Topic 4: Civil Resistance in South Africa 1970s to 1980s

Topic 4A: THE CHALLENGE OF BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS TO THE APARTHEID

STATE (ESSAY)
BACKGROUND AND ORIGIN- FORMATION OF THE SASO

NUSAS Annual Conference 1967

After high school Steve was admitted to the Durban Medical School at the University of Natal Non-European section.
This was during the height of apartheid, the ANC, PAC and CPSA were banned and their leadership in prison or in
exile.

While at University, Steve was elected to the Student Representative Council (SRC). The SRC was affiliated to the
multi-racial but predominantly white English student organisation: the National Union of South African Students
(NUSAS). NUSAS was seen as the most liberal student union in South Africa because it was willing to accept black
students form the black only universities such as Fort Hare and the Non-European section of the Durban Medical
School.

The SRC from Durban Medical School were to attend a NUSAS conference at Rhodes University in Grahamstown.

While on the train ride to the conference the SRC resolved that if they were to stay in racially segregated
accommodation they would withdraw from the conference.

It so happened that at the conference the white and black delegates were in fact separated. The white students
stayed at the university while the black students were forced to sleep in a church. Further to this the black delegates
were also informed that they could not eat at or participate in racially mixed social functions.

When the conference officially started, Steve was given a chance to address the delegates. He addressed the
delegates in Xhosa. When delegates protested, he responded that he did it to show the white students what it was
like to not be heard.

NUSAS tried to explain that it was Rhodes University that wanted to segregate the students. However, Steve argued
that NUSAS knew in advance that this would be the case at Rhodes. Steve and the SRC left the conference.

The following year the Durban Medical School attended the NUSAS annual conference at WITS. Once again the
students would be segregated.

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Topic 4: Civil Resistance in South Africa 1970s to 1980s

The Formation of the South African Students Organisation (SASO)

Steve decided that it was time to form a black only university student union. He began to canvass support in
Stutterheim at a University Christian Movement meeting which was attended by mostly black university students.
The UCM was a small multi-racial student organisation much like NUSAS. While Steve was canvassing support at the
UCM the black students who were present had to comply with one of the apartheid legislations, which was that
Blacks could not continuously be in a white residential area for more than 72 hours. When the 72 hours approached
they had to leave the conference, cross the boundary line and come back in to start a new 72-hour period.

Over time Steve a was able to gain significant support and him and his good friend from the University of Fort Hare,
Barney Pityana formed the South African Students Organisation (SASO). Steve visited all the black universities in
South Africa to garner support and recruit for a national SASO conference. Steve was elected president of SASO and
spent much of the first year building the organisation. He would visit black campuses and recruit students to SASO
but also to deepen the ideological basis of the movement.

Steve Biko now had an organisation in which his key ideas could flourish. These were the ideas that personal
complexes confine people’s ability to develop and flourish; and that people empower themselves.

BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS DEFINED

Black Consciousness

While SASO grew Steve began to write and publish essays that addressed a number of psychological, cultural, social
and political issues. These essays were published in Black Review, an influential column that was distributed to
members of SASO (Steve would often use the name Frank Talk as a pseudonym when he wrote essays that were
published).

In his essays, Steve began to advocate for Black people to help themselves and not rely on so called “white-liberals.”

Steve began calling for the liberation of the mind of the black man. In the apartheid society it was assumed that
wealth and privileges were white-orientated, and that in order to overcome this black people must determine their
own goals and aspirations to break away from this thinking.

A selection of Steve Bikos writings between 1969 and 1972 (when he was prohibited from publishing due to banning
restrictions) were compiled and published in a book entitled I Write What I Like.

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Topic 4: Civil Resistance in South Africa 1970s to 1980s

BLACK PEOPLES CONVENTION AND BLACK COMMUNITY PROGRAMMES

The Black Peoples Convention and Black Community Programmes

With the growth of SASO many believed that it was time to form a political party that spoke of the same Black
Consciousness themes. In 1972 the Black Peoples Convention was launched. Steve did not make himself available for
the leadership because he was still studying at university and was still working hard at growing SASO.

The Black Peoples Convention never grew into a mass movement like the ANC (mainly because of fear), but they
were able to spread the ideology of Black Consciousness. The Black Peoples Convention also started Black
Community Programmes throughout South Africa

Cultural, political and literacy improved through the production of Black journals and community newspapers.

While the BPC was growing the apartheid government banned many of their leaders, Steve included. Biko could not
be published in the press, could not hold a public gathering, could not be in the presence of more than two people at
a time, was banned to the municipal district of King Williams Town, where he lived in the segregated settlement of
Ginsberg and could not complete his studies. The government made it even harder on him and his family by not
allowing his wife to get a job in King Williams Town (she was forced to stay in Natal).Although Steve was banned this
did not stop him from promoting his philosophy of Black Consciousness. He poured his heart and soul into building
Black community programmes in and around the area in which he was banned.

THE APARTHEID STATE REACTS TO BC

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Topic 4: Civil Resistance in South Africa 1970s to 1980s

The apartheid states reaction to Black Consciousness

The ideas of Black Consciousness were initially welcomed by the National Party government, as they seemed to fit in
well with apartheid and separate development. The idea of black people working on their own, without white
assistance, to develop and improve their communities, appealed to those who believed in apartheid. They mistakenly
thought that the ideas of Black Consciousness reflected the apartheid theory that all racial groups must govern
themselves based on the principle of ’own affairs’. They were under the illusion that Black Consciousness justified the
system of apartheid, and that some of the people who were perceived to be the biggest critics of the system were
now implementing it, by segregating themselves and working independently. The government’s stance was, however,
short-lived. Once the National Party had fully realised what Black Consciousness entailed – i.e. the end of white
domination in the country – it could obviously not support it.

Steve Biko as an organiser against the apartheid state.

The government resented the bitter criticism that Black Consciousness levelled against it. As a result, it decided to
take action against all the institutions that promoted the ideas of Black Consciousness. The publication of Black
Consciousness material and the circulation of it across the country became difficult because of government banning
orders. Steve Biko, Barney Pityana and other activists were detained under the Terrorism Act.

The harsher the apartheid government became the more the need for resistance. Steve believed that if all the BLACK,
COLOURED, INDIAN political leaders could join together under one organisation the better they would be at fighting
apartheid This included the BPC, the banned ANC and the banned PAC.

Secret talks had been had with Robert Sobukwe in Kimberly and between Sobukwe and Steve in Ginsberg (while
Sobukwe was in the E.C for his moms funeral). These meetings were a great risk for both Biko and Sobukwe because
of their banning orders. Plans were also underway to try and get Steve out of South Africa for a short while to meet
Oliver Tambo in exile.

Steve appears as defence at the SASO/BPC trial in 1974

While Steve was banned a new crop of younger activists drove SASO and the BPC. In 1974 these younger leaders
decided on organising nationwide rallies in celebration of neighbouring Mozambique's independence from Portugal.
When the apartheid government heard about this they immediately placed a banning order of all rallies that were
organised by SASO/BPC. The rally went ahead and 5000 people participated. In the wake of the rallies a nationwide
swoop on 200 Black Consciousness activists took place across the country. The process culminated in the SASO/BPC
trial. The charges were: contravening the Terrorism Act by fomenting racial hatred in the country. Those charged
asked Steve to appear in their defence. Steve then sought to use the trial as a platform for spreading the cause of
Black Consciousness. If you think back to grade 11 this was very similar to what Nelson Mandela did in his 1963 trial
and when he gave his statement from the dock in the 1964 Rivonia Treason Trial (Mandela was 45 when he gave his
statement from the dock, Biko was only 28 at the SASO/BPC trial)

Steve Biko as an organiser against the apartheid state.

Draft discussions with the ANC and PAC had been tabled in a document and circulated to all BPC branches around
South Africa. Many BPC members in the Western Cape were unhappy that the BPC was moving away from the
political ideology of Communism. The members of the BPC in the Western Cape were the most radical and were to
reject anything short of Socialism/Communism. Steve decide he needed to violate his banning order to speak to the
BPC in person in the Western Cape.

Steves main political focus was Black Communalism which was defined as such: The Black man shall be his brothers
keeper: indeed and never a small boss and exploiter but that we recognise our family bond and common obligations
we shall hold our hands in implicit co-operation-of a free and happy, egalitarian society as an individual and common
commitment.

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Topic 4: Civil Resistance in South Africa 1970s to 1980s

The members of the BPC in Cape Town took exception to the word usage of Black Communalism because they
viewed 'egalitarian' (based on the principle that all people are equal and deserve equal rights and opportunities) as
too liberal.

Steve believed that the only way to put the members minds at ease was for him to break his banning orders and visit
the members himself...(More on this on Pg.7)

Foreign politicians who wanted to meet with Biko

Although Steve Biko was only in his late twenties he was considered an 'elder statesman' of the movement and he
was often consulted by representatives of countries far and wide. Steve had refused a meeting from the US
Ambassador to the United Nations, Andrew Young because of Americas stance on apartheid. Steve met with Dick
Clark an American Senator, and presented a memorandum to him. Steve criticised the United States, describing them
as shameful. The memorandum pointed to the fact that America colluded in the oppression of Black people through
its trade and cultural exchanges with South Africa.

THE SOWETO UPRISING

Causes and character of the Soweto uprising

The student uprising of 16 June 1976 marked a decisive turning point in South Africa's history. It created a
reawakening of black resistance, which ultimately brought apartheid to its knees. Despite the growing dissatisfaction
among black people in the townships during the 1960s, political mobilisation remained very limited. However, there
were two pillars unfolding in the early 1970s that would alter black politics.

Firstly , there was a sharp increase in the number of African students, especially in secondary schools. For the first
time there were millions of black students at school, constituting an important social force that could be mobilised.

Secondly, Black Consciousness provided young black students with the political tool to understand the nature of their
oppression and created a spirit of defiance. Black Consciousness challenged the white the state and the students
began to do the same.

Black Consciousness was developed by Steve Biko and it was grown at tertiary institutions where it gained
widespread support. While black university students were the first to openly defy white minority rule, their small
numbers nationally limited the broader impact of their action. The significantly larger school student population
possessed much greater potential to influence resistance politics.

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Topic 4: Civil Resistance in South Africa 1970s to 1980s

Black Consciousness and the Soweto Uprising

The launch of SASO in 1969 was a turning point in the history of black student organisations. Under Steve Biko's
leadership, the new movement spent the next few years formulating a set of ideas that would constitute the essence
of Black Consciousness. SASO's policy manifesto declared that its main aim being the liberation of the 'the black man,
first from psychological oppression and secondly from physical oppression'.

Steve Biko and other leaders of SASO launched powerful critiques of Bantu Education, Bantustans and white minority
rule in general. The Black Consciousness movement began to attract a growing number of followers among high
school students, particularly in Soweto. Young and newly qualified teachers, who had been exposed to the politics of
Black Consciousness at tertiary institutions entered the teaching profession exactly at the time when there was a
massive expansion of township high schools. One of the reasons given by many high-school activists for the spread of
Black Consciousness ideas was the influence of progressive young teachers.

Students and youth organisations take shape

In the early 1970s the growing political awareness among students and youth was manifested in the birth of new
organisations. The most significant organisation that was created by the students was the South African Students
Movement (SASM). The BPC and SASO both helped grow the movement by expanding its influence from Soweto to
other parts of the country. The SASM started political programmes which were in line with the Black Consciousness
movement such as: 'liberation of the black man', black awareness and solidarity. While SASM was growing
particularly in Soweto and the Transvaal, the apartheid government was driven by a desire to enforce their
ideological dominance on more and more South Africans. For them, there was no better way of doing this than by
forcing schools to use Afrikaans as their medium of instruction in schools. Afrikaans came to symbolise apartheid
oppression.

There were numerous objections and appeals to the apartheid state enforcing Afrikaans as the schools medium of
instruction. For eighteen months all the objections were ignored by the state as the anger of the students grew.

The Soweto Riots start on June 16 1976

The students march on 16 June and the states violent response completely transformed not only the protest against
Afrikaans in Soweto but the whole nature of politics in South Africa.

Students decided that they would organise and mobilise en masse to send a statement to the authorities about their
rejection of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction. In addition students were asked to produce placards denouncing
Afrikaans. They were also told not to inform their parents about the march. Students that were part of the organising
committee decided to keep this secret so that the authorities did not find out about the march and so that their
parents did not worry about their children's safety.

The schools in Soweto started the march in similar ways, by disrupting the assemble for morning prayers and the
school assembly. The students left the school and began to march together to Orlando Stadium where they would
then march to the regional offices of the Department of Bantu Education to hand over a memorandum of grievances.
At the time this was biggest most co-ordinated demonstration ever held in Soweto.

When the students reached Orlando West they were met with a large contingent of police, who ordered them to
disperse. From here there are different eye witness accounts and testimonies that were given at the Cillie
Commission of Enquiry which was launched in response to the riots. The general accounts are as follows: police
ordered the thousands of children to disperse, most of the students did not hear the police's orders because they did
not use a loudspeaker. When the children did not disperse the police began to throw teargas at the students and the
students retaliated by throwing the tear gas back at the police, some stones were thrown and then the police began
to shoot live round of ammunition at the students.
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Topic 4: Civil Resistance in South Africa 1970s to 1980s

THE DEATH OF BIKO

Steve Biko as an organiser against the apartheid state.

Draft discussions with the ANC and PAC had been tabled in a document and circulated to all BPC branches around
South Africa. Many BPC members in the Western Cape were unhappy that the BPC was moving away from the
political ideology of Communism. The members of the BPC in the Western Cape were the most radical and were to
reject anything short of Socialism/Communism. Steve decide he needed to violate his banning order to speak to the
BPC in person in the Western Cape.

Steves main political focus was Black Communalism which was defined as such: The black man shall be his brothers
keeper: indeed and never a small boss and exploiter but that we recognise our family bond and common obligations
we shall hold our hands in implicit co-operation-of a free and happy, egalitarian society as an individual and common
commitment.

The members of the BPC in Cape Town took exception to the word usage of Black Communalism because they
viewed 'egalitarian' (based on the principle that all people are equal and deserve equal rights and opportunities) as
too liberal.

Steve believed that the only way to put the members minds at ease was for him to break his banning orders and visit
the members himself.

On the evening of 16 August 1977 Steve met with colleagues at Zanempilo Clinic to brief them about meeting the
BPC branches in the Western Cape.

Around midnight Steve and Peter Jones (activist from King Williams Town) packed their bags in a car and set out on
the long drive to Cape Town. Steve desperately wanted to meet with Neville Alexander to try and put any issues that
the BPC had with Steve and his comments to rest. Alexander refused to meet with Steve because of the risks that it
involved (even though he had risked breaking his banning order and driving 12 hours to Cape Town).

Steve Biko's arrest

In the early hours of August 18 and about an hour away from King Williams Town, on the Grahamstown-King
Williams Town road, Steve and Jones ran into a police roadblock. Whether this was a routine roadblock or was set up
to apprehend them has been a subject of great speculation. At the roadblock the police asked Steve and Jones to
step out and open the boot. Jones, who was driving, followed their orders but struggled to open the boot while Steve
sat in the car. This began to raise the suspicions of the police, and they ordered the road block to be closed and for
Jones and Biko to be driven to the nearest police station which was in Grahamstown.

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The death of Steve Biko

The day after Peter Jones and Steve Biko were arrested they were taken to Port Elizabeth and then separated. At
Walmer Police Station Steve was kept naked and manacled for 20 days before being transferred to the notorious
Sanlam Building in Port Elizabeth. The security police resented the respect Steve enjoyed from the King Williams
Town security police. Stories had reached them that Steve had, in a previous stint in detention, even fought back and
had punched one of the senior officers in King Williams Town. When he arrived at the Sanlam Building the security
police told him to remain standing. After a while he sat down. That was when one of the policemen, grabbed him and
pulled him back onto his feet. A "scuffle" ensued, and Steve tried to defend himself.

On 6 September Steve sustained a massive brain haemorrhage. Steve suffered at least three brain lesions occasioned
by the application of force to his head. Steve was kept shackled by his hands and feet to the metal grille of his cell
door. The policemen noticed that Steve was not able to answer their questions during their interrogation and called
in a doctor to assess the extent of his injuries.

Dr Lang 'could not find anything wrong with Steve' despite the fact that he found him in a daze with a badly swollen
face, hands and feet. Instead the doctor alleged that Steve was "shamming".

Another doctor was called in for a second opinion. Dr Benjamin Tucker suggested that Steve be taken to hospital, but
the police strongly objected, because they believed he could "escape". A recommendation was made that Steve be
taken to the prison hospital in Pretoria, 700km away.

Steve was put in the back of a Land Rover and they drove him for more than 12 hours from Port Elizabeth to Pretoria
- naked, manacled and unconscious.

On September 12 Steve Biko died.

The Minister of Justice and the Police, Jimmy Kruger issued a statement that Biko had died from a hunger strike.

The months following Bikos death

Riots took place in Eastern Cape townships after his death. Many teachers houses were burnt and destroyed and any
one who was assumed to be an informer was also targeted by the angry youths. A few days after Steve’s death the
Biko family hired a pathologist to do a post mortem on Steve's body. The pathologist contacted the editor or the
Rand Daily Mail, Allister Sparks and admitted that Steve had died from brain damage. The doctor was not willing to
go on record because of fear from the apartheid state. A young investigative journalist Helen Zille, was tasked to
interview the three doctors involved while Steve was in detention. Two of the doctors were uncooperative and closed
the door on Zille’s face. A third doctor was willing to speak to Zille:

THE LEGACY OF BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS

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Topic 4: Civil Resistance in South Africa 1970s to 1980s

The legacy of Black Consciousness on South African politics.

The philosophy of Black Consciousness left an enormous legacy. Some of the important features of this legacy are as
follows:

• It filled the void in black resistance to Apartheid after the banning of the African National Congress (ANC) and
the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) in 1960.
• It provided new leadership and a new direction in resistance politics.
• It helped to organise resistance and provided a structure that people could use within South Africa to oppose
the government.
• It undertook educational, health and other community self-help projects that bettered the lives of many people.
In other words, Black Consciousness was not a negative movement. Instead, it provided a positive alternative for
black people to engage with. Moreover, it not only condemned and threatened apartheid; it also had a clear
plan on how to replace it.
• Things were never the same after the Soweto Riots. The unrest that began in the townships never subsided, and
by the late 1980's the South African police and military were still trying to bring the young militants of the
township to heel

Steve Bikos legacy

Steve Biko’s legacy is well preserved, especially in Ginsberg, near King Williamstown in the Eastern Cape. This is
where you will find his home and the Steve Biko Legacy Centre.

The Legacy Centre serves as an educational centre, arts and culture centre, library and resource centre and includes a
museum on Steve Biko.

The centre focuses on the three C's:

• Consciousness: Identity, Heritage and Culture – Who Am I?

• Community: What Is My Place in the World? How Can I Contribute Meaningfully?
• Core Skills: Acquiring the Necessary Skills in Order to Make a Meaningful Contribution?

In recent times the centre has also played host the annual Steve Biko Memorial Lecture.

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Topic 4: Civil Resistance in South Africa 1970s to 1980s

Topic 4B: THE CRISIS OF APARTHEID IN THE 1980S

(SOURCE BASED)
Civil Resistance in South Africa

The Soweto Uprising of 1976 changed the political landscape of South Africa forever. Resistance intensified,
international pressure against the government increased and the economy went into serious decline. The South
African government began to feel increasingly threatened.

In 1978 P.W Botha succeeded B.J Vorster as prime minster

PW Botha

A native of the Orange Free State, he studied law at the University of Orange Free State at Bloemfontein from 1932 to
1935 but left without graduating. Already active in politics in his teens, he moved to Cape Province at age 20 to
become a full-time organizer for the National Party. He was elected to Parliament in the National landslide of 1948.
By 1958 he was deputy minister of the interior, and thereafter (1961–80) he was successively minister of commercial
development, Coloured affairs, public works, and defense. He succeeded to the prime ministry upon the resignation
of B.J. Vorster in 1978.

Botha’s government faced serious foreign and domestic difficulties. The

coming to power of Black governments in Mozambique, Angola, and
Zimbabwe gave new energy to Black South African nationalists and the South
West African People’s Organization (SWAPO). Other developments led to
frequent Black student and labour unrest in South Africa itself, especially in
1980. Botha responded with a military policy that included frequent South
African raids combined with support for antigovernment groups in the border
states, seeking to weaken the Angolan, Mozambican, and Zimbabwean
governments. Botha also refused to withdraw from Namibia, though he
continued negotiations on the question.

He combined this foreign policy with a program of reforms at home—such as

the policy of granting “independence” to various Black homelands—that were
meant at once to mollify international public opinion while dividing his
nonwhite domestic opposition. A key point in this program was the promulgation of a new constitution, which
granted very limited powers to Asians and Coloureds but which made no concessions to the Black majority. Though
the proposed reforms maintained white supremacy, to which Botha was fully committed, the right wing of the
National Party split away in protest in 1982 to form the Conservative Party. Botha was still able to get the constitution
passed by referendum of whites in 1983. The following year he was elected under the new constitution as state
president by an electoral college selected from the racially segregated, white-dominated Parliament. During his term
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in office, Botha sought (with limited success) to find some middle ground between those who fully supported
apartheid and the increasingly frustrated and militant nonwhite population; although his actions alienated many
National Party supporters, they were not enough to appease those seeking the end of apartheid. Early in 1989 Botha
fell ill and resigned his post as party leader, but he did not yield the presidency until he faced opposition not only
from the National Party but from within his own Cabinet. He was succeeded by F.W. de Klerk, who introduced radical
policy changes that led to the dismantling of the apartheid system and paved the way for the country’s first
multiracial elections in 1994.

GOVERNMENT ATTEMPTS TO REFORM APARTHEID

P.W Botha was determined to keep South Africa under white control. His government believed that white South
Africa was under threat from communist forces within and outside of South Africa. He called this threat the TOTAL
ONSLAUGHT.

To counteract this total onslaught Botha adopted TOTAL STRATEGY in which he installed tough counter measures to
prevent further resistance and to retain power.

He increased the army and enforced 2 years of conscription the constant presence of the Military in the townships
were a regular scene in the 1980’s

Banned all anti – apartheid organizations and meetings

Police given more power (state of emergency declared)

Newspapers that were not supportive of Apartheid were shut down

Kept friendly relations in neighboring countries and banned ANC bases in these countries were only some examples
of the reforms Botha implemented to curb communism.

The aim of these measures was to stamp out fierce resistance by increasing security measures, win the support of
black middle class by introducing reforms and appease the Western powers by making apartheid look less racist. To
maintain white rule apartheid needed to be changed. These so-called reforms were superficial changes and met with
growing resistance which led to the 1980’s becoming the most violent period in South African History.

Contradictions of apartheid start to emerge:

Reforms that were introduced exposed contradictions in the apartheid system. The apartheid system was designed to
keep black workers in manual labor jobs. The policies that allowed this were the Bantu Education Act, Color Bar Act,
Pass Laws, and homeland Policies. However, as time went on there were cracks emerging in the once staunch
apartheid regime.

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Pass System Breaks Down Most restrictive aspects of the pass system were
removed black urbanization increased and living
conditions remained poor.
Trade Unions
As the demand for labor increased, workers began
to voice their demands for legally recognized
unions. An appointed committee, called the
Wiehahn Commission, recommended in 1979 that
black trade unions should be legally recognized.
New unions were formed
→ Federation of South African Trade Unions
(FOSATU) in 1979
→ National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) in 1982
Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU)
formed
→A main union was formed called COSATU Most
existing trade unions joined COSATU
Unions focused on the pass system with its
growing power it was able to abolish the pass laws
in 1986

Mixed Marriages act And Separate Amenities act Petty Apartheid laws were not being as enforced
people were no longer segregated and could meet
and talk
Urban Bantu Authorities Act Act was supposed to give black people in
townships power by allowing them to be
community councilors, granted limited powers at a
local level and reduce demands for political rights
and accommodate political aims for black people

However, counselors were seen as unpopular and

agents of the states often killed or attacked, people
started to set their own committees and a people’s
court was established to administer justice upon
themselves.

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The Tricameral Parliament

A Diagram showing how Botha’s new Tricameral Parliament was supposed to work

The state tried to create an African middle class which would have an economic stake in the system and so be loyal to
the government. In1983 Botha introduced a new constitution for South Africa which gave limited parliamentary
representation to Coloureds and Indians. Blacks were excluded and had to vote in the homelands and Community
Councils. The introduction of a new constitution in 1983 which created a tricameral (three chamber) parliament was
an attempt to win support from the coloured and Indian communities while still retaining white control. Each house
would control its ‘own affairs’ in matters such as education and housing, but all other matters were still controlled by
the House of Assembly thus ensured that political power remained firmly in the hands of the white parliament it
hoped to create conflict between them and then whites would continue to rule over these divided groups.

→ House of Assembly = whites (most power)

→ House of Representatives = coloureds (second most power)

→ House of Delegates = Indians (least amount of power)

People saw the 1983 Constitution for the sham democracy that it was many Indians and Coloured did not register
only 20%. Of voters voted in the first election. Not only was the Tricameral Parliament racially segregated but
excluded Africans all together this frustrated the Africans and resistance intensified. This led to the formation of the
United Democratic Front (UDF) in 1983 and other internal resistance reforms.

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INTERNAL RESISTANCE TO REFORMS

In response to government attempts at ‘reform’, widespread protests were held. This new wave of mass resistance
continued throughout the 1980s. It involved new methods of mobilisation, mass civic actions to make the country
ungovernable, formation of the UDF and rolling mass actions from the Trade Unions.

The growing power of the trade union movement

Workers and trade unions played a key role in the protests during this time. Growth of trade unions started at the
time of the 1973 strikes and continued throughout the 1970s. Trade unions grew even more rapidly in early 1980s
after black trade unions were legally recognised for the first time in 1979.

At first Unions were initially concerned with workplace issues but worked alongside community organisations to
organise boycotts, stay-aways and other forms of resistance. They encouraged community organisations to support
workers e.g. boycotting the products of companies with poor labour practices or stopping people from doing ‘scab’
labour when workers went on strike. However, after 1983 trade unions became more actively involved in wider
politics.

Many joined United Democratic Front which constituted of over 500 anti-apartheid organisations, which came
together to oppose the Tricameral Parliament and the whole system of apartheid. The UDF called for all coloureds
and Indians to boycott the elections for the new parliament and for Africans to boycott elections for the local
community councils. The UDF was successful in denying the new parliament any kind of acceptance or recognition.

We have established that union members played important role in persuading people to boycott elections for
tricameral parliament. In 1987 COSATU (Congress of South African Trade Union) adopted the Freedom Charter it also
aligned itself with non-racial democratic perspective of UDF. They demanded an end to apartheid and racism, the
unbanning of political parties, the release of political prisoners and for a one person, one vote Constituent Assembly.

From 1985 trade unions were involved in an increasing number of strikes to put pressure on employers and the
government. COSATU launched a Living Wage campaign this called for higher wages as to meet the increasing costs
of living at time of inflation. The 1st of May was not a public holiday in South Africa at the time however Unions
called for a stay-away on that day to mark the importance of labour. There was major support for a May Day stay-
away. When government introduced legislation to curb this industrial action COSATU and other unions launched a
massive campaign of stay-aways and boycotts to oppose it.

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Response to Bothas Reforms

New methods of mobilisation:

Response was not what the National Party Government had expected. The government failed to win the support of
moderate coloured, Indian and Black voters, as it had hoped that it would. It was now clear to everyone that
government was just trying to restructure apartheid rather than dismantle it.

Several democratic organisations joined forces to resist restructuring by urging voters not to register and vote in the
elections. It was these organisations that formed the United Democratic Front. Despite the campaigns by
government to encourage people to register it resulted in less than 20% of coloured and Indians voting.

The reactions to Botha’s reforms in black townships were called “township revolts” Protests started in townships
such as the Vaal triangle, Sharpeville, Sebokeng and Boipatong. Protests were triggered by school boycotts by
students, rent boycott by township residents in protest of the rent increases at a time of economic hardship and high
unemployment.

These protests soon became mass uprisings with workers and students countrywide joining in on the toyi toyi protest
actions. The toyi-toyi was described as an event that happened anywhere and everywhere it kept the morale, gave
hope and joy to the protestors who felt the need to express their frustrations. These mass actions marked a new kind
of resistance instead of focusing on specific issues the new political organisations now called for ‘rolling mass action’.
The aim was continuous and sustained resistance until government agreed to dismantle apartheid and negotiate for
a democratic future.

THE ROLE OF CIVIC ORGANISATIONS:

Civic organizations refer to township organizations that had originated from parent and student committees, women
organizations, youth groups or resident associations. They became part of the widespread resistance and often
applied pressure on authorities to improve facilities and the general quality of their lives. They would host a series of
boycotts such as rent boycotts, consumer boycotts, worker stay aways and so forth. These often resulted in violent
clashes with the police and army. There main target was the black councilors who were collaborates of the
government in which they had to collect rents and service charges from the community. These clashes and
unpopularity of them made many flee and resign and fear for their lives as some were killed by being set alight.
Because of the lack of the administrations that occurred, civic organizations stepped in and replaced them thus
resulting in them gaining the peoples power and setting up their own people’s courts to administer justice.

THE ROLE OF THE CHURCH

The church leaders became the voice of the

people with so many leaders of the struggle
being sent to prison or exile. Archbishop
Desmond Tutu was one of the most extreme
and vocal critics of Apartheid who urged people
to support the liberations struggle. Church
leaders felt the government would be less likely
to act against them however many did suffer for
their outspoken criticism of the government
most of them being banned from their
churches and preaching for long periods of time
or serving short jail sentences.
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THE ROLE OF THE UDF

The UDF was formed in 1983 at a meeting in Mitchell’s Plain near Cape Town as a response to Botha’s reforms. By
1985 it had 3 million members and it was known as an umbrella organization that consisted of existing organizations
which included churches, civics, trade unions, women’s and student organizations, business, sports, political and
religious organizations were also included within the UDF. The UDF based it policies on the Freedom Charter who had
the support from the exiled ANC. Prominent leaders led the UDF such as Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Albertina Sisulu,
Helen Joseph, and Reverend Alan Boesak. The UDF promoted actions in the form of boycotting elections for the
tricameral parliament and local councils in the townships as well as organised rent boycotts, school protests, worker
stay-aways, consumer boycotts and economic sanctions. They played a vital role in intensifying the struggle against
apartheid by uniting a range of organisations with a non-racial approach. The government feared its power and felt
threatened by the UDF and accused them of plotting with the banned ANC and SACP in overthrowing the state this
led to the government banning the UDF in 1988.

OTHER RESISTANCE MOVEMENTS OF THE 1980S

The role of the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM)

With the banning of the UDF and COSATU by the government in February 1988 the Mass Democratic movement took
over the role of co-ordinating resistance to apartheid. The MDM was a movement and not an organization. Since the
MDM was a movement, it was hard to ban its activities. The MDM encouraged acts of civil disobedience such as
defying the laws of segregation on beaches, transport and so forth. Marches were also organized to protest the
brutality from the police and further protest the repressive legislations.

Poster displayed by the Mass Democratic Movement

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The End Conscription Campaign and the Black Sash

While many whites supported the government, or did not take a stand against it, others actively resisted. The ECC
was formed in Claremont in Cape Town in 1983 it campaigned for an end to compulsory two years of conscriptions
for all young white men, all troops be removed from the townships and an end to South African participation in the
war in Angola. White resistance to military conscription increased greatly during this time. Those who opposed to do
military service would serve a 6-year prison sentence as well as the ECC was also banned from Afrikaans Universities
and campuses and were also denied from receiving funding from international countries who wanted to support
their campaign. Many soldiers felt they were being forced to kill black civilians and felt that it was morally wrong and
beyond their sense of duty. The ECC proposed other forms of resistance such as supporting conscious objectors and
gained plenty public support by running awareness campaigns an example of this campaign was Troops out of the
Township campaigns in [Link] government banned the ECC in 1988.

This poster is on display in the Apartheid Museum it conveys the despair of many white conscripts who were forced
into the townships against their will.

The Black Sash started out as the Women’s Defence of the Constitution League. In 1955, its founders included Jean
Sinclair, Ruth Foley, Elizabeth McLaren, Tertia Pybus, Jean Bosazza and Helen Newton-Thompson. It began as a tea
party attended by six women. They decided to protest the Separate Representation of Voters Bill, which government
was planning on using to get coloured people taken off the common voters’ roll. The women believed that what
government was doing was against the spirit of the constitution. Black Sash members thought of themselves as a
silent sisterhood. Their black sashes were meant to show that they were mourning the death of the 1910
Constitution. Their strategy was to “haunt” Cabinet ministers. They waited for them outside railway stations, airports,
or official functions. They were not allowed to wear their sashes in the public gallery in Parliament, so they wore
black gloves. When government outlawed public meetings, Black Sash women would stand in public holding placards
by themselves. Many white members of public were highly irritated by the Black Sash and used to shout insults at
them. The Black Sash worked with other anti-apartheid organisations, such as the UDF, FEDSAW and the ECC.

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INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE

Despite the international pressures on government the apartheid state did not collapse during the 1980’s
international pressure intensified significantly. Anti-Apartheid movements were formed by several countries in
Europe. They were outraged by the human rights abuse occurring in South Africa and tried to persuade their
governments to take action against the apartheid regime.

After the shootings at the Sharpeville massacre and even more so the harsh repression of the Soweto Uprising it
created a greater awareness on the international front of the injustice of apartheid. This resulted in an increase to
resistance to the injustice in South Africa in the form of many protest and demonstrations being held in these
European countries. Calls were made for economic sanctions to occur as well as the banning of sporting and cultural
events. Some European countries supported the ANC financially such as Sweden and Netherlands in hope to
successfully aid in the termination of the apartheid regime.

Anti-Apartheid movements in Britain and Ireland

The Anti-Apartheid movement (AAM) in Britain formed in 1959 it was made up of South African’s who were in exile
and supporters of the cause. From 1960 the AAM demanded sanctions and for total isolation from South Africa. For
35 years hundreds if not thousands of people in Britain joined the AAM in support of the Anti-Apartheid movement.

The AMM created awareness and campaigned for the release for people detained without trial. They were able to
successfully force the cancellation of the Springbok cricket tour in 1970, encourage Barclays bank to sell South
African subsidiaries, lead national boycotts on South African imports and hold a concert at Wembley Stadium to
demand the release of Nelson Mandela in 1988. These actions inspired many other countries to also take a stand.

The Anti- Apartheid movement in Ireland (IAAM) was founded in 1963 by Kader Asmal he was a law professor in
Dublin and was an ANC supporter who was in exile. He later became South Africa’s minster of Education in the
Democratic era.

Sports Boycotts:

• South African teams were barred from international competition

• 1970- Peter Hain led The Stop the 70’s tour against rugby and cricket teams in Britain; he did this by having
demonstrators invading the pitch, tin tacks thrown on the pitch and having hotel door locks glued so players
couldn’t get into their rooms. It was a success and only by 1996 did a rugby team visit Britain from South Africa
again.
• 1977- Gleneagles Agreement called on countries to cut sporting ties with South Africa
• 1980- UN compiled a list of sports people and officials who participated in events in SA
• 1981- Massive protests during Springbok tour in New Zealand
• SA was banned from the Olympic Games in 1963

Cultural Boycotts:

• 1960s Ban on Music, plays and others forms of art being performed in South Africa
• 1976- British actors stop the broadcast of any TV program involving it members of the British Actors Union
• 1985- Artist unite against Apartheid they refuse to perform in South Africa and Sun City
• No international stars visited South Africa

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Academic Boycott:

• 1960- initiated by ANC

• Boycotts of South African institutions where degrees are not recognized
• Scholars refuse to travel to South Africa
• Local publisher refuse to publish South African writers who criticize Apartheid and who’s books were banned
• International conferences were banned

Consumer Boycotts:

• 1962- Trade boycott imposed

• Many consumers refused to purchase South African goods

RELEASE MANDELA CAMPAIGN

Disinvestment and Sanctions

The disinvestment campaign began on American university campuses it appealed for companies to disinvest
(withdraw an investment) in South Africa. By 1986 the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid act was passed in an attempt
to put pressure on the South African government. By withdrawing investments from South Africa it impacted the
South African economy greatly. Many other American companies applied sanctions in the following ways:

All new investments and loans to SA were banned

Companies such as Kodak, IBM, General motors closed their factories in SA

SA planes were not allowed to land in the US airports

Raw materials such as uranium, coal, steel that had been imported to SA were banned

By late 1980’s these measures were certainly adversely affecting the SA economy and adding to growing feeling of
isolation among supporters of apartheid government . Some historians believe that sanctions played a crucial role in
forcing the government to accept that change was necessary

The Release Mandela Campaign

One focus of the anti-apartheid movements was a call for the release of political prisoners in South Africa. Oliver
Tambo started this campaign and it was led by Archbishop Desmond Tutu. Many countries sent signed petitions and
letters of protest to the South African government demanding their release specifically the release of Nelson
Mandela.

A free Nelson Mandela Committee was formed in London and international campaigns, petitions and marches were
held as an effort for this cause. One of the most prominent events of the time for the release of Nelson Mandela was
a concert held at Wembley Stadium hosted in honour of Nelson Mandela’s 70th Birthday. Over 70 000 people
attended the concert and it was broadcast live all over the world. Mandela’s name became an international symbol
of the struggle against apartheid. It was becoming clear that no resolution to the crisis of apartheid could be
achieved while Mandela remained in jail.

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Support for the Anti-Apartheid Struggle in Africa

Support for the anti-Apartheid struggle in Africa – Frontline States (e.g. Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania,
Zambia and Zimbabwe).

The Frontline States were those states that bordered South Africa and had until recently been under colonial rule.
They were Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. As African states gained their
independence from the colonial powers and formed the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963, so they
increased their opposition to South Africa and its racial policies. While colonial powers or white governments
remained in control in southern Africa, the success of the newly-independent states was limited. Portugal controlled
Angola and Mozambique, the white government of Ian Smith controlled Zimbabwe (then called Rhodesia), and South
Africa controlled Namibia (then South West Africa.) Matters changed after 1974, when a change in the government
of Portugal led to Angola and Mozambique obtaining their independence. Zimbabwe became independent in 1980.
This led to more pressure being placed on South Africa in the region. The Frontline States were the main grouping
behind the creation of a joint economic power-grouping in the region, the South African Development Co-ordination
Conference (SADCC). This body aimed to counter the influence of South Africa, which was the economic powerhouse
of the region.

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Map of southern Africa showing the Frontline States. The grouping aimed to counter the influence of South Africa
on the continent

At the same time, South Africa was attempting to create an ‘anti-Marxist coalition’ of southern African states. It
wanted to form a regional bloc of countries that would include South Africa, the homelands, Lesotho, Swaziland,
Malawi and possibly Mozambique. But because Zimbabwe and Mozambique were unwilling to participate in this
bloc, the coalition was never fully implemented or successful. Prime Minister P.W. Botha strengthened the South
African army and police forces considerably to counter ANC guerrillas coming into the country from neighbouring
states. There were air strikes by the South African Air Force against targets in places such as Mozambique and
Botswana. Accusations and counter-accusations were levelled by the South African government and its neighbours.
The general effect was to destabilise neighbouring states, so that it was in their best interests to remain on good
terms with the South African government. A good example of this was the signing of the Nkomati Accord between
South Africa and Mozambique in 1984, when the South-African-backed movement, RENAMO, threatened to topple
the FRELIMO government in Mozambique. Another example, early in 1986, was South Africa’s economic pressure on
Lesotho, which led to a change of government in that country. The victorious government under General Justin
Metsing Lekhanya was more sympathetic to South Africa than the previous government of Chief Jonathan. The
African states were caught in a dilemma – they hated South Africa’s racial policies, but feared the retribution that
might follow should they take too hard a line against the country. The death of Samora Machel in an airplane crash
under mysterious circumstances in 1986 increased their concern.

Internationally, the Frontline States maintained sanctions against South Africa as best they could. In co-operation
with the other bodies mentioned earlier, they also agitated for meaningful sanctions against, and the isolation of,
South Africa. Although they were not a match for South Africa in military terms, they supported ANC guerrilla activity
against the Apartheid government and constantly asked for international intervention to ensure a change of
government and policy in South Africa.
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Graca Machel and husband Mozambican President Samora Machel with South African Prime Minister P.W Botha
and South African Foreign Minister Pik Botha at the 1984 signing of the Nkomati Accord

THE BEGINNING OF THE END

• The South African economy was in trouble

• South Africa was importing more than what it was exporting

• Economic growth was low and the price of gold fell

• Standard of living dropped as a result poverty and unemployment got worse

• Business leaders were concerned about the instability of South Africa and its image

• People hoped government would announce reforms to satisfy both sides

• Botha gives Rubicon speech where he opts for stubborn isolation

• This declined the economy further

• No longer to maintain the cost of the apartheid structure within the country

• Secret negotiations with the ANC in exile and Mandela start

• Botha has a stroke and F.W de Klerk becomes the new state president in 1989

• Sanctions, disinvestments, boycotts and mass resistance had made a significant impact

• These external and internal pressures were key factors responsible for bring about change

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