is 4.6 but Assam
with IMR of 75 has a TFR of 3.8. Efforts will have to be made to
identify the factors responsible for poor achievements in terms of
IMR and TFR and area specific remedial measures have to be
planned and implemented in the States. District wise data on CBR
and IMR computed on the basis of Census 1991 show that there

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

are marked differences in these indices not only between States

but also between districts in the same State. Census 1991 has
confirmed that even in Kerala there are districts where IMR (Idikki)
and CBR (Mallapuram) are higher than national levels. There are
districts in UP with IMR (Almora) and CBR (Kanpur-Urban) lower
than national levels. The Family Welfare Programme, therefore,
has been re-oriented to:
a. remove or minimise the inter and intra-state differences
b. undertake realistic PHC based decentralised area-specific
microplanning tailored to meet the local needs
c. involve Panchayati Raj institutions in microplanning and
monitoring at local level to effective implementation of
the programme and ensuring effective community
participation
Under the Reproductive Child Health programme efforts are
under way to improve the quality and coverage of FW services
in all states. In each state, the success achieved by the better
performing districts will have be replicated in poorly performing
districts; in addition efforts will have to be made to achieve
incremental improvement in performance in all districts so that
the performance in the state improves.
States like Kerala and Tamil Nadu have achieved low CBR and
IMR at relatively low cost. On the other hand, States like Haryana
and Punjab have not achieved any substantial reduction in CBR
in spite of higher expenditure per eligible couple. In States like
Bihar and Uttar Pradesh the expenditure is low and performance
is poor. In between these extreme categories are States like Orissa
and Andhra Pradesh with average or below average expenditure
and average or below average performance in MCH or family
planning. In some States like Orissa and West Bengal the
performance in family planning is better than the performance in
MCH or vice versa. Dept. of Family Welfare is attempting to
implement the recommendation of the NDC Committee on
Population, that factors responsible for observed differences in
utilisation of funds as well as impact of the programme are to be
studied and existing lacunae identified and rectified at the district
level.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

The last five decades have shown that different states used
different approaches to achieve improvement in MCH care and
improve performance in FW programme. Some of these efforts
have been path breaking and have disproved many theories on the
essential prerequisites for rapid achievement of decline fertility
and mortality. Some examples of these experiences are indicated
below:
• Goa with relatively high income, literacy and good health
c are infrastruc ture was the first administrative
unit to achieve the replacement level of fertility. This
fitted the classical theory; Goa and Pondicherry have been
having less than replacement level fertility for over a
decade.
• Kerala, the first State to achieve replacement level of fertility
did so in spite of relatively low per capita income proving
that in the Indian context economic development is not
an essential prerequisite for the achieving small family.
High status of women, female literacy, age at marriage
and low infant mortality were thought to be the factors
behind the rapid fall in fertility in Kerala.
• Tamil Nadu which was the second state to achieve
replacement level of fertility did so in spite of low PCI,
higher IMR and lower female literacy rate than Kerala.
This is attributed to the strong social and political
commitment, backed by good administrative support and
ready availability of Family Welfare Services. There have
been speculations whether the low PCI in the aware
population desiring improvement in quality of care had
also acted as factor that accelerated the decline in fertility.
• Andhra Pradesh is likely to achieve replacement level of
fertility in the next two years. The State has shown a steep
decline in fertility in spite of relatively lower age at
marriage, low literacy and poorer outreach of primary
health care infrastructure. It has been suggested that the
major factors responsible for the success include caring
attitude of the government and strong sustained movement
to empower women.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

• In the North-eastern States of Tripura, Manipur, Mizoram

there is substantial difficulty in accessing primary health
care facilities, but these States have achieved not only low
fertility rates but also low infant mortality, suggesting
thereby that a literate aware population can successfully
overcome difficulties in access to and availability of
primary health care infrastructure.
Unmet Needs for Family Welfare Services
The National Family Health Survey (NFHS) 1992-93 had
provided an independent nation wide evaluation of the progress
and problems in delivery of Family Welfare services in the country.
The survey confirmed that in spite of obvious constraints and
inadequacies, the governmental network can, and does, provides
most of the MCH and contraceptive care;
Data from the NFHS showed that:
• There is universal awareness about contraception
• 40.6% of currently married women use contraceptives
• Wanted fertility is lower than the actual fertility
• There is a large unmet need for contraception:-
o 11.0% for birth spacing methods
o 8.5% for terminal method
• Unmet needs for health and contraceptive care exist in all
regions and in all segments of the population irrespective
of religion, caste, education and income status.
Lessons learnt during implementation of Family Welfare
Programme:
• Governmental network provides most of the MCH and
contraceptive care
• Adequate functional health infrastructure is an essential
prerequisites for the success of the programme
• Providing efficient and effective integrated MCH and
contraceptive care helps in building up rapport with the
families
• IEC activities are powerful tools for promoting the small
family norm

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

• The population is conservative but responsible, responsive

and mature; their response is slow but rational and
sustained
There is a popular belief that the population growth is due
to poor performance in the health sector. This is not correct. The
population growth that the country (and the world) had witnessed
in the last five decades is mainly because of rapid reduction in the
death rates due to health care and is inevitable during the frist
three phases of demographic transition. India’s progress in
demographic transition has been a slow but sustained; unlike
some other developing countries India’s population growth never
exceeded 2.2% even at its peak; the decline in population growth
once started has been sustained. This orderly progression has been
achieved through improving access to family welfare services and
ensuring peoples participation. Concern has been expressed by
some groups that the RCH programme which essentially aims at
improving quality and coverage of the already ongoing maternal
and child health and contraceptive care may not be successful in
accelerating the decline in fertility and help the country to achieve
rapid population stabilization and that there is a need for new
path breaking innovations. Ongoing evaluations, however, do not
suggest that there is a need for change in policy, strategy and
programme content; all these studies have emphasized that there
is a huge unmet need for services and there is an urgent need to
improve access to good quality services to meet this need, the
focus of the RCH initiative is on this task.
Approach to FW Programme During the Ninth Plan
Reduction in Population growth is one of the major objectives
in the Ninth Plan. The current high population growth rate is due
to:
• the large size of the population in the reproductive age-
group (estimated contribution 60%);
• higher fertility due to unmet need for contraception
(estimated contribution 20%);
• high wanted fertility due to prevailing high IMR (estimated
contribution about 20%).

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Rapid reduction in the population growth rate can be achieved

by:
• meeting all the felt-needs for contraception; and
• reducing the infant and maternal morbidity and mortality
so that there is a reduction in the desired level of fertility.
The Ninth Plan strategies for achieving these objectives are:
• To assess the needs for reproductive and child health at
PHC level and undertake area-specific micro planning;

• To provide need-based, demand-driven high quality,

integrated reproductive and child health care.

Efforts of the Family Welfare Programme are being directed

towards:
• Bridging the gaps in essential infrastructure and manpower
through a flexible approach and improving operational
efficiency through investment in social, behavioural and
operational research.
• Providing additional assistance to poorly performing
districts identified on the basis of the 1991 census to fill
existing gaps in infrastructure and manpower.
• Ensuring uninterrupted supply of essential drugs, vaccines
and contraceptives, adequate in quantity and appropriate
in quality.
• Promoting male participation in the Planned Parenthood
movement and increasing the level of acceptance of
vasectomy.
Under the RCH Programme the focus is on enhancing the
quality and coverage of family welfare services through:
• Increasing participation of general medical practitioners
working in voluntary, private, joint sectors and the active
cooperation of practitioners of ISM&H;
• Involvement of the Panchayati Raj Institutions for ensuring
inter-sectoral coordination and community participation
in planning, monitoring and management;

33
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

• Involvement of the industries, organised and unorganised

sectors, agriculture workers and labour representatives.
Goals to be Achieved
The performance under the Family Welfare Programme will
depend upon:
• Programme initiatives during the Ninth Plan.
• Financial resources available.
• Capability and effectiveness of the infrastructure and
manpower to carry out the programme.
• Literacy and economic status of the families particularly
of the women.
• Policy support by opinion leaders and the society.
The Dept. of Family Welfare has launched the RCH intuitive
during the Ninth Plan. Under the Special Action Plan an additional
sum of Rs 4700 crores had been provided to the Family Welfare
Dept. and the total outlay provided the Department of Family
Welfare was raised to Rs. 15120.20 crores for the Ninth Plan period
to enable the Dept to implement the RCH programme. In view
of the marked differences in the availability and utilisation of
family welfare services and IMR CBR and CPR between States and
districts within the states, a differential area specific approach to
the implementation of Family Welfare Programme is being used.
State specific Expected Level of Achievement in terms of process
and impact indicators have been worked out for effective
monitoring of the programme. Projection of expected levels of
achievement for process and impact indicators at the end of the
Ninth Plan have taken into consideration the pace of improvement
in these indicators during the Eighth Plan and the additional
policy and programme measures envisaged to accelerate the pace
of achievement during the Ninth Plan and the additional funding
being provided under the Programme. The State-specific
projections have been worked out at two different levels of
achievement, one on the basis of the assumption that the trend
observed with regard to these parameters in the last 15 years will
continue during the Ninth Plan period and the second on the
assumption that the additional policy and programme initiatives

34
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

provided during the Ninth Plan period will result in the acceleration
of the pace and result in more substantial improvement during
the Ninth Plan period. The expected levels of achievement under
both these assumptions have been computed State wise The
expected levels of achievement at the national level by the terminal
year of Ninth Plan (2002).
The expected level of achievement for CBR at national level
under these two sets of assumptions is 24 and 23/1000. If the target
of 23/1000 is achieved there will be one million less births in 2002
AD alone. Similarly if the Programme achieves, the accelerated
decline in IMR (from 56/1000-50/1000) over 140 thousand infant
deaths will be averted in 2002 AD. These achievements may be
the beginning of a major acceleration in pace of demographic
transition and improving health status of the population. If the
acceleration begun during the Ninth Plan is sustained the country
may achieve replacement level of fertility by 2010, with the
population of 1120 million; if this were done the country’s
population may stabilize by 2045.

Summary
Demographic transition is a global phenomenon; population
growth is inevitable in the initial phases of the transition. For India
the current phase of the demographic transition is both a challenge
and an opportunity. The challenge is to ensure human development
and optimum utilisation of human resources. The opportunity is
to utilise available human resources to achieve rapid economic
development and improvement in quality of life.
Over the last five decades the country has built up a massive
healthcare infrastructure for delivery of FW services to the
population in the Govt, private and voluntary sectors. The RCH
programme envisages wider range of services and improvement
in quality of services provided. There is universal awareness about
the need for these services. In the next two decades the population
growth will be mainly among the young adults who will be more
literate, aware and likely to make optimal use of available facilities.
India is currently in the phase of demographic transition during
which where it will be possible for the country to accelerate the
pace of decline in fertility. If the population now has ready access

35
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

to good quality services at affordable cost, it will be possible for

them to meet all their needs, achieve the desired family size and
enable the country to achieve population stabilsation rapidly.
Demographic transition does not occur in isolation.
Simultaneously, there are ongoing economic transition, education
transition, health transition and reproductive health transition. All
these affect human development. If there is synergy between these
transitions; the transitions can be completed rapidly; there will be
substantial improvement in human development and economic
development. The focus of planners, programme implementers
and the people during the next two decades will have to be in
achieving the synergy so that India can achieve rapid population
stabilization, improvement in economic social and human
development.

36
 2
Population, Spatial
Distribution

Bangladesh has the third largest and most homogeneous

population in south and southeast Asia and the eighth largest
population in the world. About three-fourths of its population are
rural, about two-thirds are agricultural, and more than 85% are
Muslims. About 99% of the population speak the Bangla. The age
structure is youthful (45% are in the age group of below 15 years),
and the population density is very high.
Patterns of population distribution and size before the Buddhist
period (until 10th century AD) are not known. During this period
there were two main regions of highest population concentration:
the Tista-Karatoya interfluves of East Bengal, covering what is
now northern Bangladesh and part of northern West Bengal (India);
and the lower Meghna valley covering eastern and central Bengal
plain. The southern and northeastern parts of East Bengal (now
covering Khulna division and parts of Dhaka and Sylhet divisions)
were either sparsely populated or uninhabited due to large covers
of tidal forests, swamps and shifting river channels.
In mid-12th century when the Buddhist Pala dynasty was
overthrown by the Sena kings, who were orthodox Hindus, and
followed a policy of persecution of Buddhists, the dominant
population group in that time, many Buddhists took refuge in
Burma, Thailand, Sri Lanka, and even as far as Cambodia and Laos
in fear of possible persecution. Subsequently, the population of
this part of Bengal declined significantly as the three major centres
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

of Buddhist culture (Mahasthan, Paharpur and Mainamati) in East

Bengal were destroyed.
The advent of Muslims coincided with the persecution of
Buddhists in Bengal and north India by Hindus, and many
oppressed Buddhists and untouchable Hindus embraced ISLAM
during the 11th and 13th centuries. Buddhists were also attracted
to Islam mostly by the cult of SUFISM, which has spiritual parallel
with Buddhist philosophy. By 1211, Muslims in Bengal numbered
between 2 and 3 million and the population of East Bengal during
this time reached a total of about 6 million.
After the fall of the Brahminic Hindu rule by the invading
Turks in the early 13th century, various parts of Bengal were
consolidated and brought under a semi-independent Sultanate
with capital first at GAUR and then at SONARGAON. From this
period the region received a continuous flow of Muslim immigrants
from various parts of India. These immigrants led the great land
reclamation schemes of southern Bengal and a few other non-
settled areas, which continued for several centuries. Probably
because of the late influx of Muslims in this part (southern Bengal/
delta area) their proportion has remained lower in later centuries.
During the period between the 13th and 15th centuries, however,
the estimated population of Bengal fluctuated between 5 and 10
million owing to repeated visits of various natural disasters and
epidemics.
During these two stages of population evolution, the pattern
was of gradual growth over a short period followed by an abrupt
decline in response to various disasters such as epidemics, natural
hazards (FLOODs, EARTHQUAKEs, tropical CYCLONEs, river
bank erosion, etc.) often followed by FAMINEs. The long-term
change was more or less static.
During the British period the population distribution was
taking a definite pattern in most parts of East Bengal and was
assuming a highly settled rural pattern. The exact figures of birth
or death rates were not known for this period, but considering the
overall demographic situation of the 18th and 19th centuries, it
may be thought that both were very high leading to a very low
rate of population growth. During the 19th century, the population

38
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

of East Bengal grew very slowly because of repeated occurrences

of famines and epidemics.
The extent of population concentration in East Bengal during
the present century is to be understood in its geopolitical context.
The creation of a Muslim political unit in Bengal under the
framework of Pakistan was not necessarily viewed as the result
of direct Hindu-Muslim cleavage since in Bengal, Islam has always
been accommodating and tolerant. With the Partition of Bengal in
1947, East Bengal within the framework of Pakistan with a
population of 42 million, was separated from relatively less densely
populated area of high economic potentials (some having overall
Muslim predominance), such as the BRAHMAPUTRA valley, the
northern TEA plantation areas and part of the Calcutta-Hughli
industrial complex.
The post-partition political antagonism between India and
Pakistan affected East Pakistan both demographically and
economically much more than the less populated and industrially
developed West Pakistan. Accompanying the partition was a wave
of religious rioting, murder and arson together with mass
displacement of population across the newly established borders
of India and the two wings of Pakistan (West and East Pakistan)
separated from each other by about 2000 km.
Order was not restored until spring, 1948. Consequently, a
demographically significant population shift affecting regional
population distribution by religion took place on the basis of
religion-communal criteria.
Shortly after partition, the concentration of population by
religious beliefs became more exclusive and distinctive as a result
of selective population exchange based on religion. According to
the Indian census sources, India received 2.55 million Hindu
refugees from East Bengal. In exchange, East Bengal received 0.70
million from West Bengal and Bihar. Within less than a decade this
culminated into what may be termed as the 'demographic divide'
coupled with demographic immaturity, immobility and a lack of
extraterritorial population expansion. With high birth and declining
death rates, the population has been showing an accelerated
increase during last several decades.

39
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Table 1 Evolution of population, 1881-2001

Year Population increase Exponential density
(miln) in % growth (persons
per km2)
1881 25.09 - - 180
1901 28.92 - - 206
1921 33.25 - - 240
1941 41.99 - - 300
1951 44.16 5.17 0.50 315
1961 55.22 25.16 2.26 325
1974 76.39 28.35 2.48 535
1981 89.91 17.69 2.32 625
1991 111.46 22.20 2.03 720
2001 129.25 15.96 1.53 832

The War of Liberation took place in 1971 and to thwart it, the
Pakistani military junta embarked upon a military action that led
to one of the greatest human tragedies of this century. It has been
estimated that more than 1.6 million people died as a result of the
Pakistani military persecution. Millions of Bengalis fled from their
homes into neighbouring India. Over a nine-month period, 10
million REFUGEEs from Bangladesh poured into the Indian states
of West Bengal, Assam, Meghalaya and Tripura. The average daily
influx was approximately 36,000 persons and during the peak
flow months of May and June, the refugee influx often exceeded
100,000 a day. In May 1971 alone, there were nearly 3 million new
arrivals. Nearly all of those who arrived after mid-May (over 6
million) were sheltered in hastily constructed camps, but some
moved in with relatives as well. By December 1971, about 1,200
camps were operating along the 2,160-km India-Bangladesh border.
This important geopolitical event, however, had virtually no
demographic effect on the distribution of population in Bangladesh,
since after the liberation of the country, almost all refugees returned
home voluntarily. This was probably the most successful voluntary
return of refugees in the world. But, at the same time, a sizeable
well-to-do non-Bengali population left Bangladesh for Pakistan
and some for India in exchange of the Bengalis stranded in Pakistan.

40
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Besides, about 125,000 non-Bengalis, popularly known as the

Biharis, who collaborated with the Pakistanis, were repatriated
with the POWs by the initiatives of the ICRC and the Indian
government.
The growth of population in the present century has been the
result of an excess of births over deaths as there has been no large-
scale immigration. And since the last century, two stages of
acceleration in the pattern of population change in Bangladesh
have taken place: (a) the slow rate population growth until 1921;
and (b) the accelerating increase of population since 1921 and a
fresh momentum to it after 1951.
In 1901, Bangladesh had a population of 28.9 million. It
increased by 9.1 percent by 1911. In the period 1911-21, the rate
of increase was very slow at 5.4 percent due to high mortality from
the influenza epidemic of 1918-19. After that the growth rate
started to recover until 1931. In view of the over estimation in the
1941 census, it is not possible to examine the exact rate of increase
of population for the decade 1931-41. It is, however, observed that
this decade was a normal one regarding the fertility and mortality
conditions and the population increase might have been higher
than 18 percent. In the next decade, the rate of increase was low
at 5.2 percent due to the Bengal famine in 1943, which took away
about 2.8 million lives, and to subsequent movement of population
during the Partition of Bengal in 1947. The decade 1951-61 showed
a relatively higher rate of population increase, owing to somewhat
stable socio-political conditions, the combined effect of the efforts
of improved health condition adopted in post-famine years and
a successful check on famines. To a great extent, this rise has been
the result of an unprecedented acceleration of the rate of growth
of Muslim population (26.9 percent) in the country. The increase
in population during 1951-61 and the subsequent period reflects
the impact of the post-partition 'demographic divide', the
eradication of several killer diseases, such as malaria, smallpox
and cholera, particularly, in 1971-81, and an improvement in child
and maternal mortality situation as a result of the Extended
Programme on Immunisation (EPI) during 1981-91.
Various estimates confirm that the increase in the pre-partition
period was not very rapid and the CBR and CDR were estimated

41
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

at 50 to 55 and 41 to 47 respectively, although sometimes, especially

during epidemics or famines the death rate reached as high as 60.
This gave an annual rate of population increase of less than one
percent during the early twentieth century. After 1931, the growth
of population became a little faster as a result of the consequences
of measures undertaken to check the intensity of epidemics and
local diseases as well as improvement in health and sanitary
situations. This effected a drop in death rate to about 42 in the
1930s, while the birth rate remained more or less stable and high.
The mortality and fertility conditions were offset during 1941-51
by famine and the unsettled socio-political situation, resulting in
a low annual increase in population (less than one percent). During
1951-61, the population increased by about 2.2 percent a year.
Table 2 Vital rates, 1881-1991
Year CBR CDR IMR
1881 na 41.0 na
1901 na 44.4 na
1921 52.9 47.3 198
1941 54.7 37.8 200
1951 49.4 40.7 168
1961 48.1 29.7 144
1971 51.7 35.0 200
1981 42.0 14.0 122
1991 32.0 11.0 91

The first census of independent Bangladesh was held on 1

March 1974. Three major calamities-natural and man-made took
place during the 1961-74 inter-census period contributing
substantially to the total death rate. The tropical cyclone and tidal
surge of November 1970 cost between 200,000 to 600,000 human
lives, mostly in the coastal region. During the war of liberation,
there were indiscriminate killings and torching of villages by the
Pakistan army as they swept out from the towns into the rural
areas in pursuit of the freedom fighters. An estimate by the UN
put 16.6 million displaced from their homes within Bangladesh
for at least one month. About 3 million people were killed. This
raised the CDR from a normal level of 16 to 21 during the war.

42
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

In 1974 (the census year), there was a famine in Bangladesh. The

number of deaths during this famine was officially estimated at
30,000. Despite these catastrophes, the population count in 1974
reached 71.4 million. The above incidents also depressed the CBR
to some extent although the overall trend in the fertility pattern
was not affected.
During 1974 to 1991, a downward trend in CBR has been
observed with a marked decline in the CDR. The decline in CBR
and CDR was the result of the successful control of communicable
diseases and food shortages/famines, improvement of medical
facilities, and to some extent, the impact of the family planning
activities.
The regional pattern of population density In 1901, there were
526 persons per sq. mile in Bangladesh. The respective figures for
1961 and 1991 were 1,004 and 1,998. Despite the change in the
overall population density in the country, its regional patterns in
the present decades have shown little change, particularly in the
pre-independence decades. An exception was Dhaka, which had
an abnormally high density of population (more than 7,000 persons
per sq mile). Three generalised density zones can be identified for
1961 and 1974. These are: less densely populated zones in western
and eastern Bangladesh; medium density zone in the central part
extending from north to south; and very high density zone in and
around Dhaka division.
In 1981 and 1991, the spatial pattern of population density
showed a skewed distribution. The distribution fell into-2 to +5
(x = 1918 = 1005.4) with Dhaka remaining as a highly densely
populated district in 1981. In 1991, the skewness further sharpened,
ranging from-2 to +6 (x = 2313 = 1344.5), again with Dhaka as an
exceptional district.
This presents Bangladesh as one of the most densely populated
areas of the world, but unlike other densely populated areas in
western Europe which have intensive agricultural and a high
degree of industrial and urban development, Bangladesh is
primarily a rural oriented agricultural country. The greater the
amount of cropland, the larger is the population in the districts
and the higher is the density of population per unit area. Bangladesh

43
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

shows a significantly positive coefficient of correlation (r = + 0.923)

between total cropland and population of different districts. Also,
the influence of rivers on the human habitat is reflected in the
greater concentration of population and economic institutions
along their banks.
The differences in the spatial pattern of population in recent
times were caused primarily by the regional differences in mortality
and regional migration under a situation of post-partition
demographic divide. With few exceptions, the decades of 1950s
and 1980s experienced some movement of population within the
country but there had been no uniformity in population change
amongst the different regions. The patterns of population change
during 1961-74 and 1974-81 periods were more consistent in the
country. The most likely causes were the success in eradicating
some of the communicable diseases and epidemic, and
improvements in management of situations of local food shortage
and famines.
Some areas in the western part of the country recorded a
marked variation in the patterns of population change mainly
because of forced population movements during the War of
Liberation. People dislocated from these areas in 1971 returned
after the War and along with them also returned many others, who
migrated to India earlier from these areas. Many also moved to
Dhaka and thereby abnormally increasing its population in l974.
The movement of agricultural populations from high-density
area of the central.

Introduction
In size of population, India is the second largest country in
the world, after China. She has only 2.4 per cent of the world’s
land area; but she has about 16.25 per cent of the world’s population.
Census and Trends of Population
Census is an official counting of a population:’ In India it
started in 1881. Since then it has been continued at an interval of
10 years. At the beginning of this century in 1901, the population
of the undivided India was 242 millions. After independence the
first census was held in 1951 and the population was 361 millions.

44
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

The population growth marked a steady increase in the subsequent

censuses. It rose to 439 millions in 1961, 548 millions in 1971, 548
millions in 1971, 685 millions in 1981 and 844 millions 1991. The
last census was held in 2001 and it recorded a population of 1027
millions. This population explosion poses a serious socio-economic
problem in the country.
Causes of the population explosion: The main causes of the
increase of population are: (i) better health conditions resulting from
effective control of epidemics, (ii) natural increases due to high birth
rates, (iii) efficient handling of famine situations and (iv) general
improvement in the economic development due to scientific inventions.
Density of Population in India
Distribution of population refers to general distribution of
population of a region or a country. But density of population
refers to average number of persons per sq km. The table given
on the next page shows the distribution of population and density
of population in the states and Union Territories of India according
to the census of 2001. The table shows that the highest population
is found in the state of Uttar Pradesh (16,6052,859) and the highest
density is recorded in the state of West Bengal (904). The lowest
population is found in the state of Sikkim and the lowest of
population is recorded in the state of Arunachal Pradesh. According
the Union Territories, the highest population and highest density
of population occur in Delhi. The lowest population is found in
Lakshadweep; but the lowest density of population prevails in the
Andaman and Nicobar Islands. The over-all picture (States and the
Union territories together) shows the following facts: (1) the highest
population in U.P., (2) the highest density of population in Delhi,
(3) the lowest population in Lakshadweep and (4) the lowest density
of population in Arunachal Pradesh.
The Distribution of Population
Division According to Density of Population: The distribution
of population in India shows the following density pattern
according to census 2001.
Regions of Shows population Density (density below 100 per
sq. km.): In includes Jammu and Kashmir, Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh,

45
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Mizoram states and Union Territories Andaman and Nicobar. In the

low population density due to ragged is topography and forested
land with the severity of climate.
Regions of Medium Population Density (between 101 and 250
per sq. km.): It includes Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Manipur,
Meghalaya, Nagaland, Orissa, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Uttaranchal
states. These regions are hilly, mountainous or forested, and some
are deserted. Hence population is medium.
Regions of Considerably High Population Density (between
251 and 500 per sq. km.): This region includes Andhra Pradesh,
Assam, Gujrat, Haryana, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Punjab, Tamil Nadu,
Tripura, Goa, Jharkhand states and Union Territories of Darda & Nagar
Haveli. Fairly high population of this region is due to the
advancement of agriculture, mining and industry. Economic
progress and job opportunities contribute much for this population.
Regions of High Population Density (between 501 and 1000
per sq. km.): Bihar, Kerala, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal are included
in this population zone. This high population is due to very fertile
soil, advancemant of agriculture, minings, industries, trade and
commerce and opportunities for subsistence.
Regions of Very High Population Density (above 1001 per sq.
km.): It includes the Union Terrtories of Delhi, Chandigarh, Pandicherry,
Lakshadweep and Daman & Diu. The high density of this region is
due to high economic and administrative activites.
Th e Causes f or t he Uneven Di st ri bu ti on o f
Population
The distribution of population in India is not uniform. Some
areas have high density of population, while others have medium
or low density. The following physical and cultural factors are
responsible for the uneven distribution of population in the country.
The physical factors are gifts of nature; they influence much for
the distribution of population.
Difference in Relief: The relief of the country exerts immense
influence in the population distribution of a country. Extremely
ragged topography associated with thick forest-cover do not
encourage settlement as in the Himalayas and in the north-eastern

46
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

hilly states of India. But the river valleys with alluvial plaints
provide easy livings for which the population is high. The
population of the Ganga-brahmaputra plain is distinctively high.
Variation in Vlimate: Climate exerts a great influence on human
settlement. The Marausthali of western Rajasthan is sparsely
populated; it is the hottest place in India and it has the extreme
type of climate with little rainfall. Due to the adverse climate
condition, the Marusthali is sparsely populated. On the other hand,
the mild and equitable climate of the Ganga plain encourages
settlements.
Influence of Soil: Agriculture depends on soil condition. The
fertility of soil determines the cultivation of crops. Thus the livings
and subsistence of the people depend on soil and low on rocky
waste or infertile soil. The great northern plains of India have
fertile soil and on these plains density of population is remarkably
high.
Influence of River: Rivers provide water to agriculture and
other indispensable needs (drinking water and others) of the people.
They also provide avenues for trade and commerce. That is why
it is frequently said; the river valleys are the cradles of civilization.
All the river valleys, which have fertile soil and tolerable climate,
are thickly populated.
Presence of Minerals: Mineral deposits attract population.
The discovery of enormous mineral deposits in the Chhotanagpur
plateau region has contributed much to the growth of high
concentration of population to this region. The cultural factors are
also responsible for the uneven distribution of population. These
factors are man-made and popularly known as non-physical factors
or cultural factors.
Development of Industries: Development of industries also
attracts population. A few decades ago, there was very low
population in Durgapur region; but with the development of
industries in the Durgapur belt, the population has steadily
increased.
Historical & Political Factors: After the partition of Bengal,
when the Indian indepence was achieved, the population of West
Bengal grew up rapidly due to the influx of the people from the

47
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

other side of Bengal. Religious Influence: Varanasi, Mathura,

Haridwar, Nabadweep, Puri are the sacred religious centres of the
Hindus, Agra of the Muslims and Amritsar of the Sikhs. They are
densely populated due to religious factors.

Sex Ratio of India

Sex Ratio is defined as the number of females per 1000 males.
Sex Ratio is an important social indicator to measure the extent
of prevailing equity between males and females at a given point
of time. It is mainly the outcome of the interplay of sex differentials
in mortality, sex selective migration, sex ratio at birth and at times
the sex differential in population enumeration.
According to the Census of India, 2001, the sex ratio of India
stands at 933. This is a marginal improvement from the 1991
Census, which had recorded 927 females for every 1000 males. At
the 2001 Census, the sex ratio among the major States ranged from
861 in Haryana to 1058 in Kerala.
State/Union Territory (U.T.) India Sex Ratio
Jammu & Kashmir 900
Himachal Pradesh 970
Punjab 874
Chandigarh (U.T.) 773
Uttaranchal 964
Haryana 861
Delhi (U.T.) 821
Rajasthan 922
Uttar Pradesh 898
Bihar 921
Sikkim 875
Arunachal Pradesh 901
Nagaland 909
Manipur 978
Mizoram 938
Tripura 950
Meghalaya 975
Assam 932

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

West Bengal 934

Jharkhand 941
Orissa 972
Chhatisgarh 990
Madhya Pradesh 920
Gujarat 921
Daman & Diu (U.T.) 709
Dadra & Nagar Haveli (U.T.) 811
Maharashtra 922
Andhra Pradesh 978
Karnataka 964
Goa 960
Lakshadweep (U.T.) 947
Kerala 1058
Tamil Nadu 986
Pondicherry (U.T.) 1001
Andaman & Nicobar Islands (U.T.) 846

India’s Sex Ratio Continues to Slide

As many as 35 million girls have been killed before, during
or after birth in India over the last 100 years, according to the
Indian census commissioner, J.K. Banthia. And the gap between
girls and boys is accelerating, especially amongst the wealthier
and better educated. A new report, Missing: mapping the adverse
child sex ratio in India, issued by the UN Population Fund, shows
that the sex ratio, which is calculated as the number of girls per
1000 boys in the 0-6 age bracket, declined from 945 in the 1991
census to 927 in the 2001 census. The normal ratio is about 950
to 1000. The steepest declines took place in the prosperous northern
states of Punjab, Haryana, Himachal and Gujarat, which fell below
800 girls per 1000 boys for the first time. The lowest ratio was 754
in Fatehgarh, in Punjab. The top ten districts with healthy sex
ratios of more than 1000 girls per 1000 boys are largely in non-
Hindu areas like Jammu and Kashmir and in the northeastern
tribal regions.
“A stage may soon come where it would become extremely
difficult, if not impossible, to make up for the missing girls,” says

49
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Francois Farah of the UN Population Fund. “Today we are at a

stage where many villages are having fewer or no small daughters
and... the resulting imbalance can destroy the social and human
fabric.”
At the heart of the decline are numerous doctors offering
ultrasound scans to check the sex of the pregnant woman’s baby.
“Involvement of the medical community in this criminal activity
indulged in by parents of the unborn child and the doctors is 100
per cent,” says Dr. Puneet Bedi, an independent health activist and
gynaecologist.
Sex determination has been banned since 1996, but this has
only slowed the spread of the practice, not decreased it, according
to the census commissioner.
Campaigners against female infanticide complain that doctors
are indifferent. Students at India’s leading medical school, the All
India Institute of Medical Sciences, recently refused to cooperate
with an awareness drive. “They are not taught enough about
medical ethics,” said Dr. M.K. Bhan, a paediatrician at the Institute.
“There is a large vacuum in the medical curriculum. The students
are young. They are under a lot of pressure. In liberal arts, you
are taught about ethics. In medical science, you are not.”

Sex Ratio in India a Concern

New Delhi-A disturbing and steady decline has occurred in
the ratio between Indian girls to boys born in the past decade,
according to a United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) report
published on Tuesday.
Several thousand girls and women are “missing”, the UNFPA
study said, referring to those who should have been part of the
population but are not because they were killed for being female.
In both rural and urban India, there is a strong preference for
boys. One Indian saying goes: “Nurturing a girl is like watering
someone else’s garden.”
Girls are thought to be a burden on their parents, and are
usually given less food and little or no education. Parents do not
invest in their daughters’ health and development, as they will
eventually get married and leave home.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

‘When girls go missing in a society, it shows that compassion

is missing’.
In 1991, there were 945 girls born for every thousand boys in
India. By 2001, the national average dropped to 927 girls, the
Indian Express newspaper reported.
According to UNFPA, among the main causes for the adverse
sex ratio are increasing rates of female foeticide. Indian states with
alarmingly low sex ratios are Punjab, Haryana and Himachal
Pradesh in the north and Gujarat in the west-all with less than 800
girls on an average for every thousand boys.
Development experts and demographers acknowledge that
given the same nurturing and opportunities as boys, girls would
actually outlive and outnumber them.
The desire for boys transcends caste, social, educational and
economic status. “The ratio stands at a mere 770 in Kurukshetra
district of Haryana, 814 in Ahmadabad (Gujarat) and 845 in
southwest Delhi, which are among the most prosperous regions
in the country,” the study said.
Federal Minister for Health and Family Welfare Sushma Swaraj
said, “When girls go missing in a society, it shows that compassion
is missing.”
‘You will remain unmarried if girl foetuses continue to be
destroyed’.
Her message to Indian men was: “You will remain unmarried
if girl foetuses continue to be destroyed in the womb.”-Sapa-dpa.
Age structure: 0-14 years: 31.5% (male 189,238,487/female
172,168,306).
15-64 years: 63.3% (male 374,157,581/female 352,868,003).
65 years and over: 5.2% (male 28,285,796/female 31,277,725)
(2008 est.)
Definition: This entry provides the distribution of the
population according to age. Information is included by sex and
age group (0-14 years, 15-64 years, 65 years and over). The age
structure of a population affects a nation’s key socioeconomic
issues. Countries with young populations (high percentage under

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

age 15) need to invest more in schools, while countries with older
populations (high percentage ages 65 and over) need to invest
more in the health sector. The age structure can also be used to
help predict potential political issues. For example, the rapid
growth of a young adult population unable to find employment
can lead to unrest.
Sex ratio: at birth: 1.12 male(s)/female
Under 15 years: 1.1 male(s)/female
15-64 years: 1.06 male(s)/female
65 years and over: 0.9 male(s)/female
Total population: 1.06 male(s)/female (2008 est.)
Definition: This entry includes the number of males for each
female in five age groups-at birth, under 15 years, 15-64 years, 65
years and over, and for the total population. Sex ratio at birth has
recently emerged as an indicator of certain kinds of sex
discrimination in some countries. For instance, high sex ratios at
birth in some Asian countries are now attributed to sex-selective
abortion and infanticide due to a strong preference for sons. This
will affect future marriage patterns and fertility patterns. Eventually
it could cause unrest among young adult males who are unable
to find partners.

52
 3
Age Structural Transitions
and Policy Implications

The workshop on Age Structural Transition and Public Policy

was jointly organized in Phuket (Thailand) during November 8-
10, 2000 by the IUSSP committee on Age Structure and Public
Policy and the Asian Population Network (APN) of the Asian
Meta Centre, Centre for Advanced Studies, National University
of Singapore. This is the first of the three scientific workshops by
the IUSSP committee on Age Structure and Public Policy. The
workshop primarily focused on the age structural transition of the
countries, which are in the later stages of the fertility transition
that includes many Asian and Latin American countries. However,
the nature, structure and process of age structural transition in
Asian and Latin American countries were also compared with
experiences of developed countries in several presentations. The
workshop has brought together 20 participants from 12 countries.
The participants were from Australia, Austria, Brazil, China, India,
New Zealand, Philippines, Russia, Singapore, Thailand, Turkey,
and United States. The workshop featured 16 papers that were
presented in five different sessions. The five session includes:
(1) Modeling Age Structural Transition;
(2) Policy Domain;
(3) Regional Perspectives I;
(4) Transition, Policy and Methodology;
(5) Regional Perspectives II.
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

The sixth and the final session covered the synthesis of the
discussions of the papers presented which includes the issues and
major themes emerged from the workshop. Three papers were
presented in the first session, which were mainly focused on the
conceptual, methodological issues and dynamics of age structural
transition based on the parametric and or simulation model. The
paper by Ian Pool was a conceptual paper which analysed the
consequences of demographic transition on the age structural
transition in a broader framework. It was highlighted in the paper
that the past demographic research mainly focused on the
population dynamics and were given less importance of its
consequences on the structure except on the aging issues. This
paper has shown that demographic transition causes the age
structural transition and this age structural transition is leading
to population waves and demographic turbulence which has
implications for public policy. Highlighting the disregards of this
issues in the International Conference on Population and
Development 1994, this paper also suggested a birth cohort size
as the unit of the analysis rather than the rate for studying the age
structural transition. This paper Asian Meta Centre for Population
and Sustainable Development Analysis gave the solid foundation
for the workshop and highlighted the need to study age structural
transition as well as its influence on the social and economic
policies.
The paper by Shripad Tuljapurkar stressed the policy
consequences of changing age structure on governmental
expenditure on education, health and pensions based on the
parametric model. This paper has highlighted the consequences
of age structural transition on the problem of resource allocation.
To be specific, it was shown using parametric model that the shift
in the age structure induced by the demographic transition
influence the age pattern of expenditure and this would vary
according to the nature and timing of the fertility transition, and
therefore leading to major problem in resource allocation.
Wolfgang Lutz and Warren Sanderson introduced the concept
of population balance that links the macro level concerns of
population growth, aging, human capital formation and
intergenerational equity. It was argued that length of better life

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

and educational attainment should be considered an additional

population dimension when we define the population balance.
This paper illustrated the consequences of fertility trends and the
associated echo effects on the starting sizes of cohorts in China
using the new concept of Cohort Succession Ratio. Moreover, the
paper highlighted the important dimension that if the educational
transition precedes the fertility transition then the life time income
of the recent cohort would be enhanced.
In the second session on Policy Domain, three papers have
been presented. The first paper by Gavin Jones emphasized the
significant of the human resource development as a prerequisite
for economic development. Comparing the process of demographic
transition and age structural transition of the countries in Asia that
are success stories, it was argued that rapid fertility decline has
positive implications for economic development and these
countries used the opportunity of decline in the youth dependency
ratio to improve the quality of education as well as health and
nutrition of children.
The paper by Gultiano and Urich assessed the micro level
implications of the growing number of youths and changing social
characteristics in the rural agrarian communities in Philippines.
Due to ‘youth bulge’ on the agricultural sectors, the women and
better educated tend to migrate from the villages and those left
behind in the rural areas have poor access to land and therefore
highly dependent on the public forestland. This has created the
generational conflict in the rural areas of the Philippines.
Peter Xenos and Midea Kabamalan highlighted the undergoing
youth transition in the Asian countries, its consequences on the
social transition that includes shift in age at marriage, rise in
school enrolment, and changes in the labour force participation
rates. This paper argued that youth transition associated with
social transition has created a numerous problem among the youth
and suggested a need for youth policy in the Asian countries.
The session on Regional Perspectives I has featured three
papers covering Thailand, China and Latin America. The paper
on Thailand by Napaporn Chayovan cautioned the rapid increase
of aged population in the country likely to have unusual effect on

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

its economy and society due to changing consumption pattern. It

was highlighted that substantial proportions of elderly are living
with insufficient income and majorities of them have had no
savings. Gender and rural-urban inequalities among the elderly
with regard to accessibility of economic resources were also
persisted over time.
The paper by Yan Hao highlighted the impact of baby boom
generations on the age structural transition in China. The baby
boom in China resulted an irregular shape of age structure and
this Asian Meta Centre for Population and Sustainable
Development Analysis will keep changing as baby boomers
gradually move from school ages through working ages and then
to retirement ages. This paper discussed the implications of this
on the future social and economic development in China and
recommended that government should take early steps to reform
the existing public pension system in cities and consolidate the
family support system in rural areas as the baby boomers enter
the retirement ages in the next 10-20 years. The important
dimension of regional differences in age structural transition was
brought out in a paper by Laura Wong while analyzing the aging
and human development in Latin America. This paper pointed
out that age structural changes in Latin American countries is due
to dramatic fertility decline followed by the mortality decline and
the countries of high, medium human development index in Latin
America are currently undergoing a costly process of aging. Three
papers were presented in the session on Transition, Policy and
Methodology. Nan Li demonstrated using the time-dependent
population model that rapid fertility decline in the less developed
and least developed countries would result in significant baby
bust and this is in contrast with age structural transition experienced
by the western countries. It was shown that this baby bust age
structural transition in the developing countries would reduce the
size of the working age population after 50 years and therefore
will have significant effect on the labour productivity.
The paper by John Bryant used the macro simulation model
to project the distribution of elderly women by number of living
children after 25 years in South Korea and to study the impact of
HIV/AIDS epidemic on the distribution of Thailand women aged

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

60+ by number of living children. This paper revealed that the

proportion of older women with two or three living children is
set to rise sharply over coming decades whereas the proportion
with large number of living children is set to fall in South Korea.
In addition, the AIDS epidemic in Thailand would increase the
number of women of aged 60+ having only with few children.
Gustav Feichtinger’s paper attempted to link the population
dynamics model and inter-temporal optimization model to study
cost-benefit analysis that has great potential in the application of
employment, family planning and HIV incidence.
The session on Regional perspectives II has featured four
papers. Radha Devi presented an age structural dynamics of Indian
Population and pointed out that the age structure in India is fast
changing and is crossing through the intermediate age structure.
This paper also highlighted social and economic implications of
the elderly in the future where majority of the workers are engaged
in informal sector and their ability to save for old age is insufficient
due to low standard of living of these people.
Turgary Unalan paper dealt with the role of age structural
transition on the changing family structure in Turkey. Turkey is
also in the process of age structural transition that has contributed
to the growing proportion of one and two person household. The
share of the families with couples living without children was
increased during the decade 1990-2000 and is expected to increase
in the future. A regional differential also exists with respect to
family type in Turkey. The role of age specific growth rates on
studying population aging was presented by Subrata Lahiri and
Srinivasan with the illustrations by China, Japan, South Korea and
India. It was pointed out that the change in population aging
seems relatively faster in South Korea compared to Japan and
regarding sex differentials in population aging, it was relatively
faster among females in China, Japan and South Korea. However,
similar pattern was not found in the case of India.

Asian Meta Centre for Population and Sustainable

Development Analysis
Pirozkov presented a paper on the age structural dynamics of
post soviet states namely Russia and Ukraine. The study indicated

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

that number of elderly as well as their proportion would increase

in Russia in the future. In addition, age structural dynamics and
population aging for Russia and Ukraine were similar but their
trajectories were irregular in both the countries. The final session
was devoted to synthesizing the paper presented in the workshop.
While integrating all the presentations and discussions in the
workshop, Ian pool pointed out that age structural transition is
an integral part of the demographic transition and its trajectories
would vary according to nature and process of demographic
transition. Age structural transition has both opportunity and
turbulence in its process. This has a significant implication on the
social and economic development and therefore a challenge for
the policy makers to respond to this process.
On theoretical themes, this workshop has identified that age
structural transition has leading to structural effects and contextual
effects and therefore need for theoretical elaboration to understand
their linkages where age structure and institutions are undergoing
changes. On methodological issues, this workshop raised very
pertinent questions on measurement issues like what should be
the unit of study and how to measure age structural transition and
suggested a need for methodological development. On conceptual
issues, the workshop argued that ageing of a population is a
component of age structural transition and introduced the concepts
of waves, turbulence and mutations. The workshop discussed
how to define population momentum in the context of age
structural transition and introduced the concept of demographic
density and population balance for studying age structural
transition. On the substantive theme, the workshop discussed the
critical issue of integrating macro-meso-micro effects as well as
generational effects in the process the age structural transition.
The regional issues as well as rural-urban issues are important
dimension in age structural transition as its effects are contextual.
On the policy side, the workshop suggested for redefining
population policy in response to population growth, age structural
transition and ageing.
The papers are being revised for publication as an edited book
by the end of 2001. Nevertheless, the papers presented in the
workshop are available in the Asian Meta Centre website.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Overview
• Economic reforms may have given a boost to industrial
productivity and brought in foreign investment in capital
intensive areas. But the boom has not created jobs. This
was not unexpected. According to a report by the
Washington-based Institute of Policy Studies (IPS), the
combined sales of the world’s top 200 MNCs is now
greater than the combined GDP of all but the world’s nine
largest national ec onomies. Yet, the total direct
employment generated by these multinationals is a mere
18.8 millions-one-hundredth of one per cent of the global
workforce.
• India’s Ninth Five-Year Plan projects generation of 54
million new jobs during the Plan period (1997-2002). But
performance has always fallen short of target in the past,
and few believe that the current Plan will be able to meet
its target.
• India’s labour force is growing at a rate of 2.5 per cent
annually, but employment is growing at only 2.3 per cent.
Thus, the country is faced with the challenge of not only
absorbing new entrants to the job market (estimated at
seven million people every year), but also clearing the
backlog.
• Sixty per cent of India’s workforce is self-employed, many
of whom remain very poor. Nearly 30 per cent are casual
workers (i.e. they work only when they are able to get jobs
and remain unpaid for the rest of the days). Only about
10 per cent are regular employees, of which two-fifths are
employed by the public sector.
• More than 90 per cent of the labour force is employed in
the “unorganised sector”, i.e. sectors which don’t provide
with the social security and other benefits of employment
in the “organised sector.”
• In the rural areas, agricultural workers form the bulk of
the unorganised sector. In urban India, contract and sub-
contract as well as migratory agricultural labourers make
up most of the unorganised labour force.

59
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

• Unorganised sector is made up of jobs in which the

Minimum Wage Act is either not, or only marginally,
implemented. The absence of unions in the unorganised
sector does not provide any opportunity for collective
bargaining.
• Over 70 per cent of the labour force in all sector combined
(organised and unorganised) is either illiterate or educated
below the primary level.
• The Ninth Plan projects a decline in the population growth
rate to 1.59 per cent per annum by the end of the Ninth
Plan, from over 2 per cent in the last three decades.
However, it expects the growth rate of the labour force to
reach a peak level of 2.54 per cent per annum over this
period; the highest it has ever been and is ever likely to
attain. This is because of the change in age structure, with
the highest growth occurring in the 15-19 years age group
in the Ninth Plan period.
• The addition to the labour force during the Plan period
is estimated to be 53 millions on the “usual status” concept.
The acceleration in the economy’s growth rate to 7 per
cent per annum, with special emphasis on the agriculture
sector, is expected to help in creating 54 million work
opportunities over the period. This would lead to a
reduction in the open unemployment rate from 1.9 per
cent in 1996-97 to 1.47 per cent in the Plan’s terminal year,
that is, by about a million persons-from 7.5 million to 6.63
million.
• In other words, if the economy maintains an annual growth
of 7 per cent, it would be just sufficient to absorb the new
additions to the labour force. If the economy could grow
at around 8 per cent per annum during the Plan period,
the incidence of open unemployment could be brought
down by two million persons, thus attaining near full
employment by the end of the Plan period, according to
the Plan.
• However, there appears to be some confusion about the
figure of open unemployment. The unemployment figure

60
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

given in the executive summary of the Ninth Plan, gives

the figure of open unemployment at 7.5 million while the
annual report of the Labour Ministry, for 1995-96, puts the
figure for 1995 at 18.7 million. An internal government
paper prepared in 1997 put the unemployment figure at
the beginning of the Eighth Plan at 17 millions and at 18.7
million at the end of 1994-95. Perhaps the Planning
Commission referred to the current figure while the Labour
Ministry figure referred to the accumulated unemployment
backlog.

Underemployment
• Open unemployment is not a true indicator of the gravity
of the unemployment problem in an economy such as
India, characterised as it is by large-scale under-
employment and poor employment quality in the
unorganised sector, which accounts for over 90 per cent
of the total employment. The organised sector contributes
only about 9 per cent to the total employment.
• Underemployment in various segments of the labour force
is quite high.
For instance, though open unemployment was only 2 per cent
in 1993-94, the incidence of under-employment and unemployment
taken together was as much as 10 per cent that year. This, in spite
of the fact that the incidence of underemployment was reduced
substantially in the decade ending 1993-94.
• According to the Planning Commission, the States which
face the prospect of increased unemployment in the post-
Ninth Plan period (2002-2007) are Bihar, Rajasthan, Uttar
Pradesh, Kerala and Punjab.

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 4
National Population Policy
2000-Introduction

1 The overriding objective of economic and social

development is to improve the quality of lives that people
lead, to enhance their well-being, and to provide them
with opportunities and choices to become productive assets
in society.
2 In 1952, India was the first country in the world to launch
a national programme, emphasizing family planning to
the extent necessary for reducing birth rates "to stabilize
the population at a level consistent with the requirement
of national economy" After 1952, sharp declines in death
rates were, however, not accompanied by a similar drop
in birth rates. The National Health Policy, 1983 stated that
replacement levels of total fertility rate (TFR) should be
achieved by the year 2000.
3 On 11 May, 2000 India is projected to have 1 billion (100
crore) people, i.e. 16 percent of the world's population on
2.4 percent of the globe's land area. If current trends
continue, India may overtake China in 2045, to become
the most populous country in the world. While global
population has increased threefold during this century,
from 2 billion to 6 billion, the population of India has
increased nearly five times from 238 million (23 crores)
to 1 billion in the same period. India's current annual
increase in population of 15.5 million is large enough to
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

neutralize efforts to conserve the resource endowment

and environment.
Box 1: India's Demographic Achievement
Half a century after formulating the national family welfare
programme, India has: "reduced crude birth rate (CBR) from
40.8 (1951) to 26.4 (1998, SRS);
"halved the infant mortality rate (IMR) from 146 per 1000 live
births (1951) to 72 per 1000 live births (1998, SRS); "quadrupled
the couple protection rate (CPR) from 10.4 percent (1971) to
44 percent (1999); "reduced crude death rate (CDR) from 25
(1951) to 9.0 (1998, SRS); "added 25 years to life expectancy
from 37 years to 62 years; "achieved nearly universal awareness
of the need for and methods of family planning, and "reduced
total fertility rate from 6.0 (1951) to 3.3 (1997, SRS).
India's population in 1991 and projections to 2016 are as
follows:
Table 1: Population Projections for India (million)
March 1991 March 2001 March 2011 March 2016
846.3 1012.4 1178.9 1263.5
1 Milestones in the Evolution of the Population Policy are listed at
Appendix II, page 30.
2 TFR: Average number of children born to a woman during her lifetime.
3 Source: Technical Group on Population Projections, Planning
Commission.

Stabilising population is an essential requirement for

promoting sustainable development with more equitable
distribution. However, it is as much a function of making
reproductive health care accessible and affordable for all, as of
increasing the provision and outreach of primary and secondary
education, extending basic amenities including sanitation, safe
drinking water and housing, besides empowering women and
enhancing their employment opportunities, and providing
transport and communications.
The National Population Policy, 2000 (NPP 2000) affirms the
commitment of government towards voluntary and informed

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

choice and consent of citizens while availing of reproductive health

care services, and continuation of the target free approach in
administering family planning services. The NPP 2000 provides
a policy framework for advancing goals and prioritizing strategies
during the next decade, to meet the reproductive and child health
needs of the people of India, and to achieve net replacement levels
(TFR) by 2010. It is based upon the need to simultaneously address
issues of child survival, maternal health, and contraception, while
increasing outreach and coverage of a comprehensive package of
reproductive and child heath services by government, industry
and the voluntary non-government sector, working in partnership.

National Population Policy 2000-Objectives

The immediate objective of the NPP 2000 is to address the
unmet needs for contraception, health care infrastructure, and
health personnel, and to provide integrated service delivery forbasic
reproductive and child health care.
The medium-term objective is to bring the TFR to replacement
levels by 2010, through vigorous implementation of inter-sectoral
operational strategies. The long-term objective is to achieve a
stable population by 2045, at a level consistent with the
requirements of sustainable economic growth, social development,
and environmental protection.
In pursuance of these objectives, the following National Socio-
Demographic Goals to be achieved in each case by 2010 are
formulated:
National Socio-Demographic Goals for 2010
"Address the unmet needs for basic reproductive and child
health services, supplies and infrastructure. "Make school
education up to age 14 free and compulsory, and reduce drop
outs at primary and secondary school levels to below 20 percent
for both boys and girls. "Reduce infant mortality rate to below
30 per 1000 live births. "Reduce maternal mortality ratio to
below 100 per 100,000 live births. "Achieve universal
immunization of children against all vaccine preventable diseases.
"Promote delayed marriage for girls, not earlier than age 18 and
preferably after 20 years of age. "Achieve 80 percent institutional
deliveries and 100 percent deliveries by trained persons.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

"Achieve universal access to information/counselling, and

services for fertility regulation and contraception with a wide
basket of choices.
"Achieve 100 per cent registration of births, deaths, marriage
and pregnancy.
"Contain the spread of Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome
(AIDS), and promote greater integration between the
management of reproductive tract infections (RTI) and sexually
transmitted infections (STI) and the National AIDS Control
Organisation.
"Prevent and control communicable diseases.
"Integrate Indian Systems of Medicine (ISM) in the provision
of reproductive and child health services, and in reaching out
to households.
"Promote vigorously the small family norm to achieve
replacement levels of TFR.
"Bring about convergence in implementation of related social
sector programs so that family welfare becomes a people centred
programme.
If the NPP 2000 is fully implemented, we anticipate a
population of 1107 million (110 crores) in 2010, instead of 1162
million (116 crores) projected by the Technical Group on Population
Projections:
Table 2: Anticipated Growth in Population (million)
Year If current trends continue If TFR 2.1 is achieved by 2010
Total Increase in Total
Population population population
1991 846.3 - 846.3
1996 934.2 17.6 934.2
1997 949.9 15.7 949.0
2000 996.9 15.7 991.0
2002 1027.6 15.4 1013.0
2010 1162.3 16.8 1107.0
Similarly, the anticipated reductions in the birth, infant
mortality and total fertility rates are:

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Table 3: Projections of Crude Birth Rate, Infant Mortality

Rate, and TFR, if the NPP 2000 is fully implemented.
Year Crude Infant Total
Birth Rate Mortality Rate Fertility Rate
1997 27.2 71 3.3
1998 26.4 72 3.3
2002 23.0 50 2.6
2010 21.0 30 2.1
Source for Tables 2 and 3: Ministry of Health and Family Welfare
Population growth in India continues to be high on account
of :
The large size of the population in the reproductive age-group
(estimated contribution 58 percent). An addition of 417.2 million
between 1991 and 2016 is anticipated despite substantial reductions
in family size in several states, including those which have already
achieved replacement levels of TFR. This momentum of increase
in population will continue for some more years because high
TFRs in the past have resulted in a large proportion of the
population being currently in their reproductive years. It is
imperative that the reproductive age group adopts without further
delay or exception the "small family norm", for the reason that
about 45 percent of population increase is contributed by births
above two children per family.
Higher fertility due to unmet need for contraception (estimated
contribution 20 percent). India has 168 million eligible couples, of
which just 44 percent are currently effectively protected. Urgent
steps are currently required to make contraception more widely
available, accessible, and affordable. Around 74 percent of the
population lives in rural areas, in about 5.5 lakh villages, many
with poor communications and transport. Reproductive health
and basic health infrastructure and services often do not reach the
villages, and, accordingly, vast numbers of people cannot avail of
these services.
High wanted fertility due to the high infant mortality rate
(IMR) (estimated contribution about 20 percent). Repeated child
births are seen as an insurance against multiple infant (and child)

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

deaths and accordingly, high infant mortality stymies all efforts

at reducing TFR.
Over 50 percent of girls marry below the age of 18, the
minimum legal age of marriage, resulting in a typical reproductive
pattern of "too early, too frequent, too many". Around 33 percent
births occur at intervals of less than 24 months, which also results
in high IMR.

National Population Policy 2000-Strategic Themes

We identify 12 strategic themes which must be simultaneously
pursued in "stand alone" or inter-sectoral programmes in order
to achieve the national socio-demographic goals for 2010. These
are presented below:
Decentralised Planning and Programme
Implementation
The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments Act, 1992,
made health, family welfare, and education a responsibility of
village panchayats. The panchayati raj institutions are an important
means of furthering decentralised planning and programme
implementation in the context of the NPP 2000. However, in order
to realize their potential, they need strengthening by further
delegation of administrative and financial powers, including
powers of resource mobilization.
Further, since 33 percent of elected panchayat seats are reserved
for women, representative committees of the panchayats (headed
by an elected woman panchayat member) should be formed to
promote a gender sensitive, multi-sectoral agenda for population
stabilisation, that will "think, plan and act locally, and support
nationally". These committees may identify area specific unmet
needs for reproductive health services, and prepare need-based,
demanddriven, socio-demographic plans at the village level, aimed
at identifying and providing responsive, people-centred and
integrated, basic reproductive and child health care. Panchayats
demonstrating exemplary performance in the compulsory
registration of births, deaths, marriages, and pregnancies,
universalizing the small family norm, increasing safe deliveries,
bringing about reductions in infant and maternal mortality, and

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

promoting compulsory education up to age 14, will be nationally

recognized and honoured.
Convergence of Service Delivery at Village Levels
Efforts at population stabilisation will be effective only if we
direct an integrated package of essential services at village and
household levels. Below district levels, current health infrastructure
includes 2,500 community health centres, 25,000 primary health
centres (each covering a population of 30,000), and 1.36 lakh
subcentres (each covering a population of 5,000 in the plains and
3,000 in hilly regions). Inadequacies in the existing health
infrastructure have led to an unmet need of 28 percent for
contraception services, and obvious gaps in coverage and outreach.
Health care centres are over-burdened and struggle to provide
services with limited personnel and equipment. Absence of
supportive supervision, lack of training in inter-personal
communication, and lack of motivation to work in rural areas,
together impede citizens' access to reproductive and child health
services, and contribute to poor quality of services and an apparent
insensitivity to client's needs.
The last 50 years have demonstrated the unsuitability of these
yardsticks for provision of health care infrastructure, particularly
for remote, inaccessible, or sparsely populated regions in the
country like hilly and forested areas, desert regions and tribal
areas. We need to promote a more flexible approach, by extending
basic reproductive and child health care through mobile clinics
and counselling services. Further, recognizing that government
alone cannot make up for the inadequacies in health care
infrastructure and services, in order to resolve unmet needs and
extend coverage, the involvement of the voluntary sector and the
non-government sector in partnership with the government is
essential.
Since the management, funding, and implementation of health
and education programmes has been decentralised to panchayats,
in order to reach household levels, a one-stop, integrated and
coordinated service delivery should be provided at village levels,
for basic reproductive and child health services. A vast increase
in the number of trained birth attendants, at least two per village,

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

is necessary to universalise coverage and outreach of ante-natal,

natal and post-natal health care. An equipped maternity hut in
each village should be set up to serve as a delivery room, with
functioning midwifery kits, basic medication for essential obstetric
aid, and indigenous medicines and supplies for maternal and new
born care. A key feature of the integrated service delivery will be
the registration at village levels, of births, deaths, marriage, and
pregnancies. Each village should maintain a list of community
midwives and trained birth attendants, village health guides,
panchayat sewa sahayaks, primary school teachers and aanganwadi
workers who may be entrusted with various responsibilities in the
implementation of integrated service delivery.
The panchayats should seek the help of community opinion
makers to communicate the benefits of smaller, healthier families,
the significance of educating girls, and promoting female
participation in paid employment. They should also involve civil
society in monitoring the availability, accessibility and affordability
of services and supplies.
Empowering Women for Improved Health and
Nutrition
The complex socio-cultural determinants of women's health
and nutrition have cumulative effec ts over a lifetime.
Discriminatory childcare leads to malnutrition and impaired
physical development of the girl child. Undernutrition and
micronutrient deficiency in early adolescence goes beyond mere
food entitlements to those nutrition related capabilities that become
crucial to a woman's well-being, and through her, to the well-
being of children. The positive effects of good health and nutrition
on the labour productivity of the poor is well documented. To the
extent that women are over-represented among the poor,
interventions for improving women's health and nutrition are
critical for poverty reduction.
Impaired health and nutrition is compounded by early
childbearing, and consequent risk of serious pregnancy related
complications. Women's risk of premature death and disability is
highest during their reproductive years. Malnutrition, frequent
pregnancies, unsafe abortions, RTI and STI, all combine to keep

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the maternal mortality ratio in India among the highest globally.

Maternal mortality is not merely a health disadvantage, it is a
matter of social injustice. Low social and economic status of girls
and women limits their access to education, good nutrition, as
well as money to pay for health care and family planning services.
The extent of maternal mortality is an indicator of disparity and
inequity in access to appropriate health care and nutrition services
throughout a lifetime, and particularly during pregnancy and
child-birth, and is a crucial factor contributing to high maternal
mortality.
Programmes for Safe Motherhood, Universal Immunisation,
Child Survival and Oral Rehydration have been combined into an
Integrated Reproductive and Child Health Programme, which
also includes promoting management of STIs and RTIs. Women's
health and nutrition problems can be largely prevented or mitigated
through low cost interventions designed for low income settings.
The voluntary non-government sector and the private corporate
sector should actively collaborate with the community and
government through specific commitments in the areas of basic
reproductive and child health care, basic education, and in securing
higher levels of participation in the paid work force for women.
Child Health and Survival
Infant mortality is a sensitive indicator of human development.
High mortality and morbidity among infants and children below
5 years occurs on account of inadequate care, asphyxia during
birth, premature birth, low birth weight, acute respiratory
infections, diarrhoea, vaccine preventable diseases, malnutrition
and deficiencies of nutrients, including Vitamin A. Infant mortality
rates have not significantly declined in recent years.
Our priority is to intensify neo-natal care. A National Technical
Committee should be set up, consisting principally of consultants
in obstetrics, pediatrics (neonatologists), family health, medical
research and statistics from among academia, public health
professionals, clinical practitioners and government. Its terms of
reference should include prescribing perinatal audit norms,
developing quality improvement activities with monitoring
schedules and suggestions for facilitating provision of continuing

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medical and nursing education to all perinatal health care providers.

Implementation at the grass-roots must benefit from current
developments in the fields of perinatology and neonatology. The
baby friendly hospital initiative (BFHI) should be extended to all
hospitals and clinics, up to subcentre levels. Additionally, besides
promoting breast-feeding and complementary feeds, the BFHI
should include updating of skills of trained birth attendants to
improve new born care practices to reduce the risks of hypothermia
and infection. Essential equipment for the new born must be
provided at subcentre levels.
Child survival interventions i.e. universal immunisation,
control of childhood diarrhoeas with oral rehydration therapies,
management of acute respiratory infections, and massive doses of
Vitamin A and food supplements have all helped to reduce infant
and child mortality and morbidity. With intensified efforts, the
eradication of polio is within reach. However, the decline in
standards, outreach and quality of routine immunisation is a matter
of concern. Significant improvements need to be made in the
quality and coverage of the routine immunisation programme.
Meeting t he Unm et Needs for Famil y Welf are
Services
In both rural and urban areas there continue to be unmet
needs for contraceptives, supplies and equipment for integrated
service delivery, mobility of health providers and patients, and
comprehensive information. It is important to strengthen, energise
and make accountable the cutting edge of health infrastructure at
the village, subcentre and primary health centre levels, to improve
facilities for referral transportation, to encourage and strengthen
local initiatives for ambulance services at village and block levels,
to increase innovative social marketing schemes for affordable
products and services and to improve advocacy in locally relevant
and acceptable dialects.
Under-Served Population Groups
Urban Slums: Nearly 100 million people live in urban slums,
with little or no access to potable water, sanitation facilities, and
health care services. This contributes to high infant and child

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mortality, which in turn perpetuate high TFR and maternal

mortality. Basic and primary health care, including reproductive
and child health care, needs to be provided. Coordination with
municipal bodies for water, sanitation and waste disposal must
be pursued, and targeted information, education and
communication campaigns must spread awareness about the
secondary and tertiary facilities available.
Tribal Communities, Hill Area Populations and Displaced
and Migrant Populations: In general, populations in remote and
low density areas do not have adequate access to affordable health
care services. Tribal populations often have high levels of morbidity
arising from poor nutrition, particularly in situations where they
are involuntarily displaced or resettled. Frequently, they have low
levels of literacy, coupled with high infant, child, and maternal
mortality. They remain under-served in the coverage of
reproductive and child health services. These communities need
special attention in terms of basic health, and reproductive and
child health services. The special needs of tribal groups which
need to be addressed include the provision of mobile clinics that
will be responsive to seasonal variations in the availability of work
and income. Information and counselling on infertility, and regular
supply of standardised medication will be included.
Adolescents: Adolescents represent about a fifth of India's
population. The needs of adolescents, including protection from
unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases (STD),
have not been specifically addressed in the past. Programmes
should encourage delayed marriage and child-bearing, and
education of adolescents about the risks of unprotected sex.
Reproductive health services for adolescent girls and boys is
especially significant in rural India, where adolescent marriage
and pregnancy are widely prevalent. Their special requirements
comprise information, counselling, population education, and
making contraceptive services accessible and affordable, providing
food supplements and nutritional services through the ICDS, and
enforcing the Child Marriage Restraint Act, 1976.
Increased Participation of Men in Planned Parenthood: In the
past, population programmes have tended to exclude menfolk.
Gender inequalities in patriarchal societies ensure that men play

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a critical role in determining the education and employment of

family members, age at marriage, besides access to and utilisation
of health, nutrition, and family welfare services for women and
children. The active involvement of men is called for in planning
families, supporting contraceptive use, helping pregnant women
stay healthy, arranging skilled care during delivery, avoiding delays
in seeking care, helping after the baby is born and, finally, in being
a responsible father. In short, the active cooperation and
participation of men is vital for ensuring programme acceptance.
Further, currently, over 97 percent of sterilisations are tubectomies
and this manifestation of gender imbalance needs to be corrected.
The special needs of men include re-popularising vasectomies, in
particular noscalpel vasectomy as a safe and simple procedure,
and focusing on men in the information and education campaigns
to promote the small family norm.
Diverse Health Care Providers
Given the large unmet need for reproductive and child health
services, and inadequacies in health care infrastructure it is
imperative to increase the numbers and diversify the categories
of health care providers. Ways of doing this include accrediting
private medical practitioners and assigning them to defined
beneficiary groups to provide these services; revival of the system
of licensed medical practitioner who, after appropriate certification
from the Indian Medical Association (IMA), could provide specified
clinical services.
Collaboration With and Commitments from Non-
Government Organisations and the Private Sector
A national effort to reach out to households cannot be sustained
by government alone. We need to put in place a partnership of
non-government voluntary organizations, the private corporate
sector, government and the community. Triggered by rising incomes
and institutional finance, private health care has grown significantly,
with an impressive pool of expertise and management skills, and
currently accounts for nearly 75 percent of health care expenditures.
However, despite their obvious potential, mobilising the private
(profit and non-profit) sector to serve public health goals raises
governance issues of contracting, accreditation, regulation, referral,

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besides the appropriate division of labour between the public and

private health providers, all of which need to be addressed carefully.
Where government interventions or capacities are insufficient,
and the participation of the private sector unviable, focused service
delivery by NGOs may effectively complement government efforts.
Mainstreaming Indian Systems of Medicine and
Ho meo pat hy
India's community supported ancient but living traditions of
indigenous systems of medicine has sustained the population for
centuries, with effective cures and remedies for numerous
conditions, including those relating to women and children, with
minimal side effects. Utilisation of ISMH in basic reproductive
and child health care will expand the pool of effective health care
providers, optimise utilisation of locally based remedies and cures,
and promote lowcost health care. Guidelines need to be evolved
to regulate and ensure standardisation, efficacy and safety of ISMH
drugs for wider entry into national markets.
Particular challenges include providing appropriate training,
and raising awareness and skill development in reproductive and
child health care to the institutionally qualified ISMH medical
practitioners. The feasibility of utilising their services to fill in
gaps in manpower at village levels, and at subcentres and primary
health centres may be explored. ISMH institutions, hospitals and
dispensaries may be utilised for reproductive and child health
care programmes. At village levels, the services of the ISMH
"barefoot doctors", after appropriate training, may be utilised for
advocacy and counselling, for distributing supplies and equipment,
and as depot holders. ISMH practices may be applied at village
maternity huts, and at household levels, for ante-natal, natal and
post natal care, and for nurture of the new born.
C on tracepti ve T echn ol og y an d Research on
Reproductive and Child Health
Government must constantly advance, encourage, and support
medical, social science, demographic and behavioural science
research on maternal, child and reproductive health care issues.
This will improve medical techniques relevant to the country's

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needs, and strengthen programme and project design and

implementation. Consultation and frequent dialogue by
Government with the existing network of academic and research
institutions in allopathy and ISMH, and with other relevant public
and private research institutions engaged in social science,
demography and behavioural research must continue. The
International Institute of Population Sciences, and the population
research centres which have been set up to pursue applied research
in population related matters, need to be revitalised and
strengthened.
Applied research relies upon constant monitoring of
performance at the programme and project levels. The National
Health and Family Welfare Survey provides data on key health
and family welfare indicators every five years. Data from the first
National Family Health Survey (NFHS-1), 1992-93, has been
updated by NFHS-2, 1998-99, to be published shortly. Annual data
is generated by the Sample Registration Survey, which, inter alia,
maps at state levels the birth, death and infant mortality rates.
Absence of regular feedback has been a weakness in the family
welfare progamme. For this reason, the Department of Family
Welfare is strengthening its management information systems (MIS)
and has commenced during 1998, a system of ascertaining impacts
and outcomes through district surveys and facility surveys. The
district surveys cover 50% districts every year, so that every 2
years there is an update on every district in the country. The
facility surveys ascertain the availability of infrastructure and
services up to primary health centre level, covering one district
per month. The feedback from both these surveys enable remedial
action at district and sub-district levels.
Providing for the Older Population
Improved life expectancy is leading to an increase in the
absolute number and proportion of persons aged 60 years and
above, and is anticipated to nearly double during 1996-2016, from
62.3 million to 112.9 million When viewed in the context of
significant weakening of traditional support systems, the elderly
are increasingly vulnerable, needing protection and care. Promoting
old age health care and support will, over time, also serve to

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reduce the incentive to have large families. The Ministry of Social

Justice and Empowerment has adopted in January 1999 a National
Policy on Older Persons. It has become important to build in
geriatric health concerns in the population policy. Ways of doing
this include sensitising, training and equipping rural and urban
health centres and hospitals for providing geriatric health care;
encouraging NGOs to design and implement formal and informal
schemes that make the elderly economically selfreliant; providing
for and routinising screening for cancer, osteoporosis, and
cardiovascular conditions in primary health centres, community
health centres, and urban health care centres at primary, secondary
and tertiary levels; and exploring tax incentives to encourage
grown-up children to look after their aged parents.
Information, Education, and Communication
Information, education and communication (IEC) of family
welfare messages must be clear, focused and disseminated
everywhere, including the remote corners of the country, and in
local dialects. This will ensure that the messages are effectively
conveyed. These need to be strengthened and their outreach
widened, with locally relevant, and locally comprehensible media
and messages. On the model of the total literacy campaigns which
have successfully mobilised local populations, there is need to
undertake a massive national campaign on population related
issues, via artists, popular film stars, doctors, vaidyas, hakims,
nurses, local midwives, women's organizations, and youth
organizations.

National Population Policy 2000-Legislation, Public

Support & New Structures
Legislation
As a motivational measure, in order to enable state governments
to fearlessly and effectively pursue the agenda for population
stabilisation contained in the National Population Policy, 2000,
one legislation is considered necessary. It is recommended that the
42nd Constitutional Amendment that freezes till 2001, the number
of seats to the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha based on the 1971
Census be extended up to 2026.

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Public Support
Demonstration of strong support to the small family norm, as
well as personal example, by political, community, business,
professional and religious leaders, media and film stars, sports
personalities, and opinion makers, will enhance its acceptance
throughout society. The government will actively enlist their
support in concrete ways.
New Structures
The NPP 2000 is to be largely implemented and managed at
panchayat and nagar palika levels, in coordination with the
concerned state/Union Territory administrations. Accordingly, the
specific situation in each state/UT must be kept in mind. This will
require comprehensive and multisectoral coordination of planning
and implementation between health and family welfare on the one
hand, along with schemes for education, nutrition, women and
child development, safe drinking water, sanitation, rural roads,
communications, transportation, housing, forestry development,
environmental protection, and urban development. Accordingly,
the following structures are recommended:
National Commission on Population: A National Commission
on Population, presided over by the Prime Minister, will have the
Chief Ministers of all states and UTs, and the Central Minister in
charge of the Department of Family Welfare and other concerned
Central Ministries and Departments, for example Department of
Woman and Child Development, Department of Education,
Department of Social Justice and Empowerment in the Ministry
of HRD, Ministry of Rural Development, Ministry of Environment
and Forest, and others as necessary, and reputed demographers,
public health professionals, and NGOs as members. This
Commission will oversee and review implementation of policy.
The Commission Secretariat will be provided by the Department
of Family Welfare.
State/UT Commissions on Population: Each state and UT may
consider having a State/UT Commission on Population, presided
over by the Chief Minister, in the analogy of the National
Commission, to likewise oversee and review implementation of
the NPP 2000 in the state/UT.

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Coordination Cell in the Planning Commission: The Planning

Commission will have a Coordination Cell for inter-sectoral
coordination between Ministries for enhancing performance,
particularly in States/UTs needing special attention on account of
adverse demographic and human development indicators.
Technology Mission in the Department of Family Welfare: To
enhance performance, particularly in states with currently below
average socio-demographic indices that need focused attention, a
Technology Mission in the Department of Family Welfare will be
established to provide technology support in respect of design
and monitoring of projects and programmes for reproductive and
child health, as well as for IEC campaigns.

National Population Policy 2000-Funding, Promotional and

Motivational Measures for Adoption of the Small Family
Norm
Funding
The programmes, projects and schemes premised on the goals
and objectives of the NPP 2000, and indeed all efforts at population
stabilisation, will be adequately funded in view of their critical
importance to national development. Preventive and promotive
services such as ante-natal and post-natal care for women,
immunisation for children, and contraception will continue to be
subsidised for all those who need the services. Priority in allocation
of funds will be given to improving health care infrastructure at
the community and primary health centres, subcentre and village
levels. Critical gaps in manpower will be remedied through
redeployment, particularly in under-served and inaccessible areas,
and referral linkages will be improved. In order to implement
immediately the Action Plan, it would be necessary to double the
annual budget of the Department of Family Welfare to enable
government to address the shortfall in unmet needs for health care
infrastructure, services and supplies.
Even though the annual budget for population stabilisation
activities assigned to the Department of Family Welfare has
increased over the years, at least 50 percent of the budgetary
outlay is deployed towards non-plan activities (recurring

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expenditures for maintenance of health care infrastructure in the

states and UTs, and towards salaries). To illustrate, of the annual
budget of Rs. 2920 crores for 1999-2000, nearly Rs 1500 crores is
allocated towards non-plan activities. Only the remaining 50
percent becomes available for genuine plan activities, including
procurement of supplies and equipment. For these reasons, since
1980 the Department of Family Welfare has been unable to revise
norms of operational costs of health infrastructure, which in turn
has impacted directly the quality of care and outreach of services
provided.
Prom ot io nal an d Mo ti vati on al Measu res fo r
Adoption of the Small Family Norm
The following promotional and motivational measures will be
undertaken:
(i) Panchayats and Zila Parishads will be rewarded and
honoured for exemplary performance in universalising
the small family norm, achieving reductions in infant
mortality and birth rates, and promoting literacy with
completion of primary schooling.
(ii) The Balika Samridhi Yojana run by the Department of
Women and Child Development, to promote survival and
care of the girl child, will continue. A cash incentive of Rs.
500 is awarded at the birth of the girl child of birth order
1 or 2.
(iii) Maternity Benefit Scheme run by the Department of Rural
Development will continue. A cash incentive of Rs. 500 is
awarded to mothers who have their first child after 19
years of age, for birth of the first or second child only.
Disbursement of the cash award will in future be linked
to compliance with ante-natal check up, institutional
delivery by trained birth attendant, registration of birth
and BCG immunisation.
(iv) A Family Welfare-linked Health Insurance Plan will be
established. Couples below the poverty line, who undergo
sterilisation with not more than two living children, would
become eligible (along with children) for health insurance
(for hospitalisation) not exceeding Rs. 5000, and a personal

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accident insurance cover for the spouse undergoing

sterilisation.
(v) Couples below the poverty line, who marry after the legal
age of marriage, register the marriage, have their first
child after the mother reaches the age of 21, accept the
small family norm, and adopt a terminal method after the
birth of the second child, will be rewarded.
(vi) A revolving fund will be set up for income-generating
activities by village-level self help groups, who provide
community-level health care services.
(vii) Creches and child care centres will be opened in rural
areas and urban slums. This will facilitate and promote
participation of women in paid employment.
(viii) A wider, affordable choice of contraceptives will be made
accessible at diverse delivery points, with counselling
services to enable acceptors to exercise voluntary and
informed consent.
(ix) Facilities for safe abortion will be strengthened and
expanded.
(x) Products and services will be made affordable through
innovative social marketing schemes.
(xi) Local entrepreneurs at village levels will be provided soft
loans and encouraged to run ambulance services to
supplement the existing arrangements for referral
transportation.
(xii) Increased vocational training schemes for girls, leading to
self-employment will be encouraged.
(xiii) Strict enforcement of Child Marriage Restraint Act, 1976.
(xiv) Strict enforcement of the Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques
Act, 1994.
(xv) Soft loans to ensure mobility of the ANMs will be increased.
(xvi) The 42nd Constitutional Amendment has frozen the
number of representatives in the Lok Sabha (on the basis
of population) at 1971 Census levels. The freeze is currently
valid until 2001, and has served as an incentive for State

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Governments to fearlessly pursue the agenda for

population stabilisation. This freeze needs to be extended
until 2026.

National Population Policy 2000-Conclusion

In the new millenium, nations are judged by the well-being
of their peoples; by levels of health, nutrition and education; by
the civil and political liberties enjoyed by their citizens; by the
protection guaranteed to children and by provisions made for the
vulnerable and the disadvantaged.
The vast numbers of the people of India can be its greatest
asset if they are provided with the means to lead healthy and
economically productive lives. Population stabilisation is a
multisectoral endeavour requiring constant and effective dialogue
among a diversity of stakeholders, and coordination at all levels
of the government and society. Spread of literacy and education,
increasing availability of affordable reproductive and child health
services, convergence of service delivery at village levels,
participation of women in the paid work force, together with a
steady, equitable improvement in family incomes, will facilitate
early achievement of the socio-demographic goals. Success will be
achieved if the Action Plan contained in the NPP 2000 is pursued
as a national movement.

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 5
Literacy in India

Literacy in India is an indispensable means for effective social

and economic participation, contributing to human development
and poverty reduction, says UNESCO. The Right to Education is
a fundamental human right. UNESCO aims at education for all
by 2015. India is one of the countries (along with the Arab states
and sub-Saharan Africa) where the literacy levels are still below
the threshold level of 75% but gigantic efforts are on to achieve
that level. More than three fourths of the country’s male population
and above half of the female population is literate. The thrust
forward for achieving at least the threshold level of literacy
represents the largest ever civil and military mobilization in the
country.
The table below shows the adult and youth literacy rates for
India and some of the neighbouring countries in 2002.
Country Adult Literacy Rate Youth Literacy Rate
China 90.9 98.9
India 61.3 73.3
Nepal 44.0 62.7
Pakistan 41.5 53.9
Sri Lanka 92.1 97.0
Bangladesh 41.1 49.7
Adult literacy rate is for the age group 15 years and above.
Youth literacy rate is for the age group 15-24 years. The youth
literacy rate for India relates to 2001.
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

What Constitutes Literacy

Literacy as defined by UNESCO is given below.
1. A literate person is one who can with understanding both
read and write a short simple statement relevant to his
everyday life.
2. Literacy is not the simple reading of a word or a set of
associated symbols and sounds, but an act of critical
understanding of men’s situation in the world.
3. Literacy is not an end in itself but a means of personal
liberation and development and extending individuals
educational efforts involving overall inter-disciplinary
responses to concrete problems.
4. A literate person is one who has acquired all the essential
knowledge and skills which enable him to engage in all
those activities in which literacy is required for effective
functioning in his group and community and whose
attaining in reading, writing and numeracy make it possible
to use these skills towards his own and his community’s
development.
The National Literacy Mission defines literacy as acquiring
the skills of reading, writing and arithmetic and the ability to
apply them to one’s day-to-day life. The achievement of functional
literacy implies:
• Self-reliance in 3 R’s
• Becoming aware of the causes of deprivation and moving
towards amelioration of their condition by participating
in the process of development
• Acquiring skills to improve their economic status and
general well being
• Imbibing values of national integration, conservation of
environment, women’s equality, observance of small family
norms, etc
The working definition of literacy in the Indian census since
1991 is as follows:
• “Literacy rate”:

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

The total percentage of the population of an area at a particular

time aged seven years or above who can read and write with
understanding. Here the denominator is the population aged seven
years or more.
• “Crude literacy rate”:
The total percentage of the people of an area at a particular
time aged seven years or above who can read and write with
understanding, taking the total population of the area (including
below seven years of age) as the denominator.
Growth of Literacy
During the British period, progress of education was rather
tardy. Between 1881-82 and 1946-47, the number of primary schools
grew from 82,916 to 134,866 and the number of students grew
from 2,061,541 to 10,525,943. Literacy rates in British India rose
from 3.2 per cent in 1881 to 7.2 per cent in 1931 and 12.2 per cent
in 1947. In 2000-01, there were 60,840 pre-primary and pre-basic
schools, and 664,041 primary and junior basic schools. Total
enrolment at the primary level has increased from 19,200,000 in
1950-51 to 109,800,000 in 2001-02. The number of high schools in
2000-01 was higher than the number of primary schools at the time
of independence.
The provision of universal and compulsory education for all
children in the age group of 6-14 was a cherished national ideal
and had been given overriding priority by incorporation as a
Directive Policy in Article 45 of the Constitution, but it is still to
be achieved more than half a century since the Constitution was
adopted. Parliament has passed the Constitution 86th Amendment
Act, 2002, to make elementary education a Fundamental Right for
children in the age group of 6-14 years. In order to provide more
funds for education, an education cess of 2 per cent has been
imposed on all direct and indirect central taxes through the Finance
(No. 2) Act, 2004.
Since independence, the literacy rate grew from 18.33 per cent
in 1951, to 28.30 per cent in 1961, 34.45 per cent in 1971, 43.57 per
cent in 1981, 52.21 per cent in 1991, and 64.84per cent in 2001.
During the same period, the population grew from 361 million to
1,028 million.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Literacy Rates
Kerala is at one end of the table and Bihar at the other,
representing two extremes of the Indian paradox. An analysis of
important social indicators highlights the social differences in the
two states. Literacy rate (2001) in Kerala was 90.86 per cent against
47.00 per cent in Bihar. Life expectancy at birth (2001-2006) is 71.61
for males and 75 for females in Kerala. In Bihar, it is 65.66 for males
and 64.79 for females. Infant mortality (per 1,000 live births, 2002
provisional data) was only 10 in Kerala against 61 in Bihar. Birth
rate (per 1,000, provisional) is 16.9 in Kerala against 30.9 in Bihar.
Death rate (per 1,000, provisional) is 6.4 in Kerala against 7.9 in
Bihar. The differences clearly indicate that literacy is the key to
improvement in quality of life.
Kerala’s achievement is remarkable because the proportion of
literate people in the area that now constitutes that state at the time
of independence was, although higher than rest of India, still low.
According to the 1991 census, Kottayam District of Kerala is the
first district in India to achieve highest literecy rate i.e 90.52 percent.
In the graph showing literacy rates in different states for 1981
and 2001, there is considerable variance throughout the country.
Large variations can be observed even amongst contiguous states.
Union Territories are not included in the graph. It can be seen that
while there are a few states at the top and bottom, most of the
states are just above or below the national average.
The Failure Part
In his essay on Social Infrastructure As Important As Physical
Infrastructure published in India Development Report 2002, Kirit S.
Parikh had pointed out, “With a literacy rate of 65, we have 296
million illiterates, age seven years and above, as per the 2001
census. The number of illiterates today exceeds the population of
the country of around 270 million at Independence, age seven and
above.” The largest segment of the world’s illiterates is in India.
In his book The Argumentative Indian, Amartya Sen notes, on
the basis of investigations by Pratichi Trust, set up with the proceeds
of his Nobel award, carried out in West Bengal and Jharkhand,
that absenteeism of comparatively well-paid teachers, particularly

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where bulk of the students come from scheduled castes and tribes,
poses a major problem. Students are circumstantially forced to go
in for private tuitions. He concludes, “Sometimes the very
institutions that were created to overcome disparities and barriers
have tended to act as reactionary influences in reinforcing
inequality… The teachers’ unions, which have a very positive role
to play in protecting the interests of teachers and have played that
part well in the past, are often turning into an influence that
reinforces the neglect of the interests of children from desperately
underprivileged families. There is evidence of hardening of class
barriers that separate the newly affluent teachers from the
impoverished rural poor.”

Concerted Efforts
Government Schemes
The Sarva Siksha Abhiyan was launched in 2001 to ensure that
all children in the age group 6-14 years attend school and complete
eight years of schooling by 2010. Important components of the
scheme are the Education Guarantee Scheme and Alternative and
Innovative Education meant primarily for children where there is
no formal school within a radius of one kilometre. The centrally
sponsored District Primary Education Programme launched in
1994, has so far opened more than 160,000 new schools, including
almost 84,000 alternative schools.
Of the estimated population of 205 million in the age group
6-14 years on March 1, 2002, nearly 82.5 per cent was enrolled in
schools. However, drop out in 2002-03 at the primary level was
34.9 per cent and at the upper primary level, it was 52.8 per cent.
The high drop out rate has been a matter of major concern. One
of the most popular schemes adopted to attract children to schools
is the midday meals programme launched in 1995. Several other
special programmes have been launched with varying degrees of
success.
The National Literacy Mission launched in 1988 aims at
attaining a literacy rate of 75 per cent by 2007. It imparts functional
literacy to non-literates in the age group of 15-35 years. The Total
Literacy Campaign is the principal strategy of the NLM for

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

eradication of illiteracy. The Continuing Education Scheme

provides a learning continuum to the efforts of the Total Literacy
and Post-Literacy programmes.
International Literacy Day is celebrated each year on 8th
September with the aim to highlight the importance of literacy to
individuals, communities and societies.
Social Reformation Efforts
Bulk of the illiterates is in the rural areas, where social and
economic barriers play an important role in keeping the lowest
strata of society illiterate. Government programmes alone, however
well intentioned, may not be able break barriers built over the
centuries. Major social reformation efforts are required to bring
about a change in the rural scenario. Examples of two such efforts
are given below. There are many but more are required.
In 2002, Sandeep Pandey won the prestigious Magsaysay
Award. While pursuing a Ph.D. in control theory at the University
of California-Berkeley, he joined his friends to form Asha (Hope),
to support education for poor children in India by tapping the
resources of Indians abroad. The enterprising founders raised ten
thousand dollars in one year, an auspicious beginning for an
organization that now claims thirty-six North-American chapters
and has disbursed nearly one million dollars for programs in
India. After launching Asha, he himself returned to India, doctorate
in hand. He taught briefly at the prestigious Indian Institute of
Technology and, in 1992, left the institute to devote himself full-
time to Asha’s larger purpose: to bring about socio-economic change
in India through education.
The flow of money apart, it was not an easy task. In Ballia
district of Uttar Pradesh, he confronted the impoverished world
of low-caste families and dalits, or untouchables. Few children
went to school at all; even those who did, grew up to swell India’s
vast unemployment rolls. With local volunteers in the villages of
Reoti and Bhainsaha, Pandey has created schools that instill self-
reliance and values for a just society. Asha’s teachers take no pay.
Instead, they support themselves with sidelines such as making
candles and greeting cards from handmade paper. A fuller
expression of his vision is the Asha ashram in the dalit village of

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Lalpur, outside Lucknow. There, students live and study among

traditional artisans and engage in bee-keeping, vegetable gardening,
and cottage industries. His award was in recognition of “the
empowering example of his commitment to the transformation of
India’s marginalized poor.”
The Magsaysay Award for Shantha Sinha in 2003 was in
recognition of “her guiding the people of Andhra Pradesh to end
the scourge of child labour and send all of their children to school.”
As head of an extension program at the University of Hyderabad
in 1987, she organized a three-month-long “camp” to prepare
children rescued from bonded labour to attend school. Later, in
1991, she guided her family’s Mamidipudi Venkatarangaiya
Foundation to take up this idea as part of its overriding mission
in Andhra Pradesh. Her original transition camps grew into full-
fledged residential “bridge schools.” The foundation is creating
a social climate hostile not only to child labour but also to child
marriage and other practices that deny children the right to a
normal childhood. Today the MV Foundation’s bridge schools and
programs extend to 4,300 villages.

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 6
NLM—An Introduction

Education in India
India has been a major seat of learning for thousands of years,
dating back to ancient seats of learning like Nalanda. In modern
times, Indian educational institutions such as the (IITs, IISc, IIMs,
NITs, AIIMS, ISI, BITS and ISB) are well known worldwide. India,
being a developing nation, struggles with challenges in its primary
education and strives to reach 100% literacy. Universal Compulsory
Primary Education, with its challenges of keeping poor children
in school and maintaining quality of education in rural areas, has
been difficult to achieve (Kerala is an Indian state to reach this goal
so far). All levels of education in India, from primary to higher
education, are overseen by the Ministry of Human Resource
Development (Department of Higher Education (India) and
Department of School Education and Literacy), and heavily
subsidized by the Indian government, though there is a move to
make higher education partially self-financing. The Indian
Government is considering to allow 100% foreign direct investment
in Higher Education.
Structure
Indian Education System comprises stages called Nursery,
Primary, Secondary, Higher Secondary, Graduation & Post
Graduation. Some students go in different stream after Secondary
for 3 Years Technical education called Polytechnics There are
broadly four stages of school education in India, namely
NOTINDIAN primary, upper primary, secondary and higher
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

secondary (or high school). Overall, schooling lasts 12 years,

following the “10+2 pattern”. However, there are considerable
differences between the various states in terms of the organizational
patterns within these first 10 years of schooling. The government
is committed to ensuring universal elementary education (primary
and upper primary) education for all children aged 6-14 years of
age. Primary school includes children of ages six to eleven,
organized into classes one through five. Upper Primary and
Secondary school pupils aged eleven through fifteen are organized
into classes six through ten, and higher secondary school students
ages sixteen through seventeen are enrolled in classes eleven
through twelve. In some places there is a concept called Middle/
Upper Primary schools for classes between six to eight. In such
cases classes nine to twelve are classified under high school
category. Higher Education in India provides an opportunity to
specialize in a field and includes technical schools (such as the
Indian Institutes of Technology and Indian Institutes of Informaton
Technology, Design & Manufacturing), colleges, and universities.
In India, the main types of schools are those controlled by:
• The state government boards like SSLC, in which the vast
majority of Indian school-children are enrolled,
• The Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) board,
• The Council for the Indian School Certificate Examinations
(CISCE) board,
• National Open School,
• “International schools.” These schools mimic the schools
in the West in pattern and syllabi and are considerably
more expensive than regular schools. The exams conducted
have the syllabus of any one of the above-mentioned
Councils or Boards.
Overall, according to the latest Government Survey undertaken
by NUEPA (DISE, 2005-6), there are 1,124,033 schools.
Pre-primary Education
Pre-primary education in India is not a fundamental right,
with a very low percentage of children receiving preschool
educational facilities. The largest source of provision is the so

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called Integrated Child Development Services (or ICDS) and

anganwadis. However, the preschool component in the same
remains weak.
In the absence of significant government provisions, the private
sector (reaching to the relatively richer section of society) has
opened schools. Provisions in these kindergartens are divided
into two stages-lower kindergarten (LKG) and upper kindergarten
(UKG). Typically, an LKG class would comprise children 3 to 4
years of age, and the UKG class would comprise children 4 to 5
years of age. After finishing upper kindergarten, a child enters
Class 1 (or, Standard 1) of primary school. Often kindergarten is
an integral part of regular schools, though there is a marked trend
towards exclusive prep schools. A special Toddler/Nursery group
at the age of 2–2½ is also part of the pre-primary education. It is
run as part of the kindergarten. However, creches and other early
care facilities for the underprivileged sections of society are
extremely limited in number. There are some organized players
with standardized curricula coming of age which cover a very
small share of the urban population. Overall, the % enrollment of
pre-primary classes to total enrollment (primary) is 11.22% (DISE,
2005-06).
Elementary Education
During the eighth five-year plan, the target of “universalizing”
elementary education was divided into three broad parameters:
Universal Access, Universal Retention and Universal Achievement i.e.,
making education accessible to children, making sure that they
continue education and finally, achieving goals. As a result of
education programs, by the end of 2000, 94% of India’s rural
population had primary schools within one km and 84% had
upper primary schools within 3 km. Special efforts were made to
enroll SC/ST and girls. The enrollment in primary and upper-
primary schools has gone up considerably since the first five-year
plan. So has the number of primary and upper-primary schools.
In 1950-51, only 3.1 million students had enrolled for primary
education. In 1997-98, this figure was 39.5 million. The number
of primary and upper-primary schools was 0.223 million in 1950-
51. This figure was 0.775 million in 1996-97.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

In 2002/2003, an estimated 82% of children in the age group

of 6-14 were enrolled in school. The Government of India aims to
increase this to 100% by the end of the decade. To achieve this the
Government launched Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan. The strategies
adopted by the Government to check drop-out rate are:
• Creating parental awareness
• Community mobilization
• Economic incentives
• Minimum Levels of Learning (MLL)
• District Primary Education Programme (DPEP)
• National Programme of Nutritional Support to Primary
Education (Midday Meals Scheme)
• The 86th Constitutional Amendment Act was passed by
the parliament to make the Right to Elementary Education
a fundamental right and a fundamental duty
• National Elementary Education Mission
• A National Committee of State Education Ministers has
been set up with the Minister of Human Resource
Development as the Chairperson of the committee
• Media publicity and advocacy plans
• Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan which function is the SCERT
campus
Non-graduation Market
This is a chart of non-graduation market of India as per Census
2001.
Educational level Holders
Total 502,994,684
Unclassified 97,756
Non-technical diploma or certificate not equal to degree 386,146
Technical diploma or certificate not equal to degree 3,666,680
Higher Secondary, Intermediate, Pre-university or
Senior Secondary 37,816,215
Matriculation or Secondary 79,229,21

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

While availability of primary and upper primary schools has

been to a considerable extent been created, access to higher
education remains a major issue in rural areas (especially for
girls). Government high schools are usually taught in the regional
language, however urban and suburban schools usually teach in
English. These institutions are heavily subsidised. Study materials
(such as textbooks, notebooks and stationary) are sometime but
not always subsidised. Government schools follow the state
curriculum.
There are also a number of private schools providing secondary
education. These schools usually either follow the State or national
curriculum. Some top schools provide international qualifications
and offer an alternative international qualification, such as the IB
program or A Levels.
Higher Education
Higher education in India has evolved in distinct and divergent
streams with each stream monitored by an apex body, indirectly
controlled by the Ministry of Human Resource Development and
funded by the state governments. Most universities are
administered by the States, however, there are 18 important
universities called Central Universities, which are maintained by
the Union Government. The increased funding of the central
universities give them an advantage over state competitors.
The Indian Institutes of Technology were placed 50th in the
world and 2nd in the field of Engineering (next only to MIT) by
Times Higher World University Rankings although they did not
appear in the Shanghai Jiao Tong University Academic Ranking
of World Universities. There are several thousands colleges in
India, Which provides technical education. The Indian Technical
Education are very strong these days. They are producing millions
of engineers every year.
International league tables produced in 2006 by the London-
based Times Higher Education Supplement (THES) confirmed
Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU)’s place among the world’s top
200 universities. Likewise, THES 2006 ranked JNU’s School of
Social Sciences at the 57th position among the world’s top 100
institutes for social sciences.

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The National Law School of India University is highly regarded,

with some of its students being awarded Rhodes Scholarships to
Oxford University, and the All India Institute of Medical Sciences
is consistently rated the top medical school in the country. Indian
Institutes of Management (IIMs) are the top management institutes
in India.
The private sector is strong in Indian higher education. This
has been partly as a result of the decision by the Government to
divert spending to the goal of universalisation of elementary
education. Within a decade different state assemblies has passed
bills for private universities, and some of these universities are
performing very well these universities includes Gyanvihar
university, Amity university, Rai university and many more.
Accreditation
Accreditation for universities in India is required by law unless
it was created through an act of Parliament. Without accreditation,
the government notes “these fake institutions have no legal entity
to call themselves as University/Vishwvidyalaya and to award
‘degree’ which are not treated as valid for academic/employment
purposes”. University Grants Commission Act 1956 explains,
“the right of conferring or granting degrees shall be exercised
only by a University established or incorporated by or under a
Central Act carlo bon tempo, or a State Act, or an Institution
deemed to be University or an institution specially empowered
by an Act of the Parliament to confer or grant degrees. Thus, any
institution which has not been created by an enactment of
Parliament or a State Legislature or has not been granted the status
of a Deemed to be University, is not entitled to award a degree.”
Accreditation for higher learning is overseen by autonomous
institutions established by the University Grants Commission :
• All India Council for Technical Education (AICTE)
• Distance Education Council (DEC)
• Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR)
• Bar Council of India (BCI)
• National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC)

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• National Council for Teacher Education (NCTE)

• Rehabilitation Council of India (RCI)
• Medical Council of India (MCI)
• Pharmacy Council of India (PCI)
• Indian Nursing Council (INC)
• Dental Council of India (DCI)
• Central Council of Homeopathy (CCH)
• Central Council of Indian Medicine (CCIM)
• Veterinary council of india (VCI)
Graduation Market
This is a chart of graduation market of India as per Census
2001.
Degree Holders
Total 37,670,147
Post-graduate degree other than technical degree 6,949,707
Graduate degree other than technical degree 25,666,044
Engineering and technology 2,588,405
Teaching 1,547,671
Medicine 768,964****
Agriculture and dairying 100,126
Veterinary 99,999
Other 22,588

History
India has a long history of organized education. The Gurukul
system of education is one of the oldest on earth but before that
the guru shishya system was extant, in which students were taught
orally and the data would be passed from one generation to the
next. Gurukuls were traditional Hindu residential schools of
learning; typically the teacher’s house or a monastery. Education
was free (and often limited to the higher castes), but students from
well-to-do families paid Gurudakshina, a voluntary contribution
after the completion of their studies. At the Gurukuls, the teacher

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imparted knowledge of Religion, Scriptures, Philosophy, Literature,

Warfare, Statecraft, mathematics, Medicine, Astrology and
“History” (“Itihaas”). Only students belonging to Brahmin and
Kshatriya communities were taught in these Gurukuls. However,
the advent of Buddhism and Jainism brought fundamental changes
in access to education with their democratic character.
The first millennium and the few centuries preceding it saw
the flourishing of higher education at Nalanda, Takshashila
University, Ujjain, & Vikramshila Universities. Art, Architecture,
Painting, Logic, mathematics, Grammar, Philosophy, Astronomy,
Literature, Buddhism, Hinduism, Arthashastra (Economics &
Politics), Law, and Medicine were among the subjects taught and
each university specialized in a particular field of study. Takshila
specialized in the study of medicine, while Ujjain laid emphasis
on astronomy. Nalanda, being the biggest centre, handled all
branches of knowledge, and housed up to 10,000 students at its
peak. British records show that education was widespread in the
18th century, with a school for every temple, mosque or village
in most regions of the country. The subjects taught included
Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Theology, Law, Astronomy,
Metaphysics, Ethics, Medical Science and Religion. The schools
were attended by students representative of all classes of society.
Traditional structures were not recognized by the British
government and have been on the decline since. Gandhi is said
to have described the traditional educational system as a beautiful
tree that was destroyed during the British rule.
Up to the 17th Century
The first millennium and the few centuries preceding it saw
the flourishing of higher education at Nalanda, Takshila, Ujjain,
& Vikramshila Universities. Art, Architecture, Painting, Logic,
mathematics, Grammar, Philosophy, Astronomy, Literature,
Buddhism, Hinduism, Arthashastra (Economics & Politics), Law,
and Medicine were among the subjects taught and each university
specialized in a particular field of study. Takshila specialized in
the study of medicine, while Ujjain laid emphasis on astronomy.
Nalanda, being the biggest centre, handled all branches of
knowledge, and housed up to 10,000 students at its peak.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Education under British Rule

British records show that indigenous education was
widespread in the 18th century, with a school for every temple,
mosque or village in most regions of the country. The subjects
taught included Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Theology, Law,
Astronomy, Metaphysics, Ethics, Medical Science and Religion.
The schools were attended by students representative of all classes
of society. Printed books were introduced in India by 1579. Pre-
British schools and colleges were maintained by grants of revenue-
free land. The East India Company, with its policy of maximizing
land revenue, stopped this and thus starved the Indian education
system of its financial resources.
The current system of education, with its western style and
content, was introduced & funded by the British in the 19th century,
following recommendations by Macaulay. Traditional structures
were not recognized by the British government and have been on
the decline since. Gandhi is said to have described the traditional
educational system as a beautiful tree that was destroyed during
British rule.
The British established many colleges like St. Xavier’s College,
Sydenham College, Wilson College and Elphinstone College in
India.
According to Prof. Emeritus M.G. Sahadevan, F.R.C.P.
(London), the first ‘western-modelled’ medical college of Kerala
was started at Calicut, in 1942-43, during World War II. Due to
shortage of doctors to serve the military, the British Government
decided to open a branch of Madras Medical College in Malabar,
which was under Madras Presidency then. After the war, the
medical school at Calicut was closed and the students continued
their studies at Madras Medical College.
After Independence
After independence, education became the responsibility of
the states. The Central Government’s only obligation was to co-
ordinate in technical and higher education and specify standards.
This continued till 1976, when the education became a joint
responsibility of the state and the Centre.

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Education Commission
The Education Commission under the Chairmanship of Dr. D.
S. Kothari, the then Chairman, University Grants Commission,
began its task on October 2,1964. It consisted of sixteen members,
eleven being Indians and five foreign experts. In addition, the
Commission had the benefit of discussion with a number of
internationally known as consultants in the educational as well as
scientific field.
After 1976
In 1976, education was made a joint responsibility of the states
and the Centre, through a constitutional amendment. The centre
is represented by Ministry of Human Resource Development’s
Department of Education and together with the states, it is jointly
responsible for the formulation of education policy and planning.
NPE 1986 and revised PoA 1992 envisioned that free and
compulsory education should be provided for all children up to
14 years of age before the commencement of 21st century.
Government of India made a commitment that by 2000, 6% of the
Gross Domestic Product (GDP) will be spent on education, out of
which half would be spent on the Primary education.
The 86th Amendment of the Indian constitution makes
education a fundamental right for all children aged 6-14 years. The
access to preschool education for children under 6 years of age
was excluded from the provisions, and the supporting legislation
has not yet been passed.
In November 1998, Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee
announced setting up of Vidya Vahini Network to link up
universities, UGC and CSIR.
Recent Developments
The Indian Education System is generally marks-based.
However, some experiments have been made to do away with the
marks-based system which has led to cases of depression and
suicides among students. In 2005, the Kerala government
introduced a grades-based system in the hope that it will help
students to move away from the cut-throat competition and rote-

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

learning and will be able to focus on creative aspects and personality

development as well. Discovery education started by Alumni of
Harvard, XLRI is a pioneer in this field. This organization has
already developed 5 model schools.
Outdoor Education in India
Outdoor education is relatively new to schools in rural areas
of India, though it is quite well established in urban areas. These
trips are conducted to enhance personal growth through
experiential learning and increase awareness about various subjects
like the environment, ecology, wildlife, history, archaeology,
geography and adventure sports.
Expenditure on Education in India
The Government expenditure on Education has greatly
increased since the First five-year plan. The Government of India
has highly subsidized higher education. Nearly 97% of the Central
Government expenditure on elementary education goes towards
the payment of teachers’ salaries.
Data based on “Educational Planning and Administration in India :
Retrospect and Prospect”, Journal for Education Planning and
Administration, Vol. VII, Number 2, NHIEPA. New Delhi by Dr.
R. V. Vaidayantha Ayyar.
Note:
• Expenditure is in millions of Rupees
• Expenditure for Ninth-year plan excludes Rs. 45267.40
million for Mid-Day Meals
Initiatives
Non-Formal Education
In 1979-80, the Government of India, Department of Education
launched a program of Non-Formal Education (NFE) for children
of 6-14 years age group, who cannot join regular schools. These
children include school dropouts, working children, children from
areas without easy access to schools etc. The initial focus of the
scheme was on ten educationally backward states. Later, it was
extended to urban slums as well as hilly, tribal and desert areas

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

in other states. The program is now functional in 25 states/UTs.

100% assistance is given to voluntary organizations for running
NFE centres.
Bal Bhavans
Bal Bhavans centres, which are operational all over India, aim
to enhance creative and sports skills of children in the age group
5-16 years. There are various State and District Bal Bhavans, which
conduct programs in fine-arts, aeromodeling, computer-education,
sports, martial arts, performing arts etc. They are also equipped
with libraries with books for children. New Delhi alone has 52 Bal
Bhavan centres. The National Bal Bhavan is an autonomous
institution under the Department of Education. It provides general
guidance, training facility and transfer of information to State and
District Bal Bhavans situated all over India.
Distance Education
India has a large number of Distance education programmes
in Undergraduate and Post-Graduate levels. The trend was started
originally by private institutions that offered distance education
at certificate and diploma level. By 1985 many of the larger
Universities recognized the need and potential of distance
education in a poor and populous country like India and launched
degree level programs through distance education. The trend
caught up, and today many prestigious Indian Universities offer
distance programs. Indira Gandhi National Open University, one
of the largest in student enrollment, has only distance programs
with numerous local centres that offer supplementary contact
classes.

Education for Special Sections of Society

W om en
Under Non-Formal Education programme, about 40% of the
centres in states and 10% of the centres in UTs are exclusively for
girls. As of 2000, about 0.3 million NFE centres were catering to
about 7.42 million children, out of which about 0.12 million were
exclusively for girls. In engineering, medical and other colleges,
30% of the seats have been reserved for women.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

SC/STs and OBCs

The Government has reserved seats for SC/STs in all areas of
education. Special scholarships and other incentives are provided
for SC/ST candidates. Many State Governments have completely
waived fees for SC/ST students. The IITs have a special coaching
program for the SC/ST candidates who fail in the entrance exams
marginally. Seats have been reserved for candidates belonging to
Other Backward Classes as well in some states like Tamil Nadu,
Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. The struggle for reserving seats
for students from OBC categories in elite institutions like IITs,
IIMs and AIIMS and Central Universities is still going on. The
Supreme Court of India is obstructing this reservation for the
reason that there has been no caste-wise census since 1931 and the
population share of OBCs cannot be based on 1931 census. The
Department for the Welfare of SC/ST/OBC/Minorities introduced
the SC/ST tuition-fee reimbursement scheme in 2003-2004. The
scheme applies to SC and ST students of Delhi who are enrolled
in recognized unaided private schools and who have an annual
family income of less than Rs. 1 lakh. It provides a 100%
reimbursement of the tuition fees, sports fee, science fee, lab fee,
admission fee and the co-curricular fee if the student’s family
income falls below Rs. 48, 000 per annum and a reimbursement
of 75% if the family income is greater than Rs. 48, 000 per annum
but less than Rs. 1 lakh. The subsidy provided by the scheme
covers between 85% and 90% of the beneficiary’s total running
expenses in studying in a private school.
Post Graduate Classes at Correctional Homes
The Government of West Bengal has started the Post Graduate
teaching facilities for the convicts at the Correctional Homes in
West Bengal.
Contemporary Education Issues
Modern education in India is often criticized for being based
on rote learning. Emphasis is laid on passing examinations with
high percentage. Very few institutes give importance to developing
personality and creativity among students. Recently, the country
has seen a rise in instances of student suicides due to low marks

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and failures, especially in metropolitan cities, even though such

cases are very rare. The boards are recently trying to improve
quality of education by increasing percentage of practical and
project marks.
Many people also criticize the caste, language and religion-
based reservations in education system. Many allege that very few
of the weaker castes get the benefit of reservations and that forged
caste certificates abound. Educational institutions also can seek
religious minority (non-Hindu) or linguistic minority status. In such
institutions, 50% of the seats are reserved for students belonging
to a particular religion or having particular mother-tongue(s). For
example, many colleges run by the Jesuits and Salesians have 50%
seats reserved for Roman Catholics. In case of languages, an
institution can declare itself linguistic minority only in states in
which the language is not official language. For example, an
engineering college can declare itself as linguistic-minority (Hindi)
institution in the state of Maharashtra (where official state language
is Marathi), but not in Madhya Pradesh or Uttar Pradesh (where
the official state language is Hindi). These reservations are said
to be a cause of heartbreak among many. Many students with poor
marks manage to get admissions, while meritorious students are
left out. Critics say that such reservations may eventually create
rifts in the society.
Ragging is a major problem in colleges, many students die due
to ragging every year. Some state governments have made ragging
a criminal offense.
Expenditure on education is also an issue which comes under
the scanner. According to the Kothari commission led by Dr. Vijay
Kothari in 1966, expenditure on education has to be minimum 6%
of the GDP. Whereas in 2004 expenditure on education stood at
3.52% of the GDP and in the eleventh plan it is estimated to be
around 4%. The “sarva shikshan abhyan” has to receive sufficient
funds from the central government to impart quality education.

Literacy: Its Scope and Dimensions

In this Chapter, a general overview of the need for literacy and
education is outlined to justify literacy being a part of Constitutional
Provisions and guarantees. In addition to the simple definition as

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given in the Census, the broader dimensions of literacy in its

relationship with Education and Societal Development are also
mentioned. Role of literacy as a part of the Human Rights dialogue
and also as an integral part of the Human Development index is
also discussed.
Having given unto ourselves a written Constitution, the very
preamble of which proclaims Equality of opportunity as an express
intent, the concern for literacy as an important parameter is obvious.
Definition of Literacy
Literacy, as defined in Census operations, is the ability to read
and write with understanding in any language. A person who can
merely read but cannot write is not classified as literate. Any
formal education or minimum educational standard is not
necessary to be considered literate. Adopting these definitions, the
literacy level of the country as a whole was only 29.45 per cent
with male literacy at 39.45 per cent and female literacy at 18.69
per cent. As per the latest Census estimates (2001), the All-India
figure has gone up to 65.38 per cent; About three-fourths of our
menfolk (75.85 %) are literate whereas over half of our womenfolk
(54.16 %) are also literate. As later discussed in this Paper, this
should be regarded as no mean achievement, despite the fact that
we have not met the Constitutional directives that we have set for
ourselves.
Illiteracy – National and International Dimensions
The problems of illiteracy are not confined to India, but are
also a malady in developed countries too. Daedalus, the journal
of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, devoted the Spring
1990 issue to study the problem of Literacy in America. The Journal
quotes Joseph Murphy, Chancellor, City University of New York
who stated: “There are as many as 60 million illiterate and semi-
literate adults in America today. Because poverty and illiteracy go
hand in hand, the poor are disenfranchised, cut off from the
democratic process. Any account that does not discuss the political
interests served by allowing a large proportion of the American
people to remain disenfranchised does not touch the heart of the
matter. Before the Civil War in the United States it was illegal to

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teach slaves to read, for reading was acknowledged, as the tool

needed to understand the social, historical, behavioural and
physical laws that controls the human condition. An apprehension
of those forces invests human beings with the capacity to alter the
conditions of their lives. It is not too far fetched to draw an analogy
between slaves in the nineteenth century and illiterate Americans
today.” While this may be a strong statement, it reflects the concern
on the prevailing levels of illiteracy and its consequent effects.
A leading German magazine ‘Stern’ points out that even in the
United Kingdom, “One out of five adults in the land of William
Shakespeare and Harry Potter is practically illiterate or has
problems counting money in the purse.” According to Daniel A.
Wagner, Director, Literacy Research Centre at the University of
Pennsylvania, over one billion individuals worldwide, nearly 25%
of today’s youth and adults, can’t read. Even fewer comprehend
numeracy and far fewer have access to electronic superhighway.
“Achieving a literate society in which adults can fully participate
in the workplace, community, and family will be a major challenge
for the world in the coming millenium”.
Illiteracy is one of the major problems faced by the developing
world, specially Africa and South-East Asia and has been identified
as the major cause of socio-economic and ethnic conflicts that
frequently surface in the region.
Need to go Beyond Rudimentary Literacy
With the limited definition of ‘literacy’ being adopted for
enumeration purposes, there has been concern on the content of
a Mass Literacy program. The focus of mass literacy efforts is in
terms of basics – the mechanics of reading and attention to
computation (addition, subtraction, multiplication and division)
in mathematics. It is recognized that these basics are not rooted
in the goals of higher-order thinking – conceptualizing, inferring,
inventing, testing, hypothesis and thinking critically. It is true that
these literacy programs do not have in mind, literacy practice that
would promote capacities for independent reasoning, of the kind
sought by Third World socially minded pedagogues like Paulo
Friere or the leading edge of reformers, business leaders and
cognitive psychologists. A candid analysis of illiteracy’s political

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and cultural consequences throughout the population will

necessitate in our seeking to move literacy expectations beyond
a rudimentary ability to read, write and calculate. The recognition
that ‘literacy’ has to be situationally relevant has given rise to the
concept of ‘functional literacy’, which has been referred to by the
Second Education Commission. The need to go into the broader
aspect is for the purpose of determining the structure of the system.
In devising the system, educational and psychological philosophies
of Adler, Dewey, Witttgenstein, Chomsky and our own Mahatma
Gandhi (in his basic education concept) and other experiences will
come into play. Indeed, it is probably in recognition of this limited
scope of literacy, that our Constitution makes a reference to
education and educational opportunities and not to literacy.
Literacy and Human Rights.
Literacy is now part of the Human Rights Dialogue. Now
most of the nations of the world have also accepted their obligation
to provide at least free elementary education to their citizens.
Article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights declares:
“Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free,
at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary
education shall be compulsory. Technical and Professional
education shall be generally available and higher education shall
be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit”.
This Right is also repeated in the UN Declaration of the Rights
of the Child which seeks to ensure “Right to free and compulsory
education at least in the elementary stages and education to promote
general culture, abilities, judgment and sense of responsibility to become
a useful member of society and opportunity to recreation, and play to
attain the same purpose as of education”.
India has ratified the above, and these have thus the power
of domestic laws. From the Human Rights perspective,
constitutional guarantees arise automatically.
Literacy and Human Development
Investment potential on human capital has now been
recognized. Economists had long assumed that the main component
of a country’s productive wealth is physical assets (“produced

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assets”). But according to World Bank’s assessment for 192

countries, physical capital on average accounts only for 16% of
total wealth. More important is natural wealth, which accounts for
20%. And more important still is human capital, which accounts
for 64%. Literacy is now part of the Human Development Index.
Government of India has also accepted this position, and one of
the important components in the National Human Development
initiative announced in the Union Budget 1999-2000 is education,
forming also a component in the Prime Minister’s ‘Special Action
Plan’.
By improving people’s ability to acquire and use information,
education deepens their understanding of themselves and the
world, enriches their minds by broadening their experiences, and
improves the choices they make as consumers, producers and
citizens. Education strengthens their ability to meet their wants
and those of their family by increasing their productivity and their
potential to achieve a higher standard of living. By improving
people’s confidence and their ability to create and innovate, it
multiplies their opportunities for personal and social achievement.
Japan’s rapid industrialization after the Meiji Restoration was
fuelled by its aggressive accumulation of technical skills, which
in turn was based on the already high level of literacy and a strong
commitment to education, especially the training of engineers.
In the field of Development Economics, literacy holds an
important place as a parameter to measure development. It has
been recognized that the “Human Development Index” (HDI)
developed by UN is a measure of the overall development of the
country. One of the three components used in the calculation of
HDI is “Literacy” as it is a cumulative measure of several factors
that contribute to human development. As per UN Development
Report, 2000, India’s ranking in HDI is 128, with education index
registering a low 55 due to a low adult literacy rate of 55.7 and
combined primary, secondary and tertiary gross enrolment of 54.
In their book, “Development Reconsidered”, Owens and Shaw have
stated: “It is self-evident that literacy is a basic element of a
nationwide knowledge system. The most important element of a
literacy program is not the program itself, but the incentive to
become and remain literate.” When people are able to believe that

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they can improve their lives through their own efforts, when they
realize that some newly created opportunity is denied to them by
illiteracy, then they will learn how to read, write and count.”
Education is thus viewed as an integral part of national
development. Development is not only ‘economic growth’; rather,
it ‘comprehended opportunities to all people for better life’ with
‘man as end of development and instrument’. Education and
development are linked in a variety of ways. First, education, as
stated earlier, is a human right, the exercise of which is essential
for individual development and fulfillment.
The capacity of an individual to contribute to societal
development is made possible and enhanced by his or her
development as an individual. In this light, education is also a
basic need. It is also a means by which other needs, both collective
and individual, are realized. Thus, education is the instrument by
which the skills and productive capacities are developed and
endowed.
All these interrelationships of education and development are
inseparable from the conception of educational policies. It is in the
second order of ‘action’ that problems arise. The problems of
illiteracy will not solve by itself in the flux of time. Without
organized literacy action, illiteracy will continue to stagnate
indefinitely along with the associated ills of poverty and
underdevelopment. Experience has shown that determined literacy
action is the exception and that more often, literacy campaigns are
‘turned on’ and ‘turned off’ in line with short-term policy changes.
Hence the need for Constitutional guarantees. In the light of the
discussions earlier, Literacy and Education have overlapping
connotations both as an engine of socio-economic progress as well
as for individual growth. An attempt at serious semantic distinction
between is not followed here in the discussions.
Aid for Education by State
Concern for literacy arises from the clearly related question
as to whether educational expansion has created the conditions
for freer individual expression, for a more active participation in
the body politic, for what Pericles called “sound judges of policy”,
and for greater respect for human welfare and dignity. Many feel,

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as indeed the Constitution makers felt, that education is its own

reward-i.e. the more one is educated, the greater is his possibility
of developing these qualities. Thus, they believed that the future
and hope of mankind lie in educational advancement and a Welfare
State has to make suitable provision for the same. Education is
valuable by itself for discovering “the treasure within”, as has
been mentioned by UNESCO.
As stated in the Constitution, the State has to set for itself a
Welfare goal. It should, therefore, take upon itself all activities and
steps to move towards this goal. Most major classical economists
have argued by their extensive earlier writings the need for State
provision, under the proposition that the private market would
under provide education.
E. G. West (1965), in a thought-provoking book on education,
argues that a strong case can be made for State intervention in
education (but not for direct State provision of education) on two
counts, namely, the externality effects of education and the alleged
incompetence or ignorance of parents. Advocates of State education
in the past have usually rested their case predominantly on the
two extra economic considerations of equality of opportunity and
social cohesion.

Constitutional Provisions
This Chapter sets out to list the provisions contained in the
Constitution of India along with a mention of some of the decided
cases, which have given a wide amplitude to such provisions. The
amendments as affect education are mentioned. There are 16
Articles and other mentions in the Constitution and 4 specific
amendments to advance the cause of education.
Education for Social Transformation
The Indian Constitution has recognized the significance of
education for social transformation. It is a document committed
to social justice. The Preamble affirms a determination to secure
liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship and equality
of status and opportunity and to promote amongst the people a
feeling of fraternity, ensuring the dignity of the individual and the
unity of the nation. Literacy forms the cornerstone for making the

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provision of equality of opportunity a reality. The objective specified

in the Preamble contains the basic structure of the Constitution,
which cannot be amended, and the preamble may be invoked to
determine the ambit of Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles
of State Policy.
Judicial interpretation has brought alive many an Article of
the Constitution, which if read literally may seem to be a colourless
Article. Of relevance to literacy, for instance, is the wide
interpretation given to the words ‘personal; liberty’. In Francis
Coralie Mulin v. Administrator, Union Territory of Delhi (1981), Justice
Bhagwati observed:
“The fundamental right to life which is the most precious
human right and which forms the arc of all other rights must
therefore be interpreted in a broad and expansive spirit so as to
invest it with significance and vitality which may endure for years
to come and enhance the dignity of the individual and the worth
of the human person.
We think that the right to life includes right to live, with
human dignity and all that goes along with it, namely, the bare
necessaries of life such as adequate nutrition, clothing and shelter
and facilities for reading, writing and expressing oneself in diverse
forms, freely moving about, mixing and co-mingling with fellow
human beings.”
Again, the Supreme Court in its judgment in the case of
Bandhua Mukti Morcha, etc. vs. Union of India (J.T. 1997 (5) SC
285) specifically referred to the earlier judgments made in this
connection as under:
“In Maharashtra State Board of Secondary and Higher
Education v. K.S. Gandhi JT 1991 (2) SC 296, right to education
at the secondary stage was held to be a fundamental right. In
J.P.Unnikrishnan V. State of Andhra Pradesh JT 1993 (1) SC 474,
a constitution Bench had held education upto the age of 14 years
to be a fundamental righ.
It would be therefore incumbent upon the State to provide
facilities and opportunity as enjoined under Article 39 (e) and (f)
of the Constitution and to prevent exploitation of their childhood
due to indigence and vagary.”

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Specific Constitutional Provisions

Part/Article Provision
Preamble. To secure to all its citizens EQUALITY of status
and opportunity.
Fundamental Rights
Article 12 Definition State aid, control and regulation so
of “the State” impregnating a private activity as to give it
the color of “State action” (M.C.Mehta v.UOI)
Article 14: Equality Equality before law invoked to regulate rules
before law of admission (G.Beena v. A.P.University of
Health Sc. AIR 1990 AP 252)
Article 19:
Protection of Right to freedom of speech, which has been
certain rights interpreted as a Right to Know (L.K.Koolwal
regarding freedom v. State of Rajasthan AIR 1988 Raj. 2)
of speech, etc.

Article 21: Right to life “………..the fewer elegances of

Protection of life human civilisation, right to dignity, to health
and personal liberty and healthy environ to clean water, to free
education upto 14 years are parts of Right to
Life under Article 21; Mahendra 1997, etc.”
Right to livelihood: Is an integral facet of the
right to life. Narendra Kumar v. State of
Haryana, JT (1994) 2 SC 94. As Prof. D. D.
Basu has annotated: “Articles 19 and 21 are
not water-tight compartments. On the other
hand, the expression of ‘personal liberty’ in
Art. 21 is of the widest amplitude, covering
a variety of rights of which some have been
included in Art.19 and given additional
protection. From A.Gopalan to Maneka the
judicial exploration has completed its “trek
from North Pole to the South Pole”. The
decision in Maneka’s is being followed by the
Supreme Court in subsequent cases.
Article 29: Cultural and Educational Rights – protection
Protection of of interests of Minorities. Although commonly
interests of Art. 29(1) is assumed to relate to minorities,
minorities its scope is not necessarily so confined, as

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it is available to “any section of citizens

resident in the territory of India”. This may
well include the majority, as Ray, C.J. pointed
out in Ahmedabad St.Xavier College Society
v. State of Gujarat, AIR 1974 SC 1389.
Article 30(1): Right of minorities to establish and administer
Right of minorities educational institutions. The right under this
to establish and article is subject to the regulatory power of
administer the state. This article is not a charter for mal
educational institutions administration Virendra Nath v. Delhi (1990)
2 SCC 307. This broad statement of the legal
position is illustrated by and draws support
from a host of decided cases beginning from
Kerala Education Bill, In re. AIR 1958 SC 956
to St. Stephen’s College v. University of Delhi.
This Article does not come in the way of
enactments for ensuring educational standards
and maintaining excellence thereof.

There have been specific amendments to the Constitution

affecting education, as can be seen in 42nd, 73rd, 74th and 83rd
Amendment Acts. These amendments pertain to provisions to
enable education being included in the Concurrent List, devolution
of powers to local bodies and making elementary education a
Fundamental Right formally (from its present status of Directive
Principles though this has been ruled as such through judicial
interpretation even otherwise).
Equality of Educational Opportunity
Since ‘Equality of Opportunity” is a basic feature of the
Constitution, being a part of the Preamble itself, judicial
interpretation has been sought on the different facets of this
principle of equality of educational opportunity. For many,
egalitarianism in education is seen as a powerful force for the
achievement of a just, more equitable society through its
contribution to greater social mobility, the ‘breaking of any
connection between the distribution of education and distribution
of personal income’ (Blaug). Yet the “equality of education” concept
can be given a variety of interpretations, each leading to different
policy outcomes. In particular, “equality of education” may concern
equality of access to education, equality of educational treatment

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or equality of ultimate educational performance. Our Courts have

wrestled with this problem in the face of affirmative action or
what is known as ‘positive discrimination’ in favour of the deprived
sections while at the same time preserving the needs of quality
of education and fair play. The argument in this regard is somewhat
on the following lines: “The liberal goal of providing education
according to each individual’s capacity or aptitude (rather than his
socio-economic background) is unhelpful because the criteria used
for identifying aptitudes, or ‘intelligence’ are themselves correlated
with the social background. Hence society must adopt special
methods to compensate for the deficiencies of the environment in
which children grow and which account largely for their unequal
educational performance; this would take the form of a national
policy of ‘positive discrimination’ in favour of the underprivileged.
The Constitutional provisions have come in very useful to resolve
what are essentially political and ideological objectives and the
policy conflict of parental free-choice versus educational equality
(should education be available in accordance with parental
willingness to pay or in relation to capacity to learn?), to avoid
bringing about a marked decline in educational standards.
Litigation and Education
The huge volume of litigation and the mass of decided cases
interpreting constitutional provisions are thus a sufficient testimony
to the usefulness of constitutional provision in this vital field. The
pronouncements of the Courts have been on varied subjects,
affecting the quality and quantity of educational services not only
encompassing service and management equities, but also such
academic questions as medium of instruction access and autonomy
of institutions. That the Government has sought to bring forward
amendments also shows its imperative to continue to use this
document to pursue this welfare objective. In fact, the sheer load
of litigation may be proving a bane in one sense, negating the very
purpose for which such Constitutional provisions are sought. It
has also been lamented that follow-up action on Constitutional
Amendments had either not taken place, or slow in implementation.
Education and Judiciary
True, economic transformation is the primary function of the

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Executive and the Legislature. But where Justice is the end product
and its content has socio-economic components, the Constitution,
which is the nidus of all Power, commands the judges to catalyze
and control, monitor and mandate by writs, orders and direction
– vide Arts. 32 and 226-so that they may bear true faith and
allegiance to the Constitution and say that ‘thy will shall be done’.
The interventions of the judiciary from time to time upholding the
responsibilities of the State in the all-important educational
endeavors, have been positive in providing directions.

Historical Background and Review of Achievements

In this Chapter, a general review of the progress in
universalization of literacy including its socio-political and
economic dimensions is given. The need for compulsory elementary
education and free education at that level and the urgency thereof
so as not to carry the burden into the 21st century is emphasized.
Though a substantial progress has been achieved in the field of
literacy, the basic Constitutional provision of universalization of
elementary education, to have been achieved by 1960, is still eluding
us; even by 2000, only 90% is targeted to be achieved.
For the purpose of this Consultation Paper, this Review will
be confined to two specific aspects, viz.
(1) Literacy, as this has a direct link with the concept of Welfare
State enshrined in our Constitution
(2) Universalization of Elementary Education which has been
spelt out as a specific Directive Principle of State Policy,
and which provision has been interpreted to be of the
nature of a Fundamental Right, and later has been
incorporated as such also
There are several published papers on the subject critically
reviewing the progress that we have made in the area of education.
As a matter of fact, over the last five decades, a separate sub-
discipline in Economics, Economics of Education has developed and
there is already published material, which deals at length and in
depth the various issues involved. A mass of statistical data is also
available in the Census and regular Returns filed by the various
State Education Departments (compiled and published by the

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Ministry of Human Resources Development, Government of India)

and in the various in-depth studies conducted from time to time.
These make the task of review relatively simple, as reliable data
are available.
Census 2001
The major advantages of the census data are that they are
based on complete enumeration and are, therefore, more reliable
than projections and estimates. Further, they provide an
opportunity to observe trends over a period of time and draw
meaningful conclusions to facilitate planning. The latest census
data on literacy as compared with the 1991 data is given in
Appendix I. As stated earlier, a little above three-fourths of our
male population have been found to be literate and a little above
half of our female population have also been found to be literate
as per this Census report.
Census 2001
Population of India : A little over 1,027,000,000. This figure
represents one-sixth of the population of the entire planet
Growth rate of Population: has fallen by 2.52 per cent over the
previous decade
Literacy Rate: At All India level: 65.38 % overall; male literacy
: 75.96 % Female literacy : 54.28%
This represents an increase in overall literacy per centage by
13.75% from last Census. The corresponding increases in Male
and Female literacy are: 11.83 % and 14.99 %
Sex Ratio: Has gone up to 933 from the earlier Census figure
of 927
The increase of 13.75% in literacy rate in the last one decade,
marks a recognition of the combined efforts in the field of
elementary education and adult education through the total literacy
campaigns.
These figures are interesting in another sense as they represent
crossing of another threshold in the Development field. Literacy
and economic development may not be directly linked as many
studies in the Developing World would indicate. To quote Owens

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and Shaw: “Literacy has suffered by being treated by the advocates of

universal literacy as a kind of panacea for whatever they conceive to be
the ailments of an undeveloped country. However, marginal people see
no reason to be literate. Literacy does not provide access if people are not
organized to participate in development. For this reason, there appears
to be little relationship between literacy and economic growth. When the
Age of Development began, the rate of literacy in the Philippines and
some Latin countries was considerably higher than in Taiwan and Korea
and is still much higher than in Egypt or Comilla county of Bangladesh.
Argentina and Chile combine exceptionally high literacy rates, by Third
World standards, with a very low economic growth rates.” Having
stated this, the point remains that there is, however, a threshold
requirement. A distinguished economist, Dr. Malcolm Adiseshiah
states: “There is however, a threshold of somewhere around fifty per cent
of the population being literate for Development to take place as no
country has ever achieved an industrial growth with a literacy rate below
fifty per cent…If we want the National Development portrayed in our
Draft Plan, we must reach the minimum Adult Education threshold.”
Apart from the overall literacy figures, even distribution of
these literacy figures, show that all the States excepting for Bihar
(which also only falls marginally below at 47.27) have achieved
this threshold. Even in Bihar, the male literacy figure is above the
50 per cent figure. In a macro sense, this achievement is
encouraging.
The other statistic regarding the fall on population growth is
also significant and relevant for our purpose as it will mean lesser
provision necessary to be made in the Plan budget for new
enrolments, lesser in the sense of incremental addition required
for school teachers, etc. While quantitative expansion in specific
areas at least in the elementary section may still be necessary, its
rate will now be less with the control of population increases and
more Plan funds can now be diverted to other areas of necessity
within the elementary education budget.

Article 45
The provision in Article 45 is:
“The state shall endeavour to provide, within a period of ten
years from the commencement of this Constitution, for free and

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compulsory education for all children until they complete the

age of fourteen years”.
It is 40 years since the deadline expired, and we are still to
achieve it. Admittedly there has been failure in this front, and the
revised target is now 2000. In the document Education For All,
the Department’s own statement on the subject (as expressed
through the NIEPA document) is as under:
“A review of the progress of basic education shows that goals
and targets were fixed in the past on the basis of an inadequate
understanding of the significance of education. These targets
did not take into account the problem of availability of resources,
and the conflicting claims of social and economic planning.
When the Constitution directed the State to endeavour, within
a period of ten years, to provide free and compulsory education
to all children till 14 years of age (Article 45), it was expressing
an ideal to which the whole nation was expected to commit
itself. In the event, however, this commitment and the resources,
which go with it, were not forthcoming. The Education
Commission (1964-66) indicated targets in a similar time
frame and it also made similar assumptions regarding national
commitment and the availability of resources. By 1986, the
experience of planning more than three and a half decades had
amply highlighted the diversity and complexity of the problems
the country had been facing in achieving the goal of basic
education for all. Notwithstanding this, the Parliament, while
approving the National Policy on Education in 1986, chose
to approve the following formulation of the target: “It shall
be ensured that all children who attain the age of 11 years by
1990 will have had five years of schooling or its equivalent
though the non-formal stream. Likewise, by 1995, all children
will be provided free and compulsory education upto14 years
of age.” Interestingly, here again the timeframe of roughly a
decade was chosen. It became apparent very soon that the
targets set for 1900 would not be achieved. It appears that in
setting such high targets, the Parliament, like the Constituent
Assembly, was reiterating its commitment to the ideal of
education for all and was expressing its firm belief that
education is a basic right that cannot be denied to anybody.

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If right from the beginning, it is apparent that the goals are

unrealistic and unachievable, they do not lead to the kind of
motivation and resource mobilization required. The right
approach therefore, is to set realistic targets – realistic not to
be defined as easily achievable, but as achievable, with
conceivable maximum input of meticulous planning and
resources – financial as well as human. We shall therefore
proceed to propose realistic targets that we believe can be
achieved by the year 200.”
The new slogans are:
• Primary Education is a basic need
• For every child, no matter what caste or creed
• Every child we must carefully nourish
• So that our country may progress and flourish
• From illiteracy to literacy – Education for all by the year
2000
The goals for Education For All in India Constitute:
1. Expansion of early childhood care and development
activities, especially for poor, disadvantaged and disabled
children, through a multi-pronged effort involving
families, communities and appropriate institutions.
2. Universalization of Elementary Education (UEE), viewed
as a complete program of:
(a) Access to Elementary Education to all children upto
14 years of age.
(b) Universal participation till they complete their
elementary stage through formal or non-formal
education programs.
(c) Universal achievement of at least minimum levels of
learning.
3. Drastic reduction in illiteracy, particularly in the 15 to 35
age group, bringing the literacy level in this age group to
at least 80 % in each gender and for each identified
disadvantaged group, besides ensuring that the levels of
the three R's are relevant to the living and working
conditions of the people.

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4. Provision of opportunities to maintain, use and upgrade

education and, provision of facilities for development of
skills to all persons who are functionally literate and those
who have received primary education through formal
and non-formal channels.
5. Creation of necessary structures, and the setting in motion
of processes which could empower women and make
education an instrument of women's equality.
6. Improving the contents and process of education to relate
it better to the empowerment, people's culture and with
their living and working conditions thereby enhancing
their ability to learn and cope with the problems of
livelihood and environment.

Historical Background
India has a long tradition of organized education. As a historian
has put it, “There is no other country where the love of learning had
so early an origin or has exercised so lasting and powerful an influence.”
However, educational effort in the country has come a long way
from this traditional position in its definition, coverage as well as
impact. The current educational system in the country operates
in an altogether different context from the classical past. The
country’s commitment to the provision of education for all and
its endeavour to achieve this goal in a speedy fashion has to be
seen in this complex milieu within which the educational system
is currently functioning.
As the veteran educationist Shri J.P.Naik put it: “The Indian
Society, especially the Hindu Society has been extremely
inegalitarian, and this (provision of equality of educational
opportunity) is the one value on the basis of which the society can
be humanized and strengthened. In fact, the issue is so crucial that
the Indian society cannot even hope to survive except on the basis
of an egalitarian reorganization”. Between 1813 and 1921, the
British administrators laid the foundations of the modern
educational system. The principal positive contribution of the
British administrators to equality was to give all citizens open
access to educational institutions maintained from or supported
by public funds. For instance, the worst difficulties were perhaps

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encountered when the problem of educating the “untouchable”

castes came up.
The first test case arose in 1856 when a boy from an untouchable
caste applied for admission to the government school at Dharwar.
He was refused admission on the ground that it would result in
the withdrawal of all the caste Hindu children from the school and
thus in the closure of the school itself. But the decision was sharply
criticized by the Governor General of India as well as by the Court
of Directors in the East India Company and a clear policy was laid
down that no untouchable child should be refused admission to
a government school even if it meant the closure of the school
(Report of the Indian Education Commission, 1882). The British
administrators thus established, firmly and unequivocally, the
right of every child irrespective of caste, sex or traditional taboos,
to seek admission to all schools supported or aided by public
funds. The British administrators refused to accept the principle
of compulsory elementary education. The Indian nationalist
thought, however, was firmly of the view that the provision of
equality of educational opportunity must include a certain
minimum general education to be provided to all children on a
free and compulsory basis. A demand that four years of compulsory
education (which would ensure effective literacy) should be
provided to all children was put forward, for the first time before
the Indian Education Commission by the Grand Old Man of India,
Dadabhai Naoroji in 1881. Gopal Krishna Gokhale who moved a
resolution on the subject in the Central Legislative Assembly in
1910 and again took the proposal vide a bill in 1912, neither of
which achieved their objective. At this stage, it is illuminating to
read the then announced Indian Educational Policy, 1913. It
begins as under:
“His Most Gracious Imperial Majesty the King Emperor, in
replying to the address of the Calcutta University on the 6th January
1912, said:-

“It is my wish that there may be spread over the land a

network of schools and colleges from which will go forth loyal
and manly and useful citizens, able to hold their own in
industries and agriculture and all the vocations in life. And

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it is my wish too, that the homes of my Indian subjects may

be brightened and their labour sweetened by the spread of
knowledge with all that follows in its train, a higher level of
thought, comfort and of health. It is through education that
my wish will be fulfilled, and the cause of education in India
will ever be very close to my heart.”
The Government of India, have decided, with the approval of
the Secretary of State, to assist Local Governments, by means of
large grants from imperial revenues as funds become available’,
to extend comprehensive systems of education in the several
provinces. Each province has its own educational system, which
has grown up under local conditions and become familiar to the
people as a part of their general well being. In view of the diverse
social conditions in India there cannot in practice be one set of
regulations and one rate of progress for the whole of India. Even
within provinces there is scope for greater variety in types if
institutions that exists today. The Government of India have no
desire to deprive Local Governments of interest and initiative in
education. But it is important at intervals to review educational
policy in India as a whole. Principles, bearing on education in its
wider aspects and under modern conditions and conceptions, on
orientalia and on the special needs of the domiciled community,
were discussed at three important conferences of experts and
representative non-officials held within the last two years. These
principles are the basis of accepted policy. How far they can at any
time find local application must be determined with reference to
local conditions.
On the question compulsory and free elementary education,
the Policy stated:
“ The propositions that illiteracy must be broken down and
that primary education has, in the present circumstances of India,
a predominant claim upon the public funds, represent accepted
policy no longer open to discussion. For financial and
administrative reasons of decisive weight, the Government of
India have refused to recognize the principle of compulsory
education, but they desire the widest possible extension of primary
education on a voluntary basis. As regards free elementary
education, the time has not yet arrived when it is practicable to

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dispense wholly with fees without injustice to the many villages,

which are waiting for the provision of schools. The fees derived
from those pupils who can pay them are now devoted to the
maintenance and expansion of primary education, and a total
remission of fees would involve to a certain extent a more prolonged
postponement of the provision of schools in villages without them.
In some provinces, elementary education is already free and in the
majority of provinces, liberal provision is already made for giving
free elementary instruction to those boys whose parents cannot
afford to pay fees. Local Governments have been requested to
extend the application of the principle of free elementary education
amongst the poorer and more backward sections of the population.
Further than this it is not possible at present to go.”
The public demand for compulsory primary education
continued however to grow, and between 1918 and 1931
compulsory education laws were passed for most parts of the
country by the newly elected State legislatures in which Indians
were in majority. In 1937, Mahatma Gandhi put forward his scheme
of Basic Education under which education of seven or eight years
duration was to be provided for all children and its content was
to be revolutionized by building it round a socially useful
productive craft. As a result of all these efforts, the idea that it was
the duty of the state to provide free and compulsory education
to all children till they reached the age of 14 years was nationally
accepted as an important aspect of the overall effort to provide
equality of opportunity. Under the wise leadership of Sir John
Sargent, the then educational adviser to the Government of India,
these ideas were accepted by the British administrators and the
Post-war Plan of educational development in India (1944) known
popularly as the Sargent Plan, put forward proposals to provide
free and compulsory basic education to all children in the age
group 6-14 over a period of 40 years. (1944-1984). The nationalist
opinion did not accept this long period, and a committee under
the chairmanship of B.G.Kher proposed that this goal could and
should be achieved in a period of 16 years (1944-1960). It was this
recommendation that was eventually incorporated in the
Constitution as a Directive Principle of State Policy. It was thus
not a mere statement of an ideal, but a well-thought out enunciation
of a policy, which is yet to be implemented though a substantial

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component was sought to be achieved by 2000 under the Education

for All plan.
Review of Achievements – elementary School Stage

It is a very healthy administrative practice of the Education

Department to publish annually a variety of information on
different aspects of education through its Educational Statistics.
Even a routine analysis of the variety of information that the
government collects in the application for administering the
programs, is an eye-opener. While preparing the document
Education For All, the Ministry of Human Resource Development
has brought out a compendium of relevant statistics, culled out
from the annual statements regularly sent by the State
Governments. The accompanying Box gives the decadal progress
in enrolment, which shows a growing curve.
Table: Drop out Rates at Elementary and Middle Stages ##
1960-61 1970-71 1980-81 1990-91 1992-93 1997-98*
Classes I-V
Boys 61.7 64.5 56.2 40.1 43.83 38.23
Girls 70.9 70.9 62.5 46.0 46.67 41.34
Total 64.9 67.0 58.7 42.6 45.01 39.58
Classes I-VIII
Boys 75.0 74.6 68.0 59.1 58.23 50.72
Girls 85.0 83.4 79.4 65.1 65.21 58.61
Total 78.3 77.9 72.7 60.9 61.10 54.14
## Rate of Drop has been defined as per centage of the number of children
to total enrolment, dropping out of the school education system in a
particular year.
A core curriculum is emphasized at the elementary school
level. This is a carefully planned curriculum that in content it
compares favourably with those adopted in a number of other
countries. A common core can help in overcoming discrepancies
between the educational opportunities of urban and rural people,
and that of men and women, but it cannot eliminate those
difficulties unless literacy rates improve, greater participation

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occurs in school and other changes take place in society. These

statistics are also followed by 5 or 6 illustrations), there are also
two expert institutions under the aegis of the Ministry of Human
Resource Development, viz. National Council of Educational
Research and Training (NCERT) and National Institute of
Educational Planning and Administration (NIEPA) which carry
out regular research and surveys, and in-depth analyses.
NCERT has been conducting regular educational surveys and
the report of the Sixth Educational Survey was published in 1995.
Highlights of the findings of this survey are:
Sixth All India Education Survey
1. 94 per cent of the Rural Population is served within 1.0
kilometres by Primary Stage
2. 85 per cent of the Rural Population is served within 3.0
kilometres by Upper Primary Stage
3. Of the Total 8,22,486 schools in the country, 5,70,455 and
1.62,805 are Primary and Upper Primary Schools
respectively
4. Of the total 15,39,06,057 pupils enrolled in all the schools,
9,70,29,235 and 5,40,71,058 are children enrolled in Primary
grades (Grades I-V) and Upper Primary (Grades VI-VIII)
stages respectively
5. Of the total 41,97,555 teachers, 16,23,379 and 11,29,747
teachers are employed in Primary and Upper Primary
Schools
6. 84 per cent of the primary and 89 per cent of the Upper
Primary Schools have pucca and partly pucca buildings
Similarly, NIEPA had carried out a research study on the
regional dimension of educational development based on Fourth
All India Educational Survey data. (Similar comprehensive analysis
of the data of the later surveys has also been made). In the survey,
the following attributes of schooling are analyzed:
• Accessibility,
• Availability,
• Quantity,

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• Quality,
• Inter-connectivity,
• Equity,
• Utility.
In that study (School Education in India, Regional Dimension),
it was found that in spite of the progress in the quantitative
expansion of education and the apparent narrowing gaps between
different social groups, inequities within the educational system
of the country continue to be quite sharp. The variations one
observes in the regional distributions (Inter-State variations) have
already been highlighted.
Inequities get complicated in the case of Scheduled Caste and
Scheduled Tribes women in the rural areas of the backward regions.
The literacy rate among this group in the 1991 Census was only
16 %. This was followed by SC Rural Male (19.45 %), SC Urban
Female (42.25 %). If arranged as an inverse pyramid, the Non-
scheduled Urban populations (both Male and Female) are on the
top. Presenting the literacy level of different components of the
population brings out the nature of this multi-level system of
inequities. Similar study of subsequent surveys and 2001 Census
might bring out a better picture, though even after the improved
statistics, the pyramidal structure has not undergone any significant
change in terms of reduction of inequities in any large measure.
The causes for educational deprivation in India have been
analyzed in detail. The Indian Social Institute, in a program of
research on schooling, (E.P.W of July, 1998) identified three obstacles
against universal elementary education. They are-
• Inadequate parental motivation
• Poverty (resulting in the shaping of parental motivation
in favour of education of their male offspring, thus
implanting gender inequality in the formative years of
life)
• Low quality of schooling
The author concludes: “Therefore, there does appear to exist
(more and more) a case for compulsory education, provided that
(1) it is understood to include compulsion on the state to provide

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adequate schooling facilities; and (2) top-down measures which

concentrate on punitive action against parents, are avoided.”
The review of the Government’s efforts in the direction of
universalization of elementary education through school system,
shows up both its gains and shortcomings. Gains lay in the direction
of quantitative expansion, and shortcomings have been in the
direction of quality and equity as between different sections of the
populace. But the biggest shortcoming has been as the educationist
J.P.Naik put it: “it was a wrong policy that we did not place adequate
emphasis on direct programs of adult education to liquidate mass
illiteracy”. A review of the educational scene cannot therefore be
complete without reviewing the progress on this front.
Adult Education – Historical Background and
Review of Achievements
Eradication of illiteracy has been one of the major national
concerns of the Government of India since independence. During
the first Five Year Plan, the program of Social Education, inclusive
of literacy, was introduced as part of the Community Development
Program (1952).
Efforts of varied types were made by the States for the spread
of literacy. Among these, the Gram Shikshan Mohim initiated in
Satara District of Maharashtra in 1959 was one of the successful
mass campaigns. It aimed at completing literacy work village-by-
village within a short period of 3 to 6 months, through the honorary
services of primary teachers and middle-school and high school
students, supported by the entire community. It achieved a good
deal of success but suffered from the lack of follow-up due to
financial constraints and some of its good work was lost as a
consequence. In spite of these varied initiatives the program of
adult literacy did not make much headway.
The topic was dealt at length by the Kothari Commission
(1964-66) which emphasized the importance of spreading literacy
as fast as possible. The Commission also observed that “literacy
if it is to be worthwhile, must be functional”. It suggested the following
measures:
• Expansion of universal schooling of five-year duration for
the age group 6-11.

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• Provision of part-time education for those children of age

group 11-14 who had either missed schooling or dropped
out of school prematurely.
• Provision of part-time general and vocational education
to the younger adults of age group 15 – 30.
• Use of mass media as a powerful tool of environment
building for literacy.
• Setting up of libraries.
• Need for follow up program.
• Active role of universities and voluntary organisation at
the State and district levels.
The National Policy on Education in 1968 not only endorsed
the recommendations of the Education Commission but also
reiterated the significance of universal literacy and developing
adult and continuing education as matters of priority. While the
formal elementary education program was supplemented by a
Non-formal Education system, it was also decided to undertake
Adult Literacy programs culminating in the Total Literacy mission
approach.
A multi-pronged approach of universalization of elementary
education and universal adult literacy has been adopted for
achieving total literacy. The National Policy on Education (1986)
has given an unqualified priority to the following three programs
for eradication of illiteracy, particularly among women:-
(a) Universalization of elementary education and universal
retention of children upto 14 years of age.
(b) A systematic program of non-formal education in the
educationally backward states.
(c) The National Literacy Mission which aims at making 100
million adults literate by 1997.
The major thrust of these programs is on promotion of literacy
among women, members belonging to Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes particularly in the rural areas.
The Adult Education Program consists of three components:
basic literacy (including numeracy), functionality and civic

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awareness. The program covers different schemes so that finally

it aims at helping learners achieve a ‘reasonable degree of self-
reliance in literacy and functionality and better appreciation of the
scope and value of science.
Of course, even before Independence, there were adult
education programs. Mahatma Gandhi had education as one of
his constructive programs, and as a mass campaign had through
his movement, tried to make districts completely literate. Some
success was also achieved. For instance Surat District, in erstwhile
Bombay Presidency had been totally literate, but again relapsed
into illiteracy for lack of follow-up. There were efforts at spreading
by the Baroda Rulers, supplemented by a live library movement.
Here again lack of follow-up and sustained efforts caused a relapse
into illiteracy among the vulnerable sections. There were voluntary
agencies working in the field. Some agencies as the Karnataka
Adult Education Council, Gujarat Social Education Committee
and Bombay City Social Education Committee has had large
programs extending to the whole state or a metropolitan city.
Literacy House of Lucknow did commendable work in this field.
It came into existence in 1953 when its founder, Mrs. Welthy H.
Fisher established it in small verandah at Allahabad, with a view
to eradicate illiteracy and promote education in India. It was
shifted to Lucknow in 1956.
The University Grants Commission, at its meeting held in 5th
May 1971, considered the general pattern of development and
assistance towards adult education in the university and agreed
that “assistance to universities for program of adult education be
made on a sharing basis of 75:25 and that the Commission’s
assistance to university would not exceed Rs. 3 lakhs for the
Fourth Plan period.” Departments of Continuing Education took
up the work of “University goes to Masses”. The slogan “Each
One, Teach One” caught the imagination of not only the students,
but also a large number of educated individuals, and it looked like
these programs will meet a major success. However, like most
enthusiastically launched programs, they also fell by the wayside.
A Farmers Training and Functional literacy project was launched
in 1968-69, coordinating the activities of Ministries of Education,
Agriculture and Information & Broadcasting. The Central Advisory

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Board of Education in its November 1975 meeting asked that the

exclusive emphasis on formal system of education should be given
up and a large element of non-formal education should be
introduced within the system.
In one sense, though the Non-formal education system was
launched with its own set of objectives, the main purpose was to
tackle the problem of dropouts from the formal system. The dropout
from the formal system continues to hover around 50% and have
not shown any great variation in the last four decades (Dropout
rate ranging in Grades I-IV from 64.0 in 1960-61, to 67 in 70-71,
to 58.7 in 1980-81 to 44.3 in 1990-91. The dropout rate in Grades
V-VIII ranged from 74.3 to 63.4 during these decades). It is not
difficult to guess the collective identities of the victims, children
who fail to survive at school. They are children of landless
agricultural labourers and subsistence peasants. Caste-wise, a
substantial proportion of them belongs to the Scheduled Castes
that have been granted special rights including reservation in
higher education and representative bodies, in the Constitution.
The situation of children belonging to many of the Scheduled
Tribes is worse, especially in the central Indian belt. Forest-dwelling
tribal communities have had to bear the brunt of State initiatives
in dam construction, development of tourism with the help of
game sanctuaries and mining. Apart from such destabilizing
experiences, bias against tribal cultures and languages also makes
the school curriculum and the teacher a deterrent for the
advancement of tribal education. There are about 40 million rural
artisans in India. For them, the current standard school curriculum
is trivial, and in a sense irrelevant and demeaning. No wonder,
one realizes in a rather simple, unscientific way, these children
stop coming to school early. Finally, the child residing in a slum,
living in conditions of uncertainly and violence is always a likely
case of early withdrawal or elimination.
In keeping with recent trends in the international literacy
movement, the emphasis of mass literacy programs in India shifted
from ‘literacy’ to ‘adult education’ through the intermediate phases
of ‘functional literacy’ and ‘non-formal education’ during the last
fifty years. The Policy Statement of the present program highlights
the development of functional competencies and awareness of the

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adult learners as two of the three equally important components

of the National Adult Education Program (1978). The third
component is obviously literacy. Our Universities had also been
roped into this activity.
The National Adult Education Program (NAEP) was
inaugurated on October 2, 1978. In a statement in the Parliament
on April 5, 1977, the Union Education Minister declared that
“along with universalization of elementary education, highest
priority in educational planning would be accorded to adult
education.” The objective of the NAEP is “to organise adult
education programs, with literacy as an indispensable component,
for approximately 100 million illiterate persons in the age-group
15-35 with a view to providing them with skills for self-directed
learning leading to self-reliant and active role in their own
development and in the development of their environment.” In
concrete terms, three R’s, social awareness and functionality are
the three basic components of the NAEP. In spite of careful planning
before the launch of this program (it had envisaged a phased
program), the Sardar Patel Institute of Social and Economic
Research, after a survey carried out in the initial flush of enthusiasm,
observed about the progress of the program in a progressive state
like Gujarat: “On the whole, while the NAEP in Gujarat was
generally found to be addressed to the target groups kept in view
under the NAEP and it was found to have some other commendable
aspects, all things considered, its achievement in terms of spread
of literacy is rather modest, and more so in terms of social awareness
and functionality”. The report had gone on to say: “The more
crucial aspects like the content of education, pedagogy, etc. can
be probed into only if longer time is available, or ideally, on an
ongoing basis. It is these aspects which have contributed most to
the continuing stagnation of even the spread of literacy in the
country. This study is not sufficient to indicate whether
breakthrough in these areas is being made, and whether the adult
education program is assuming the character of a Mass Movement
as would be desirable and is clearly the intent of NAEP” (1979).
Then came the National Literacy Mission (NLM). For a short
while during the era of the high profile technology missions, some
attention was given to issues like immunization, safe drinking

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water and literacy along with talk of people’s participation and

social audit of these programs. In 1989, the district-based Total
Literacy Campaigns (TLC) emerged as a program strategy for the
National Literacy Mission against this background. While it was
correctly envisaged that the initial social mobilization for a time-
bound campaign provides the inspiration to spark for a mass
participation of people, volunteering their time and energy for a
cause like literacy, the follow-up program was not worked out
clearly. However, admitting and recognizing the many flaws and
failures of the ‘campaign approach’, even as early as 1994, NLM
continued with the same TLC strategy and tried to bolster it with
better monitoring, internal evaluation and presently with a revival
effort through what is called ‘Operation Restoration’. Reviewing
the functioning of these programs, Avik Ghosh concludes: “The
present focus of NLM on literacy has to shift, and similarly the mission-
mode-time-bound thrust of NLM should give way to a more durable and
sustained program of adult education that responds to the needs of adults
as individuals and also as members of the disadvantaged groups”. The
Total Literacy Campaigns, initially at least, helped in fostering a
participatory approach in dealing with this issue, though here
again, the problem of sustaining the momentum has remained. In
the budget for 1999-2000, allocation for the Rural Functional
Literacy Project does not find a special mention. The overall
allocation to adult education has, however, been increased by
about 40%.
Unless it be in the context of revolutionary soc ial
transformation, the lack of spectacular success in a program like
Adult Education and of sustaining its momentum is
understandable. It is after all a far distant cousin in terms of
financial outlays to the formal system (In the budget of 1999-2000,
the total allocation of resources (both Plan and non-plan) for the
four programs of Elementary Education, Operation Black board,
Non-formal education and Adult Education was respectively, 3037,
400, 350 and 113.4 crores respectively). Further, there is the very
real problem of pedagogy. For instance, as Prof. Jalaluddin (1986)
says: “While 1652 mother tongues have been identified in the
recent censuses in India, only 15 major literary languages have
been accorded political status under the Eighth Schedule of the

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Indian Constitution. Then there is the problem of script. In the

context of a nationwide adult literacy and education program, the
question of the acquisition of more than one writing system or
even script by linguistic minorities becomes an important area of
language planning. The term biliteracy is used in this context in
India.” Further in countries like India which have a long tradition
of transmission of ideas and wisdom orally, such individual and
societal transformations through a mass literacy campaign, are
rather a form of renewal in nature than being additive or extensive”.
There is also the problem continued sustenance of the campaign
approach. There are some hopeful signs of ICT-supported services
being used to bridge the gulf. Some collaborative partnership of
the Government of India and non-governmental agencies in
partnership with International Organizations and private sector
has been mooted and the results of such collaborative efforts may
perhaps show a way.
And yet, the importance of this component cannot be gainsaid.
“In our country, numerous persons enter adulthood without proper
education and consequently their self-confidence is shaky. In a fast-
changing environment of economic and cultural change, they will continue
to be edged out unless their capacities are actively consolidated and
improved so as to encounter the world outside on equal terms”. This
program can be in the nature of a Sunset program (referred to later
in this Paper); but till then, i.e. literacy becomes self-sustaining fact
with self-arising demand for its very usefulness and need for a
fuller life, no Government should be allowed to ignore this aspect.
Need fo r Co mm un it y Su pport to S uppl em en t
Government Effort
It is perhaps wise to reminisce on the “Education For All”
document which says:
“It will be against the spirit of the Constitution to allow
elementary education to suffer from inadequacy of resources.
As far as funding elementary education and literacy programs
is concerned, it should be viewed in the framework of the
Constitution. It is not just the Department of Education, but
all the government departments, which should be made to
allocate substantial resources for elementary education, as no

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sector can develop significantly with illiterate masses. In fact,

the whole nation should feel responsible for the development
of education in the country.”
In the system of central planning we are used to in this country,
only the resources required from the government or public sector
agencies are taken into account. However, for an activity like
education, there are considerable costs borne by the children and
parents. These costs are not included in the financial implications
presented, except for the provision of incentives like books and
uniforms to the weaker sections. The Constitution has directed
that education for children in primary and upper primary levels
of education should be free. This has been so far taken in practice,
to mean that schools should not charge any fees. The cost incurred
by parents for education of their children has been ignored and
has not been considered as a violation of the directive of free
education. In view of the paucity of resources, it may be pragmatic
to continue this approach and let the parents bear costs of this
nature, while underscoring that ideally these costs should be borne
by public funds.
We may also have to move from the concept of exclusive
responsibility of the government for education to shared
responsibility between the government and the community. This
would not be difficult, keeping in view the tradition in India of
community support to education from ancient times. This will be
also consistent with the general approach of decentralization,
community involvement and people’s participation. For
safeguarding democracy and strengthening the foundations of the
integrated nation, it is necessary not to compromise with the
requirements of these basic needs in education. It should be noted
that without adequate resources, financial, physical and human,
our target of Education For All will remain unachieved even by the
turn of the century. If we have to enter the twenty-first century
without the burden of the unfulfilled goals originally proposed
by the Constitution makers of India, substantial resources should
be allocated to elementary and adult education programs.

Into the Future

The emerging trends are discussed in this Chapter. The need

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to go into a learning mode as also conditions for creating capabilities

in the education system to meet the needs of knowledge growth,
communication expansion, reinforcement of cultural roots is
indicated. Changing needs of Educational Technology and entry
of computers and Integration of Information and Communication
Technology demand new structures, which the system should be
able to assimilate. Renewal of education also calls for provision
for regular reviews, which reckons also changing scenarios and
developments in emerging technologies.
In a UNESCO publication, “Education in Asia and the Pacific”,
Raja Roy Singh has rightly written:
“The dynamics of education and its role in each society in
development and transformation make it essential that
education continuously renews itself in order to prepare for
a future rather than for obsolescence. This renewal process
derives from a variety of sources which include: the growth
of human knowledge, which is the basic component of education;
the heritage of collective experience and values which education
transmits to the new generations; the means and methods of
communication by which knowledge and values are transmitted
and the new values and aspirations which the human spirit
adds to the collective experience and wisdom of the past or
by which the heritage of the past is reinterpreted and
reassessed.”
Change from Teaching to Learning Process
The books Learning to Be (UNESCO 1972) and The Learning
Society (Hutchins, 1962) are pointers to the future directions that
educational process will have to take. Now learning process is
replacing the teaching process. Nobody teaches any one, but men
learn from each other. In other words, all are learners. The aim
of education is not to fit people into a system but to help them
develop their human powers. (Hutchins 1968). The new
developments in the field of learning have been due to the
significant and path-breaking contributions by many scientists:
Rogers (1969) by emphasizing the importance of nurturing self-
direction and fulfillment; Bruner (1966) by stressing the importance
of autonomy, self-reward and discovery as the main way of learning;

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and Friere (1972) by his emphasis on conscientization as the main

goal of education. The shift in emphasis can be seen from coping
behaviour to expressive behaviour (using the terminology by
Bruner) or from prescriptive behaviour to liberating behaviour
(using the terminology by Friere) or from direct influence to indirect
influence using the concept developed by Flanders (1970).
Three distinct global developments that may affect future of
education are:
Knowledge Growth. The speed with which the growth of
knowledge is now taking place, its range and sweep, are epitomized
in the expansion of knowledge in science and technology. It is
estimated that in the period 600 BC to AD 1700, the body of
scientific knowledge doubled every 1000 years; from the beginning
of industrialization until the early twentieth century, the doubling
period accelerated to about 200 years; and now in many scientific
fields, knowledge is doubling every 15 years or so. Moreover, the
lag between a discovery in a fundamental science and its
technological application has narrowed remarkably. This enormous
growth in the volume and application of knowledge impacts on
every aspect of modern life. Parallel to the rapid growth of
knowledge is the increasing velocity with which knowledge is
being circulated. New configurations in the fields of knowledge
are emerging and are tending to efface to some extent at least, the
old established demarcation lines between the natural sciences
and the social and human sciences. Cross over points are emerging
between the major fields of human activity. Another direction of
advance is the aggregation of different components of traditional
disciplines into new integrated fields. The most practical conclusion
that we draw on education planning is, therefore, that the options
open to learners in regard to fields of study should not be closed
too early.
Education and Communication. In perhaps no other fields
has there been such a profound revolution as in communications
and informatics. The communication technologies have multiplied
and became more and more powerful. The development in
computer technology will soon affect every individual.
Telecommunications and data processing have already increased
dramatically the volume of information readily available as well

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as its accessibility. Integration of information and communication

technologies is a new challenge before the educational
administrators. This calls for-
• a need for research and development in the information
and communication technology;
• creation of scientific and technological capacity to crucially
use these technologies which represent a power of
unlimited possibilities;
• discrimination and selectivity arising from information
overload. There is also an increasing danger of the
deliberate manipulation of information such that the
models of reality that people learn from the media are
either incomplete or distorted. In curriculum development,
that which is omitted may be as important as that which
is included.
Education and culture. The other source of educational renewal
is the cultural heritage reflected in the whole range of expressions,
which give meaning and worth to the society’s being. The need
for a reaffirmation of cultural identity is more urgent today because
of the tendency towards uniformity and homogeneity generated
by economic and material forces and the mass media. Next only
to the family, the school is the most important institution for the
transmission of cultural values. Role of education, an indispensable
role, is to be a medium in which the various new influences are
assimilated in the cultural stream. Education has a vital role in
promoting the processes by which scientific and technological
knowledge is assimilated in the fabric of national life without
detriment to the people’s values. There is a ‘cultural’ dimension
in every subject taught in the schools. This needs to be brought
out in the methods of instruction.
The tools and techniques available for pedagogy and
androgogy are also undergoing a major change. Educational
Technology is the new addition to the armamentarium of pedagogy
in the future. The phrase ‘Educational Technology’ was defined
by the National Council of Educational Technology (UK) as the
development, application, evaluation of systems, techniques and
aids to improve the process of human learning. It has a wider

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connotation than simply the use of electromechanical and other

aids in teaching. It places as much stress on educational ideas as
on educational inventions. It can only be of value if it is really
integrated into the entire system. There are two approaches –
hardware and software-in educational technology. The hardware
approach is based on the application of engineering principles for
developing electromechanical equipment like motion pictures,
tape recorders, teaching machines, computers, videotape, closed
circuit television, etc. The second approach, i.e. software approach
uses the principle of psychology for behaviour modification
purposes. There are two trends or directions of educational
technology: towards mass instructional technology and towards
technology designed for individual instruction. Mass transmission
technology capable of making educational messages is available
to millions of children and adults. Television is the most obvious
example of mass instructional technology. Teaching machines are
examples of individual instructional technology.
Distance Learning
Distance learning, an aspect of use of Educational Technology,
can thus transform traditional learning. Learning at one’s own
pace and at his convenience will get stressed. Attending formal
classroom instruction puts severe stress both on the learner and
the Society. The former has to schedule his activities in the
structured requirements of a formal classroom, which for a person
already working may be difficult. The latter has to grapple with
difficult-to-find resources to provide for the escalating costs of
education. Distance education overcomes these hurdles. Use of
satellites is rapidly changing the concept of conventional education.
Students need no longer be limited by lack of access, shortage of
teachers or interference from work.
Computers
Entry of computers in the Educational Field can be stated to
have caused a paradigm shift in the field of technology so much
so that we cannot afford to be left out of computer literacy in any
future plans for education. With computers, the technological
revolution can be stated to have come into the classroom.
Technology is an enabling tool. It facilitates the process of writing

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so that students and teachers alike can interact with the text in
useful ways that are difficult with paper and pencil. Experience
at MS Swaminathan Research Foundation as well as in many
villages in Pondicherry and Madhya Pradesh have demonstrated
that a high level of formal education is not necessary to gain
operational computer literacy, and as a functional education tool,
it is valuable.

Computers across the Curriculum

The term 'Computer literacy' covers aspects both of learning
about the computers and of learning with, from and through the
computers. It involves consideration of the application of the
computers in the educational settings and the society at large. The
Computer is a general-purpose tool and can be effectively used
in a large number of activities in the teaching-learning process.
Some of the common programs are:
1. Computer Assisted Instruction (CAI): In this mode, the
Computer acts as a teacher teaching new skills or concepts
or providing practice for learners.
2. Computer Based Learning (CBL) or Computer Assisted
Learning (CAL) which could be assisted for a variety of
purposes such as Simulations and Modeling, Instructional
Games, Information Handling, Demonstrations, etc.
3. Computer Managed Learning (CML) where the Computer
serves as a tool to help in the management of student
learning.
The changing methods of storing information now mean that
computer literacy becomes a fundamental component of literacy
itself. Commonly included in the objectives of computer literacy
are:
(a) An awareness of Information Technology and how it affects
day-to-day living.
(b) An understanding about the importance of information to
aid decision-making processes.
(c) An understanding of Man: Machine interaction so that the
tool can be used effectively.

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Integration of Information and Communication

Technologies
Integration of Information and Communication Technologies
(ICT) with school needs serious consideration. Teachers, educators,
curriculum developers, evaluators and others will have to redefine
their roles to tackle ICT rich environment and harness its full
potential for the benefit of learners. Information media are bringing
about dramatic changes and are facilitating the communication of
information between instructor and learner. These media have
also produced a basic easing of spatio-temporal limitations and
creation of new learning spaces based on information networks.
These may call for structural changes. Our politico-administrative
structures should be interpreted flexibly enough not to obstruct
these winds of change.

Renewal and Periodic Reforms

International Experience
A reference has been made in the beginning of this section for
the need for renewal process. Updating is very essential in
educational processes. In this field, both individuals and nations
have been known to slide down unless a conscious effort is taken
to keep ‘awareness’ at the best pitch. Knowledge expands and
values undergo a change taking subsequent experience into account.
As the noted American analyst David Halberstam says in ‘The
Next Century’: “National security was no longer an index of
weaponry (essentially a missile and tank count), if it ever really
was, but a broad array of factors reflecting the general state of
national well being. It included the ability of a country to house
its people, to feed them, to educate them, to provide them with
opportunities in keeping with their desires and education, and to
instill in them trust and optimism that their lives were going to
be valued and fruitful.” According to him, though the 20th century
was an American century, the next century was no more theirs.
It was possible to make 20th century an American century because
of its concern for ‘humane’ values and democratization. Ensuring
cultural and ethical values while at the same time adopting 3 R’s
is a challenge that has to be adequately tackled.

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Concerned with maintaining its economic and social initiatives

without losing sight of the various cultural accumulations and
traditions, the Japanese Government decided to adopt the following
five concrete measures for educational reform: (I) the development
of life-long structures; (ii) the diversification and reform of
institutions of higher education; (iii) the enrichment and reform
of elementary and secondary education; (iv) reforms for coping
with internationalization, (v) reforms for coping with the
information age and (vi) the reform of educational administration
and finance. Similar studies for reforms have been undertaken in
other countries too. And if Japan has been cited as an example,
it is to point out the need for the reforms even in the best of
circumstances.
National Experience
For the future, in our case, of particular reference is the need
to focus on the core and permanent aspects of education so that
Constitutional guarantees can ensure that the most important
aspects are not lost sight of. Our Indian experience has also been
spelt out in many a fora. J.P.Naik identified the causes for our
failure in the field of primary education: (a) We have made no
attempt to introduce those radical structural changes in the formal
system of elementary education. (b) Exclusive reliance on full-
time formal education has an inherent bias in favour of classes and
a built-in unsuitability for the education of the masses. (c) There
is a general view that standards in education have continually and
alarmingly deteriorated in the last few years, which may be only
partially true. (d) There should be an early end to the dual system
which we now run at all stages under which the classes have
access to a small group of high quality elite institutions while the
masses are compelled to study in public institutions of poor quality.
Krishna Kumar (1998) lists three additional tendencies discernible
in the current scenario in education: the first is related to the
drastic reduction in the number of children who proceed beyond
the primary and secondary stages; the second, the preponderance
of higher education, with the culturally dominant and economically
stronger sections of society using the state’s resources to consolidate
their hold on the state apparatus; and third, the inherent
divisiveness in the system which protects class interests.

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Thus the causes for apparent failure of universalisation of

primary education are many; the overall picture is a mixture of
light and shade. Standards have definitely improved in certain
sectors. The number of good institutions and of first-rate students
have considerably increased at all stages. There has been a steady
improvement in average qualifications and remuneration of
teachers and some improvements in curricula and teaching
material. But there has also been an immense increase in such
negative factors as the rapid increase in sub-standard institutions,
deterioration in facilities and conditions of work and service in
large number of schools and colleges, of the breakdown of the
examination system through large-scale practice of unfair means.
The list can be enlarged to cover different aspects. To maintain
social cohesion, is an aim of education as also the purpose of our
Constitution. Hence also the need for vigil on this front.

Promoting Literacy: Some Implementation Strategies

In this Chapter, a possible Model for achieving the goals of
universisalization of literacy and primary education in the country
is suggested, where the main theme is decentralization and
development of a Systems Model to facilitate mobility and life-
long learning and education.
Our Goals and Targets
It has already been mentioned that the constitutional goal of
universalization of elementary education directed in Article 45
has long since expired. In the approach paper to the Tenth Plan,
the non-achievement in this field has been accepted, and the revised
target year to achieve universal access to primary education has
been pushed to 2007. Similarly, the targets for progress in literacy
has now been fixed at 72% by 2007 and 80% by 2012. In view of
the progress already achieved, these targets are not unrealistic.
Nevertheless there is need for readiness to accept modifications
and changes and even new structures to achieve the goal, instead
of merely relying on the existing scheme of things, alone. Fresh
initiatives will be necessary. As far back as 1966, the Second
Education Commission observed: “It is no longer desirable to undertake
educational reforms in piecemeal fashion, without a concept of the totality
of the goals and modes of the educational process. To find out how to

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reshape its component parts, one must have a vision of the future. This
search for practical alternatives are parts of a genuine strategy of
innovation seems to us to be one of the primary tasks of any educational
undertaking.”
In one sense, it is true that the education system has undergone
many types of changes and experiments. Many a new thought and
idea has been tried out and implemented at some point of time
and in some part of the country. The various Departments of
Education of the Universities all over the country have been
deliberating over the various facets of the problem and the treatises
submitted for the M.Ed. and Ph.D courses are a veritable storehouse
of ideas. Then, there are the various Centres of Advanced Studies
which can distill the various ideas and have also been rendering
advisory services.
The number of enquiry commissions, whether it be the Royal
Commissions, or Commissions appointed thereafter headed by
Indians of eminence, are not insignificant. As instances of the
latter, the reports of the Radhakrishnan Commission or the Kothari
Commission have been truly incisive and have been given due
consideration and even acceptance. Gunnar Myrdal said it all
when he wrote: “In India, in particular, there has been much honest
and penetrating discussion of the problems, though little action. The
excellent Report of the Education Commission, 1966, is outspoken; the
educational system ‘is tending to widen the gulf between the classes and
the masses.’ The Commission’s observation: ‘Indian education needs
a drastic reconstruction, almost a revolution.. This calls for determined
and large scale action. Tinkering with the existing situation, and moving
forward with faltering steps and lack of faith can make things worse than
before’ is quite relevant in this context.
Purpose of Education – Some Views
True enough, education is a ‘vast, shapeless and vexatious
subject’. In a country of continental proportions, with its different
communities and people with different socio-economic
backgrounds, and literally living in different centuries in terms of
thought, the aims of education can be at variance with the thoughts
of experts in the field. And even among the latter, there are different
perceptions. A few quotes from some of the Experts are interesting.

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“One reason for the ‘chaos’ in education is the burgeoning of

new opportunities and aspirations for hundreds of millions who
had so long been denied all education and were living at a level
of tragic deprivation. Education is the key to help us in the transition
process to the Age of Science and Ahimsa, and therefore, education,
which does not value and promote excellence is, in the end, ‘a
waste of effort and resources’. To support excellence is not to
oppose the concept of equality of opportunity.” (Dr. D.S. Kothari).
“The theory of education is summed up in its being able to
instill in a person “knowledge, skill, equipoise, understanding
and gentleness, as these values are connected with the faculties
of man and his soul”. (Dr. V.K.Gokak).
“The basic issues are: how education can meet the variability
of man, how it can design education to aid evolution rather than
retard it. How does education discover what a child is good at
and encourage it? How can children develop sensitivity to others
and to their environment? How early do we begin language
education? How do we weave manual skills and linguistic skills
so as to develop proper attitudes to science and technology, not
merely to glorify science but to make it understandable to children
and adolescents, to convey to them both the positive and negative
aspects of technology and science.”
“We keep on forgetting simple things: it is easier to learn a
language at the age of four rather than at forty; it is happier for
children to work together than against each other; it is wiser that
children are given opportunities on occasions to find out for
themselves what they like and what they are good at than to
prematurely ‘guide’ them into narrow grooves. As to ‘what they
like’ and ‘what they are good at’, it is important to remember that
the two are not synonymous and we can be misled.
A child, too, can mislead himself or herself, because of the
visible as well as indirect power of suggestion of family, friends
and school teachers. Another forgotten element or rather often
disregarded aspect is the need to acquire technical or manual
skills, not from a Thoreausque moral point of view but from a
basic anthropological understanding of the connection that exist
between the movements of the fingers, particularly the opposable

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thumb and the association centres of the brain. We often work so

that we can think.” (Dr. B.D. Nag Chaudhri).
“The principal goal of education is to create men who are
capable of doing new things, not simply of repeating what other
generations have done-men, who are creative, inventive and
discoverers. The second goal of education is to form minds, which
can be critical, can verify, and not accept everything they are
offered. The great danger today is of slogans, collective opinions,
and ready-made trends of thought. We have to be able to resist
individually, to criticize, to distinguish between what is proven
and what is not”. (Jean Piaget).
Some Experiences in the Past
There is a need for a core curriculum to bring nearly all pupils
above a certain threshold of learning, for thereafter all subsequent
learning is made easier. But then, there is also the concern for
democratization of primary education. As a UNESCO publication
puts it: “A primary school that fails to achieve certain minimum
and useful objectives, that fails to meet the people’s needs, that
fails to interest either the children or their parents, will inevitably
end up by losing in one way or the other”.
In efforts to bring in certain integration, even well-planned
curriculum contents have to be toned down. In Gujarat, for instance,
after the introduction of the new education policy after the
acceptance of the Kothari Commission Report, because of the end-
of-term certificate or diploma, the final examination content had
to be toned down and alternative subjects had to be offered.
Instead of New Mathematics, Commercial Arithmetic and instead
of New Science, Everyday needs of health and hygiene, were
allowed. In that very State a battle royal was waged on the
introduction of English at the V Standard or VIII Standard. The
battle was both political and legal. Then there is the different
perception of what the ‘average’ rural lad or lass needs. We have
thus in both Gujarat and Maharashtra, parallel streams of the
normal school system and the basic and post-basic schools. At the
secondary the plethora of examination bodies in addition to the
different State Secondary Examination Boards is part of the same
malady of what is perceived as the purpose of education. Even

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the medium of instruction whether it should be mother tongue

only at the primary education level has been a matter of many an
academic and legal disputes.
In such an environment, innovative experiments could be
inhibited because of the competing and variant expectations. At
the same time, what it portends is the fact that in our country, there
could perhaps be no one solution. In a multilingual and
multicultural environment where the people also live in varying
socio-economic background and in different centuries even in the
realm of thinking patterns, one pattern is certainly not the answer.
The problems of universalisation of education are also even
otherwise real.
Some Causes of Concern
In the special issue of the International Yearbook of Education
on “Primary Education on the threshold of the twenty-first century”
(International Bureau of Education, UNESCO, Geneva, 1986),
Ramamoorthi identified the following as the main problems,
difficulties and obstacles to the universalisation of primary
education in most of the developing countries:
1. A lack of financial resources coupled with the escalating
cost of education.
2. A high rate of population growth in relation to the available
limited resources.
3. Deteriorating and inadequate physical facilities for
education, such as an inadequate number of school
buildings, essential scholastic and other educational
materials.
4. An inadequate supply of trained teachers.
5. Inhibitory cultural attitudes in these c ountries’
communities, particularly bias against the education of
girls and the physically and mentally handicapped. It
should be pointed out that economic constraints tend to
entrench these inhibitory attitudes.
6. High drop-out rates in primary schools.
7. Unattractive terms of service for teachers.

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Thanks to sustained efforts taken by Government of India

both in the field of education and Family Welfare, the problems
are no more insurmountable, as can be seen from the positive
trends in the Census and Educational Survey reports. While the
problems of resources will continue to plague us, the problem of
community involvement has to be more constructively thought
out. Centralized governments and administrations will have to
move towards a pronounced form of decentralization of primary
education. As stated earlier, there have been innovations and
changes made in the system. Instances are many where the State
Government have handed over Government Schools to private
education trusts for management along with required funds. In
Maharashtra and Gujarat, many a Sarvajanik Sikshan Society has
come up to take up such responsibility. Similarly there have been
technical schools and participating schools also. Why these efforts
did not yield expected results is a matter of study. However, the
fact that an experiment failed at one point of time or at a particular
surrounding, may not be a bar to try it again at another point of
time or place. While it is true that what is right in theory may
always be right in practice, it is definitely true that what is wrong
in theory can never be right in practice. Within that parameter,
experimentation will have to go on and decentralization is a key
to this process of experimentation.
The comments expressed by Dr. Adiseshiah are relevant:
“First, we need to commit ourselves whole-heartedly to the
principle of decentralized planning as against the tradition of
centralization that we have built up, and then face its implications
which, inter alia, include questions of (1) whether block-level
educational planning can be developed without all planning –
agricultural, rural development, health, housing, etc. being
planned at the Block level (Can there be an island of purity in
an ocean of impurity?) (2) whether the poorly equipped rural
school with the various rural power networks that control even
this low-level educational unit is capable of planning its content,
learning methods and timing’. How can we avoid local control
of education becoming another bonanza for the elite urban
schools? What does this involve in the way of strengthening the
rural school infrastructure?”

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Functional Literacy through Modern Information

Techn ology
Specially in the area of Adult Education, the concept of
functional literacy has been discussed earlier. Conventional
methods of education involving mastering a script, learning words
and sentences, etc., that have no direct relationship to everyday
life such learners, have to give place a learning that is directly
relevant to them. The Education Division of the Tata Consultancy
Services claims to have evolved a system where the learners are
exposed to a set of words and pictures that have a direct relevance
to them. A set of about 500 words or so form the vocabulary, and
by repeated exposure of these words and pictures, the learners
become familiar with them and learn to recognize them. This
knowledge enables them to even read newspapers and magazines
and activates an interest in the learner to know more. If necessary,
they can then join a formal education program. Video projections
and large computer screens aid such learning process.
A Systems Model Proposed
Can the present model with its structured hierarchy of time-
dependant learning levels, single point entry, isolation from society
and the marketplace, outdated learning content, irrelevant
evaluation techniques and class-biased survival be replaced or at
least be supplemented by a Systems Model? The latter model will
need the following action steps:
Launching the non-formal education sub-system for the two
priority groups-school dropouts in the age group 6-14 years, and
working adult illiterates in the age group 15-40 years, involving
devising functional curricula, producing learning materials,
mobilizing teaching resources from trained teachers as well as
progressive farmers, engineers, musicians, dramatists and
sportsmen, and using existing buildings, laboratories and
workshops for running the concentrated courses.
Reorganizing the existing formal education sub-system into
multiple-entry and exit points at its different levels, so that students
could enter, leave and re-enter the school and university system
at any one of several points to answer the call of work in the home,

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farm, factory or office, continue their education through organized

non-formal programs and re-enter the school or university at
appropriate points when they so desire in order to acquire further
learning skills. The launching of the non-formal education system
and the reorganization of the formal system will help the system
serve the majority now excluded.
Establishing the relationship between the two sub-systems
involving crossover points and the feed-in and feed-out provisions
and the nexus between their educational content, methods and
technologies of teaching and learning.
Vocationalizing the second level through a system of diversified
learning experiences in higher secondary schools and technical
schools so that such work-based education is freely available to
all up to the age of 15 or 16 years in school and out of school and
becomes the constructive skill forming a terminal point for 80 per
cent of the full-time students entering the school stream.
Can Educational Funding Become Participatory ?
Earlier a question has been raised whether the State should
be the only funding agency for promoting literacy and education
programs. NGOs and Corporate Institutions should be encouraged
to take interest in such programs. Most of the NGOs are, however,
dependent only on government funding for their activities, and
funding them for this activity will be only an indirect government
support. With large business houses expressing interest in Welfare
measures, at least in the geographical regions in which they operate,
they can be encouraged to contribute to such causes. Local
Institutions like Panchayats and Gram Sabhas should also be
encouaged to take interest in these activities by impressing on
them the fact that an educational community is innovative, peace-
loving and involved in community affairs. Such experimentation
will have to continue and hence the need for flexibility, periodic
review and autonomy and the host of other institutional safeguards
spelt out in the concluding sections.

Issues For Consideration

In this Chapter, some issues arising from the foregoing
discussions, which should find a way as constitutional or legal

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provisions into our educational structures, are discussed. The

need for consensus, application of sunset laws to avoid
obsolescence, special considerations and structures because of the
altruistic nature of the pursuit etc are some of the directions
indicated.
Universalization of Education: Need for Consensus
Fortunately for us, there is a general consensus about
universalization of elementary education as our credo. This issue
has to be beyond politics – in fact, the whole basis for access to
educational opportunities at all levels has to be a non-party matter
and discussion of its aspects should be beyond party politics an
cut across party lines. All major political parties have put it high
on their agenda. It is also a positive factor that successive
governments have expressed their priority for education. This has
now been made an important component of National Human
Development Initiative (NHDI) and also the Prime Minister’s
Special Action Plan. In a situation when the need for strong political
commitment is being increasingly felt, these proclaimed intentions
of the government are certainly welcome, and help to keep the
momentum alive.
When education has had a strong and consistent political
commitment in the State, the tangible achievements it can mark,
is indeed remarkable. As far back as 1819, the ruler of Travancore
in south Kerala called for the State to meet the cost of education.
Facilities were provided for everyone to have access to education
either free or at a small nominal cost. The State continued to make
progress and Universal Literacy was achieved in 1991. The State
continues to top the literacy chart even in the Census 2001. The
case is cited to indicate the importance of enlightened leadership
with progressive views to achieve goals.
Educational Opportunity as a Fundamental Right
Education is a value in itself and is the bedrock on which any
edifice of equality of opportunity can be erected. It opens the road
to progress and literacy is a measure of human development. It
is easier to plan for sound economic development and a stable
political system in an educated society. There is, therefore, every

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reason to canvass for Right to Education being incorporated as a

Fundamental Right.
Learning Process is Complex and Demanding
The learning process is not only complex but also demanding.
Aldous Huxley wrote,
“There is no substitute for correct knowledge, and in the process
of acquiring that knowledge there is no substitute for
concentration and prolonged practice. Except for the unusually
gifted, learning must ever be hard work. Unfortunately there
are many professional educationists who seem to think that
children should never be required to work hard. Whenever
educational methods are based on this assumption, children will
not in fact acquire much knowledge; and if the methods are
followed for a generation or two, the society, which tolerates
them, will find itself in full decline. We are human because, at
a very early stage in the history of our species, our ancestors
discovered a way of preserving and disseminating the results
of experience”.
Cicero told the unvarnished truth in saying that “those who
have no knowledge of what has gone before them must, for ever,
remain children”. There is no denying the fact that the histories
of our developments in many fields have to be properly projected.
But this should not take away the requirements of discipline
involved in the learning process. What is required is ensuring
irreversibility and giving a sense of perspective by not distorting
history. Planning the contents of curriculum for the young mind
that gets easily swayed by ‘what is taught’ rather than ‘what is
desirable to teach”, is probably more difficult. The commitment
of the various political parties on universalization of elementary
education must also converge into a consensus on content and
dissemination.
Application of Sunset Laws
Sunset is one of the most refreshing and significant legislative
concepts borrowed from the American history. The idea of self-
retiring government programs embodied in the concept of Sunset
has generated widespread among people who have been worrying

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about the continued growth of government, unending expansion

of bureaucracy and insufficient accountability and consequent
irresponsibility in government spending. This also serves as an
accountability tool. Most of the contemporary proposals for Sunset
legislation encompass the principle of economy in government
spending, a definite course of action to ensure adherence to that
principle and an imagery of the fading away of programs that
were useful in the past, but no longer useful or relevant. Against
the backdrop of parliamentary control over expenditure in India,
the principle of Sunset assumes particular relevance and
importance.
However, the principle of Sunset Legislation has a special
significance where time targets for some activities have been
prescribed. The withdrawal from the statute books of laws and
provisions, which have become obsolete or have acquired the
nature of anachronisms, is equally important. A proper sunset
legislation will certainly supply the action forcing mechanism to
compel the legislature to make an evaluation of programs and give
it an unprecedented amount of power to effect changes in specific
expenditure items. The concept of sunset legislation, where the
sun sets on the law after a duration has to be invoked regularly
and in full awareness. Our Constitution makers had prescribed
time limits for a number of provisions. These time limits have been
treated rather lightly or extended to suit the convenience of
governance. In matters of education, these sunset laws should be
adhered to, and the degree of accountability to the people’s forum
absolute. Can we say as to whether this holds true for our
constitutional provision or for that matter our administrative and
legislative fiats in the field of education? Does our Constitution
have a provision to analyze such extension of the sunset laws
through the means of a different microscope? Is such a differential
treatment called for?
Au tono my
Once education is considered bedrock as stated above, do we
have Constitutional guarantees to ensure that the sanctity for the
schemes and the financial outlay is honoured? For instance,
judiciary is considered such a non-political organ, and we have

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Constitutional guarantees to ensure its autonomy by way of such

provisions as being a charge on the Consolidated Fund, etc. Does
education merit such a consideration at some level at least?
Continuous review and periodical reforms
If renewal, reform and rethinking are fundamental to the
process of education, can the Constitution ensure that these take
place and are not subject to the whims and fancies, or become
matters of lower priority, because it may involve ruffling of some
feathers?
Lack of Ambiguity in Policy Formulation
Is it necessary to make certain provisions unambiguous at
least in matters of education, as not to be dependent on judicial
activism? Today part of the gains in education has to be related
to the widest amplitude given to Art. 21, which had to travel a
full circle from the days of Gopalan to Maneka Gandhi, as pointed
out in D.D. Basu’s commentaries? One amendment has already
been brought, for instance. Can we expect a Constitutional
amendment to accelerate ‘the demand for accountability in the
system of education, particularly from its bureaucracy?’
Flexible Institutional Structures
Are the structural changes required in the field of education
hampered by treating educational structures at par with industrial
or commercial structures? When profit or commercial gain is not
the motive and there could be other partners in the process whose
interests are to be protected, can a different yardstick be applied,
which is different from the industrial or commercial enterprises
which normally follows the principle of what the traffic can bear,
when structural changes are necessary?
Can there not be other structures specific to educational
institutions to protect the interests of other stakeholders, and to
ensure a certain degree of autonomy and insulation from political
buffeting?
The above are some specific issues that have emerged from
the foregoing discussions, answers to some of which will have to
be found in the suggestions for changes indicated later.

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Suggestions for Amending Provisions

In this Chapter, seven illustrative areas are indicated with
possible amendments therein. These are areas of high priority
taking into consideration the arguments elaborated in the previous
Chapters.
This Consultation Paper is not intended to be a treatise on
educational policy or its implementation as such. The foregoing
discussion has been to aid in the search for the usefulness of the
Constitutional provisions in advancing the cause of education.
There is no doubt that the interpretations given by the Supreme
Court and other courts, have given a wider amplitude to the
provisions as to specifically advance the cause of education, They
have helped in doing away with discriminatory provisions, and
also have covered wide areas as medium of instruction, etc., to
ensure that the cause of education has not suffered.
The goal of reaching education to one and all has also been
served by these provisions. Some further suggestions have been
offered in this Chapter to advance the cause of education, which
is a value in itself. These suggestions are illustrative and not
comprehensive. A comprehensive list will require a wider
discussion, and it is with the awareness of this shortcoming that
these suggestions have been offered.
Preamble itself could be enlarged to secure to us a learning
society so that the fruits of Enlightenment reach one and all without
fear, favour or discrimination. Enlarging the Preamble can give it
the nature of a basic feature as not to be easily tampered with. Acts
of Philistinism such as burning of libraries, destroying ancient
monuments or some other similar acts, should never occur, and
if such tendencies or administrative fiats come to be passed, it
should be possible to obtain mandamus against it. In a multilingual
and racial society such as ours, with a multitude of dialects, to
some people or community, preservation or even enrichment of
them may not appear to be worthwhile. The State has some bounden
duties to preserve and guard cultures. If some efforts were
forthcoming, such efforts should not be prevented.
With the vast changes taking place in the world of knowledge
and communication, it might be worthwhile to incorporate a new

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right, as Right to Knowledge. Its practical implication will be for

the State to set up libraries or information centres accessible to one
and all which will themselves be fountains of knowledge to be
dipped into at will. A model of a typical Knowledge Centre for
Information Management has been developed for the Union
Territory of Pondicherry. In a collaborative project between
International Literacy Institute and Indira Gandhi National Open
University entitled, Bridges to the Future Initiative (BFI), there is
a mention of medium-term development of Community Learning
and Technology Centres (CLTC). With the coming of a digital age,
these may be the new versions of libraries-cum-community access
centres. This can serve as a model. The Right to Knowledge is
broader than the Right to Know which has already been derived
from the existing Fundamental Rights.
The existing Directive principle contained in Article 45 or the
amended provision as contained in the 83rd Amendment Bill needs
spelling out. The free and compulsory education concept should
not be whittled down on some grounds of economic liberalization.
In the arguments for education being able to pay for itself, it is
forgotten that there is already a levy of education cess on the
citizens, which goes to finance education. Whether education fees
to be paid by the recipient or a general education cess paid
according to capacity of the citizen to bear his general responsibility
for the cause of education is a better way is not considered in the
argument for privatizing education. It has been reported that the
Soviet Union has gone to eliminate education as an obligation of
the State (EPW May 1998); such a situation should not come so
easily by in our country. The provision of a fundamental right
should not overlook the State responsibility to create demand.
In the field of education, sunset laws should be in operation,
so that obsolescence is at a minimum and anachronisms are
removed. Sheer inertia has continued some of the earlier practices.
Reservations in admissions were initially meant for a purpose and
for a specific time period; these have continued for some reason
or the other. Such laws should be subject to strict reviews. As Dr.
Malcolm Adiseshiah has stated: “The present model with its
structured hierarchy of time-dependent learning levels, single-
point entry isolation from society and marketplace and outdated

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learning content, irrelevant evaluation techniques and class-biased

survival must be replaced by a Systems Model”.
There is a strong case for ensuring autonomy for the education
budget. Some sanctity should be attached to the core provision,
and such factors as the teacher ’s salaries being charge on
Consolidated Fund of States could be considered. In a study of
elementary education in Gujarat, The Indian Institute of
Management had made one such recommendation to protect the
salaries of elementary school teachers and their budget. In fact,
there is a case for a special provision in the Constitution for
protecting the service condition of teachers, as in the case of Civil
Servants as contained in Articles 311 and 312. There should be also
a provision to ensure their political neutrality as in the case of civil
servants, and the fact that most of the teachers are paid through
State or through instrumentalities of State, having been funded
mostly from State funds (the so-called own contribution coming
from the students’ fee for which the management have no claim
to call it as their own). In Germany, all teachers are paid directly
from State funds. A similar provision for recruitment through a
Public Service Commission, but differently constituted to contain
peers, could also be considered. In short, the kind of autonomy
granted to judicial Institutions could be extended to teachers and
teaching institutions. Their pay and conditions of service should
be separately decided, as the consideration is not what the traffic
can bear. “If education is to function as a liberating force, obviously
it should be independent of other kinds of organized power. The
most organized kind of power in modern societies is that of the
State. It is, therefore, of crucial importance that education be free
from government control. This does not mean that government
should give money and sit back. Government has certainly a role
apart from that of Santa Claus. It has to function as an operational
critic of education as of all other institutions in the society.
There is need for a regular Education Commission like a
Finance Commission, reporting to Parliament to review and update
the systems. A Constitutional Provision similar to that Finance
Commission can be considered. It is interesting to look back and
note that the 1913 Government of India Policy had envisaged such
a regular study. In his article ‘Towards an Education for the 21st

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Century’, Prem Kripal stated, “National authorities should reshape

their educational system on two parallel lines: (I) internal reforms
and continued improvements of existing educational systems; and
(ii) search for innovative forms, for alternatives and fresh
resources”. The Education Commission had rightly remarked: “It
is no longer desirable to undertake educational reforms in
piecemeal fashion, without a concept of the totality of the goals
and modes of the educational process. To find out how to reshape
its component parts, one must have a vision of the whole. We must
think clearly in exploring new paths for the future. This search
for practical alternatives aspects of a genuine strategy of innovation
seems to us to be one of the primary tasks of any educational
undertaking.”
There is need to insulate the educational bodies from needless
litigation, when structural changes become necessary. There is
already a legislation to distinguish the teaching staff from ‘industrial
labour’, though the amended legislation has not yet been put into
effect. The needs of the times and the international pace, call for
flexibility in structures, which should not be hampered because
of misplaced importance claimed by interests of a section of the
stakeholders. Different nature of rules of association should be
recognized so that teachers’ unions do not function like other
labour unions with their right to strike.
Suitable provisions can be made in the Preamble as well as
in Parts III, IV, XII and XIV of the Constitution or even as fresh
parts therein.
These suggestions for amendments have been made, as these
are areas considered of immense importance to preserve the
integrity of educational policies.

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 7
Need for Literacy in India

The problem of illiteracy in the Indian context cannot be over

emphasised. Basic literacy, as defined by the United Nations, is
the ability to read 40 words per minute, write 20 words per
minute, and do 2-digit arithmetic. Check out these alarming
statistics:
In India, where one of the oldest civilizations flourished, only
52% of the population is literate (65.5% of males, 39% of females).
(These figures are from the 1991 census).
The literacy rate among rural women is 10%.
Over half of the world’s illiterates may be in India as we enter
the 21st century.
Every third working child in the world is in India. (There are
15 million bonded child labourers in India!).
For 3 million children in India, the street is their home.
Various barriers to child and adult literacy exist in India, most
prominent are the issues of gender and poverty. However, now
as the population nears the 1 billion mark and with issues of
poverty and social inequities becoming larger, it is time to face the
challenges. Literacy is the key to development, health care,
employment and last but not the least, it is the key to population
control.
Despite overwhelming factors (cultural issues, population,
resources), India’s literacy is steadily improving. India’s literacy rate
at the time of independence (1947) was only 14% and female
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

literacy was abysmally low at 8%. In 1981 the literacy rate was 36%
and in 1991 it was 52% (males 65%, females 39%). The southern
state of Kerala was the first to reach “100% literacy” for a city
(Kottayam 1989), then a district (Ernakulam 1990), and finally the
whole state (1991). Grassroot endeavors, inspired by Kerala’s
success, have led literacy efforts throughout India. However there
is still a long way to go and Asha is an organization trying to make
a difference by supporting rural child education programmes, and
helping secure a progressive future for India’s underprivileged
children.

Current Literacy/Non-formal Education Objectives/

Strategies
Goals and Objectives
The goal of the National Literacy Mission is to attain full
literacy, i.e. a sustainable threshold level of 75 % by 2005. The
mission seeks to achieve this goal by imparting functional literacy
to non-literates in the 15-35 age group. This age group has been
the focus of attention because they are in the productive and
reproductive period of life. The total literacy campaign offers
them a second chance, in case they missed the opportunity or were
denied access to mainstream formal education.
The mission also takes into its fold children in the 9.14 age
group, in areas not covered by non-formal education programmes
to reach the benefits of literacy to out-of-school children as well.
The major thrust of these programmes is on the promotion of
literacy among women, scheduled castes and tribes and backward
classes.
The National Literacy Mission eventually aims at ensuring
that the total literacy campaigns and their sequel, the post-literacy
campaigns, successfully move on to continuing education, which
provides life-long learning and is responsible for the creation of
a learning society.
Strategy to Achieve the set Goals
Adopted a national strategy in mission mode to take care of
the need for diversity of approach and inter-regional variations.

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Stress on proper environment building and active participation

of the people, especially women.
Enc ourage joint efforts by Governmental and Non-
Governmental organisations.
Preparation of local specific primers in local languages.
Integrated approach to total literacy and post-literacy
programmes to tackle the problem of residual illiteracy and to
reduce the time gape between TLC and PLP.
Stress on vocational training of neo-literates to facilitate linking
literacy with life skills.

Lessons Learned from Past Literacy Programmes and

Activities
A number of significant programmes have been taken up since
Independence to eradicate illiteracy among adults through different
programmes like Social Education (1951-56), Gram Shiksha Muhim,
Farmers Functional Literacy (1967-68), Non-Formal Education,
Polyvalent Adult Education, Education Commission, Functional
Literacy for Adult Women, National Adult Education Programme,
Rural Functional Literacy Project, State Adult Education
Programme, Adult Education through Voluntary Agencies etc.
Earlier there was also a campaign made for a two-year duration
of 40 hours’ instruction, and evaluation was conducted at the end
of the campaign.
After the launch of NLM in 1988, between 1988 and 1990, the
Mission tried to consolidate the earlier centre-based programme
to make its implementation more effective through the campaign-
based approach. The real breakthrough came with an experiment
in mass literacy, a campaign initiated in 1989 and successfully
completed in Ernakulam District of Kerala.

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Literacy as Seen in the 2001
Census

While the rates for the years 1951, 1961 and 1971 Censuses
relate to the population in the five years plus category, those for
1981, 1991 and 2001 relate to the population which is seven years
and above. The literacy rates for the country as a whole increased
from 18.33 per cent in 1951 to 65.38 per cent in 2001, with literacy
rate for males at 75.85 per cent and that for females at 54.16 per
cent. The literacy rate recorded an increase of 13.17 percentage
points to from 1991 to 2001, the highest increase in any one decade.
An encouraging feature is that the growth rate of literacy has been
higher in case of females at 14.87 per cent than for males at 11.72
per cent during this decade. The gap in male-female literacy rates
has decreased from 24.84 percentage points in 1991 to 21.70
percentage points in 2001. The rate of growth of literacy in the
decade ending 2001 has been higher in the rural areas, at 14.75
per cent as compared to the 7.2 per cent increase in urban areas.
Despite these improvements literacy in urban areas was 80.3 per
cent and that in rural areas 59.4 per cent.
Kerala, which has the highest literacy rate of 90.92 per cent,
occupies the top slot in both male and female literacy, at 94.20 and
87.86 per cent respectively. Bihar has the lowest literacy rate of
47.53 per cent, along with the lowest literacy rate for males at 60.32
per cent and for females, at 33.57 per cent. The number of literates
has more than doubled in Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Rajasthan
during the decade 1991-2001. As per the 2001 Census, all States
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

and Union Territories have now achieved a male literacy rate of

over 60 per cent. States/UTs having less than 50 per cent female
literacy rates are Rajasthan, Arunachal Pradesh, Dadra and Nagar
Haveli, Uttar Pradesh, Jammu & Kashmir, Jharkhand and Bihar.
During 1991-2001 the population in the seven plus age group
increased by 172 million while 204 million additional persons
became literates. Despite the overall increase in population, the
total number of illiterates has come down from 328 million in 1991
to 296 million in 2001. This is significant since for the first time
since independence, there has been a decline in the absolute number
of illiterates during a decade. States which contributed to the
decrease in absolute number of illiterates are Andhra Pradesh,
Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Tamil
Nadu. States/UTs registering an increase in the number of illiterates
during the decade are Bihar, Delhi, Nagaland, Manipur, Chandigar,
Daman & Diu and Dadra & Nagar Haveli.
The National Literacy Mission (NLM) set up in 1988, seeks to
achieve full literacy i.e. a sustainable threshold level of 75 per cent
literacy by the end of the year 2005, by imparting functional
literacy to the non-literates in the 15-35 age group. The NLM aims
at ensuring that the Total Literacy Campaigns and their sequel,
the Post Literacy Campaigns successfully move on to Continuing
Education. Under this scheme, greater emphasis is placed on
development and acquisition of new learning. To prevent the non-
literates from relapsing into illiteracy and also acquire skills, the
NLM has been restructured to provide for an integrated approach
combining the Total and Post Literacy Programme under one.
Literacy Project to achieve continuity, efficiency and convergence.

Literacy in India
Literacy is an effective instrument for social and economic
development and national integration. It is defined in Census
operations, as the ability to read and write with understanding in
any language. Any formal education or minimum educational
standard is not necessary to be considered literate. The latest
census report (2001) reveal that at the beginning of new millennium
literacy rate in India stands at 65.38% with male literacy level at
75.85% and female literacy level at 54.16%. There has been only

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marginal increase in literacy level from the last census in 1991

(literacy level was 52.2%).
The pace of progress in literacy rates, as revealed by decennial
censuses, is very slow in India. Between 1961 and 1991, a span of
thirty years, literacy rate has gone up by a mere 23.9 percentage
points, from 28.3 in 1961 to 52.2 in 1991. From 1991 to 2001 there
is 13.36% increase. However the literacy scenario in India is
characterized by wide inequalities among different sections of the
population. The female literacy rate is still low in comparison to
male population. Country’s half of the female population is still
illiterate even after so many years of independence. No less
disturbing is the rural-urban disparity in literacy rates that again
differ by ever a wider margin the disparity has persisted over the
years.
The scheduled castes and scheduled tribes form two other
specially disadvantaged population groups in India and disparity
in their case too is equally wide and persisting. Finally, there again
exists a wide disparity among the various regions/states in India
vis-a-vis their literacy rates. At the top of the hierarchy, lies the
state of Kerala that has an exceptionally high literacy rate of 90.92
%. This is basically because of strong social movements in this
state even during the pre-independence period. For Bihar (the
least literate state) the rate is merely 47.53 %.In Bihar, Kishanganj
district has the lowest literacy rate (31% for males and 18.49% for
females).
When illiteracy begins to impinge upon livelihoods issues it
becomes critical. Illiteracy often results in missed opportunities.
Women usually receive lower wages than men. In Kishanganj
district of Bihar women and girls work in the tea gardens and
brickklins but as they are illiterate they often get exploited and
do not get proper wages. Both men and women often earn less
than the minimum wage but they are often unaware of the
Minimum Wages Act. Illiteracy and lack of information can
adversely affect human rights. In an era when technology has
shrunk the world into a global village and when information has
been brought to the fingertips of a small section of society, it
would be unfortunate if the masses were denied access to basic
information due to the inability to read and write.

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During the first Five Year Plan, the program of Social Education,
inclusive of literacy, was introduced as part of the Community
Development Program 1952.
The National Policy on Education in 1968 not only endorsed
the recommendations of the Education Commission but also
reiterated the significance of universal literacy and developing
adult and continuing education as matters of priority. While the
formal elementary education program was supplemented by a
Non-formal Education system, it was also decided to undertake
Adult Literacy programs culminating in the Total Literacy mission
approach.
(a) A multi-pronged approach of universalization of
elementary education and universal adult literacy has been
adopted for achieving total literacy.
(b) A systematic program of non-formal education in the
educationally backward states.
(c) The National Literacy Mission that aims at making 100
million adults literate.
The major thrust of these programs is on promotion of literacy
among women, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes particularly
in the rural areas. The Adult Education Program consists of three
components: basic literacy (including numeracy), functionality
and civic awareness. The third component is obviously literacy.
The National Adult Education Program (NAEP) was inaugurated
on October 2, 1978.
Then came the National Literacy Mission (NLM). In 1989, the
district-based Total Literacy Campaigns (TLC) emerged as a
program strategy for the National Literacy Mission against this
background. In the budget of 1999-2000, the total allocation of
resources (both Plan and non-plan) for the four programs of
Elementary Education, Operation Black board, Non-formal
education and Adult Education was 3037, 400, 350 and 113.4
crores respectively.
The Total Literacy campaign districts had been set the optimistic
goal of achieving 80% literacy amongst the target age-group of 15-
35 years. Now Sarva Shikha Abiyan is doing rounds in all the

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districts in most of the states for which there is huge fund allocation
under 9th and 10th Five year plans.
In spite of the enormous expansion of adult education,
nonformal and elementary education in India, the problem of
illiteracy has been lingering on. It is both colossal and complex
given the size of the country, its huge population, wide regional
and gender disparities, economic and other cultural factors such
as poverty, communalism, casteism etc. It needs action from people,
communities Government agencies, NGOs and international
organizations such as UN bodies to totally eradicate illiteracy
from India.

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 9
Unorganised Sector Workforce
in India

Introduction
Across the globe, neoliberal policies are uprooting social
security mechanisms that have been long in place in most of the
developed and developing economies. The statebased social
security system is giving way to market-based fundamentalism.
The contemporary model of globalisation typically perpetuates
and thrives on its central theme of “risk taking” and “insecurity”.
The present phase of capitalist onslaught rooted in the Washington
Consensus works through a model in which the working class is
left to bear much of the worst forms of insecurity, while large-scale
asset-holders are relatively well shielded from insecurity. Although
the “ageing crisis” has been thrown up as the reason for watering
down social security institutions and policies in developed market
economies, the bogey of “fiscal stress” is often cited as a reason
for destroying these institutions in developing economies.
However, it is another story that in many developing countries,
the social security system is unavailable to a majority of working
population.
Although the need to provide employment and social security
is crucial for the poor and other vulnerable sections of population,
even after over half a century of development policies, there does
not appear to be any effort to ensure this for large sections of the
working force. Rather, recent efforts in many developing economies
go to show that the unorganised labour force is left to fend for
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

itself, as more and more workers are added to the army of informal
job markets.
Bulk of India’s workforce is unorganised in nature. While
almost the entire farm sector can be characterised as informal,
roughly 80 per cent of the workforce in the non-farm sector is
informal. In this study, we have delineated unorganised from
organised workers using both residual and direct approach. The
study examines the growth and structure of formal and informal
sector workforce by one-digit industry across major Indian states.
We have examined the coverage of social security schemes among
economically and socially vulnerable sections of the workforce,
with particular reference to provident fund schemes in India.

Methodology
We have adopted two approaches for estimating unorganised
workers in India. These are the residual and direct approaches.
While scholars in the past have made use of the residual approach,
estimation through the direct approach has been a recent
phenomenon with the availability of enterprise module in the 55th
round of quinquennial employment-unemployment schedule. The
residual approach is the result of deducting estimates of organised
employment (available from DGE and T source) from total
employment figures derived from employment-unemployment
surveys (EUS) of NSS. Absolute numbers of workforce figures are
arrived at by first obtaining worker-population ratios (of usual
principal and subsidiary status) from the unit level records of EUS
of each round. The ratios are worked out for four different
categories, viz, rural male, rural female, urban male and urban
female across states. Applying these ratios to the estimated
interpolated population figures relating to mid-survey year of
1999-2000, we obtain aggregate workforce estimates. To understand
the trends and patterns of both formal and informal segment of
workers through residual approach, we have used four
quinquennial rounds (38th round – 1983; 43rd round – 1987-88;
50th round – 1993-94; and 55th round – 1999-2000) of EUS of NSS
along with the Employment Market Information (EMI) figures of
DGE and T (Directorate General of Employment and Training) for
the corresponding period.

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Deviating from earlier practice, the NSSO for the first time in
1999-2000, in its survey of employment-unemployment,
administered few probing questions to elicit information from the
households themselves about the type of enterprise in which they
work. Apart from this, the survey also collected other vital data
from households on the number of workers engaged in the
enterprise, type of job and coverage of provident fund. The
uniqueness of the 55th round of employment-unemployment
survey lies in obtaining such information from the households
rather than the enterprises.
Direct estimation involves arriving at organised/unorganised
component of workers directly from EUS, based essentially on the
following variables: (a) employment status of workers: salaried/
regular labourers, casual wage workers and self-employed workers;
(b) type of enterprise; (c) number of workers; (d) type of job: part-
time/temporary, etc; and (e) coverage of provident fund. More
specifically, the entire agricultural sector, except for plantations,
is considered as belonging to unorganised segment. As far as the
non-agricultural sector is concerned, a variety of criteria has been
used here applying the ILO conceptual framework on informal
employment and SNA, 1993s definition of informal sector. Firstly,
all self-employed labourers engaged in proprietary and partnership
concerns are included under the unorganised sector. Secondly, all
casual workers employed in any economic unit come under the
informal segment of the workforce. Thirdly, all those who are
regular/salaried employees working in public sector, semi-public
organisations, cooperative societies, public limited companies,
private limited companies and other units covered in the Annual
Survey of Industries (ASI) are considered to be part of the organised
sector. However, those regular/salaried workers who are temporary
or part-time and not receiving provident fund benefits have been
considered as part of informal segment of the workforce. It must
be noted that the household approach has severe limitations in
delineating whether a household belongs to the formal or informal
economy. One of the severe lacunae found in EUS of 55th round
is that there are considerable numbers of households who have
no clue about the characteristics of the enterprises with which they
are associated.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Having delineated formal from informal sector workers, we

proceed to obtain the percentage of workers covered under social
security measures. However, the survey elicited information only
about the coverage of provident fund: general provident fund,
contributory provident fund and public provident fund or a
combination of these. Hence, we confine our analysis only to the
coverage of provident fund among various groups.

Unorganised Sector Employment: Residual Estimates

Over half of India’s national output comes from the
unorganised sector. While employment in the formal sector has
been stagnant in the last decade, employment creation in the
informal segment of the economy has been tremendous. Broad
employment trends for the organised and unorganised sector is
shown in Table 1 for the years 1983, 1987-88, 1993-94 and 1999-
2000. It is evident that throughout this period an overwhelmingly
large portion of the workforce in India is found to be employed
in the unorganised sector. Out of 399 million workers in 1999-
2000, it is estimated that 371.2 million workers (nearly 93 per cent)
are employed in the unorganised segment of the economy whereas
only 27.8 million workers (7 per cent) are engaged in the organised
sector. The share of unorganised employment in the economy has
displayed remarkable steadiness over the years. The share of
informal employment has risen from 92 per cent (nearly 276 million
out of 300 million) in 1983 to 93 per cent in the 1999-2000. It is
clear that employment opportunity in the organised sector has
remained more or less stagnant, showing only a marginal increase
from 24 million in 1983 to 27.8 million in 1999-2000.
The near stagnancy of employment opportunity in the
organised sector becomes evident from Table 2, where the
compound annual growth rates of employment in the organised
and unorganised sector are presented. Employment in the
organised sector has registered a growth of 1.25 per cent between
1983 and 1987-88 and 1.26 per cent between 1983 and 1993-94. But
during the decade of the 1990s, we witness a sharp decline in
employment opportunities. During this period organised
employment grew by only 0.34 per cent. Overall, the decade of
the 1990s in India has been characterised by slow growth in

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employment opportunities. This is also true for the unorganised

sector of the economy.
The stagnancy of employment opportunities in the organised
sector in the 1980s has to a large extent been compensated by a
significant expansion of workforce in the unorganised segment of
the economy. We observe that during 1983 to 1987-88, employment
in the unorgansied sector grew by 2.05 per cent while during the
period of 1983 to 1993-94, the growth rate was around 2.27 per
cent. This fact clearly indicates that unorganised sector served as
a buffer for the workforce when the employment opportunity in
organised sector dwindled. However, the unorganised sector also
underwent a sharp slump during the 1990s with the growth rate
of employment falling to 1.25 per cent.

Trends in Industry-wise Employment

One can observe that over the last two decades, agriculture,
hunting, forestry and fishing absorbed an overwhelming proportion
of workforce in the Indian economy, a continuation of trends
witnessed during previous decades. Moreover, most prominent
has been the unorganised pattern of cultivation. The size of the
unorganised segment of the workforce in this category was 203.8
million in 1983, 209.9 million in 1987-88, 238.3 million in 1993-94
and 238.6 million in 1999-2000 respectively.
It is clear that during the 1980s and 1990s, 99 per cent of
employment in agriculture, hunting, etc, could be categorised
under the unorganised segment. This is followed by employment
in trade, hotels and restaurants whose share of unorganised
employment in this category accounted for 98 per cent.
Construction and manufacturing sectors are the other two sectors
witnessing rapid informalisation of the workforce. In the
construction industry, share of unorganised employment has
increased from 82 per cent in 1983 to 90 per cent in 1987-88 (an
increase of 8 per cent points). In the post-liberalisation period, this
share further increased to 94 per cent in 1999-2000 (an increase
of 12 per cent points between 1983 an 1999-2000). As far as the
manufacturing sector is concerned, the share of unorganised
employment has increased from 80 per cent in 1983 to 83 per cent
in 1987-88. And in the next decade, this share has further risen to

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84 per cent in 1993-94 while in 1999-2000 the share is found to be

85 per cent (an increase of 5 per cent points between 1980s and
1990s). But in the next decade, the transport, storage and
communication industry experienced a rapid informalisation of
the workforce where the share of the unorganised workers
increased by 8 per cent points (70.3 per cent in 1993-94 to 78.45
per cent in 1999-2000). In fact, this particular category of industry
has experienced the fastest informalisation of the labour employed,
with an increase registered at 17 per cent points in the share of
unorganised employment (from 61.2 per cent 1983 to 78.5 per cent
in 1999-2000). In the pre-liberalisation period, informalisation of
workforce involved in the electricity, gas and water supply occurred
most rapidly (unorganised workforce in this industry grew by 18
per cent between 1983 and 1993-94). Growth rates for unorganised
workers in mining, quarrying and construction industry were also
quite high for this period (7 per cent growth for each of these
industries). But in the post liberalisation phase, the situation
changed dramatically. Between 1993-94 and 1999-2000, the highest
growth rate for the unorganised workers was observed in transport,
storage and communication (compound annual growth of 9 per
cent). Growth rates for unorganised workers in construction
industry (8 per cent growth rate) and in trade, hotels and restaurants
(7 per cent growth rate) were quite high. But for electricity, gas
and water supply industry as well as in the mining and quarrying
industry, growth rates for unorganised workers were found to be
negative. This suggests that in the post-liberalisation era,
informalisation of the workforce is most prominent in the transport
industry, construction industry and for wholesale and retail trade
and also for the hotel industry.

Unorganised Sector Employment: Direct Approach

Estimates from the residual approach suggest that 92 per cent
of Indian labourers are engaged in the unorganised sector while
organised segment constitutes the remaining 8 per cent.
Corroborating the overall trends estimates from the direct approach
also reveals that roughly 9 per cent of the workforce in India is
in the organised sector while the rest 91 per cent are in the
unorganised segment, a difference of 1 per cent between direct
and residual approach. Further, it can be noted that 95 per cent

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of female workers and 89 per cent of male labourers are engaged

in the unorganised segment in India. The informal nature of farm
and non-farm activities in rural areas drives this trend of
overwhelming presence of unorganised sector in India. Thus, nearly
95 per cent of the rural workforce is engaged in unorganised
activities whereas barely 5 per cent of rural workers are found in
formal economic activities. The gender break-up of workforce in
informal sector in rural areas suggest that roughly 97 per cent and
94 per cent of male and female workers are found in the
unorganised sector respectively. On the other hand, roughly two-
thirds of the urban labourers constituting around 76 per cent are
engaged in the unorganised sector and the rest one-third of them
are engaged in the organised segment. As far as male and female
workforce break-up is concerned, the results show that the former
accounted for a little over one-third while the latter around 80 per
cent in the urban unorganised sector.
Although the informal nature of farm activities in rural areas
has been well documented, even non-agricultural activities appear
to be extremely unorganised in nature in India. Estimates derived
from the non-agricultural sector reveals that nearly 80 per cent of
the workers are unorganised and the rest belongs to the category
of formal employment. As far the rural-urban break-up is
concerned, nearly 80 per cent of rural non-farm activities is found
to be in the informal sector, while the share of the informal sector
in urban areas accounts for around 75 per cent.
It is interesting to note that state-wise estimates of the formal/
informal sector share clearly show an overwhelming presence of
the informal sector workforce in most Indian states. This is
particularly visible in economically backward states such as, Bihar,
UP, MP, Orissa and Rajasthan. These are the very same states
whose share in agriculture and allied activities are extremely high
relative to other states. It is estimated that over 94 per cent of
workers in these states are engaged in informal economic activities.
Even in industrially advanced states such as, Maharashtra, Gujarat,
Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, etc, the share of unorganised workers
is close to 90 per cent of the total workforce. However, smaller
states such as Goa, Delhi and Kerala appear to have less unorganised
workers, accounting for roughly three-fourths in each of the states.

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It can also be seen from state-wise estimates that unorganised

segments constitute around four-fifths of the total non-farm
workforce even in industrially advanced states. Maharashtra alone
is an exception with unorganised sector workers in non-agricultural
sector accounting for a little over 70 per cent apart from few
smaller states like Goa and Himachal Pradesh that also depict a
similar picture.
As far as mining and quarrying is concerned, two-thirds of
the workforce engaged in this sector is informal in nature. However,
the rural-urban breakup suggests that while in rural areas roughly
13 per cent is in the organised segment; in urban areas, the share
of organised workers is close to 60 per cent in mining and quarrying.
Manufacturing, on the other hand, displays a different pattern,
wherein a little over 85 per cent of workers in this sector are
unorganised. In urban areas, unorganised workers in
manufacturing worked out to a little less than four-fifths while in
rural areas, the percentage share is over 90.
Informal workforce in public utilities like electricity, gas and
water supply account for only one-fifth of the total workers in this
sector. Since public utilities are directly under the supervision and
control of the government, employment security and benefits are
assured to the maximum extent. Hence, the organised segment
accounts for a larger share in public utilities. Construction, which
accounts for close to 5 per cent of the total employment in India,
displays an almost similar structure to that found in agriculture.
The break-up of the component of construction sector shows that
close to 98 per cent of the workforce is in the unorganised segment
of this industry. This is closely followed by trade, hotels and
restaurants sub-sector, where 95 per cent of workforce is
unorganised. The sub-sector of transport, communication and
storage slightly deviates from the above trend. The organised
component of the workforce in this sector accounts for close to
one-fourth of the total workers in this sector. Barring transport,
communication and storage, the other service sectors such as, (i)
finance, insurance and real estate; and (ii) social, personal and
community services, displayed a different trend. The significant
presence of the government in the field of banking, insurance,
education, health, etc, enables close to half of the workforce engaged

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in these sub-sectors to be organised. But such trends may be

reversed with the withdrawal of government from these sectors,
as private sector cannot be expected to provide employment and
social security for the unorganised.
Furthermore, an analysis of the possession of industry-wise
skills (in terms of level of education) among informal workers in
India reveals that 98-99 per cent of them are illiterate who are
engaged in agriculture, construction and trade, hotels and
restaurants. Even among the other sectors, 90 per cent of the
unorganised sector workforce is found to be illiterate. The only
exception being public utilities. It is observed that 54 per cent of
the illiterate workforce in electricity, water and gas supply is
organised in nature. On the other end of the spectrum, workers
possessing graduate and higher level of education in the informal
sector shows that in traditional forms of subsectors such as,
agriculture, construction, trade, hotels and restaurants they account
for 95, 81 and 88 per cent respectively.
In spite of possessing the skills, workforce in these sectors is
still largely engaged in unorganised activities. However, workers
with graduate degree and higher levels of education appear less
likely to be in the unorganised segment and are largely engaged
in the public sector such as public utilities, mining and quarrying,
and social, community and personal services. The respective share
of these set of workers in such sub-sectors are 7, 16 and 30 per
cent.
Overall, while the poorest quintile is virtually found in the
informal sector, only one-fourth of the richest expenditure group
is organised. Even the fourth quintile group (2nd richest) is
unorganised to the extent of 90 per cent. However, there appears
to be some deviation from this trend, when one compares non-
agricultural vis-a-vis the farm sector. As the quintile ladder goes
up, the share of the informal sector declines gradually in the non-
farm sector. In contrast, the unorganised segments share in the
farm sector remains extremely high and flat, as depicted.

Existing Social Security Schemes: An Overview

As of today, there are a variety of social security policies and
institutions in India – both promotional and protective. While

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promotional measures include financing and provision of

education, health, nutrition, employment, etc, protective ones on
the other hand, comprise pension and provident funds, maternity
benefits, sickness allowance, employees’ state insurance, etc, which
are provided to the workers. Protective measures are largely
available to the central and state government employees in specific
and to the minuscule organised workforce in India in general.
Employees’ provident funds available for the workers in India
are essentially a statutory form of compulsory saving schemes that
enable old and retiring workers to maintain their living standards
in post-retirement years. The Provident Fund and Miscellaneous
Provisions (PF and MP) Act dates back to 1952. The act applies
to units engaged in any industry listed in schedule I and where
20 or more persons are employed. Further, it is also applicable to
any other establishment employing 20 or more employees or any
class of such establishments, which the central government may
notify in the official gazette from time to time. Under this act, as
on March 2005, there are an estimated 4,08,831 units and 4.11 crore
workers covering 180 odd industries. The progressive contribution
received towards the employees’ provident fund as on March 2003
is put at Rs 1,08,510.14 crore.

Coverage of Social Security Scheme in India

In this section, we intend to examine the coverage of social
security schemes in India by different groups. We confine our
analysis here only to the examination of employees’ provident
fund. Employees’ provident fund is one of the largely available
social security instruments in India for workers. It is estimated
that roughly four crore workers are presently covered by this
instrument. The latest round of the 55th round of National Sample
Survey (NSS) collected information regarding the coverage of
provident fund among workers (specific data was obtained as to
whether the workers were covered by provident fund or not and
if yes, whether they are covered under (i) general provident fund;
(ii) contributory provident fund; (iii) public provident fund; and
(iv) combination of GPF, CPF, PPF). Irrespective of the quintile
groups, results suggest that nonfarm unorganised sector workers
have been virtually been left out of social security arrangements.

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As far as organised sector workers are concerned, 90 per cent of

the richest groups avail provident fund facility. Further, it appears
that only 55 per cent of the poorest among non-farm organised
segment of workforce are covered under the provident fund system
in India. Overall, in the non-farm sector, as against a paltry 5 per
cent of poorest, 35 per cent of the richest workers avail provident
fund benefits.
Industry-wise Coverage of Social Security Benefit
It is interesting to observe that except public utilities, the
coverage of provident fund among the unorganised segment of
workforce in India is virtually next to nil. Since electricity, gas and
water supply are largely under the public sector, around 10 per
cent of unorganised workers are covered under the scheme of
provident fund. Further, it must be noted that in this sector, nearly
95 per cent of organised workforce is provided with the facility
of provident fund. This is followed by (i) social, community and
personal services; (ii) mining and quarrying; and (iii) finance,
insurance, banking, etc, where the coverage is roughly in the range
of 85-90 per cent among the organised labourers. In the organised
manufacturing sector, 78 per cent of workers are estimated to be
availing of this facility. However, since the organised sector
contributes to a paltry 8 per cent of the total workforce, an
examination of social security coverage among all workers would
provide us a better understanding. Workers in construction, trade,
hotels and restaurants appear to be receiving absolutely no social
security benefits. Two sectors which are predominantly dominated
by public sector, i e, (i) electricity, gas and water supply; and (ii)
social, community and personal services, are found to receive
maximum employees provident fund benefit. The respective shares
of those covered under this scheme in these two sectors are 78 and
45 per cent. Further, evidence suggests that roughly 40 per cent
of the workers engaged in finance, insurance, banking, etc, which
is largely in the organised domain, provide social security benefits.
Social Security Coverage among Social Groups
India’s workforce is typically characterised by labour
segmentation wherein employment and social security among
socially vulnerable groups are against them. The last quinquennial

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(55th round – 1999-2000) national sample survey in India collected

information regarding socio-economic and employment particulars
of households. It also included data on caste groups, such as
scheduled tribes (ST), scheduled castes (SC), other backward castes
(OBCs) and others.
In the non-farm sector, SCs and OBCs each accounted for
roughly 85 per cent of informal workers. On the other hand, nearly
one-fourth of the other forward caste groups are found in the
organised segment of non-farm sector. As far as the coverage of
social security schemes are concerned, estimates from the survey
show that 85 per cent of workers from non-farm sector belonging
to the category of SCs and OBCs do not have social security
benefits. For the other category, the same works out to 75 per cent.
Among the unorganised segment of workforce, there is hardly any
coverage of social security schemes. Estimates for the organised
segment suggest that 85-90 per cent of the workforce belonging
to the category of STs and others are covered under social security
schemes. Further, it is noted that the same for SCs and OBCs are
lower and particularly in the latter, the coverage is less than 80
per cent.

Conclusion
India’s workforce comprises nearly 92 per cent of unorganised
workers, with virtually the entire farm sector falling under the
informal category, only one-fifth of the non-farm workers are
found in the organised segment. Utilising both residual and direct
approaches, the study uses the last four quinquennial rounds of
employment-unemployment of national sample survey. The study
examines the growth and structure of formal and informal sector
workforce by one-digit industry across major Indian states.
Estimates suggest that in the non-farm sectors, as we move up the
ladder of income, the share of informal sector gradually declines.
However, as far as the agricultural sector is concerned, irrespective
of economic class, the share of the unorganised segment of the
workforce remains flat. Further analysis reveals that the coverage
of social security schemes has been largely against economically
and socially vulnerable sections. While regular workers are largely
covered by the provident fund regime, the ever increasing army

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of casual and contract workers, even in the organised sector appear

to have been discriminated against, not to speak of the entire self-
employed, which accounts for a significant proportion of India’s
workforce. Although the statutory provisions of provident fund
are supposed to be applicable universally among industries
specified in schedule I, the evidence clearly points to a dismal
state of affairs. Hence, there is a crying need to enforce the same
in the industries covered apart from revising the list (enhanced)
of industries continuously. It is in this context, constant skirmishes
from the ruling class to “reform” provident fund must be resisted
tooth and nail. The current interest regime of provident fund is
being “liberalised” from the earlier administered regime. Recent
efforts by the present government in revising interest rate
downward from 9.5 to 8.5 per cent to the fund subscribers must
be seen in this context. This is a clear case of transfer of income
from labour to capital [Fine 1999]. The Pension Fund Regulatory
and Development Authority (PFRDA), 2005 is only a prelude to
the larger design of privatisation of pension and provident funds.
Global pension fund managers find that the huge corpus fund that
Indian ruling class is offering them on a platter irresistible.
Moving away from defined benefit schemes to defined
contributory schemes is fraught with danger. The exposure to
risks of shifting to contributory schemes arising from future adverse
investment return, etc. will have a serious bearing on the workers’
fragile savings. As far the larger issue of extending social security
measures to the unorganised sector is concerned, we argue that
given the poor affordability and lack of institutional mechanism,
any design of social security that relies heavily on contributory
basis is bound to fail dismally.

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 10
India’s Workforce Quality is
Superior

Interview: Dieter Scheiff

Dieter Scheiff, CEO, Adecco Group holds that the Indian
staffing market would acquire greater importance in times to
come. This will occur with the country’s young demographic profile
and its superior quality workforce. Not surprisingly, the company
is looking at strengthening its position in India. Recently, it upped
its stake in the Bangalore-based Indian staffing firm People One
to 100%— it had bought a 67% stake in the organisation in 2004.
Globally, Adecco enjoys a dominant position in the world staffing
market and is the biggest human resource recruitment firm. It has
7,000 offices in 60 countries. Meanwhile, in the financial year
(calendar) 2006, the group had sales of Euro 20.4 billion. The
group places over 7 lakh people everyday with its network of over
1.5 lakh clients.
In an interview, via email with Taneesha Kulshrestha, he says
that going forward, Adecco may also still have further acquisitions
in India. He is optimistic about positive changes that may come
about with the new Chinese labour law coming into effect from
January 1, 2008. Excerpts: As a staffing market, how important is
India for you? With a GDP growth of 8-10% year-on-year, India
is one of the world’s fastest growing market and is, therefore, key
for the Adecco Group. How much does Adecco’s India operations
contribute to your global revenue and what are your expectations
for the same going forward?
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Currently, 40,000 people are working in Adecco India. The

contribution of the Indian operations to the total Adecco Group
revenue of Euro 20.4 billion and profit of Euro 611 million (2006)
is still marginal due to the lower salary levels compared to the
levels of Europe or the US. However, in terms of potential growth,
India and China are key to the Adecco Group.
Are you looking at any more acquisitions in India? What is
the rationale for upping your stake to 100% in People One? Can
you share your growth targets with us?
We are currently screening the market in the US, Europe and
Asia for professional acquisitions. However, we are also looking
at some specific emerging markets such as India and China for
good specialised general staffing businesses. We agreed that when
we acquired 64% of People One (2004) to increase our stake to
100%. This is where we have now reached and are happy about
it.
In India, what segments of the market including senior, middle,
junior or temping are growing the fastest for you?
At the moment, we see a strong demand for middle and senior
management due to shortage of talent. We also see great potential
in specialised general staffing. If we look at global trends, do you
find more executives looking for job opportunities in India?
The language and cultural understanding is key to the success
of executives, especially in the Asian market. If executives speak
the local language and have international expertise, I see great
opportunities in India. What sectors are attracting these people
and what are the key concerns? We especially see great demand
in the information technology and automotive sectors, notably
also for engineers.
Do you find Indian salaries beginning to approach global
salary levels? We see a closing of the gap with the salary levels
in the western world, especially for the higher-skilled employees.
We do not anticipate any immediate impact from the rising rupee
on overall salary levels.
What do you think of the workforce quality in India across
different levels? India’s work force quality is superior. I will give
you some examples: in India we have the largest English-speaking

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population outside of the US, which is important in an increasingly

globalised world. India has a booming IT industry and no
worldwide company can successfully compete without a state-of-
the-art IT infrastructure. The workforce is cost-effective, highly
educated and has a high level of cross-border mobility.
With greater globalisation and integration of individual
economies, should we still have cumbersome visa regulations and
caps on the number of professionals allowed to enter particular
countries?
Adecco approaches candidate mobility on a global scale.
Adecco, for example, trains employees in Poland to work in Norway
and nurses from Bangladesh to work in Italy. As a company with
global reach, we are able to identify talent needs around the globe.
In general terms, we see deregulation and the lowering of entry
barriers for labour as a great benefit for the worldwide economy.
Over time, we will begin to see the benefits from the new Chinese
labour law, which will come into force as of January 1, 2008.
Given the changing world demographic profile, do you see
any key trends when it comes to the migration of labour? India
has a great competitive advantage vis-a-vis Europe as well as
China due to its demographic profile. In 2020 the majority of the
population in Europe will be over 40 years. In 2015, a third of the
population of China will be older than 50, while at the same time
60% of India’s population will be younger than 30. This will be
of great advantage for India, especially for those who are well-
trained and educated.

Workforce Issues in India

HR Needs to Understand
India’s expanding economy, consumer base and burgeoning
capabilities in service sectors like information technology and
business process outsourcing are making it a new go-to place for
western companies large and small. Also increasing India’s
attractiveness to western corporations is its huge population of
capable workers. However, most of those workers are already
employed, and the current economic expansion is further tightening
the supply of skilled labour.

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So, for a company seeking to get the most out of an operation

in India, a firm needs a trained workforce. Recruiting such a
workforce requires a careful and pro-active HR strategy that is
adapted to the local culture and practices. But the many differences
in laws, compensation and business culture can make HR in India
a challenge. To meet that challenge, HR needs to become
knowledgeable of India’s laws, practices and local conditions.
Labour Market Overview
India has a huge number of employable workers. Out of India’s
population of 1.1 billion people, about 160 million are in the non-
agricultural workforce. The population is matched by a large
educational network of over 10,000 colleges of various sorts. India
has over 22 million college graduates, 7.2 million of those in
science and engineering, and it turns out 2.5 million new graduates
each year.
Since 2002, seasoned technical and managerial staffs have
been in high demand in India, with salaries for those employees
rising sharply every year. Competition is fierce, with frequent job-
hopping and poaching the norm. But, despite the higher demand
for talent, salaries are significantly less than among U.S.
counterparts.
Legal Environment
Although deregulation in the 1990s made it much easier to do
business in India, the legal system is still onerous by American
standards. Among the legal hazards a company must deal with
are a huge number of non-codified, ambiguous laws (estimated
at over 2,000) and joint federal and state government authority
over labour. However, restrictions are often lighter for the newest
service industries, and the regulatory burden is no longer so heavy
that it deters investment.
Working Conditions
Standards for working conditions in India depend on state
and federal laws as well as whether the workplace is a “specified
establishment.” Factories, mines and plantations are usually put
in this category. When in effect, regulations set standards such as

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19 days of annual paid leave; a working day not less than 12 hours;
and double pay for overtime above nine hours a day or 48 hours
a week. In addition, governmental permission is needed for female
employees to work at night, though this is usually granted in
service sectors.
Managerial staffs are almost always excluded from regulations
on working conditions. While managers usually receive the same
leave terms, they do not receive overtime pay.
Contracts and Termination
The standard hiring practice in India is for employers to provide
new employees with a letter of appointment, which serves as a
binding contract, though legal requirements take precedence. The
letter usually includes the terms of salary, starting date, position,
workplace, transfers, ethics, confidentiality, probation and
termination. Terminating a worker in India can be difficult. By
law, a number of procedures must be followed, involving just
cause, notice and arbitration. But, while the procedures are not
applicable to managerial staff, it is important to observe the
termination process with non-managerial employee because if
they are not observed a firing can be challenged in court. The
possibility of a terminated employee raising a court challenge
increases the need to document the circumstances surrounding a
termination, but HR departments need to remember that although
misconduct is accepted as a cause for termination, inefficiency is
not always accepted.
Compensation Structures and Levels
For Westerners, one of the most unfamiliar aspects of
employment in India is the prevalence of non-salary benefits. The
structure of compensation usually comes out to about 40 percent
base salary, 35 percent flexible benefit plan, and 25 percent
retirement benefits and performance-based pay.
This system was developed mainly because most non-salary
benefits were tax-exempt for the company. However, these tax
advantages are being chipped away at, especially with the fringe
benefit tax (FBT), a new corporate tax established in 2005. The FBT
lists tax valuations for many different benefits, such as

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entertainment, travel and gifts, up to 30 percent of the benefit’s

actual value. As a result of the FBT and other changes, benefits
are being reduced somewhat, but they are still a significant part
of the Indian HR landscape. The flexible benefit plan (FBP) is a
standard corporate practice where an employee is assigned a fixed
monetary amount to receive in benefit form. The employee chooses
how to take benefits, depending on personal and tax circumstances.
Common benefits include rent, house payments, transportation,
medical insurance, children’s education and subsidized loans.
Salaries in India vary sharply by education quality and
experience. An entry-level information technology (IT) hire may
earn as little as $2,000 annually, while an engineer freshly graduated
from a reputed university will easily make $12,000. In some of the
highest-demand sectors, salaries for particularly experienced staff
have even risen to surpass American levels, IT managers with 15
years’ experience, for example, command about $220,000. However,
IT is an exceptional sector as department leaders’ pay in most
other industries is generally about 25 percent of American levels.
But wage levels are changing, and overall salaries are increasing
annually by from 10 percent to 30 percent.
Public Retirement, Disability Programs
The most prominent social security program in India is the
“Provident Fund.” Although it is mandatory only for employees
making under about $141 monthly, it is used almost universally
because of its tax benefits. The Provident Fund deducts 12 percent
from an employee’s wages, which the employer matches. The
funds collected are earmarked to a retirement pension or to make
lump sum payments for worker death or disability.
There is also the Employees State Insurance (ESI) program,
mandatory for employees in specific industries making under
about $163 monthly. The ESI pays benefits for worker death and
disability as well as sick pay and maternity pay.
Types of Employees
Expatriates are less common in India than in most Asian
countries, except for top positions, with the pharmaceutical,
hospitality and airline industries among the leading companies

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that most often hire expatriates. Returnees are becoming more

common but are still limited overall, and they rarely command
higher salaries than locals. In addition, work visas are generally
tied to a job, thereby preventing most foreigners from moving
easily from job to job on the same permit.
Some Indian employees’ written communication skills may
need improvement. Some socialization with colleagues and bosses
is expected. In deciding whether to take a job, most potential
Indian hires will consider such factors as responsibility, career
prospects, company reputation and profitability, their offered title,
travel opportunities, and the possibility of going overseas.
Multinational companies tend to have more prestige among
Indians, even as the gap between multinational firm’s salaries and
domestic companies’ salaries is narrowing.
Recruiting Methods
Like the United States, India has a wide range of recruiting
methods, but most recruiting is fairly informal, with walk-in
interviews common below the managerial level. In specialties like
finance, engineering and marketing, on-campus recruitment is
often used to find entry-level candidates. Advertisements and
recruitment agencies can be effective and even necessary to recruit
for managerial positions. Internet job sites like Monsterindia.com
and Naukri.com are coming into wider use.
R et en t io n
There was a time when many Indians hoped to stay in one
job for life, but that is no longer the case, and now many employees
frequently check up on average industry salaries and will readily
switch jobs for an inducement. In addition, many Indians may
take an overseas posting as an opportunity to relocate to the West
permanently. In that environment, employers must do as much as
possible to keep employees satisfied. Some common strategies are:
• Keeping salary levels in line with the market.
• Having transparent appraisal systems and company
policies.
• Providing good food and leisure facilities.

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Life Expectancy and Mortality
in India

The average Indian male born in the 1990s can expect to live
58.5 years; women can expect to live only slightly longer (59.6
years), according to 1995 estimates. Life expectancy has risen
dramatically throughout the century from a scant twenty years in
the 1911-20 period. Although men enjoyed a slightly longer life
expectancy throughout the first part of the twentieth century, by
1990 women had slightly surpassed men.
The death rate declined from 48.6 per 1,000 in the 1910-20
period to fifteen per 1,000 in the 1970s, and improved thereafter,
reaching ten per 1,000 by 1990, a rate that held steady through the
mid-1990s. India’s high infant mortality rate was estimated to
exceed 76 per 1,000 live births in 1995. Thirty percent of infants
had low birth weights, and the death rate for children aged one
to four years was around ten per 1,000 of the population.
According to a 1989 National Nutrition Monitoring Bureau
report, less than 15 percent of the population was adequately
nourished, although 96 percent received an adequate number of
calories per day. In 1986 daily average intake was 2,238 calories
as compared with 2,630 calories in China. According to UN
findings, caloric intake per day in India had fallen slightly to 2,229
in 1989, lending credence to the concerns of some experts who
claimed that annual nutritional standards statistics cannot be relied
on to show whether poverty is actually being reduced. Instead,
such studies may actually pick up short-term amelioration of
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

poverty as the result of a period of good crops rather than a long-

term trend.
Official Indian estimates of the poverty level are based on a
person’s income and corresponding access to minimum nutritional
needs. There were 332 million people at or below the poverty level
in FY 1991, most of whom lived in rural areas.

Communicable and Noncommunicable Diseases

A number of endemic communicable diseases present a serious
public health hazard in India. Over the years, the government has
set up a variety of national programs aimed at controlling or
eradicating these diseases, including the National Malaria
Eradication Programme and the National Filaria Control
Programme. Other initiatives seek to limit the incidence of
respiratory infections, cholera, diarrheal diseases, trachoma, goiter,
and sexually transmitted diseases.
Smallpox, formerly a significant source of mortality, was
eradicated as part of the worldwide effort to eliminate that disease.
India was declared smallpox-free in 1975. Malaria remains a serious
health hazard; although the incidence of the disease declined
sharply in the post-independence period, India remains one of the
most heavily malarial countries in the world. Only the Himalaya
region above 1,500 meters is spared. In 1965 government sources
registered only 150,000 cases, a notable drop from the 75 million
cases in the early post-independence years. This success was short-
lived, however, as the malarial parasites became increasingly
resistant to the insecticides and drugs used to combat the disease.
By the mid-1970s, there were nearly 6.5 million cases on record.
The situation again improved because of more conscientious efforts;
by 1982 the number of cases had fallen by roughly two-thirds. This
downward trend continued, and in 1987 slightly fewer than 1.7
million cases of malaria were reported.
In the early 1990s, about 389 million people were at risk of
infection from filaria parasites; 19 million showed symptoms of
filariasis, and 25 million were deemed to be hosts to the parasites.
Efforts at control, under the National Filaria Control Programme,
which was established in 1955, have focused on eliminating the
filaria larvae in urban locales, and by the early 1990s there were

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more than 200 filaria control units in operation. Leprosy, a major

public health and social problem, is endemic, with all the states
and union territories reporting cases. However, the prevalence of
the disease varies. About 3 million leprosy cases are estimated to
exist nationally, of which 15 to 20 percent are infectious. The
National Leprosy Control Programme was started in 1955, but it
only received high priority after 1980. In FY 1982, it was
redesignated as the National Leprosy Eradication Programme. Its
goal was to achieve eradication of the disease by 2000. To that end,
758 leprosy control units, 900 urban leprosy centres, 291 temporary
hospitalization wards, 285 district leprosy units, and some 6,000
lower-level centres had been established by March 1990. By March
1992, nearly 1.7 million patients were receiving regular multidrug
treatment, which is more effective than the standard single drug
therapy (Dapsone monotherapy).
India is subject to outbreaks of various diseases. Among them
is pneumonic plague, an episode of which spread quickly
throughout India in 1994 killing hundreds before being brought
under control. Tuberculosis, trachoma, and goiter are endemic. In
the early 1980s, there were an estimated 10 million cases of
tuberculosis, of which about 25 percent were infectious. During
1991 nearly 1.6 million new tuberculosis cases were detected. The
functions of the Trachoma Control Programme, which started in
1968, have been subsumed by the National Programme for the
Control of Blindness. Approximately 45 million Indians are vision-
impaired; roughly 12 million are blind. The incidence of goiter is
dominant throughout the sub-Himalayan states from Jammu and
Kashmir to the northeast. There are some 170 million people who
are exposed to iodine deficiency disorders. Starting in the late
1980s, the central government began a salt iodinization program
for all edible salt, and by 1991 record production—2.5 million
tons—of iodized salt had been achieved. There are as well anemias
related to poor nutrition, a variety of diseases caused by vitamin
and mineral deficiencies—beriberi, scurvy, osteomalacia, and
rickets—and a high incidence of parasitic infection.
Diarrheal diseases, the primary cause of early childhood
mortality, are linked to inadequate sewage disposal and lack of
safe drinking water. Roughly 50 percent of all illness is attributed

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to poor sanitation; in rural areas, about 80 percent of all children

are infected by parasitic worms. Estimates in the early 1980s
suggested that although more than 80 percent of the urban
population had access to reasonably safe water, fewer than 5
percent of rural dwellers did. Waterborne sewage systems were
woefully overburdened; only around 30 percent of urban
populations had adequate sewage disposal, but scarcely any
populations outside cities did. In 1990, according to United States
sources, only 3 percent of the rural population and 44 percent of
the urban population had access to sanitation services, a level
relatively low by developing nation standards. There were better
findings for access to potable water: 69 percent in the rural areas
and 86 percent in urban areas, relatively high percentages by
developing nation standards. In the mid-1990s, about 1 million
people die each year of diseases associated with diarrhea.
India has an estimated 1.5 million to 2 million cases of cancer,
with 500,000 new cases added each year. Annual deaths from
cancer total around 300,000. The most common malignancies are
cancer of the oral cavity (mostly relating to tobacco use and pan
chewing—about 35 percent of all cases), cervix, and breast.
Cardiovascular diseases are a major health problem; men and
women suffer from them in almost equal numbers (14 million
versus 13 million in FY 1990).

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 12
An Overview of Migration in
India, its Impacts and Key
Issues

Summary
This paper deals with internal and international migration,
both of which are large-scale with impacts on economic growth
and poverty reduction in many regions of the country.
In some parts of India, three out of four households include
a migrant. However despite the large scale of migration in absolute
numbers of people involved and India’s long history of population
and labour mobility, labour migration has rarely been reliably
studied. Labour migration is complex. Streams differ in duration,
origin, destination and migrant characteristics. Economic and social
impacts on migrants and their families are variable. Migration
often involves longer working hours, poor living and working
conditions, social isolation and poor access to basic amenities. At
destination, migrant labour affects markets, lowering the cost of
labour. Migration also affects the labour market at the place of
origin. Migrant earnings affect income, expenditure patterns and
investment and changes relations at household and community
levels. While there seems to be some positive impact on incomes
and investment, the major function of migration is to act as a
‘safety valve’ in poor areas. The impact on asset and income
inequality is more mixed. Internal mobility is critical to the
livelihoods of many people, especially tribal people, socially
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

deprived groups and people from resource-poor areas. However,

because of lack of data, migration is largely invisible and ignored
by policy makers. There is a large gap between the insights from
macro data and those from field studies.
What data are available attest to the substantial and growing
scale of internal seasonal migration. In one district of the rice-
producing belt of West Bengal, the flow of seasonal migrants,
drawn from tribals, Muslims and low castes, exceeds 500,000
people. Migrants are disadvantaged as labourers and labour laws
dealing with them are weakly implemented. Poor migrants have
very little bargaining power. Most migrant labourers are also
employed in the unorganised sector, where the lack of regulation
compounds their vulnerability. They are largely ignored by
government and NGO programmes (AIDS related work is a recent
exception).
Laws and regulations concerning working conditions of
migrants are largely ineffective: legislation fails because regulatory
authorities are over-stretched, the state sees migrants as a low
priority and because migrant workers are vulnerable with little
support from civil society. But there are instances in which both
governmental and non-governmental organisations have
intervened to reduce the costs of migration and to increase its
benefits to migrants.
International migration, though involving a small proportion
of the workforce, has important local impacts. Since independence,
two distinct streams of migration have left India: people with
professional expertise or technical qualifications emigrating to
industrialised countries, and semi-skilled and skilled workers
emigrating to the Middle East. Data on these labour flows are
limited, but estimates and trends can be discerned. Migration to
industrialised countries grew steadily between 1950 and 2000.
Nearly 1.25 million Indians emigrated to the US, Canada, UK and
Australia during this period. Average annual flows to these
destinations increased nearly five-fold between the 1950s and the
1990s.
Migration to the Middle East increased rapidly between the
late1970s and early 1980s. In the midto late 1980s, however, the
number of Indian workers migrating to the Middle East fell sharply.

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Labour migration increased substantially again during the 1990s.

Today, some 3 million Indian migrants live in Gulf countries. Most
migrants come from Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and
Punjab. The current number of Indian migrants overseas accounts
for less than 1% of the total workforce in India, so has little direct
impact on the national labour market. However, the effects of
migration are significant in major sending regions. In Kerala, for
example, emigration has recently led to a considerable reduction
in unemployment.
Remittances are the main benefit of external migration,
providing scarce foreign exchange and scope for higher levels of
savings and investments. Remittances over the past 30 years have
financed much of India’s balance of trade deficit and have thus
reduced the current account deficit.
Remittances have had a considerable impact on regional
economies. The most striking case is that of Kerala, where
remittances made up 21% of state income in the 1990s. This flow
appears to have increased wealth: although the average per capita
consumption in Kerala was below the national average until 1978–
79, by 1999–2000 consumer expenditure in Kerala exceeded the
national average by around 41%. International migration has also
had considerable impacts on demographic structures, expenditure
patterns, social structures and poverty levels. Impacts include
reducing population growth; enhancing the dependency burden
within households; increasing consumption expenditures and
reducing poverty levels.
External migration flows are regulated by the government.
The main instrument of regulation is the Emigration Act 1983
which deals with the departure of Indian workers for overseas
contractual employment and seeks to safeguard their interests.
However efforts to direct manpower export have been minimal.
The paper recommends several changes in government policy. A
key focus of policy intervention should be to improve synergy
between migration and development. Internal migration is a
consequence of unequal regional development. In the case of
international migration, the impact on pro-poor growth should be
maximised through appropriate institutional and policy measures.

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Four major categories of interventions can be envisaged, which

will differ for internal and external migration. These categories
relate to:
• addressing underdevelopment and improving the synergy
between migration and development;
• improving labour market outcomes;
• ensuring basic entitlements to migrant workers;
• improving the social and political environment for
migration.

Introduction
In some regions of India, three out of four households include
a migrant. The effects of migration on individuals, households
and regions add up to a significant impact on the national economy
and society. Despite the numbers, not much is written on migration
within or from India and its considerable costs and returns remain
outside of the public policy realm. This paper reviews key issues
relating to internal and external labour migration in India. It
analyses the patterns, trends and nature of labour migration,
reviews existing government and non-governmental policies and
programmes, and briefly examines key policy issues and options.
This paper relies mainly on existing data, but also draws on
some new analysis of secondary data. The study benefited from
insights gained at a stakeholder workshop involving staff from
grassroots programmes of both governmental and non-
governmental agencies. Key policy makers were also interviewed
in order both to gain an understanding of current government
concerns and to validate our findings. There is considerable
conceptual difficulty in defining a migrant, often unacknowledged
in the literature. Worker mobility takes different forms, which
may coexist. The worker’s place of residence and place of work
may be different, and the distance covered by daily commuting.
At the other end of the spectrum, workers may move permanently
from their places of birth or usual place of residence, maintaining
little or no contact with their places of origin. Between these two
extremes, people move away for differing periods of time. Most
household surveys use a cut-off point to determine the usual place

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of residence – in India, this is six months – but such a cut-off point

has no firm basis in migration patterns.
It is useful to distinguish between ‘permanent’, ‘semi-
permanent’ and ‘temporary’ migrants, based on how long they are
away from their place of origin, the links they maintain, and the
likelihood that they will return home. Temporary migrants are
unlikely to stay away from their places of origin for more than
a few months in a year. Since the central concern of this paper is
the links between migration and poverty, we have focused on
migration streams which involve poorer people in the section on
internal migration.

Background
Migration from one area to another in search of improved
livelihoods is a key feature of human history. While some regions
and sectors fall behind in their capacity to support populations,
others move ahead and people migrate to access these emerging
opportunities. Industrialisation widens the gap between rural and
urban areas, inducing a shift of the workforce towards
industrialising areas. There is extensive debate on the factors that
cause populations to shift, from those that emphasise individual
rationality and household behaviour to those that cite the structural
logic of capitalist development (cf. de Haan and Rogaly, 2002).
Moreover, numerous studies show that the process of migration
is influenced by social, cultural and economic factors and outcomes
can be vastly different for men and women, for different groups
and different locations (ibid.).
In the past few decades new patterns have emerged,
challenging old paradigms. First, there have been shifts of the
workforce towards the tertiary sector in both developed and
developing countries. Secondly, in developed countries, urban
congestion and the growth of communication infrastructure has
slowed down urbanisation. Thirdly, in developing countries, the
workforce shift towards the secondary/tertiary sector has been
slow and has been dominated by an expansion of the ‘informal’
sector, which has grown over time. In countries like India,
permanent shifts of population and workforce coexist with the
‘circulatory’ movement of populations between lagging and

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developed regions and between rural and urban areas, mostly

being absorbed in the unorganised sector of the economy. Such
movements show little sign of abating with development.
The sources of early migration flows were primarily agro-
ecological, related to population expansion to new settlements or
to conquests (e.g. Eaton, 1984). There is considerable information
on patterns of migration during the British period. Indian
emigration abroad was one consequence of the abolition of slavery
and the demand for replacement labour. This was normally through
indenture, a form of contract labour whereby a person would bind
himself for a specified period of service, usually four to seven
years in return for payment of their passage. They left for British,
Dutch and French colonies to work in sugar plantations and
subsequently for the tea and rubber plantations of Southeast Asia
(Tinker, 1974). Similar demands for labour rose internally with the
growth of tea, coffee and rubber plantations, coal mines and, later,
modern industry.
Much of this labour was procured through some form of
organised mediation and some portion of it remained circulatory
and retained strong links with the areas of origin. But as it settled
down, it provided a bridgehead to other migrants, whose numbers
grew to satisfy colonial demand. Urban pockets like Kolkatta and
Mumbai attracted rural labourers mainly from labour catchment
areas like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Orissa in the east and Andhra
Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and parts of Kerala and Karnataka in the
south. The historical pattern of the flow of labourers persisted
even after independence. In 2001, India’s population exceeded 1
billion. At that time, 67.2% lived in rural areas and 32.8% in towns
and cities. Between 1951 and 2001, the proportion of the population
living in urban areas rose from 17.3% to 32.8%. Of the total
workforce, 73.3% remained in rural areas, declining marginally
from 77.7% in 1991 and 79.3% in 1981; 58% remained dependent
upon agriculture.
In a country of India’s size, the existence of significant regional
disparities should not come as a surprise. The scale and growth
of these disparities is, however, of concern. The ratio between the
highest to lowest state per capita incomes, represented by Punjab
and Bihar in the first period, and Maharashtra and Bihar in the

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second period, has increased from 2.6 in 1980–83 to 3.5 in

1997–00 (Srivastava, 2003). The Planning Commission estimates
that 26.1% of India’s population lives below the poverty line (based
on the controversial National Sample Survey of 1999–2000). The
rural poor has gradually concentrated in eastern India and rainfed
parts of central and western India, which continue to have low-
productivity agriculture. In 1999–2000, the states with the highest
poverty levels were: Orissa (47.2%), Bihar (41.2%), Madhya Pradesh
(37.4%), Assam (36.1%) and Uttar Pradesh (31.2%).
Generally, India’s poor have meagre physical assets and human
capital and belong largely to socially deprived groups such as
scheduled castes (SC) and tribes (ST). Women share an
extraordinary burden of deprivation within households. The poor
rely on different types of work to construct a livelihood; wage
labour and cultivation are the most important. Earlier studies have
shown that poor households participate extensively in migration
(Connell et al, 1976).
More recent studies have reconfirmed that migration is a
significant livelihood strategy for poor households in several
regions of India.

Existing Structures for Policy Implementation Internal

The Ministry of Labour and the Departments of Labour, at
state levels, are responsible for formulating and implementing
measures to protect migrant workers. Certain existing labour laws
aim to improve the conditions of migrant workers and prevent
their exploitation. The important ones are: the Inter State Migrant
Workmen Act, 1979; the Minimum Wages Act, 1948; the Contract
Labour (Regulation and Abolition) Act, 1970; the Equal
Remuneration Act, 1976; and the Building and Other Construction
Workers (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service)
Act, 1996. The enforcement of these laws is the responsibility of
both the central and state governments. At the central level, the
key agency is the office of the Chief Labour Commissioner and
its field offices. However, the Directorate General of Labour Welfare
and the Welfare Commissioners also deal with certain welfare
provisions emanating from some of these enactments. In the states,
the offices of the Labour Commissioners and their field offices are

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

responsible for enforcing these laws. Concerns of migrant labourers

are also the responsibility of the relevant Social Sector Ministries
(Health and Family Welfare, Human Resource Development, Food
and Consumer Affairs, Urban Affairs, Social Justice). However,
there are no separate departments in these ministries dealing
exclusively with migrant labour. The Ministry of Home Affairs has
the responsibility for immigration.

International
India regulates external labour migration flows, for which the
1983 Emigration Act provides the necessary legal framework. The
office of the Protector of Emigrants, Ministry of Labour, is
empowered by law to regulate the deployment of Indian nationals
seeking foreign employment. The main objective of state
intervention is to ensure that nationals obtain legally valid
employment abroad under acceptable conditions. This is achieved
mainly by setting minimum employment standards and verifying
employment contracts; regulating recruitment through licensing
the agents; issuing emigration clearances for certain categories of
emigrants, especially those considered less able to protect their
own interests; and handling public grievances related to violation
of employment contracts and recruitment abuses.
Two other ministries concerned with the emigration of Indian
workers are the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) and Ministry
of Home Affairs. Indian diplomatic missions abroad come under
the MEA. They often have a labour attache posted to the mission,
responsible for monitoring and reporting on the conditions of
Indian nationals and liaising with host government authorities on
matters such as employment conditions, welfare and repatriation
of migrant labour.
The MEA also addresses issues related to international
migration during bilateral diplomatic negotiations, especially with
major destination countries. The Immigration Department under
the Ministry of Home Affairs is responsible for the control of exit
of Indian nationals. The Police Department under the Ministry of
Home Affairs is responsible for investigating complaints lodged
on recruitment abuses in India. An organogram shows the links
between the different Ministries.

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 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

Trends and Patterns in Internal Migration

The two main secondary sources of data on population mobility
in India are the Census and the National Sample Survey (NSS).
These surveys may underestimate some migration flows, such as
temporary, seasonal and circulatory migration, both due to
empirical and conceptual difficulties. Since such migration and
commuting is predominantly employment oriented, the data
underestimate the extent of labour mobility. Furthermore, migration
data relate to population mobility and not worker mobility,
although economic theories of migration are primarily about
worker migration. It is not easy to disentangle these, firstly because
definitions of migrants used in both surveys (change from
birthplace and change in last usual place of residence), are not
employment related. Secondly, migration surveys give only the
main reason for migration, and that only at the time of migration.
Secondary economic reasons could be masked, as in the case
of married women, who would cite other reasons for movement.
Another problem is that migration data relate to stocks of migrants
and not to flows, although different policy concerns relate to
stocks (of different ages) and flows. Many of these concerns can
be handled only by micro surveys, which have their own problems.
Population Mobility
In one view, population mobility in India is low (Davis, 1951;
Kundu and Gupta, 1996). Migration statistics to the early 1990s
also suggest a decline in mobility. In the 1991 census, using the
change in residence concept, 27.4% of the population is considered
to have migrated (that is, 232 million of the total 838 million
persons), which shows a considerable decline from 30.6% in 1971
and 31.2% in 1981. This is true for male and female migrants. In
the case of males, it declined from 18.1% in 1971 to 14.7% in 1991.
In the case of females, it declined from 43.1% in 1971 to 41.6% in
1991.
However, recent evidence based on NSS figures for 1992–1993
and 1999–2000, and indirectly supported by the census, suggests
an increase in migration rates – from 24.7% to 26.6% over that
period. This evidence suggests the proportion of migrants of both
sexes, in both rural and urban areas, increased during the last

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decade of the 20th century. Migration in India is predominantly

short distance, with around 60% of migrants changing their
residence within the district of enumeration and over 20% within
the state of enumeration while the rest move across the state
boundaries. A significant proportion of women migrates over
short distances, mainly following marriage. The proportion of
male lifetime migrants is low in most poor states except Madhya
Pradesh and high in most developed states. For inter-state
migration, a similar trend is observed: developed states show high
inter-state immigration while poor states, except Madhya Pradesh,
show low rates of total and male immigration. Rates of interstate
lifetime emigration are complementary to the above trends
(Srivastava, 1998).
Based on place of last residence and on place of birth, migrants
are generally classified into four migration streams. Rural areas
are still the main destination for migrants, but urban destinations
are more important for male migrants (49% of male migrants
moved to urban destinations in 1991, compared to 29.5% female
migrants).
Between 1992–1993 and 1999–2000, NSS data indicate an
increase in urban migration, but this is mainly due to urban-urban
flows (Srivastava and Bhattacharya, 2002).
Migration for Work
The primary motive for migration, recorded by the census as
well as the NSS, is an important indicator of how mobility is
influenced by conditions of the labour market. Of the 27.4% who
changed place of residence, as per 1991 census, 8.8% moved for
employment reasons and 2.3% had business motives. The
proportion moving due to economic motives was higher for males
(27.8% moved for employment reasons, and 7.1% for business
reasons), compared with females (only 1.8% moved for
employment reasons and 0.5% for business reasons).
The proportion migrating for economic reasons is greater
among long-distance migrants; most male migrants moving
between states did so for economic reasons. Again, economic
motives are more significant in urban migration streams, especially
for males. While the share of inter-state to total migrants was only

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11.8% in 1991, such migrants comprised 28% of all economic

migrants. Similarly, while 49% of male migrants were in urban
areas, 69.2% of such migrants migrated for employment (Srivastava,
1998).
A distinct regional variation emerges in the work pattern of
migrants. In the northeastern states and some others, migrants are
mainly employed in the tertiary and secondary sector of the
economy. Elsewhere, the primary sector attracts the migrant most.
An analysis of the occupational division of migrant workers (other
than cultivators and agricultural labourers) shows that among
males, 43% are engaged in production related work. In the tertiary
sector, significant proportions of male migrants are engaged as
sales workers, followed by clerical and related work.
All the western states have a significant proportion of male
migrants in secondary activity and in the southern and north-
eastern states they are mainly engaged in the tertiary sector. In the
case of female migrant workers, 40% are in production related
works and a significant proportion are in technical and professional
activity.
Migration for Work in the 1990s
Analysis of the recent trends of labour mobility, on the basis
of NSS estimates from the 49th (1992–93) and 55th rounds (1999–
00) have been carried out by Srivastava and Bhattacharya (2002)
and a few central conclusions from that analysis are discussed
below. This period shows a sharp increase in urban male mobility,
with a significantly larger percentage of male migrants reporting
economic and employment linked reasons for mobility. For other
streams, there has been a decline in the percentage of migrants
giving economic reasons for mobility.
A comparison of the decadal migrant streams (migrants who
had migrated in the decade preceding the period of survey) shows
that (a) a greater percentage of the urban migrant workers were
from the non-agricultural sector (self-employed or regular
employed); (b) a greater percentage of the male migrant workers
were self-employed or in regular employment in 1999–00; (c) in
the case of females, however, a larger percentage of decadal female
migrant workers worked in 1999–00 as casual labourers (in the

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rural areas in agriculture). Comparing activity status before and

after migration for all migrants, we find that migrants in general
show much higher work participation rates for both urban and
rural areas In the urban areas, the NSS 55th round figures show
a significant transition towards regular employment and self-
employment among males, with a small decline in the percentage
of casual labour. In the rural areas, there is an increase in all three
categories including casual labour, but the most significant shift
is towards self-employment. In the case of female migrants,
however, along with an increase in the percentage of workers to
population in all three categories after migration, there is also an
increase in casualisation both in rural and urban areas, but quite
significantly in the former.
These results, along with the decline in short duration
migration, which we discuss below, suggest that the 1990s may
have provided greater opportunity for labour mobility to those
who were better positioned – males in urban areas and in the non-
agricultural sector. However, these results are still tentative and
need to be corroborated with further analysis from other sources.
Short Duration Labour Migration
Our special interest is in temporary, short duration migration,
because such migrants lack stable employment and sources of
livelihood at home and belong to the poorer strata. These migrants
find work in agriculture, seasonal industries, or are absorbed in
the amorphous urban economy, either as casual labourers or as
selfemployed. They may move from one type of job to another or
even from rural to urban areas. There is another category of poor
and destitute migrants who have virtually no assets in the areas
of origin and have lost all contact with their origin. Thus not all
poor migrants would fall in the category of seasonal/short term
migrants. But as discussed earlier, for one reason or another, all
these categories are likely to be underestimated in data.
In terms of the duration of migration, Census of India estimates
56.2% of the migrants in 1991 were of more than 10 years standing,
while 21.4% were of 1 to 9 years duration. Only 7.07 million or
3.04% of the migrants were recorded as short duration (less than
one year’s duration), of whom 1.37 million migrated for economic

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reasons. The NSS survey of 1999–00 has estimated that there was
8.64 million short duration (less than one year) (in)-migrants in
1999–00, out of whom 3.24 million had migrated for economic
reasons. However, in 1992–93 the total number of estimated short
duration migrants was 16.75 million, suggesting a sharp decline
in the intervening years. The NSS 55th round has separately
estimated (for the first time) the number of short duration
outmigrants in 1999–00 (those who stayed away for a period
between 2 and 6 months for work or seeking work). Generally, this
category would not overlap with the category of short duration
in-migrants who are expected to have stayed in their current place
of residence for six months or more. A total of nearly 10.87 million
people stayed away from their UPR for work/seeking work for a
period between 2 and 6 months. Of these 8.45 million were resident
in rural areas and 2.42 million in urban areas. Among the 8.45
million short duration out-migrant in rural areas, 3.06 million
were females and 5.39 million were males.
Short-duration out-migrants constituted 2.1% of rural
employed persons and 1.3% of urban employed persons. Casual
labourers among them formed 3.1% and 1.5% of the casual labour
force in rural and urban areas respectively.
Some informal estimates of seasonal/short term migration
have been made from time to time. They broadly suggest that
these flows might be underestimated in national surveys. The
National Commission of Rural Labour (NCRL) made a quick
estimate of such labourers based on their numbers in industries
employing migrant workers. According to the NCRL, there were
approximately 10 million seasonal/circular migrants in the rural
areas alone. This included an estimated 4.5 million inter-state
migrants. There were large numbers of migrants in agriculture
and plantations, brick kilns, quarries, construction sites and fish
processing.
A number of field studies over the 1990s also provide rough
estimates of the magnitude of seasonal migration in different parts
of India. These attest to the considerable scale of such migration.
Empirical research on the scale and pattern of seasonal migration
of workers to the rice-producing belt of West Bengal carried out
in 1999–00 suggests that the number of seasonal migrants, drawn

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from tribals, Muslims and other low castes, moving to Bardhaman

district during aman harvesting season exceeds 500,000 and this
volume has been growing since the 1980s (Rogaly et al, 2001). A
study based on annual seasonal migration of tribal households
from Khandesh (Dhule district, Maharashtra) to the sugarcane
fields of southern Gujarat in 1988–89 estimated that every year
100,000 to 150,000 labourers are recruited from this region to work
in the nine sugar co-operatives of Southern Gujarat (Teerink, 1995).
Other studies in the tribal areas in MP, Rajasthan and Gujarat also
indicate a very high rate of out migration, in some cases involving
60 to 80% of households.
Significant number of tribals, mainly from drought prone
areas of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Maharashtra, migrate to
work in construction, tile factory, brick kiln and crop cutting in
Maharashtra (Pandey, 1998). Saora, Munda and Santhal tribes
have a long history of migration, with male only migration among
the Saora (plantation cultivation in Assam and Arunachal Pradesh),
whereas Mundas and Santhals migrate as household units, mainly
to NALCO site in Denkanal district of Orissa (Menon, 1995). The
construction industry mainly depends on migrant labour (90% of
the labourers are migrants in one estimate (Vaijanyanta, 1998).
Around 40,000 girls migrate from Kerala annually to other state
to work in the fishery industry (Sarodamoni, 1995).
Profile of Migrant Workers
Migration encompasses enormous economic and social
diversity. Migrants are concentrated in different types of work in
rural and urban areas. In the rural areas, self-employment is the
predominant activity for both male and female migrant workers
followed by casual work which, according to the NSS 55th round
findings, engaged 33.4% of male migrant workers and 44.2% of
female migrant workers in 1999–00. In urban areas, regular
employment engaged 55.6% of the male workers while self-
employment and casual work engaged 31.1 and 13.3% of male
migrant workers respectively. In the case of females, the highest
percentage were self-employed (39.7) followed by regular
employment (35.1%) and casual work (25.2%) This naturally implies
that there is considerable economic differentiation among migrant

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households. Further a little under 50% of the urban and rural

migrants and more than 50% of male migrants in both sectors are
in the top two consumption quintiles. Among other factors, this
may reflect the higher work participation rates among migrants
and the propensity of the well-off to migrate.
Micro studies show a bi-modal relationship with respect to
wealth/income and land: migrants cluster both at low and high
levels (Connell et al, 1976). The NCRL report suggests that labourers
and landpoor farmers have a high propensity to migrate as seasonal
labourers.
Data on individual migrants gleaned from micro surveys shows
a significant clustering of migrants in the 16–40 year age group
(Conell et al, 1976). This is even more the case with poorer semi-
permanent or temporary labour migrants (Srivastava 1999, and
forthcoming). With respect to education, migration rates are high
both among the highly educated and the least educated, and
among seasonal migrants there is a high preponderance of illiterate
people.
In the overall migrant population, differences across caste
groups are not significant, but ST and SC migrants are more
involved in short duration migrants, with migration rates among
them being 2% and 1% respectively, compared with an overall rate
of 0.7% for all short duration migrants (NSS, 2001). This is also
corroborated by field survey data showing that low castes are
predominant in short duration migration flows.
The nature of migration primarily reflects household
subsistence strategies in the face of social, cultural, demographic
and other constraints. Males predominate in most labour migration
streams. But in a number of other cases, both men and women
migrate together for work, especially among lower caste and tribals
where constraints on women’s participation in non-household
economic activities are fewer. The pattern of labour migration
(whether males alone, males and females, or females alone) is
related to the social structure, the pattern of demand, and the
nature of the migration process. In some sectors such as
construction, brick kiln and sugarcane cutting, family migration
is prevalent as it is more economical for employers. The proportion

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of women outmigrants (predominantly to agriculture and the

construction sector) ranges from 18% to 42% in the case of some
tribal areas.
Rogaly et al (2001), focusing on four source areas for labour
migration to West Bengal’s rice bowl, find male only migration in
two of the source areas they studied, whereas migration from the
other two areas was both by men and women. The fish processing
industry has seen the migration of large numbers of single women
(Sarodamoni, 1995). In the domestic maid sector, there is increasing
trend of independent migration of females, A study by the Institute
of Social Sciences (1991) indicates that 20% of total women migrants
to Delhi are employed as domestic maids. There are also important
regional differences in the pattern of female labour mobility
between the northern and southern states (Singh, 1984). Among
inter-state economic migrants, the share of the northern states
(Bihar, UP) is very large in male migration, but the southern states
have a comparatively larger share in female economic migrants
(Srivastava, 1998). On the whole, however, females move smaller
distances for work compared to males.
Causes of Migration
Given the diversity in the nature of migration in India, the
causes are also bound to vary. Migration is influenced both by the
pattern of development (NCRL, 1991), and the social structure
(Mosse et al, 2002). The National Commission on Rural Labour,
focusing on seasonal migration, concluded that uneven
development was the main cause of seasonal migration. Along
with inter regional disparity, disparity between different
socioeconomic classes and the development policy adopted since
independence has accelerated the process of seasonal migration.
In tribal regions, intrusion of outsiders, the pattern of settlement,
displacement and deforestation, also have played a significant
role.
Most migration literature makes a distinction between ‘pull’
and ‘push’ factors, which, however, do not operate in isolation of
one another. Mobility occurs when workers in source areas lack
suitable options for employment/livelihood, and there is some
expectation of improvement in circumstances through migration.

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The improvement sought may be better employment or higher

wages/incomes, but also maximisation of family employment or
smoothing of employment/income/consumption over the year.
At one end of the migration spectrum, workers could be
locked into a debt-migration cycle, where earnings from migration
are used to repay debts incurred at home or in the destination
areas, thereby cementing the migration cycle. At the other end,
migration is largely voluntary, although shaped by their limited
choices. The NCRL has recognised the existence of this continuum
for poor migrants by distinguishing between rural labour migration
for survival and for subsistence. The landless poor, who mostly
belong to lower caste, indigenous communities, from economically
backward regions, migrate for survival and constitute a significant
proportion of seasonal labour flow (Study Group on Migrant
Labour, 1990).
The growth of intensive agriculture and commercialisation of
agriculture since the late 1960s has led to peak periods of labour
demand, often also coinciding with a decline in local labour
deployment. In the case of labour flows to the riceproducing belt
of West Bengal, wage differentials between the source and
destination have been considered as the main reason for migration.
Moreover, absence of non-farm employment, low agricultural
production has resulted in a growth of seasonal migration (Rogaly
et al, 2001). Migration decisions are influenced by both individual
and household characteristics as well as the social matrix, which
is best captured in social-anthropological studies. Factors such as
age, education level, wealth, land owned, productivity and job
opportunities influence the participation of individuals and
households in migration, but so do social attitudes and supporting
social networks.
Where migration is essentially involuntary, it makes little sense
to use voluntaristic models to explain the phenomenon. In Dhule
region (Maharashtra) sugarcane cultivation leads to high demand
for labour, but landowners recruit labourers from other districts
for harvesting as they can have effective control over the labour.
Local labourers are thus forced to migrate with their households
to South Gujarat (Teerink 1995). In Kerala, trawler-fishing has
depleted marine resources. With unemployment in other industries

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like cashew and rubber, this has led to large scale out migration
of girls (Sardamoni, 1995).
The Migrant Labour Market
Migrants at the lower end of the market comprise mostly
unskilled casual labourers or those who own or hire small means
of livelihood such as carts or rickshaws and are self-employed. We
focus in this section primarily on migrants who work as casual
labourers, although several of the conditions discussed below are
also common to other categories of migrants.
Migrant labourers are exposed to large uncertainties in the
potential job market. To begin with, they have little knowledge of
the market and risk high job search costs. The perceived risks and
costs tend to be higher the further they are from home. There are
several ways in which migrants minimise risks and costs. For a
number of industries, recruitment is often done through
middlemen. In many cases, these middlemen are known to the job
seekers and may belong to the source area. In other cases, migrants
move to the destination areas on their own. This is generally the
case where ‘bridgeheads’ have been established, lowering potential
risks and costs. The movement of migrants in groups, often sharing
kinship ties, also provides some protection in the context of the
harsh environment in which migrants travel, seek jobs and work.
Mosse et al (2002), based on a study of villages in the Western India
Rain-fed Farming Project (WIRFFP), have shown that the
incorporation of workers in the labour market in different ways
may depend upon their initial status, with somewhat better-off
migrants having superior social net-works and being better able
to exploit bridgeheads in urban locations. As with other types of
interlocked relationships, the poorer migrants trade their freedom
of making individual contracts with employers to the possibility
of securing advances and employment from contractors.
In the agricultural sector, labourers are sometimes directly
recruited by the employer. In Punjab, labourers are often recruited
by employers at the railway stations (Sidhu and Grewal, 1980). In
West Bengal, labourers are sometimes recruited at bus stands or
employers often go to the source area and recruit labourers (Rogaly
et al, 2001). Contractors, who often belong to same caste and

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community, are the other medium for recruitment in the

agricultural and rural sectors (agricultural workers in Punjab,
coffee plantations in Karnataka, sugarcane plantations in Gujarat,
quarry workers around Delhi). In parts of Punjab, agents or traders
are also active in recruitment. Labourers are hired by contractors
in their village, or by their relatives and friends who have already
migrated. In the urban informal sector, friends and relatives act
as a network and the job market is highly segmented based around
people of the same caste, religion and kinship. (Mitra and Gupta,
2002). Social networks provide initial income support, information,
accommodation, and access to jobs. However, parts of the urban
unorganised sector may also be characterised by a high degree of
organised migration, as in the rural areas discussed above. In the
construction industry, workers are largely recruited through
contractors who settle wages, retain part of their earnings apart
from payments received from employer, and sometimes also play
supervisory roles. In the fish processing industry in Kerala,
recruitment takes place through contractors, who often use
networks of older women to recruit. In the case of domestic maid
servants in Delhi, a number of voluntary organisations are involved
in the recruitment process. Most of the maids are from the tribal
belts of Jharkhand and Chattisgarh. While a new genre of private
recruitment agencies has sprung up (which continue to recruit
through informal channels and make unspecified deductions from
wage payments), the church also plays an active and more benign
role in bringing potential employers and employees together
(Neetha, 2002).
The labour process in the places of employment only partly
overlaps with the process of recruitment. Workers seeking jobs
independently may still find the labour processes in the destination
dominated by contracting and sub-contracting relationships.
Workers have to depend upon advances and irregular payments.
Migrants often get lower wages than local labourers. The migrant
status of the labourers accounts for 38–56% of the wage differential
in Chennai city when other characteristics are accounted
(Duraiswamy and Narsimhan, 1997).
They work long and odd hours. Moreover the payments are
not made on time. Piece rates are mostly prevalent which provide

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greater flexibility to employers (NCRL, 1991). Of course, migrants

may also prefer these wage systems as they can maximise returns
on a per day basis, raising the possibility of their saving part of
wages. But in many cases organised migration results in credit-
labour interlocking, such that the net return to labour may have
no relation to wages in destination areas.
Employers often prefer migrant labourers to local labourers,
as they are cheaper and do not develop social relationships with
the place of destination. Women migrants fare the worst; they are
generally paid less than male migrants (Pandey, 1998). In the
construction industry they are viewed as assistants to their
husbands, and confined to unskilled jobs. The consequent
segmentation is used as a justification for low payments. Women
also face greater insecurity (Viajanyanta, 1998). In the fish
processing industry, they are badly exploited in terms of working
condition, wages, living condition and sometimes sexually harassed
(Sarodamoni, 1995).
In the public sector, wage structures also vary from project to
project. As most contracts are given to private firms, they flout
labour laws and minimum wage legislation. Low wages of seasonal
workers are the result of instability of demand, segmented labour
markets, unregulated nature and dominance of labour contractors
and vulnerability of workers (Study Group on Migrant Labour,
1990).
Breman (1996) has argued that the continued existence of a
large mass of unorganised workers belies expectations that workers
would eventually shift from the traditional to the modern sector.
An examination of the major industries in the informal sector
shows a steady replacement of local workers by migrants. He also
finds that rural-urban migration shares a number of features in
common with rural-to-rural migration. The urban and rural
informal sector markets are increasingly linked through horizontal
circulation as migrants may move from one to the other in search
of jobs. Despite growing linkages between the urban and rural
labour markets, the markets are not integrated but instead
segmented in various ways. Breman (ibid.) shows that for locals
as well as migrants, stratifications are generally preserved as
workers move so that the overall tendency of the labour market

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is to be broken into ‘circuits’ of labour. Women migrant workers

in urban areas are concentrated mainly in the lower segments, in
household work or jobs in manufacturing, construction or personal
services (Meher, 1994). According to Das (1994) chain migration
also has the impact of fragmenting this market along ethnic and
regional lines. In the construction sector, migrant workers are
fragmented by the contracting arrangements through which they
work. In focusing on the characteristics of migrant labourers,
schooling and resources act as two important barriers in the poorer
social groups obtaining on-job training and skills which could
lead to the semipermanent jobs.
The Impact of Migration
On migrants and their families Poorer migrant workers,
crowded into the lower ends of the labour market, have few
entitlements vis a vis their employers or the public authorities in
the destination areas. They have meagre personal assets and suffer
a range of deprivations in the destination areas. In the source
areas, migration has both negative and positive consequences for
migrants and their families.
Living conditions: migrant labourers, whether agricultural or
non-agricultural, live in deplorable conditions. There is no
provision of safe drinking water or hygienic sanitation. Most live
in open spaces or makeshift shelters in spite of the Contract Labour
Act which stipulates that the contractor or employer should provide
suitable accommodation (NCRL, 1991; GVT, 2002; Rani and
Shylendra, 2001). Apart from seasonal workers, workers who
migrate to the cities for job live in parks and pavements. Slum
dwellers, who are mostly migrants, stay in deplorable conditions,
with inadequate water and bad drainage. Food costs more for
migrant workers who are not able to obtain temporary ration
cards.
Health and Educ ation: labourers working in harsh
circumstances and living in unhygienic conditions suffer from
serious occupational health problems and are vulnerable to disease.
Those working in quarries, construction sites and mines suffer
from various health hazards, mostly lung diseases. As the employer
does not follow safety measures, accidents are quite frequent.

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Migrants cannot access various health and family care programmes

due to their temporary status. Free public health care facilities and
programmes are not accessible to them. For women workers, there
is no provision of maternity leave, forcing them to resume work
almost immediately after childbirth. Workers, particularly those
working in tile factories and brick kilns suffer from occupational
health hazards such as body ache, sunstroke and skin irritation
(NCRL, 1991).
As there are no creche facilities, children often accompany
their families to the workplace to be exposed to health hazards.
They are also deprived of education: the schooling system at home
does not take into account their migration pattern and their
temporary status in the destination areas does not make them
eligible for schooling there (Rogaly et al, 2001; 2002).
In the case of male-only migration, the impact on family
relations and on women, children and the elderly left behind can
be quite significant. The absence of men adds to material and
psychological insecurity, leading to pressures and negotiations
with wider family (Rogaly et al, 2001; 2002). Male out migration
has been seen to influence the participation of women in the
directly productive sphere of the economy as workers and decision-
makers and increase the level of their interaction with the outside
world (Srivastava, 1999 and forthcoming). But given the patriarchal
set up, women may have to cope with a number of problems
which are exacerbated due to the uncertainty of the timing and
magnitude of remittances on which the precarious household
economy depends. This, in turn, pushes women and children from
poor labouring households to participate in the labour market
under adverse conditions. Thus, the impact of migration on the
women can be two-sided but the strong influence of patriarchy
restricts the scope of women’s autonomy. The impact of male
migration can be especially adverse for girls, who often have to
bear additional domestic responsibilities and take care of younger
siblings. The absence of male supervision further reduces their
chances of acquiring education (Srivastava, 2001, and forthcoming).
There are several cases where women participate in the
migration streams along with male members of their households.
It is usual in such cases for younger siblings and older children

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to accompany their parents and to work along with them. Family

migration usually implies migration of the younger members of
the family, leaving the elderly to cope with additional
responsibilities while at the same time fend for their subsistence
and other basic requirements (Mosse et al, 1997).
Changes in migrants’ attitudes: Exposure to a different
environment, including the stresses that it carries, has a deep
impact on the attitudes, habits and awareness levels of migrant
workers, depending upon the length of migration and the place
to which it occurs. Changes are more dramatic in the case of urban
migrants. Migrant workers develop greater awareness regarding
conditions of work (Srivastava, 1999). Life style and changes in
awareness may lead to a mixed impact on family members. The
increased awareness which migrants, especially in urban areas,
gain often helps them realise the importance of their children’s
education.
Impact on Source Areas
The major impacts of migration on source areas occur through
changes in the labour market, income and assets, changes in the
pattern of expenditure and investment. Although seasonal out
migration potentially has the effect of smoothing out employment
over the annual cycle, rural out migration could cause a tightening
of the labour market in some circumstances. However, empirical
evidence from out-migrant areas does not often attest to this. This
may be because out migration often takes place in labour surplus
situations. There is also evidence of the replacement of out migrant
male labour by female and even child labour (Srivastava,
forthcoming).
Srivastava’s (1999) study of seven villages in Uttar Pradesh
showed some variation over regions. While the situation in the
study villages in Eastern and central Uttar Pradesh conformed to
a situation of labour surplus, this was not the case in Western Uttar
Pradesh where seasonal migration coincided with the agricultural
peak season (Rabi) and employers complained of labour shortages.
Significantly in all the regions studied, labourers on their part
gave uncertainty of employment along with employment
conditions and poor relations with their agricultural employers

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as the major reasons for out migration. Even if labour tightening

is not an outcome, out migration may still speed up qualitative
changes in existing labour relationships in rural areas, and thereby
affect the pace of change. This may occur in several ways. First,
there is the well-documented impact of migration on attitudes and
awareness as migrant labourers and return migrants are more
reluctant to accept adverse employment conditions and low wages.
Secondly, out migration leads to a more diversified livelihood
strategy. Combined with some increase in the income and
employment portfolio of poor households, this may tend to push
up acceptable level of wages (reservation wages) in rural areas and
may make certain forms of labour relationships (as for example,
those involving personalised dependency) less acceptable
(Srivastava, ibid; cf. also Rogaly et al, 2001).
Out migration as a result of debt at home, or debt-interlocking
(i.e. the repayment of debts through advance labour commitment)
involving employers in the destination areas or their middlemen,
is quite common. Such out migration may or may not eliminate
the causes of debt. The reduction of personalised dependencies
or interlocked relationships may also accelerate labour mobility
and migration as labourers seek out alternative sources of cash
income.
Remittances and effect on sending areas While the impact of
out migration via the labour market has been reviewed above, the
other source of changes which need to be analysed would work
through changes in income, income distribution and the pattern
of expenditure and investment. Although we do not have direct
evidence of the value of remittances from migrants, some indirect
evidence can be adduced from the NSS surveys on migration and
consumption and employment/unemployment. These surveys give
the percentage of out-migrants making remittances and households
receiving remittances and depending upon remittances as their
major source of livelihood. The former estimates depend upon the
definition of out-migrants, which can vary. In 1992–93, 89% of
permanent outmigrants sent remittances. The percentage of all
rural households receiving remittance income is also fairly high
– in some regions of the country, one-quarter to one-third of the
households receive remittances. It should be noted that remittances

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are only one form in which resourceflows occur as a result of

migration, the other being savings brought home by migrants in
cash or kind. Field studies show that a majority of seasonal migrants
either remit or bring home savings. In many cases, a substantial
proportion of household cash income is attributed to migrant
earnings. However, the cash incomes which accrue may not always
add to the resource base of migrant households as some are used
to adjust earlier debts.
However, it does appear that the income and consumption
level of migrant households is generally higher than that of similarly
placed non-migrants. But this conclusion needs to be carefully
linked to migration impact as it is generally based on ex-post
cross-sectional comparisons. As Mosse et al (2002) have noted, and
as other studies testify, migrants are not only differentially placed
at the entry point, their differential status also leads to different
trajectories, so that changes in post-migration average incomes
may provide only a limited picture of the varied set of changes.
One of the few careful ethnographical studies (Rogaly et al, 2001)
provides some evidence of improvement in incomes of seasonal
migrants as a result of migration, but these conclusions need to
be supported by other studies.
The impact of migration on income and asset inequality is
limited. The ethnographical study quoted above (Rogaly et al,
2001), finds evidence of reduced inequality, as incomes of labour
households rise against non-labour households. In another context,
Mosse et al (1997) suggest that these inequalities increase because
the differentiated nature of the migration process led to the
amplification of income and asset inequalities. Remittances are
mainly used for purposes like consumption, repayment of loans
and meeting other social obligations. These constitute, in effect the
‘first charge’ on migrant incomes. The evidence on investment is,
however, mixed. Investment by migrant households on housing,
land and consumer durables is common and migrant income is
also used to finance working capital requirements in agriculture.
Evidence of other productive farm or non-farm investment is
scarce but a number of studies do report such investment by a
small percentage of migrant and return migrant households. Thus,
while studies do not fully discount for the impact of some factors

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such as the life cycle effect, rural out migration appears to provide
some, albeit slender, evidence of an improvement in the productive
potential of source areas, and the ability of some poor migrant
households to acquire small surpluses and strengthen their
productive base and bargaining strength in the rural economy (cf.
Rogaly et al, 2001; Srivastava, forthcoming).
The question of social and economic mobility can be examined
both from the changes in worker occupations in the destination
areas, as well as in the source areas. As shown earlier, a very large
proportion of short duration migrants are unskilled. The question
of their mobility is linked to their circumstances of migration, its
duration, and is highly gendered. On the whole, a very small
proportion of male migrants achieve economic mobility in the
destination areas. The limited mobility occurs as migrants acquire
a foothold in the destination areas, or acquire some skills, and are
thus better positioned to exploit the labour market situation. In
the source areas, there is a slightly greater impact on social and
economic mobility, which, however, generally eludes the poorest,
and in most cases, is not substantial for poor migrants.
A major linked issue, is the role of rural out migration in the
material and social reproduction of rural households and the
extant relationships in which they are placed. Standing (1985) has
argued that circulatory migration in particular contributes to the
stability of rural production relations. He argues that circulatory
labour migrations has ‘safety valve’ features and ‘has often been
a mechanism preserving a social mode of production or at least
reducing the pressures on it’ (ibid). Temporary migration may
allow households to relieve underemployment and meet debt and
other obligations without having to sell assets. ‘Relay migration’
can also be seen as a part of the household survival strategy.
Indeed the long history of rural out migration in some of the
source areas in India combined with agricultural and rural
stagnation seems to corroborate the stabilising role of out migration.
But labour circulation as well as other forms of rural out migration
can also disrupt pre-existing production relations (Standing, ibid).
The major impact on source areas appears to be through the labour
market, with recent evidence indicating greater mobility of rural
labour households leading to a less isolated and more generalised

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agriculture labour market and an upward pressure on wages.

Further, as we have shown, there is also evidence of some impact
through improvement in the resource base of the migrant
households (Srivastava 1998).
Impact on Destination Areas
There are clearly multiple rationales for the use of migrant
labour in destination areas. While shortages of local labour provides
one important rationale, virtually all available evidence shows
that recruitment of immigrants is as much motivated by strategies
of labour control and wage cost reduction. Numerous cases have
been documented where the same areas export and import labour
to identical sectors. Migrants are preferred because their labour
is easier to control and it is easier to extract labour from them
under arduous conditions. Moreover, the supply of labour can be
easily increased or decreased with little cost to employers and
migrants can work for long and flexible hours. Flexibility of the
migrant workforce is reinforced because of the role of contractors
and middlemen in recruitment and supervision. The segmentation
of the labour market, which also leads to greater control over both
migrant and local labour, is another outcome of the process. Finally,
the wage payment systems which grow around industries based
predominantly on migrant labour are eminently suited to side-
stepping minimum wage legislation. Thus migration reduces labour
cost to employers.
The labour market outcomes generated by labour immigration
facilitate a certain kind of growth and accumulation in the
destination areas, although this is via what can be described as
a ‘low road’ to capitalism. According to Breman (1996) the basic
rationale for the growing informalisation, two-way mobility of
labour and segmentation is to be found in the type of mercantilist
capitalist development witnessed in India, just as international
migration is strongly related to the structure of international
capitalism (cf. Sassen, 1988; Piore, 1990). Capitalists operate in
uncertain markets, under circumstances in which they are highly
dependent on traders. Labour immigration is one of the strategies
favoured by entrepreneurs to shift both risk and cost of production
on to workers. Another reason for continued informalisation is to

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keep businesses away from state surveillance. Thus most enterprises

in the informal sector escape regulation of any kind.
Furthermore, in such destination areas, employers rarely
provide anything other than wage subsistence requirements.
Migrant labourers have to fend for themselves to meet their health,
shelter and other basic requirements. Although the poor condition
in which labourers subsist is a result of employers not internalising
the legitimate costs of hiring labour (contravening numerous laws),
to society the resulting urban congestion appears to be result of
unplanned mobility. The costs of population mobility have been,
as a result, considered in theory in the context of large costs
imposed by population concentration in large cities. The social,
political and other consequences of immigration, especially where
such migration is by linguistically, ethnically or regionally distinct
groups, has not been considered in the growing economic literature
on internal migration, but figures prominently in the corpus of
sociological and political literature (cf. Weiner, 1978).

Government Legislation and Policies

Labour Laws and Policies
The Indian Constitution contains basic provisions relating to
the conditions of employment, nondiscrimination, right to work
etc.. India is also a member of the ILO and has ratified many of
the ILO conventions. These provisions and commitments, along
with pressure from workers’ organisations, have found expression
in labour laws and policies. Migrant labourers face additional
problems and constraints as they are both labourers and migrants.
Many of the problems faced by migrant labourers are covered by
laws and policies in as much as they cover all labourers in a
particular sector or industry.
These laws include the Minimum Wages Act,1948; the Contract
Labour Act,1970; the Equal Remuneration Act,1976; the Building
and Other Construction Workers (Regulation of Employment and
Conditions of Service), Act,1996; the Workmen’s Compensation
Act 1923; the Payment of Wages Act 1936; the Child Labour
(Prohibition & Regulation) Act, 1986; the Bonded Labour Act,
1976; the Employees State Insurance Act, 1952; the Employees

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Provident Fund Act, 1952; and the Maternity Benefit Act, 1961.
The last three Acts cover only organised sector workers and thus
preclude temporary migrants. In addition to the above laws,
Parliament passed the Inter State Migrant Workmen (Regulation
and Conditions of Service) Act 1979 specifically to deal with
malpractices associated with the recruitment and employment of
workers who migrate across state boundaries. The Act followed
the recommendations of a committee set up by the Labour
Ministers’ Conference in 1976. The Act covers only interstate
migrants recruited through contractors or middlemen and those
establishments that employ five or more such workers on any
given day. Under the Act:
• Contractors and establishments are required to be licensed
and registered by a notified registering authority.
• The contractor is required to issue a passbook to every
worker, giving details about the worker, including
payments and advances, and pay each worker a
displacement allowance and a journey allowance.
• Contractors must pay timely wages equal to or higher
than the minimum wage; provide suitable residential
accommodation, prescribed medical facilities and
protective clothing; and notify accidents and casualties to
specified authorities and kin.
The Act lays down machinery to resolve industrial disputes
and provides for migrant workers to approach the authorities in
destination states or in their home states if they have already
returned home. The Act sets penalties including imprisonment for
non-compliance, but provides an escape route to principal
employers if they can show that the transgressions were committed
without their knowledge.
Labour laws aiming to protect migrant workers have remained
largely on paper. In the case of the 1979 Act, few contractors have
taken licences and very few enterprises employing interstate
migrant workers have registered under the Act. The record of
prosecutions and dispute settlement has been very weak. Migrant
workers do not possess pass books, prescribed by law, and forming
the basic record of their identity and their transactions with the

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contractor and employers (NCRL 1991, GVT, 2003). A study

conducted on the status of migrant workers in the Punjab by the
Centre for Education and Communication (CEC) pointed out gross
violations of the Child Labour (Prohibition & Regulation Act 1986),
the Minimum Wages Act (1948), the Contract Labour Act (1970),
the Inter State Migrant Workmen Act, 1979 and the Equal
Remuneration Act (1976). The violation of these laws was found
to be most rampant in the case of brick kilns. Different kinds of
harassment were meted out to migrant workers by the police,
postal department, owners of the establishments, owners of
workers’ dwellings, shopkeepers, labour contractors and the
railway police during their journey. Migrant labour is recruited
from various parts of a particular state through contractors or
agents for work outside that state in large construction and other
projects.
This system lends itself to abuses – working hours are not
fixed and workers have to work under extremely harsh conditions.
A similar situation was reported by Rani and Shylendra (2001) in
their study of construction sites in Gujarat. Legislation fails because
regulatory authorities are over-stretched, the state lacks
commitment and migrant workers are weak and vulnerable with
little support from civil society. Most migrant labourers are also
employed in the unorganised sector, where the lack of regulation
compounds their vulnerability.
Following the recommendations of the Second National
Commission of Labour (NCL, 2002), the central government has
mooted a draft law (The Unorganised Sector Workers Bill, 2003)
in order to identify workers employed in the unorganised sector
and to provide them with basic social security. The Bill builds
upon the experience of tri-partite welfare funds already in existence
for a few industries in some states.
Key provisions of the proposed Act include:
• The scope of the Act will extend to all workers in the
unorganised sector, whether directly or through an agency
or contractor, whether for one or several employers and
whether a casual or temporary worker, a migrant worker,
or a home based worker (self-employed or employed for
wages).

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• Central and state governments shall constitute an

‘Unorganised Sector Workers’ Central Board’ and similar
state boards for the administration and coordination of
the Act at central and state levels.
• The boards shall set up ‘Workers Facilitation Centres’ for
the registration of workers; issue of social security numbers
and identity cards; mobilisation of workers to become
members of the Welfare Fund; assistance in dispute
resolution and in the conduct of inspections.
• Concerned governments could notify welfare schemes for
any class of employment under the Act and establish a
Fund for this purpose. It could also regulate the conditions
of employment.
• The Welfare Fund will receive contributions from the
government, employers and workers. Workers will have
to make regular contribution to the Fund until the age of
60.
• All workers, including self-employed or home based will
be eligible for registration.
• Lok Shramik Panchayats shall be formed for dispute
resolution in the unorganised sector.
• The government will appoint persons known as Shramik
Samrakshak to carry out inspections and check on the
compliance of the Act.
Although broad in intent, the Act does not make registration
or contributions to the Fund mandatory, remains trade/employment
specific and the creation of the Fund itself will depend upon the
relevant Board and its financial considerations. However, this is
the first time that the government of India has conceived of a
comprehensive law to cover all unorganised sector workers
including migrants, and its scope and content need to be debated
in all fora concerned with the welfare of such workers.
Other Areas of Government Intervention and Policy
Apart from labour laws, a whole gamut of governmental
interventions and policies in favour of the poor also impinge upon
migrant workers. However migrants often fail to benefit.

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Participatory poverty assessments in Madhya Pradesh show that

migrant labourers are not able to participate in the gram sabha
meetings which identify beneficiaries for government programmes
(PRAXIS, 2002). This is particularly true in cases where entire
families migrate out.
Schooling of children is a major problem for migrants and, not
surprisingly, several studies find that the hard-core of educationally
under-privileged children belong to migrant families. Even in
cases where men alone migrate, women in poor households are
unable to take appropriate schooling decisions and supervise
school-going children. (In the case of slightly better-off migrant
households, however, migration may lead to a better recognition
of the value of education.) The Lok Jumbish programme in
Rajasthan became the forerunner of programmes of education
focusing on migrants’ children.
Migrants suffer from a lack of access to health services both
at home and in the work places, although they are known to be
especially vulnerable to health problems, and can serve as carriers
of communicable disease. The issue remains largely unaddressed
although seasonal migrants to rice fields in West Bengal have
some access to doctors through their employers (Rogaly et al,
2002). The recent international focus on HIV/AIDS has galvanised
governmental attention on the link between migration and the
spread of this disease, and has resulted in a large number of NGOs
working with migrant workers under the National AIDS Control
Programme, but other health related problems of migrants continue
to receive short shrift.
Government employment and watershed programmes have
the potential to increase employment in dry and rain-fed regions
and reduce distress migration. Together with well-executed public
employment programmes, watershed development programmes
resulted in lower levels of distress migration following drought
in Madhya Pradesh in 1999–00, and 2000–01 (PRAXIS, 2002). This
was also the case with food-for-work programmes in several
drought affected states in 1987–88, but institutional break down
and lack of political commitment prevented a similar impact in
recent drought years. The Maharashtra Employment Guarantee
Scheme (EGS), which has been operational since 1975 and which

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assures employment to labourers in public works, has succeeded

to some extent. The overall picture, however, is one of neglect:
unwitting or otherwise. Thus, as with labour policies, few other
government strategies have begun to accord visibility to migration,
and build in issues of migration in the design and implementation
of programmes.
Role of Non Governmental Organisations
As in governmental policy, migrants have low visibility in the
work of political organisations, trade unions and non-
governmental/voluntary organisations. Regional political parties
and organisations often ascribe economic and social problems to
the presence of migrants. Trade unions also sometimes emphasise
the negative role of migrant workers (in dampening wages or
being instrumental in strike breaking) and are relatively less active
in organising these workers to protect their own rights.
Nevertheless, some organisations are actively engaged in
helping to improve wages and working and living conditions of
migrant labourers, and, in the source areas, to improve the flow
of information and credit to migrant workers, protect their
entitlements, and to develop these areas so as to curb distress
migration.
• In West Bengal, the bargaining power of migrant labourers
has improved due to the intervention of the Krishak Sabha
and panchayats. These organisations have settled local
disputes between labourers and employers and worked
to close the gaps between immigrant and non-immigrant
and male and female wages (Rogaly et al, 2001, 2002). The
Krishak Sabha has negotiated between employers and
workers at the district level so that migrant wages do not
undercut local wages and employment, thereby reducing
friction with local labourers.
• DISHA, a voluntary organisation in Ahmedabad, is
addressing the living and working conditions of
construction workers, migrating mainly from the
Panchmahals area of Gujarat. The NGO has formed a
labour union and has been able to provide shelters for the
workers, with government support.

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• A few organisations like the Nirman Mazdoor Panchayat,

the National Campaign Committee for Construction
Labourers, and the National Federation of Construction
labourers, are working to improve the wages and working
conditions of construction labourers, many of whom are
migrants. Nirman has also started mobile creche for
children of construction workers (Vaijanyanta 1998).
• The Mobile Creches organisation was created in 1986 in
Mumbai to meet the needs of children of migrant
construction workers, giving children basic literacy and
numeracy skills, together with health education. The Child-
to-Child programme within Bombay Mobile Creches
introduced specific health messages covering personal
hygiene, environmental cleanliness, safe water, prevention
of accidents, nutrition, polio, measles, diarrhoea, scabies,
leprosy, tuberculosis and bad habits (e.g. alcohol abuse).
A similar Mobile Creches programme also operates in
Delhi with the support of the Aga Khan Foundation.
• Constant male out migration among Saora tribes in Orissa
has had a negative impact on women who are left behind.
They are overburdened with work, since apart for slash
and burn agriculture, food and fuel gathering and domestic
work, they are now playing new roles in settled agriculture.
Income from migration does not mitigate poverty or
compensate for the problems faced by women. A voluntary
organisation – Kimidi Multisectoral Development Society
(KMDS), is playing an active role, with financial assistance
from the Royal Netherlands Embassy. Women activists
hold regular meetings with women groups in the area to
find solutions to their problems and also provide some
financial assistance to women for self-sufficiency
programmes (Menon, 1995).
• The Banaskantha Women’s Rural Development Project set
up by SEWA (Self Employed Women’s Association) has
played a key role in improving the economic position of
women through dairy and handicraft activity projects in
Banskantha district, western Gujarat. There has been a
significant decline in seasonal migration from this area

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since the inception of this project. In the whole process,

the role of moneylenders and middlemen has been
eliminated. The domestic workload of women has been
reduced by the installation of piped drinking water. Income
generation has been closely linked with formation of
cooperatives, trade unions, skill and management training
(Sanbergen, 1995b).
• The Society for Comprehensive Rural Health in Jamkhed
(Ahmednagar district, Maharashtra) has been playing a
leading role in health care among the women at village
level through forming mahila mandals (women’s groups)
and farmers’ groups in which female village health workers
play a pivotal role. Their scope has widened to socio-
economic development and the creation of sustainable
local employment for women, reducing survival labour
migration for this area (Sandbergen 1995b).
• The Western India Rainfed Farming Project is a seven-
year development project covering village clusters in seven
districts of three states (MP, Rajasthan and Gujarat). The
project is being implemented through Gramin Vikas Trust
(GVT) and Indian Farm Forestry Development Co-
operative (IFFDC). Migration involves more than two-
thirds of the households in the region and more than two-
fifth of the working adults. Nearly 42% of the migrants
are women. Development interventions (mainly soil and
water conservation) have reduced the intensity of
migration, although with mixed impact (reduced outflow
of working males). Both GVT and IFFDC have developed
extensive multi-pronged strategies to deal with migration,
with some differences in emphasis (IFFDC continues to
put greater stress on local asset creation and employment
generation to reduce migration). One major dimension of
the GVT strategy is to increase returns to migration by
upgrading skills, improving awareness, enhancing
negotiation skills, and providing better information flows
to migrants and potential employers, and strengthening
linkages with government organisations and other service
providers. The other dimension is to reduce the costs of

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migration through interventions both in the source and

destination areas. Interventions in the areas of origin
include improving communication with families,
providing identity cards, setting up of shelters for the
elderly and children, and pooled arrangements for taking
care of cattle. Institutional initiatives include the
strengthening of self-help groups to address the concerns
of migrants, recruitment of jankars, for awareness building,
setting up resource centres, and liaising with panchayats
and other agencies and organisations. In order to carry the
migrant support activities forward, partnerships are being
developed with organisations supporting migrants in
urban areas.
Policy Issues and Recommendations
The nature of labour migration in India is linked, on the one
hand, to the pattern of (uneven) development accentuated by
several dimensions of policy, and, on the other, to a pattern of
capitalist growth, which has implied continued and growing
informalisation of the rural and urban economy. We have argued
earlier in this paper that this pattern of development, apart from
being inimical to the poor regions, is consistent with a ‘low road’
to capitalist development, constraining the possibility of more
rapid growth and technical change. In the light of this, as was
rightly observed by the National Commission on Rural Labour
(1991), migration policy has to be concerned not only with
supporting migrants, but also with the mutual links between
migration and development. Some of the major issues in this
context are summarised below.
Pro-poor Development in Backward Areas
One major set of policy initiatives has to address a more
vigorous pro-poor development strategy in backward areas. This
could take the form of land and water management through the
watershed approach and public investment in the source area.
These strategies need to be accompanied by changes that improve
the poor’s access to land, to common property resources, social
and physical infrastructure, and to governance institutions. The
latter set of changes will require strong organisational intervention

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by, and on behalf of, the poor (cf. NCRL 1991 for a similar set of
recommendations). In rain-fed areas, the scope for an Employment
Guarantee type of scheme, which dovetails with the need for the
building of physical and social infrastructure, should be explored.
Food and Credit based interventions. Development in poor regions
may ameliorate some of the highly negative features of labour
migration. Further steps can be taken to strengthen the position
of the poor who resort to survival migration. This involves helping
the poor overcome two major constraints that they face; food and
credit. Access to food can be improved through a more effective
public distribution system, through grain bank schemes, or through
‘food for work’ schemes. Organising the poor into self-help or
savings groups, specifically tailored to the requirements of
migrants, could help increase access to credit. Ensuring basic
entitlements in other schemes. A major policy focus has to be on
ensuring that migrant households are able to access benefits of
public programmes meant for poor households. A special focus
has to be ensuring access of migrant labourers’ children to schooling
(and that they are not pushed into labour). There is scope for
learning from the experiences of community based interventions
(MV Foundation, GVT) as well as government programmes (Lok
Jumbish, DPEP).
Improving the information base and bargaining strength of
migrant workers. As described earlier, poor migrant workers lack
bargaining strength. Further, their sense of vulnerability and social
isolation is exacerbated by their ignorance, illiteracy and the alien
environment in which they have to work. NGOs and governmental
authorities have taken various routes to improve the information
base and bargaining strength of migrant workers. Some of the
NGO strategies have been discussed in the preceding section. In
Bolangir (Orissa), district authorities have formed more than 125
labour societies which take up the execution of public works, issue
identity cards to workers and negotiate with contractors.
Role of panchayats. Panchayats should emerge as the focus of
the resource pool for migrant workers residing in their area. They
should maintain a register of migrant workers and issue identity
cards and pass books to them. Further, it should be mandatory for
recruiters to deposit with the panchayats a list of the labourers

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recruited by them along with other employment details. With

growing IT based communication, it may become possible for
panchayats or NGOs to maintain a record of potential employers
and employees.
Enforcement of labour laws. At the work place, stricter
enforcement of labour laws is essential. It must be mandatory on
employers to maintain the record of payments and advances in
workers’ passbooks, and to provide them with the basic facilities
laid down by law. This may, however, also call for a scrutiny and
simplification of some of these laws. The subjection of contractors
and employers to the rule of law requires commitment on the part
of the government. In Bolangir, authorities use criminal law in
conjunction with the existing labour laws to ensure better
compliance with the latter by contractors and middle-men. The
Inter-State Migrant Workmen Act is one of the important pieces
of legislation affecting inter-state migrant workers, who are often
employed under very poor conditions. The Act requires both
modifications and more rigorous implementation. In particular,
the filing of complaints by third parties and trade unions and the
constitution of an inter-state coordination mechanism should be
taken up as proposed by the Tenth Plan Working Group on Migrant
Labour.
Enlarge the scope of discussion on the Unorganised Sector
Workers Bill to cover issues pertinent to migrant workers. The
proposed Bill for unorganised workers includes many provisions
that are potentially beneficial to migrant workers. The debate on
the Bill should be vigorously extended in order to ensure that it
meets the requirements of migrant workers as fully as possible.
The provision of social security numbers, identity cards and
passbooks for all unorganised sector workers could be made
mandatory, instead of remaining optional as proposed at present.
These cards could be used by migrant workers to access other
services, for example health. The issue of strengthening existing
entitlements could be delinked from new social security provisions
which may be handicapped due to budgetary constraints. The
thrust of our suggestions is that both governmental and non-
governmental intervention should support migrant labourers and
pro-poor development as vigorously as possible. This would not

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only influence the condition of migrants and the pattern of

migration, but also the pattern of development that sustains these
patterns of migration.

International Migration
Historical Development
Movement of people across national boundaries in South Asia
is long standing. Trade, political and religious links have
necessitated regular contacts with southeast, eastern and central
Asia, and Africa. However, with the advent of colonial rule,
international migratory movement entered a new phase. The
imperial needs for labour required substantial migration of labour
from India to the plantation colonies in the West Indies, Ceylon,
Southeast Asia, Mauritius, Fiji and South Africa. The bulk of these
migrants went as indentured labourers. Kingsley Davis estimates
that about 30 million Indians emigrated between 1834 and 1947
(Davis, 1951). This scale of movement was as large as the European
migration to the Americas in the 19th century. It declined with the
ending of indenture in 1921. However, a significant free migration
did continue between India and Ceylon, Africa and southeast
Asia. Most of this migration was of unskilled labour.
International migration from independent India Two distinct
types of labour migration have been taking place from India since
independence:
• People with technical skills and professional expertise
migrate to countries such as the USA, Canada, UK and
Australia as permanent migrants (since the early 1950s).
• Unskilled and semi-skilled workers migrate to oil
exporting countries of the Middle East on temporary
contracts, especially following the oil price increases of
1973–74 and 1979.
Migration to Industrialised Countries: Magnitude
and Composition
Although labour flows to the industrialised countries have
continued for a long time, information on them is scanty. Whatever
analyses have been carried out to date on the composition of these

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flows is based on immigration statistics of destination countries.

Nayyar (1994) provides an analysis of the trends in migration
flows from India to three industrialised countries, the USA, Canada
and the UK, for the period between 1951 and 1990. The USA
received the largest number of Indian emigrants. The general
trend shows that Indian immigration, which constituted a negligible
proportion to the total immigrants in the USA and Canada,
increased rapidly during the 1960s and 1970s. Of the total
immigrants in the United States and Canada, Indians constituted
about 3.6% and 6% respectively, and these rates stabilised by the
1980s. In comparison, the proportion of Indian immigrants to the
UK declined drastically from around 20% during the 1960s to
about 10% during the 1980s.
Migration flows to industrialised countries during the 1990s,
considered as the most critical phase of contemporary globalisation,
are of great importance both for theoretical and policy reasons.
However, there is hardly any detailed analysis of the changing
nature of this flow.
We have tried to collate the latest information pertaining to
Indian immigration flows to the industrialised world with a view
to examining the trends in the 1990s. The information in relation
to four major destinations, the USA, the UK, Canada It is evident
that the annual inflow of Indian immigrants in the USA and
Canada increased in the 1990s. The average annual inflow of
Indian immigrants to the USA increased from 26,184 persons
during the 1980s to 38,330 (3.5% of total immigrants) during the
1990s (4.5 per cent of its total immigrants). In the case of Canada,
the average annual inflow of Indian immigrants increased from
7,930 during the 1980s (6% of its total immigrants) to 13,770
during the 1990s (7% of total immigrants).
Another striking feature of migration flows from India to the
industrialised nations during the 1990s is the growing importance
of newer destination countries. This period witnessed significant
flow of Indian professionals, especially IT professionals, to
countries such as Australia, Germany, Japan, and Malaysia. For
instance, nearly 40,000 Indians migrated to Australia, accounting
for 4.1% of total immigrants. Migration from India to industrialised
counties, though modest in scale, grew steadily between 1950 and

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2000. Nearly 1.25 million Indians have migrated to the principal

destinations. The flow was especially impressive during the 1990s,
a period that incidentally witnessed tightening of immigration
policies in many industrialised countries. The average inflows of
Indian immigrants to these principal destinations has in fact
increased from around 10,300 persons per annum in the 1950s to
around 60,000 persons per annum during the 1990s. The growth
during the 1990s is especially striking as it took place in a period
when immigration laws were made more restrictive in many
industrialised countries.
Occupational Distribution and Skill Composition
Analysis of the occupational distribution of the Indians
immigrating to industrialised countries shows that in the first half
of the 1970s, persons with professional expertise, technical
qualifications and managerial talents constituted a large proportion
of the emigrant workforce from India to the USA. But their share
declined over time.
In Canada between 1971 and 1990, the share of professional,
technical, entrepreneurial, managerial and administrative
occupation groups also declined. However the share of white-
collar workers (clerical, sales and service) remained almost
unchanged and the share of workers engaged in farming,
horticulture and animal husbandry rose significantly. During the
1950s and the 1960s, a significant proportion of those who migrated
to the UK and, to some extent, to Canada, were unskilled or semi-
skilled. During the 1970s and the 1980s, however, much emigration
was made up of people with professional expertise, technical
qualifications of managerial talents and of white-collar workers
who were also educated. Such skill composition continued to
dominate migration flows during the 1990s as well.
Migration to the Middle East: Magnitude and
Composition
The oil price increases of 1973–74 and 1979 led to enormous
growth in the demand for foreign labour in the oil exporting
countries of the Gulf. In response, labourers from India began to
migrate in large numbers and the flow still continues. The scale

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of labour movements into the Gulf was intimately linked to the

escalation in oil revenues, the unprecedented rate of investment
in domestic industry and infrastructure of the oil states, and the
shortage of domestic labour. Overall the number of migrant workers
in these countries rose from 800,000 in 1972 to 1.71 million in 1975
and further increased to an estimated 2.82 millions by 1980. Foreign
workers’ share in the total employment in the six Gulf Co-operation
Council (GCC) member countries (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar,
Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE)) rose from
50.5% in 1975 to 70% by 1980 – 49% in Oman, 59% in Bahrain,
78% in Kuwait, 89% in Qatar and the UAE.
Magnitude
The Ministry of Labour, Government of India, furnished the
primary source of information on year wise out migration. Section
22 of the Emigration Act, 1983 provides that no citizen of India
shall emigrate unless he/she obtains emigration clearance from the
Protector of Emigrants. However, the Act exempts some categories
of people. Therefore, we can say that this data set is partial as it
includes only the number of those who require and had actually
obtained emigration clearance while migrating abroad to seek
employment. Over and above this problem, the outflow of this
proportion of the labour force to the Middle East has been on an
increase from the mid 1980s for two reasons: (a) change in demand
composition in the Middle East labour market in favour of skilled
labour and (b) bringing in of more and more sections of people
under the category requiring clearance.
The partial nature of these data is further compounded by
illegal migration which does not get reflected in statistics. The
main modus operandi is through the manipulation of tourist and
business visas. People with passports endorsed under the category
emigrant check required (ECR), have to obtain ‘suspension’ from
the requirement to obtain emigration clearance if they intend to
travel abroad for non-employment purposes. While provisions
have been made to safeguard against the misuse of ‘suspension’,
it is common knowledge that considerable numbers of people
who go to the Middle East after obtaining ‘suspension’ do not
return and manage to secure a job there through networking with

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their relatives or acquaintances. This category of migrants also

escapes from the data bank. Therefore, in general, we can state that
although the data set suggests the broad trend, it under represents
the size of out migration. Trends in the annual outflow of migrant
labour from India to the Middle East for the period 1976 to 2001
based on the available statistics, although an underestimate. The
data shows that out migration increased at a phenomenal rate
through the late 1970s, peaking in 1981. From 1979 to 1982, nearly
234,064 persons per annum had migrated from India to the Middle
East for employment purpose. The period during 1983 to 1990,
however, witnessed a significant reduction in the number of Indian
workers migrating to the Middle East with the average number
of persons migrating per annum declining to 155,401. Such a
decline could mainly be attributed to the reduction in demand for
migrant workers in the Middle East emanating mainly from the
oil glut of the early 1980s.
Viewing this trend, apprehensions were expressed in many
quarters as to whether Indian labour migration to the Middle East
would be sustained in a significant manner in the next couple of
decades. These apprehensions were further aggravated by the
events relating to the Gulf crisis of 1990 which forced nearly
160,000 Indians to return home from the warzones in distressed
conditions (Sasikumar, 1995).
Contrary to apprehensions of declining out migration, evidence
indicates that labour migration from India to the Middle East has
picked up substantial momentum since the initial hiatus in the
early 1990s. During 1992–2001, nearly 360,000 persons per annum
migrated from India to the Gulf countries. This is significantly
higher than the quantum of labour outflows from India attained
even during the ‘Gulf boom’ of the late 1970s and early 1980s.
The data on emigration clearances by country of destination,
for the period 1990 to 2001. It shows that Saudi Arabia and the
UAE. have been the principal destinations during the last two
decades. In fact they account for about 55% of total Indian
emigration to the Middle East. Within India, migration to the
Middle East originates from a number of states. A detailed review
of the migration literature in India, however, reveals Kerala has
always had a dominant position in terms of the export of manpower

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to the Middle East. International labour migration has been so

integral to Kerala’s economy and society that it is viewed as ‘the
single most dynamic factor in the otherwise dreary employment
scenario of the socially well-developed state during the last quarter
of the twentieth century’ (Zachariah et al, 2002). It may also be
appropriate to mention here that many of the available studies on
international labour migration from India focus largely on Kerala.
Hence the empirical support to many of our arguments is based
on evidence from Kerala.
A macro perspective on the relative importance of the different
states in relation to labour migration to the Middle East can also
be obtained from the emigration statistics, which as we have
mentioned earlier, are for unskilled workers who require
emigration clearances. Keeping in mind the likely under-estimation,
these data provide some evidence regarding the pattern of unskilled
labour movement from India.
The state-wise distribution of emigration clearances granted
during 1993–2001 shows that nearly 16 states contribute to the
process of emigration to the Middle East, with varying degrees
of importance. Three states, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Andhra
Pradesh together contribute to about 60% of those who have
obtained emigration clearance. In terms of the share of these
prominent states, there has been a steady decline in Kerala’s
contribution where as the share of Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh
have registered considerable increases. This could also mean that
larger numbers of people who are migrating from Kerala are now
engaged in skilled/professional related activities in the Middle
East where as there is a larger outflow of unskilled labourers who
require emigration clearance emigrate from the other states.
Return Flows
Return migration is an inevitable aspect of temporary or
contract migration. In the case of Indian labour migration to the
Middle East, return migration has assumed important dimensions
since the mid 1980s. During the 1970s, employment possibilities
in the Middle East were more or less assured. Under such market
conditions, displacement of labour from labour importing countries
was minimal. But the scenario changed towards the beginning of

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the 1980s as demand for imported labour declined and supply

grew. The effect was to force intending migrants to return to their
native countries. It is not that labour migration to the Middle East
was reduced, but the labour flow started taking place in both
directions. The net result was that ‘return migration’ emerged on
a significant scale.
There is paucity of information to gauge the magnitude of the
return migration. Attempts have been made by researchers to
arrive at some macro estimates. Nayyar (1994) estimates that around
131,900 people returned from the Middle East in 1983–86 and
38,000 returned in 1987–90. Zachariah et al (2002c) estimates that
nearly 147,000 persons during 1988 to 1992 and around 400,000
during 1993 to 1997 returned to the state of Kerala alone. This
study also reports that the current number of return migrants in
the state would be around 750,000. There is almost total lack of
information on aspects like occupational structure, skills acquired,
resource position, investment capabilities and investment plans of
the return migrants. This has severely impaired the formulation
of any purposeful reintegration plans for the return migrants
underscoring the need for further research in this area.
Aggregate Indian Migrant Population in the Middle
East
Attempts have been made to estimate the size of the Indian
migrant population in the Middle East region. It must be
emphasised that these estimates are not based on any registration
or census. They are, at best, an informed guess. The total stock of
Indian migrant population is estimated to have registered a
significant increase from around 0.5 million in 1979 to around 3
million by 2000. Saudi Arabia and UAE have been the major
destinations of Indian migrants during the past three decades,
They together account for about 70% of the total stock of Indians
in the Middle East.
A number of efforts have been made over the past three decades
to estimate the number of Keralites working in the Middle East.
The Kerala State Planning Board reports that a total of 1.6 million
Keralites were working in the Middle East in 1998 (State Planning
Board, 1998). Zachariah et al (2002) estimate the number of

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emigrants from Kerala in the second half of 1998 as 1.36 million.

Although there are differences between the exact quantitative
figures, all available estimates attest to the predominance of Keralite
labourers in the Gulf region.
Skill Composition
Analysis of the skill mix of the Indian migrant workers in
Middle East labour markets is again difficult because of lack of
data. Whatever is available is restricted to rough estimates made
by individual researchers on the basis of sample surveys and some
figures pertaining to certain periods published by government
sources. However, from the available estimates, it can be gauged
that the majority of those who migrated during late 1970s and
early 1980s belonged to the unskilled and semi-skilled category.
One of the studies report that while about two thirds of the migrant
workers were semi-skilled or unskilled, only about 14% were
employed in professional technical and managerial occupations
(Eevit and Zachariah, 1978).It shows that the outflow of workers
engaged in construction activities, skilled and unskilled taken
together, declined not only in absolute terms, but also as a
proportion of total out-migrants during this period. This can be
attributed to the completion of major construction projects launched
during the boom and also the cut in expenditure on construction
followed by many Gulf States.
The 1990s witnessed a further structural shift in the market
for expatriate labour. There was a marked change in demand for
skills away from construction towards operations and maintenance,
services, and transport and communications. In general there was
a tendency to hire more professionals and skilled manpower as
opposed to unskilled and semi skilled workers. The skill
composition of the labour outflows from India has changed its
character accordingly. The occupational distribution of emigrants
as reflected in a recent field survey conducted among Indian
emigrants in the UAE shows that more people who are migrating
to Middle East are those in the skilled/professional categories.
Economic Impact of Labour Migration
At the aggregate level, labour emigration affects the sending
country’s economy through its impact on the labour market, on

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macro-economic variables (savings, balance of payments and so

on), and social relations. These impacts are summarised below.
Impact on Labour Markets
The labour market impact of international migration depends
on factors such as size of outflow, employment status before
migration, skill composition of migrants and, in the case of
temporary migration, on the size of the return flow. The labour
market implications of migration from India may be examined
both in relation to permanent emigration to the industrialised
countries and to the outflow of temporary migrants to the Middle
East countries.
From the discussion on the magnitude of permanent migration
from India to the industrialised countries taken up earlier, it is
abundantly clear that they form an insignificant proportion of the
total workforce in India. Even though a large proportion of those
who migrate to industrialised countries are fairly highly educated,
the absolute number of migrants is small and their proportion of
the total educated population of graduates is insignificant. In fact,
total emigration to the four industrialised countries (USA, UK,
Australia and Canada) constituted a mere 0.13% of the population
of graduates in 1991. Similarly considering the large reservoir of
educated unemployed in India, it may be reasonable to presume
that permanent migration to the industrialised countries could
have hardly created any supply shortages in the labour markets.
In such a situation it may be prudent to assume that the aggregate
labour market effects of permanent migration is negligible in the
Indian context.
However, it is important to mention that such migration has
given rise to considerable debates on costs and benefits of
emigration of certain categories of highly skilled workers through
‘brain drain’. Abella (1997), for example, highlights the important
implications of the brain drain phenomenon as follows. The first
is the need to avoid exacerbating the problem, which happens
when the state facilitates the emigration of skills wanted at home.
The second is the need to remove rigidities in the labour market
which may be constraining timely supply response. The third
implication is the challenge of including return through

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programmes that compensate for some of the comparative

disadvantages of less developed countries. Even though the
magnitude of temporary migration from India to the Middle East
is much larger than the quantum of migration to the industrialised
countries, as a proportion to the total workforce in the country,
it is again negligible. In terms of labour flows, even if we consider
the year in which the largest number of emigration clearances
were granted (1993), it would constitute only around 0.1% of the
total labour force of India during that year. The current magnitude
of total migrants in the Middle East (3 million in 2000) would
constitute less than 1% of the total workforce in India during
1999–2000.
Although at the pan Indian level the repercussions of migration
on the labour market is not significant, as migration to Middle
East takes place from specific regions, the labour markets of these
regions are affected. For instance, Kerala’s labour market
experienced considerable shortage for semiskilled labourers such
as carpenters, welders, plumbers, drivers, electricians, motor
mechanics and other crafts men (Nair, 1998). As a result of this,
wage rates have multiplied and yet there is continued shortage
of such workers (Sasikumar and Raju, 2000). Information on the
status of employment of migrants before their emigration is scanty.
Some micro level studies indicate that nearly half of the migrants,
especially the unskilled, were unemployed prior to departure to
the Middle East. Their migration would have directly reduced
unemployment rates. However, this proportion too would be
insignificant in terms of the unemployment rates for the country
as a whole.
Thus the labour market effects of migration are reported to
be significant in relation to major sending regions within the
country. Research studies on international migration in 1970s and
80s have shown that migration acted as a safety valve in countering
growing unemployment in states like Kerala and in districts like
Ratnagiri in Maharashtra. (Abella and Yogesh, 1986; Mowli, 1992;
Nair, 1988). The most recent evidence in this regard is reported
by the Kerala Migration Study of 1998 (Zachariah et al, 2002). The
study notes that the unemployment rates in the state has declined
by about 3 percentage points as a consequence of migration.

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Impact through Financial Flows

The most widely recognised immediate benefit from the
international labour migration remains the flow of remittances,
which not only augments scarce foreign exchange but also provides
a potential source of additional savings and capital formation.
Remittances have direct bearing on the balance of payments
accounts as they meet a substantial part of the import bill.
In the balance of payments statistics of India, remittances are
identified as credits on the accounts of private transfer payments.
These aggregates also include grants that constitute a very small
proportion of the total. Remittances constitute the larger part of
it. Any variation in private transfer payments can thus be taken
as identical to any variations in remittances. The trends in value
of remittances could be analysed in relation to three phases: 1951–
52 to 1970–1971, a period which witnessed a rapid spurt in
migratory flows to industrialised countries; 1971–72 to 1990–91,
a period corresponding to a major increase and then a decline in
labour migration to the Middle East; and 1990–91 to 2000–2001,
a period characterised by new exchange regime as well as revival
of larger labour flows to the Middle East. It shows that the
remittances registered a sudden increase during 1960–67 to 1970–
71, which as noted earlier had witnessed substantial increase in
the number of Indians migrating to USA and Canada. It shows a
substantial increase in the value of remittances during the mid
1970s to the late 1980s and subsequent stagnation till the beginning
of the 1990s. It is more or less certain that this trend is closely
related to the size of labour migration from India to the Middle
East. It also highlights the major role played by remittances of
Indian migrant workers from the Middle East in augmenting
foreign exchange resources.
An examination of trends in value of remittances during the
1990s reveals a significant growth remittance flows in the Indian
economy. This spectacular increase could mainly be attributed to
the general liberalisation of the foreign exchange regime.
A certain proportion of remittances is channelled through
informal means and thereby is undocumented in the official data.
Here again, lack of reliable estimates makes meaningful inferences

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difficult. However, based on the findings of certain micro level

studies, it could be ascertained that such undocumented remittances
were fairly prominent in the late 1970s and 1980s. A survey of
return migrants from the Middle East during the mid 1980s showed
that respondents channelled around 25 to 30% of the total
remittances through undocumented means (Nair, 1986). However
such undocumented flows almost dried up during the 1990s due
to the liberalisation of foreign exchange. Apart from these policy
measures, the arrival of e-banking, which provide instantaneous
transfer also encourages migrants to use formal means for
remittances. (Zachariah et al, 2002b).
In terms of the macro level impact, the impact of remittances
is most significant in the context of balance of payments. Remittance
flows during the past three decades have financed a large
proportion of the balance of trade deficit and thus reduced the
current account deficit. In fact, during the 1980s, when India faced
a severe balance of payment crisis, foreign remittances were in a
position to finance as much as 40% of the balance of trade deficits.
However, in terms of other macro level aggregates, the contribution
of the remittances to the national economy is not that significant.
For instance, remittances constitute only 4.4% of GDP during
1999–2000. But it must be stressed that this percentage has
consistently grown during the past three decades from 0.2% in
1970–71 to 1.3% in 1981–82 to 1.5% in 1991–92 and to 4.4% in 1999–
2000. Remittances, however, have had a considerable impact on
regional economies within India. Here again, the most striking
case in point is that of Kerala. A recent study (Kannan and Hari,
2002) concludes that remittances to the Kerala economy averaged
21% of state income in the 1990s. This study also reports that an
increase in per capita income as a result of remittances has
contributed to an increase in consumption expenditure in Kerala.
Although the average per capita consumption in Kerala was below
the national average until 1978–79, by 1999–2000 consumer
expenditure in Kerala exceeded the national average by
around 41%.
Social and Demographic Impacts of Migration
Empirical evidence to assess the demographic consequences
of international migration from India is limited. Evidence available

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in the case of Kerala highlights the following:

• Migration has had a direct effect in reducing the population
growth in the state since the 1950s. In 1981–91, nearly a
fifth of the natural increase of population was removed
from the state through migration.
• Migration has reduced the working age population in the
state and consequently increased the proportion of children
and the elderly. Migration has contributed to the prevalence
of large numbers of very small families in the state. Single
member households have increased by 33% and two
member households by 42% as a result of migration.
(Zachariah et al, 2002b). Research studies report that
migration has had significant consequences on poverty
levels. Zachariah et al (2002b) reports that migration has
had a very significant impact on the proportion of
population below the poverty line in Kerala during the
1990s. The study notes that the proportion has declined
by over 3 percentage points as a result of remittances
received by Kerala households from abroad. It is important
to note that the largest decline has been in the case of the
relatively economically backward sections of people
belonging to the Muslim community, the decline being
over 6 percentage points.
Another prominent impact, which migration, especially, male
migration to the Middle East, has had, is in relation to the effects
on women left behind. This is especially so in the case of those
who are married. A number of studies conducted during the past
three decades have concluded that one of the major problems
encountered by wives of emigrants is loneliness.
The extent of such loneliness is reported to be more severe
among younger wives whose husbands migrated immediately
after the marriage. Such solitude had given rise to mental tension
in the wives of those migrated during the 1970s and 80s. Such
mental tensions seem to have been reduced in the 1990s. This
could mainly be attributed to the availability of quicker means of
communication, new responsibilities, roles, and leisure activities
for women (Zachariah et al, 2002 b).

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Policy Regime Governing International Labour

Migration from India
The overseas employment policy regime in India mainly
addresses temporary and contract migration. The most important
policy instrument, the Emigration Act 1983, deals with the
emigration of Indian workers for overseas employment on a
contractual basis and seeks to safeguard their interest and ensure
their welfare. Prior to the Act of 1983, the Emigration Act of 1922
governed the migration of Indians across national boundaries. The
main purpose of this Act was to regulate and control the recruitment
and emigration of unskilled agricultural workers. The Rules of the
Act stipulated procedures for emigration and the steps to be taken
by the foreign agents in India for the welfare of such emigrants.
According to the Act, emigration of unskilled workers involved
notifications for specific countries. However, since no such
notification was issued by the government, the emigration of
unskilled workers progressively declined between 1923 and 1947.
The Act did not specify any regulations governing the
emigration of people with technical qualifications or professional
expertise and therefore permanent migration to the industrialised
countries, which began from the 1950s, was hardly regulated or
monitored by the policy regime in India. The migration boom to
the Middle East during the mid 1970s exposed the limitations of
the 1922 Act in safeguarding the interests of workers emigrating
for employment. This period witnessed the emergence of a large
number of illegal recruiting agents who employed exploitative
practices, including extortion and fraud. Workers with low skills
and incomes suffered most. It was in this broader context the
Emigration Act, 1983 was introduced with a view to alleviate the
problems associated with emigration of unskilled and skilled
workers.
The Act aims to safeguard the interests of Indians migrating
abroad for employment by stipulating emigration clearance and
registration of recruiting agents, and by setting up mechanisms
for redressing grievances of migrants. Section 22 of the Act states
that all Indian citizens seeking to migrate must obtain emigration
clearances from the Office of the Protector of Emigrants, Ministry

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of Labour, as an endorsement in their passports. In providing such

clearances, the Protector of Emigrants is required to examine the
terms and conditions of employment contracts to ensure that the
wages and working conditions are not exploitative and that
adequate provision has been made for travel expense,
accommodation and medical care. In order to facilitate free
movement of manpower, 17 categories of persons are currently
exempted from the requirement to obtaining clearance and placed
under emigration check not required category (ECNR category).
In addition six more categories of persons with valid employment
visa endorsed on their passports can also obtain ECNR
endorsement.
The Emigration Act 1983 focuses on regulating overseas
employment recruitment systems in India. Section 10 of the Act
states that no recruiting agent can carry out the business of
recruitment without a registration certificate issued by the Protector
General of Emigrants. The Certificate is granted after taking into
account inter-alia the recruiting agent’s financial soundness,
trustworthiness, adequacy of premises, experience in the field of
handling manpower export, etc., and after obtaining security
ranging from Rs.0.3 million to Rs.1 million in the form of Bank
Guarantee. The financial security is intended to secure due
performance of the terms and conditions of the Registration
Certificate and also to meet the cost of repatriation of any stranded
worker sent by him.
Another important aspect of the Emigration Act relates to the
maximum amount that the recruiting agents are authorised to
charge as fees for services rendered to the migrant. Currently this
ranges from Rs.2000 for unskilled workers to Rs. 3000 for
semiskilled workers to Rs.5000 for skilled workers and to Rs.10,000
for other than the above categories.
An examination of the provisions of the Emigration Act
indicates that overseas employment policies in India have been
largely confined to ensuring that the terms and conditions of
employment conformed to certain specified norms so that agents
and employers did not subject the workers to exploitation. Efforts
to manage and direct export of manpower have indeed been
minimal. The policy regime has also not been concerned with

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migration of persons with technical or professional qualifications.

The Emigration Act has considerably reduced the problems
encountered by migrant workers. However, there is little policy
influence on the forces of market supply and demand which still
largely determine the emigration of workers from India.
Problems Encountered by Migrants
Problems encountered by the migrant workers may be
examined at two levels. First in relation to recruitment violations
and the second in relation to working and living conditions in
destination countries. Commonly reported violations are delayed
deployment or nondeployment of workers, overcharging or
collection of fees far in excess of authorised placement fees and
illegal recruitment. Delayed deployments are often caused by
factors beyond the control of the recruitment agency, such as visa
delays or when the employer requests a postponement. Non-
deployment is however a serious case and the magnitude of its
implications are amplified if an excessive placement fee is collected
from the worker. Overcharging is a serious offence and is prevalent
in all labour-sending countries in Asia. What makes overcharging
doubly serious is that the workers end up paying huge amounts
equivalent to many months salary (Sasikumar, 2000). Minimising,
if not totally eliminating, overcharging poses a serious challenge
to overseas employment administrators.
Illegal recruitment is another serious violation of the rules as
workers get recruited and deployed overseas without the
government knowing about them. Being unlicensed, illegal
recruiters are beyond the reach of the normal regulatory machinery
of the national overseas employment policy. They are and should
be the concern of police and other enforcement agencies. Some
major problems encountered by the migrants in their countries of
employment include: a) premature termination of job contracts,
b) changing the clauses of contract to the disadvantage of the
workers, c) delay in payment of salary, d) violation of minimum
wage standards, e) freezing of fringe benefits and other perks,
f) forced over-time work without returns and g) denial of
permission to keep one’s own passport. Migrant labourers seldom
lodge any complaint against the erring employers for the fear of

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losing their jobs. In cases where migrant workers decide to complain

against the erring employer, they have two options. First, the
employee may inform the home embassy in the country of
employment. This is mainly done by people lacking the means to
return home. Embassy officials sometimes seek the help and
assistance of the local government to take actions against the
erring employers. Apart from that, the Embassy also passes
information about the complaints made to it to the Protector of
Emigrants (POE) offices in India. If a registered recruiting agent
recruited the complainant, then the POE refers the complaint to
the concerned agent seeking explanation.
In most cases the agents maintain that it was the foreign
employer who committed any violation. However, if the POE
office finds the explanation unsatisfactory it proceeds with further
action. Secondly, the employee registers the complaint after he/
she reaches India. To facilitate the lodging of such complaints, a
system of public hearing is conducted at the POE offices, where
emigrants, recruiting agents, project exporters etc., can meet the
most senior officer on duty to obtain information and voice their
grievances. When complaints are received against foreign
employers, the POE office forwards them to the Indian embassy
in the concerned country of employment for taking necessary
actions. As in the case of first option, if a registered agent has
recruited the complainant, the POE office seeks the agent’s
explanation. If the agent does not provide satisfactory explanations,
a case is registered for the violation and the case is referred to the
police for investigation. In some instances, the POE officials
themselves conduct the inquiry. Employers against whom the
complaints have been made, if found guilty through preliminary
investigations, are blacklisted and this information is passed on
to embassies and registered agents in order to ensure that in future
labourers are not supplied to these employers. Apart from this,
generally no action can be taken against foreign employers as they
are governed by laws of another nation state.
Suggestions and Recommendations
Some specific suggestions relating to international labour
migration are:

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Developing migration information systems: One of the areas

requiring immediate policy intervention is the creation of an
appropriate information system on international emigration. This
would enable closer surveillance and better management of
emigration. The status of out-migrant data can be improved by
making the registration of entry by migrant workers mandatory
in the Indian missions operating in labour receiving countries. The
nature of outflow data at home can be strengthened by a fuller
utilisation of the data already available with government
departments and recruitment agencies. A chief requirement in this
connection would be the strengthening of the statistical wings of
the concerned government departments. There is also a need to
use border control records for more accurate measurement of
international labour migration. International experience suggests
that it is possible to extract labour outflow and return flow data
on key variables from embarkation/disembarkation cards. An
essential first step to make use of this source is to redesign the
existing arrival/departure cards to yield required information. To
obtain further information, periodic airport surveys could be
resorted to. Data on migration are as much essential at the state
level as they are at the national level. Apart from relevant
disaggregation of national data sources, it would be desirable if
the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) conduct detailed
surveys on international migration periodically, say once in five
years. To strengthen the information base abroad, an identification
and networking of Indian associations operating in different Middle
East countries is necessary. The Gulf crisis of 1990 had highlighted
the vital role played by various Indian associations and bodies in
safeguarding the interests of Indian migrants in the Gulf at a time
of emergency (Sasikumar, 1995). Discussions with evacuees from
Kuwait revealed that the majority of Indian migrants maintained
very close liaison with community organisations even in times of
stability.
Managing and directing migration flows: There is an urgent
need to manage and direct migration flows from India. It is
important in this context that labour markets of the major labour
importing countries are closely monitored. This may be done
through the establishment of a labour market monitoring authority.
The authority has to carry out negotiations on various labour

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contracts and also study the nature of emerging skill requirements.

The activities of the labour market monitoring mechanism should
be linked with a comprehensive system of labour market
information for all types of employment seekers.
Welfare funds: Although the issue of welfare of families of
workers left behind in the home country has come to be recognised
as potentially important, there are hardly any policies in this area.
It may be worthwhile to consider the constitution of a ‘Welfare
Fund’ for Indian workers abroad. Such a fund can be utilised for
a wide range of welfare measures concerned with both the migrant
workers and their families. The Welfare Fund could also be of vital
importance to women employees in the Gulf who are largely in
the category of ara-medical staff and domestic servants. The Gulf
crisis of 1990 had brought to light the adverse conditions that
women employees, especially the domestic servants category had
to face, while their employers fled to safety. The Fund could
mainly comprise of the contributions received from Indians
working in the Middle East. Incentives such as attractive insurance
schemes and tax relief should be offered to the migrants
contributing towards the Fund.
Pre-departure orientation programmes: One of the most
neglected aspects of overseas employment policy in India is the
absence of any form of pre departure orientation to the intending
emigrants. It is important to recognise adaptability of the workers
to changed working conditions and to new socio-cultural
environment. It can also influence their productivity levels. The
orientation programme can include topics such as religion, the
socio-cultural and political conditions of the country of
employment, the do’s and don’ts, the contract of employment,
description of the jobsite, the duties and responsibilities of the
workers, travel tips, procedure on how the workers may handle
their problems at the worksite, and advice on remittance
procedures. The government, registered recruitment agencies,
returned associations and non-governmental organisations working
among the migrant workers can participate in providing pre-
departure training to the potential emigrants.
Responding to transformations in labour markets: Any policy
intended to streamline the overseas labour recruitment system in

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India has to recognise, as a pre-condition, the important

transformation that has occurred with respect to expatriate labour
market in most of the labour importing countries, i.e. a
transformation of expatriate labour market from being a seller’s
to a buyer’s market.
Under the transformed expatriate labour market conditions,
the expenditure incurred by the recruiting agents for the promotion
and maintenance of their business has risen significantly. In order
to match such a rise in expenditure, most private recruiting agents
sidestep the law and charge a fee much higher than the legally
prescribed limit.
It is also true that most emigrants are willing to pay an amount
higher than the ones prescribed by the law as the earnings from
the Gulf can easily abate losses due to extra payment. In such a
context, government may take a more flexible position and
reconsider the amount of maximum chargeable fee.
Financing out migration: It would also be worth establishing
a government system of offering low interest loans to less well-
off emigrants to finance out migration. Such a system of financing
out migration may also ensure that those emigrants availing the
lowinterest loans would resort to formal banking channels to
transfer their remittances back home. This would further augment
the foreign exchange resources, which are vital for a developing
country like India.
Utilising resource flows and human capital of emigrants to
strengthen development: There is an absence of any policy
framework regarding the effective utilisation of financial inflows
from emigrants to strengthen the development process at national
or state levels.
Similarly, the existing policy regime in India hardly addresses
any concerns related to the migration of persons with technical
or professional expertise, many of whom are willing to make a
contribution to the development process, either in their non-
resident status or as returnees. These issues need close consideration
at national and regional levels and effective policies need to be
formulated which can integrate development concerns with the
migration process.

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Recommendations and Key Next Steps

Summary of Key Issues
Labour mobility is a key feature of the development process
in India. Because much of it is poorly measured and undocumented,
it remains largely invisible in the strategising of policies.
Internal labour flows are highly heterogeneous and hence
their impacts on the poor need to be carefully disaggregated.
Migration is a vital component of poor people’s struggle for
survival. It entails both costs and benefits for migrants and their
families.
International worker emigration from India has been closely
linked to phases of immigration policies in other countries. Since
the oil boom, the emigration of low-skilled workers to the Middle
East has been the major source of employment and inward
remittances. Inward remittances have significant macroeconomic
implications in especially regions of high out migration. Both
internal and external migration have potentially growth producing
and poverty reducing impacts, which can be increased through
suitable policies and supportive interventions by civil society and
other national/international actors.
Internal migration, particularly seasonal migration, is largely
driven by the persistence of large regional inequalities and its
potential positive impacts on the lives of the poor are also
minimised by the inadequate legislative environment and the lack
of a rights based perspective with respect to migrants. Migrants
enjoy the least rights, even among a comparatively right-less group
of poor workers and labourers.
International migration is also driven by unemployment, lack
of suitable opportunities, and mismatches between skills and
opportunities, but the requirement of sizeable financial costs make
it accessible only to those who possess appropriate skills and can
raise the necessary financial resources to undertake migration.
There are imperfections in both types of labour markets which
can be addressed through suitable policy measures. But internal
migrants have such weak bargaining power that they would require
far greater legislative and non-legislative support from

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governmental and non-governmental actors. This role can not

only be confined to the Ministry of Labour, which is the key
Ministry dealing with migrant workers but requires coordinated
support from all the social sector Ministries. The thrust of our
suggestions is that both governmental and non-governmental
intervention should first discourage regional and labour market
dualism as vigorously as possible. Secondly they should take all
measures necessary to improve labour market outcomes. Third,
the basic rights and entitlements should be ensured for all migrant
workers and their families through coordinated inter-governmental
effort and civil society action. Fourth, action should be focused
on improving the social and political environment in which
migrants live and work. These steps would not only influence the
condition of migrants and the pattern of migration, but also the
pattern of development which has sustained these patterns of
migration. We briefly elaborate on these four suggestions below
discussed in detail in sections 3 and 4 under these four heads.
Although the detailed issues with respect to internal and
international migration are different, we bring them together here
to underscore a common analytical and policy framework.
Synergising Migration and Development
A major policy focus has to be on a more vigorous pro-poor
development strategy in the backward areas. This should address
the needs of these regions, and simultaneously improve the access
of the poor to land, CPRs, financial resources and governance
institutions. Depending upon the availability of financial resources,
the provision of an employment safety net can be dovetailed with
the development programmes. Evolving suitable development
policies in order to maximise the positive impact of inward
remittances and to reduce its negative impact (through labour
market and expenditure distortions, or the ‘Dutch Disease’ effect),
remains a priority even with external migration. Thus in all cases,
the synergy between migration and development requires to be
strengthened.
Improving Labour Market Outcomes
The main problem is that poor migrants lack bargaining
strength. Hence steps taken to organise them, improve their

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negotiating strength and level of awareness are necessary. At the

workplace, stricter enforcement of labour legislations (with
necessary simplification and modification of the laws where
necessary) is a prerequisite for improved outcomes.
Panchayats could emerge as the pivotal institution in the
resource pool for migrant workers residing in their area. They
could maintain a register of migrant workers and issue identity
cards and pass books to them. Further, it should be mandatory for
recruiters to deposit with the panchayats, a list of the labourers
recruited by them along with other employment details. NGOs
and panchayats could cooperate in building up an information
base to cut down transaction costs for both employers and labourers.
They could also assist in upgrading the skills of migrant
workers.
An improved information base, orientation and skills are also
important requirement in the case of international migration.
Labour markets of the major labour importing countries need to
be closely monitored. This could be done through the establishment
of a labour market monitoring authority which could also carry
out negotiations on various labour contracts and also study the
nature of emerging skill requirements. Another important area in
which the government could take the lead is in providing
predeparture training through registered recruitment agencies;
returned associations and non-governmental organisations working
among the migrant workers. While regulation of recruitment
conditions is a must, provisions of the Emigration Act, 1983, which
are out of line with the changing market conditions under which
recruitment agents operate should be liberalised so that there is
no adverse incentive for the latter to operate outside the law.
Loans could be granted to potential migrants to cover their
transaction costs and could be linked to their seeking the assistance
of the formal recruiting system. This could help to curb
malpractices. Ensure basic entitlements to migrants and their
families A focused approach is required to ensure that the basic
entitlements of the poor to food, elementary education, basic health
are fulfilled, as also their entitlement to other government
programmes and subsidies.

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The proposed Bill for unorganised workers includes many

provisions which are potentially beneficial to migrant workers.
The debate on the Bill should be vigorously extended in order to
ensure that it meets the requirements of migrant workers as fully
as possible. It may be worthwhile considering the constitution of
a welfare Fund for employees working abroad. Such a fund can
be utilised for a wide range of welfare measures concerned with
both the migrant workers and their families. The fund could be
supported mainly by contributions received from Indians working
in the Middle East. Incentives such as attractive insurance schemes
and tax reliefs should be offered to migrants contributing.
Improvement in the Economic, Social and Political
Environment in Favour of Migration
Disadvantages faced by poor migrants are accentuated because
of their low political voice in source and destination areas; because
they often comprise a distinct ethnic, social or cultural group, and
are seen to be threatening to the livelihoods of workers in the
destination areas. As a consequence, they can be victims of strong
prejudices. There is, thus a role for advocacy to remove stereotypes
and misapprehensions and for a campaign to buttress the voices
of poor migrants. In the case of Indian emigrants and people of
Indian origin, it is critical to address how they can participate in
selected but specific developmental activities. Another significant
issue is the identification of possible ways in which human capital
can return to India and, having returned, can contribute to the
development process.

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 13
Unemployment and Migration

Jobless growth and regional imbalances have collectively

spurred migration, and this is the larger malaise behind recent
mass murders on ethnic lines, says Swati Narayan.
March 2004-Fifty-six Biharis were murdered in Assam in
November 2003, over a week of sustained ethnic violence. In the
face of intense competition for the semi-skilled D category of jobs
(requiring a minimum of eighth standard education) in the Indian
Railways (the single largest employer in the world), targeted
bloodshed was the answer. A mere 2,750 vacancies in Assam had
attracted 20,000 prospective applicants from Bihar. This prompted
the local ULFA (United Liberation Front of Assam) to call for
protection of employment opportunities for the sons-of-the-soil,
a long-standing ideology of Bal Thackeray’s Shiv Sena in
Maharashtra. In the days of violence, 11 wage labourers were also
brutally murdered because they hailed from Bihar. But what is the
root of a force so vicious and desperate that it instigates mass
murder on ethnic lines?

Jobless Growth: Trends in India

This incident can be interpreted as a symptom of a larger
malaise. The root of the problem is ‘jobless growth’ in the Indian
economy, that is, despite an acceleration in the growth rate in
India; the pace of creation of work opportunities has not kept pace
with the growing requirement. In the post-liberalisation period,
unemployment on a Current Daily Status basis rose from 6.0
percent in 1993-94 to 7.3 percent in 1999-2000 resulting in an
 Population Geography: Concepts and Prospects

additional 27 million job seekers. The most disturbing fact is that

of these, 74 percent are in the rural areas and 60 percent among
them are educated.
There is substantial decline in employment elasticity (e.g.
increase in employment for every unit rise in GDP) in almost all
the major productive sectors, except for transport and finance. In
agriculture, the employment elasticity has dropped to near zero.
The reason for the phenomenon of jobless growth could be that
growth in India has essentially been capital intensive. Further, the
public sector is in the process of shedding excess labour in the
name of downsizing for meeting the efficiency challenges of market
competition.
Regional Imbalances
This trend of rising unemployment is compounded by the
existence of regional imbalances in development within the country,
which have collectively accelerated the phenomenon of migration.
All theories of migration concede that migration occurs when the
region of origin lacks the opportunities which the destination
promises. It is inherently a combination of pull and push factors.
Variation in economic development across regions is a primary
motive for migration to greener pastures. The rural poor are
concentrated in eastern India, and in the rainfall-dependant parts
of central and western India, which continue to have low
agricultural productivity, while the bulk of the jobs are being
created in western and southern India.
Inter-state labour migration is an important feature of the
Indian economy. Most of this movement has been from the most
populous and poorest states with net in-migration being higher
for the more developed states. Gujarat and Bihar provide an
interesting contrast in terms of migration. The population entering
Bihar was 364,337 and that exiting the state was more than three
times higher at 1,226,839. (Census 1991) In contrast, the in-coming
population for Gujarat was double that of Bihar at 716,190 and the
out-going population 305,738, a quarter of the population leaving
Bihar. Further, there exist intra-district movements. In Surat,
labourers from the eastern talukas move to the irrigated western
talukas like Ucchal and Nirzar, which are irrigated by the Ukai

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project. Census 2001 migration tables have not yet been released.)
This increase in migration is essentially due to regional differences
in the population pressure on land, inequality of infrastructure,
industrial development, and modernization of agriculture. In
particular, the developed areas have increased demand for labour
during specific seasonal activities, especially sowing and harvesting
in the case of agricultural activities. As this demand often
supersedes the availability of local labour, these developed regions
offer a higher wage rate and/or greater number of days of
employment. The agriculturally developed regions are invariably
areas which have extensive canal irrigation and HYV (high yielding
variety) technology. The demand for labour also exists in seasonally
based agro-industries e.g. rice mills, sugar factories, canal
construction, road construction, etc.
Implications of Migration: Evidence from Gujarat
However, in the Indian context in recent decades, certain new
migratory trends can be discerned, which indicate that its effects
may be unfavourable both at the macro and micro level. There is
evidence from different secondary studies in Gujarat to identify
these new trends.
One is excessive migration. In Gujarat, rural-rural migration,
especially from the drought-prone to the agro-climatically better-
endowed districts, seems to have created overcrowding in the
districts of destination. This is reflected in the fact that some of
the most drought prone districts such as Amreli, Kachchh,
Surendranagar and Rajkot, have relatively higher labour
productivity vis-a-vis the agriculturally prosperous districts like
Junagadh, Kheda and Mehsana. Invariably, migrant labour is paid
at lower wages compared to local labour, and the implementation
of the Interstate Migrant Workman (Regulation of Employment
and Conditions of Service) Act of 1979 is largely on paper. Migrants
from backward regions are willing to accept any distress wages
that are offered as long as they have access to employment. In the
bargain they undercut the employment prospects of local labour.
Their excess supply also contributes to reducing the wage rate.
The phenomenon of overcrowding appears to be both a cause
and a symptom of the exploitative labour process of distress

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migration. The growing phenomenon of rural-rural migration

also has important implications for future generations who would
also suffer from the same debilitating lack of opportunities and
low productivity. For example, whole families of tribals from the
Dang district of South Gujarat migrate for six to eight months to
work in the sugar factories in the plains, resulting in their children
being unable to enrol in schools.
Secondly, Jan Breman draws attention to a new phenomenon
of circulatory migration in South Gujarat. Employers prefer to hire
migrant labour, as they are considered to be cheaper and more
docile than local labour. Consequently, labourers need to migrate
in search of jobs, which they are denied in their native region. This
perpetuates a vicious cycle of migration. Also, there often seems
to be an inherent specialisation among labourers according to
their place of origin, resulting in region and task specific
movements. For example, road workers originate from the
Panchmahals, quarry workers from Bharauch, cane cutters into
South Gujarat from Maharashtra, and rice mill workers from the
Jalan district of Rajasthan. These location-specific ‘skills’ however
often are inconsequential for unskilled jobs with high content of
physical labour. They are nevertheless perpetuated as a justification
among employers to hire outstation labour.
These processes of seasonal migration have even developed
into semi-formalised systems with the active participation of
contractors or mukadams as middlemen who gather migrant
labourers for prospective employers. The seasonal movements are
often debt induced as the mukadam often provides a wage advance
to the migrants. According to the NCRL (National Commission
of Rural Labour), there were approximately 10 million seasonal/
circular migrants in the rural areas alone in 1999-2000. This includes
an estimated 4.5 million inter-state migrants. There were large
numbers of migrants in agriculture and plantations, brick kilns,
quarries, construction sites and fish processing.
Theory and Impact of Migration
While migration enables workers from underdeveloped regions
to find employment, its impacts have been evaluated variably by
academics. Todaro’s neo-classical model regards migration as a

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product of rational economic decision-making. The migrant makes

a rational free choice to improve his economic condition by seeking
more favourable employment conditions, even if the decision is
being taken under distress. The policy recommendations of this
theory are therefore in favour of migration and suggest reducing
the cost of migration, i.e. improve the bargaining power of migrants,
improve information and conditions of work, etc.
In contrast, the structuralist theories view the personal choice
to migrate not at a product of individual freedom but rather as
structured by the larger mechanisms of capitalistic production. In
case of the poor, their choice to migrate is often the only option
that they possess for survival, and their decision is a reflection of
lack of choice rather than freedom of opportunity. Breman views
the creation of migrant ‘wage hunters’ as representative symptoms
of the larger processes of global capitalistic development resulting
in a race to the bottom. Given that capitalistic production is
motivated by profit as the only determining factor, it would
invariably lead to regional imbalances and employers would hire
labour at the lowest available cost.
Also, the reality of migrants at a micro-level ensures that their
constant motion and inherent insecurity of employment reduces
their ability and inclination to unionise or enhance their bargaining
positions for fear of instant dismissal. The policy recommendations
of this group of academics would therefore be in favour of strict
implementation of programs to reduce regional development
imbalances, minimum wage regulation and right to work, for
example, employment assurance schemes like the Maharashtra
Employment Guarantee Scheme (EGS).
Maharashtra’s Em ployment G uarantee S cheme
(EGS): Right to Work
Maharashtra Employment Guarantee Scheme was launched
in 1972 and aims to provide unskilled manual employment on
demand for wage labourers. The program innovatively draws its
corpus of funds, which is funded up to 90 percent, by imposing
a tax on white-collar professionals and traders in the cities,
especially Bombay, and imposing an additional Motor Vehicle and
Sales tax. These funds are used to create labour intensive public

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works, for example, digging wells, building roads, etc. Employment

is guaranteed in the vicinity of the village or the transport cost
to the place of work is reimbursed.
The major objective of this self-targeting scheme is to create
additional wage employment for emergency relief during natural
calamities, provide food security and employment guarantee in
cases of chronic poverty, and construct village infrastructure
concurrently. Since this employment provides only minimum wage
and is pegged at below the prevailing market wage, the program
is self-targeting and draws only the poor and unemployed.
Consequently, it also targets poverty alleviation, as it is directed
at the most vulnerable populace.
The strategy is similar to the conceptualisation of the Keynesian
multiplier, which encouraged the use of large-scale public works
to reduce unemployment and revive the economy during the
Great Depression. His logic was simple – in times of distress it
is the responsibility of the government to engage labour even if
only to dig and fill trenches as long as it provides a means to
circulate money, increase effective demand in the economy, and
feed hungry stomachs.
In the eighties in India, non-agricultural employment in public
works, sustained by the large increases in government expenditure,
influenced an increase in agricultural wages. Thus landless
labourers, the poorest segments in the Indian rural population,
were not only able to access gainful employment at the minimum
wages in the public-works programs but also their seasonal wages
in agriculture saw a much-needed increase.
However in recent decades the EGS itself has witnessed
deterioration due to use of funds for other purposes, corruption,
competition between different poverty alleviation programs,
insufficient unskilled work opportunities in rural areas,
mismanagement, and decreasing demand for unskilled work as
education levels increase.
Irrespective of ideological interpretations of the phenomenon
of migration, it is an urgent crisis for the Indian state. The alarming
call of political parties to curb migration on ethnic lines is a by-
product of the economic distress facing the nation. Hence it is

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imperative to implement policy options to alleviate the situation

for the short and long term.
Conclusion
This article presented an evaluation of the prevalence of
migration in India as the root cause of ethic tensions vitiated by
economic distress at low level of skill and education. The problem
of unemployment is in urgent need of redressal in India. The
implications of its unchecked fury were evident in the ethnic
violence in Assam. The phenomenon of low productivity due to
overcrowding and cyclical unemployment have important
implications for future generations in terms of education as it
affects their labour market options to a improve their skills and
vertical mobility. Therefore it is imperative to protect the right to
work in the second most populous nation on the planet.
Today, the nation is facing the daunting challenge of
unemployment. With restructuring, even formal sector jobs have
been shed. While employment options abound for the core circle
of skilled professionals, the periphery of the unskilled and semi-
skilled is worsening.
Universalisation of programs like the EGS would provide an
important measure of relief and long-term growth for the rural
economy. However, it must be noted that a decade from now, the
problem that the nation will face is educational unemployment for
which the Assam incident serves as an ugly precursor. In fact, with
the expansion of rural education, 8 million children have been
taken off the fields in the last decade to join the rural schooling
system. The aspirations of these first-generation literates require
the construction of creative strategies for mass semi-skilled
employment in the near future.

Migration in India
India as a nation has seen a high migration rate in recent years.
Over 98 million people migrated from one place to another in
1990s, the highest for any decade since independence according
to the 2001 census details. However in 1970s migration was slowing
down. The number of migrants during 1991-2001 increased by
about 22% over the previous decade an increase since 1951.

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Apart from women migrating due to marriage, employment

is the biggest reason for migration. The number of job seekers
among all migrants has increased by 45% over the previous decade.
Nearly 14 million people migrated from their place of birth in
search of jobs. The overwhelming majority of these-12 million was
men.
Migrants have created pressure on others who are in same job
market. While freedom to migrate within the country is an
enshrined right the uneven development, levels of desperation
and other factors have created friction points. Most people migrate
because of a combination of push and pull factors. Lack of rural
employment, fragmentation of land holdings and declining public
investment in agriculture create a crisis for rural Indians. Urban
areas and some rural areas with industrial development or high
agricultural production offer better prospects for jobs or self-
employment.
Contrary to common perception the search for jobs is more
often within the same state than in some other state. About 9
million persons were intra-state migrants often within the district
while 5 million went to other states. The intra-state figures include
people moving from villages to nearby towns and cities in search
of better jobs. Over 5.7 million persons who moved in search of
jobs migrated from rural to urban areas. Another 4.5 million
migrated within the rural areas looking for work. The data shows
that among people migrating in search of jobs, literates constitute
the vast bulk over 10.6 million while illiterate migrants are about
3.3 million. Three out of four job-seeking migrants are educated
males. Among literate, migrant job-seekers less than 1% was
women. Nearly 40% of literate persons migrating for work had
studied up to secondary level and another 32% had studied beyond.
Graduates numbered over 1.8 million or about 17% while technical
diploma or degree holders constituted about 8%.
About 72% do get regular work but over 11 million get less
than 183 days of work in a year. This is a higher proportion than
non-migrants. Independent NSS data from 1999-2000 indicates
that migrant workers take up regular or casual employment or
self-employment in nearly equal proportions. Around 8.1 million
of the migrants were reported as available for or seeking work.

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The census data may not fully reflect seasonal or circulatory

migration, estimated to be up to 10 million by the National
Commission on Rural Labour. Seasonal migrants are usually dalits
and other highly impoverished sections that go out to work in
harvesting seasons or on construction sites, in brick kilns, salt
mines etc. They go out to pay their debts and to survive.

Checking Migration Problems in South Asia Article

Summary
Migration is a kind of population dispersion. It involves
movement of population from one place to another or from one
country to another. Most two-way migratory movements are
rhythmic processes of population. Regular periodicity is a common
feature of such movements.
The social transformation that affects migration is felt in various
countries in different ways. The situation results in what are
referred to as mobility transitions, which are meant to stress that
there is no single mobility transition.
Migration is an outcome of economic and political change.
Economic growth creates inequalities which encourage movements
from places of fewer opportunities to more ones.
Usually, migration of population may occur for food, shelter
and other basic needs. In such cases, mortality of many individuals
may occur due to different ecological risks such as temperature
fluctuation, food scarcity, etc.
Despite continuing efforts over the past few decades,
substantial economic and social developments are not evident in
South Asian countries. It can be realized only in the more accessible
and most profitable parts of these countries where investments
have only brought profit to urban areas. People of undeveloped
sectors, hills and mountains, faced with demographic pressures,
leave their villages and go and settle in the more advanced regions
of the country.
Migration within each country and between the countries of
South Asia will become a greater problem than it already is. Intra-
country migration has already caused problems in this region,
straining the social fabric and creating social tension.

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The Maharastrian versus the non-Maharastrian conflict in

Mumbai city or the insider-outsider conflict in northeast India for
many years or the Sindhis versus Mohajirs in the Sindh Province
of Pakistan reflect the tension inherent in the migration process
within each country.
Indo-Nepal migration is unique. In accordance with the Nepal-
India Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1950, Indian nationals can
enter Nepal for any purpose, stay in Nepal for any period of time
and either leave or settle permanently if one chooses to do so. In
this regard, no documents are required, no registration is done at
the border check-posts and by and large no questions are asked.
The treaty established open border for people’s movement without
any travel documents such as passport or visa. But migration
seems to be high on the agenda and is likely to continue as a major
irritant in Indo-Nepal relations.
The influx of Nepal’s terai migrants from the hills and Indians
from across the border, some Bangladeshis’’ crossing into eastern
Nepal after being pushed out from Bihar and West Bengal, will
eject the local population. Consequently, this will create conflicts
among the different categories of people.
The Indian stage of Assam has been complaining against the
impact of influx of migration from both Bangladesh and other
Indian states. Since Assam’s population has increased considerably,
Assamese feel that they are virtually in the process of extinction
due to the exodus of immigrants.
South Asia’s intra-country migration is politically dangerous.
Actually, the Indian sub continent’s partition in 1947 has not been
able to create stable domestic conditions. About 6.5 million Muslims
migrated from India into Pakistan and nearly 5 million Hindus
from Pakistan into India between 1947 and 1951. Intra-country
migration still continues in South Asia. Such migrations, whether
in the eastern parts of the subcontinent between India and
Bangladesh or in the terai region afflicting Nepal or India or
between Nepal and Bhutan or the neighboring areas or Sri Lanka,
create political and social problems.
According to a previous study ago, Bengali Muslim immigrants
possibly exceed one million, most in Karachi city. This city is also

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the destination of about 0.2 million Burme During the last two
decades or so, about half a million Indian Muslims crossed the
Pakistani border illegally in order to join their relations in Pakistan.
Given the fact that South Asian countries, apart from Sri Lanka,
will reach replacement rates much later, only after two decades,
net rural to urban migration will contribute 25-40 percent urban
group in this region, except in Bangladesh and Nepal.
Cities such as Bangalore, Delhi, Dhaka, Kathmandu and
Karachi may receive more migrants in comparison to other
countries. However, there is little proof to support the frequently
heard complaints that most South Asian countries are swamped
by migrants.
The concentration of such migrants in some specific localities
of the above-mentioned cities may give a contrary impression. It
will seriously strain the provision of services and urban
administration.
Migration has caused violence in various parts of South Asia.
Fear of changes in the population structure has led to widespread
resentment against migrants. In some places, the situation has
become contentious because the migrants compete with locals for
jobs and other economic benefits.
The unemployed youths, frustrated in their attempts to find
jobs, become receptive to vicious propaganda against migrants or
outsiders. The demand for explosion of the hated migrants or
outsiders is the common theme of all secessionist movements in
South Asia.
South Asia has become a helpless spectator of unending
violence. Instead of solving people’s problems, these regions’’
politicians find it easy to divert public attention by indulging in
indecisive rhetoric. They realize that there are no quick solutions
to the growing problem migration which has become an urgent
need to check migration trend in this region.

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