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 7th Edition

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 7th Edition

Cognitive Psychology

ROBERT J. KARIN

STERNBERG STERNBERG
Cornell University Cornell University

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 Cognitive Psychology, Seventh Edition © 201 7, 2014 Cengage Learning
Robert J. Sternberg and WCN: 02-200-202
Karin Sternberg
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 Contents in Brief

1 Introduction to Cognitive Psychology

C H A P T E R

2 Cognitive Neuroscience 35

3 Visual Perception 71

4 Attention and Consciousness 117

5 Memory: Models and Research Methods 159

6 Memory Processes 203

7 Mental Images and Propositions 245

8 The Organization of Knowledge in the Mind 291

9 Language 329

10 Language in Context 367

11 Problem Solving and Creativity 399

12 Decision Making and Reasoning 439

13 Human Intelligence 479

Glossary 517

References 525

Name Index 579

Subject Index 589

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 Contents

CHAPTER 1
Introduction to Cognitive Psychology 1
n BELIEVE IT OR NOT: Now You See It, Now You Don’t! 2
Cognitive Psychology Defined 3
Philosophical Origins of Psychology: Rationalism versus Empiricism 5
Psychological Origins of Cognitive Psychology 7
Early Dialectics in the Psychology of Cognition 7
n Practical Applications of Cognitive Psychology: Pragmatism 10
It’s Only What You Can See That Counts: From Associationism to Behaviorism 11
n BELIEVE IT OR NOT: Scientific Progress!? 13
The Whole Is More Than the Sum of Its Parts: Gestalt Psychology 14
Emergence of Cognitive Psychology 14
Early Role of Cognitive Neuroscience 14
Add a Dash of Technology: Engineering, Computation, and Applied
Cognitive Psychology 15
Research Methods in Cognitive Psychology 17
Goals of Research 17
Distinctive Research Methods 19
n In the Lab of Henry L. Roediger, III 22
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Self-Reports 27
Fundamental Ideas in Cognitive Psychology 28
Key Themes in Cognitive Psychology 30
Summary 31
Thinking about Thinking: Analytical, Creative, and Practical Questions 33
Key Terms 33

vi

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   Contents vii  

CHAPTER 2
Cognitive Neuroscience 35
n  BELIEVE IT OR NOT: Does Your Brain Use Less Power Than
Your Desk Lamp? 36
Cognition in the Brain: The Anatomy and Mechanisms of the Brain 37
Gross Anatomy of the Brain: Forebrain, Midbrain, and Hindbrain 37
n In the Lab of Martha Farah 43
Cerebral Cortex and Localization of Function 44
Neuronal Structure and Function 51
Viewing the Structures and Functions of the Brain 54
Postmortem Studies 54
Studying Live Nonhuman Animals 55
Studying Live Humans 55
Brain Disorders 65
Stroke 65
n  BELIEVE IT OR NOT: Brain Surgery Can Be Performed While You Are
Awake! 66
Brain Tumors 66
Head Injuries 66
Key Themes 67
Summary 68
Thinking about Thinking: Analytical, Creative, and Practical Questions 69
Key Terms 70
Media Resources 70

CHAPTER 3
Visual Perception 71
n  BELIEVE IT OR NOT: If You Encountered Tyrannosaurus Rex, Would
Standing Still Save You? 72
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Perception 73
From Sensation to Perception 73
Some Basic Concepts of Perception 75
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: The Ganzfeld Effect 76
Seeing Things That Aren’t There, or Are They? 77
How Does Our Visual System Work? 78
Pathways to Perceive the What and the Where 80
Approaches to Perception: How Do We Make Sense of What We See? 81
Bottom-Up Theories 82
Top-Down Theories 91
How Do Bottom-Up Theories and Top-Down Theories Go Together? 94

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viii Contents

n In the Lab of Marvin Chun 95

Perception of Objects and Forms 96
Viewer-Centered versus Object-Centered Perception 96
The Perception of Groups—Gestalt Laws 97
Recognizing Patterns and Faces 100
n  BELIEVEIT OR NOT: Do Two Different Faces Ever Look The Same
to You? 103
The Environment Helps You See 104
Perceptual Constancies 104
Depth Perception 106
n Practical Applications of Cognitive Psychology: Depth Cues in
Photography 106
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Binocular Depth Cues 109
Deficits in Perception 110
Agnosias and Ataxias 110
Anomalies in Color Perception 112
Why Does It Matter? Perception in Practice 113
Key Themes 114
Summary 114
Thinking about Thinking: Analytical, Creative, and Practical Questions 116
Key Terms 116
Media Resources 116

CHAPTER 4
Attention and Consciousness 117
n  BELIEVEIT OR NOT: Does Paying Attention Enable You to Make
Better Decisions? 118
The Nature of Attention and Consciousness 119
Attention 120
Attending to Signals over the Short and Long Terms 121
Search: Actively Looking 123
Selective Attention 127
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Attenuation Model 130
n In the Lab of John F. Kihlstrom 132
Divided Attention 133
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Dividing Your Attention 134
n BELIEVE IT OR NOT: Are You Productive When You’re Multitasking? 135
Factors That Influence Our Ability to Pay Attention 138
Neuroscience and Attention: A Network Model 139
When Our Attention Fails Us 139
Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder 140
Change Blindness and Inattentional Blindness 141
Spatial Neglect—One Half of the World Goes Amiss 142

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   Contents ix  

Automatic and Controlled Processes in Attention 143

Automatic and Controlled Processes 143
How Does Automatization Occur? 145
Automatization in Everyday Life 146
Mistakes We Make in Automatic Processes 148
Consciousness 149
The Consciousness of Mental Processes 150
Preconscious Processing 150
Key Themes 154
Summary 154
Thinking about Thinking: Analytical, Creative, and Practical Questions 156
Key Terms 156
Media Resources 157

CHAPTER 5
Memory: Models and Research Methods 159
n BELIEVE IT OR NOT: Memory Problems? How about Flying Less? 160
Tasks Used for Measuring Memory 161
Recall versus Recognition Tasks 161
Implicit versus Explicit Memory Tasks 164
Two Contrasting Models of Memory 166
Atkinson and Shiffrin’s Multistore Model 166
The Levels-of-Processing Model 173
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Levels of Processing 175
n Practical Applications of Cognitive Psychology: Elaboration Strategies 176
Working Memory: An Integrative Model 176
The Components of Working Memory 177
Neuroscience and Working Memory 180
Measuring Working Memory 183
Other Models of Memory 184
Multiple Memory Systems 184
n In the Lab of Marcia K. Johnson 186
A Connectionist Perspective 187
Exceptional Memory and Neuropsychology 190
Outstanding Memory: Mnemonists 190
Deficient Memory 192
n BELIEVE IT OR NOT: You Can Be a Memory Champion, Too! 193
Key Themes 199
Summary 199
Thinking about Thinking: Analytical, Creative, and Practical Questions 200
Key Terms 201
Media Resources 201

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x Contents

CHAPTER 6
Memory Processes 203
n  BelieveIt or Not: There’s a Reason You Remember Those
Annoying Songs 204
Encoding and Transfer of Information 205
Forms of Encoding 205
n Practical Applications of Cognitive Psychology: Memory Strategies 214
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Test Your Short-Term Memory 215
Neuroscience: How Are Memories Stored? 216
Retrieval 219
Retrieval from Short-Term Memory 219
Retrieval from Long-Term Memory 221
Processes of Forgetting and Memory Distortion 222
Interference Theory 222
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Can You Recall Bartlett’s Legend? 225
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: The Serial-Position Curve 226
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Primacy and Recency Effects 226
Decay Theory 226
The Constructive Nature of Memory 228
Autobiographical Memory 228
n BELIEVE IT OR NOT: Caught in the Past!? 231
Memory Distortions 231
n In the Lab of Elizabeth Loftus 235
The Effect of Context on Memory 238
Key Themes 241
Summary 241
Thinking about Thinking: Analytical, Creative, and Practical Questions 243
Key Terms 243
Media Resources 244

CHAPTER 7
Mental Images and Propositions 245
n BELIEVE IT OR NOT: City Maps of Music for the Blind 246
Mental Representation of Knowledge 247
Communicating Knowledge: Pictures versus Words 248
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Representations in Pictures and
Words 250
Pictures in Your Mind: Mental Imagery 250
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Analogical and Symbolic Representations
of Cats 251

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  Contents xi   

n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Can Your Brain Store Images of

Your Face? 252
Dual-Code Theory: Images and Symbols 253
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Dual Coding 254
n In the Lab of Doug Medin 255
Storing Knowledge as Abstract Concepts: Propositional Theory 255
Do Propositional Theory and Imagery Hold Up to Their Promises? 257
Mental Manipulations of Images 261
Principles of Visual Imagery 261
Neuroscience and Functional Equivalence 261
Mental Rotations 263
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Try Your Skills at Mental Rotation 265
Zooming in on Mental Images: Image Scaling 267
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Image Scaling 268
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Image Scanning 269
Examining Objects: Image Scanning 270
Representational Neglect 271
Synthesizing Images and Propositions 272
Do Experimenters’ Expectations Influence Experiment Outcomes? 272
Johnson-Laird’s Mental Models 273
n Practical Applications of Cognitive Psychology: Dual Codes 275
Neuroscience: Evidence for Multiple Codes 276
Spatial Cognition and Cognitive Maps 279
Of Rats, Bees, Pigeons, and Humans 280
n BELIEVE IT OR NOT: Memory Test? Don’t Compete with Chimpanzees! 282
Rules of Thumb for Using Our Mental Maps: Heuristics 282
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Mental Maps 285
Creating Maps from What You Hear: Text Maps 286
Key Themes 287
Summary 287
Thinking about Thinking: Analytical, Creative, and Practical Questions 289
Key Terms 290
Media Resources 290

CHAPTER 8
The Organization of Knowledge in the Mind 291
n BELIEVE IT OR NOT: The Savant in All of Us 292
Declarative versus Procedural Knowledge 293
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Testing Your Declarative and Procedural
Knowledge 293
Organization of Declarative Knowledge 294
Concepts and Categories 295

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xii Contents

n Believe It or Not: Some Numbers Are Odd, and Some Are Odder 301
Semantic-Network Models 304
Schematic Representations 307
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Scripts—The Doctor 309
n Practical Applications of Cognitive Psychology: Scripts in Your
Everyday Life 311
Representations of How We Do Things: Procedural Knowledge 312
The “Production” of Procedural Knowledge 312
Nondeclarative Knowledge 313
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Procedural Knowledge 314
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Priming 315
Integrative Models for Representing Declarative and Nondeclarative Knowledge 315
Combining Representations: ACT-R 316
Parallel Processing: The Connectionist Model 319
n In the Lab of James L. McClelland 323
How Domain General or Domain Specific Is Cognition? 325
Key Themes 326
Summary 327
Thinking about Thinking: Analytical, Creative, and Practical Questions 328
Key Terms 328
Media Resources 328

CHAPTER 9
Language 329
n  Believe It or Not: Do the Chinese Think about Numbers Differently
Than Americans? 330
What Is Language? 331
Properties of Language 331
The Basic Components of Words and Sentences 334
Language Comprehension 336
Understanding Words 336
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Understanding Schemas 340
Understanding Meaning: Semantics 341
n Believe It or Not: Can It Really Be Hard to Stop Cursing? 342
Understanding Sentences: Syntax 343
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Your Sense of Grammar 344
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Syntax 347
n Practical Applications of Cognitive Psychology: Speaking with Non-Native
English Speakers 349
n In the Lab of Steven Pinker 350

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  Contents xiii   

Reading 351
Perceptual Issues in Reading 351
Lexical Processes in Reading 352
Teaching How to Read 355
When Reading Is a Problem—Dyslexia 356
Understanding Conversations and Essays: Discourse 356
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Discourse 357

n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Deciphering Text 357

n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Effects of Expectations in Reading 358
Comprehending Known Words: Retrieving Word Meaning from Memory 358
Comprehending Unknown Words: Deriving Word Meanings from Context 359
Comprehending Ideas: Propositional Representations 360
Comprehending Text Based on Context and Point of View 360
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Using Redundancy to Decipher Cryptic
Text 361
Representing Text in Mental Models 361
Key Themes 363
Summary 363
Thinking about Thinking: Analytical, Creative, and Practical Questions 364
Key Terms 365
Media Resources 365

CHAPTER 10
Language in Context 367
B ELIEVE
n   IT OR NOT: Is It Possible to Count without Words for
Numbers? 368
Language and Thought 369
Differences among Languages 369
n  BELIEVE IT OR NOT: Do You See Colors to Your Left Differently Than Colors
to Your Right? 373
n In the Lab of Keith Rayner 375
Bilingualism and Dialects 376
Slips of the Tongue 382
Metaphorical Language 383
Language in a Social Context 384
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Language in Different Contexts 385
Characteristics of Successful Conversations 386
Gender and Language 387
Do Animals Have Language? 388

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xiv Contents

Neuropsychology of Language 391

Brain Structures Involved in Language 391
Aphasia 394
Autism Spectrum Disorder 395
Key Themes 395
Summary 396
Thinking about Thinking: Analytical, Creative, and Practical Questions 397
Key Terms 398

CHAPTER 11
Problem Solving and Creativity 399
n BELIEVE IT OR NOT: Can Novices Have an Advantage over Experts? 400
The Problem-Solving Cycle 401
Types of Problems 403
Well-Structured Problems 403
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Move Problems 404
Ill-Structured Problems and the Role of Insight 409
Obstacles and Aids to Problem Solving 414
Mental Sets, Entrenchment, and Fixation 415
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Luchins’s Water-Jar Problems 415
Negative and Positive Transfer 417
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Problems Involving Transfer 417
Incubation 420
Embodied Cognition and Problem Solving 420
Neuroscience and Planning during Problem Solving 421
Expertise: Knowledge and Problem Solving 422
Organization of Knowledge 422
n In the Lab of K. Anders Ericsson 426
Long-Term Working Memory and Expertise 429
Innate Talent and Acquired Skill 430
Creativity 431
Characteristics of Creative People 432
n BELIEVE IT OR NOT: When Will You Do Your Best Work? 434
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Creativity in Problem Solving 435
Neuroscience and Creativity 435
Key Themes 436
Summary 436
Thinking about Thinking: Analytical, Creative, and Practical Questions 438
Key Terms 438
Media Resources 438

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  Contents xv   

CHAPTER 12
Decision Making and Reasoning 439
n  Believe It or Not: Can a Simple Rule of Thumb Outsmart a Nobel
Laureate’s Investment Strategy? 440
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: The Conjunction Fallacy 440
Judgment and Decision Making 441
Classical Decision Theory 441
Heuristics and Biases 442
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Framing Effects 449
Fallacies 451
Gambler’s Fallacy and the Hot Hand 451
Conjunction Fallacy 452
Do Heuristics Help Us or Lead Us Astray? 453
Opportunity Costs 454
Naturalistic Decision Making 454
Group Decision Making 455
n In the Lab of Gerd Gigerenzer 455
Neuroscience of Decision Making 457
Deductive Reasoning 459
What Is Deductive Reasoning? 459
Conditional Reasoning 459
Syllogistic Reasoning: Categorical Syllogisms 465
Aids and Obstacles to Deductive Reasoning 468
n Practical Applications of Cognitive Psychology: Improving Your Deductive
Reasoning Skills 469
Inductive Reasoning 469
What Is Inductive Reasoning? 469
Causal Inferences 470
Categorical Inferences 471
Reasoning by Analogy 471
An Alternative View of Reasoning 472
Neuroscience of Reasoning 473
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: When There Is No “Right” Choice 474
Key Themes 475
Summary 476
Thinking about Thinking: Analytical, Creative, and Practical Questions 477
Key Terms 478
Media Resources 478

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xvi Contents

CHAPTER 13
Human Intelligence 479
n  Believe It or Not: Can Our Expectations Really Affect Our
Cognitive Performance? 480
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Intelligence 481
Measures and Structures of Intelligence 483
Spearman: The “g” Factor 486
Thurstone: Primary Mental Abilities 489
Cattell, Vernon, and Carroll: Hierarchical Models 489
Information Processing and Intelligence 490
Process-Timing Theories 490
Working Memory 492
Componential Theory and Complex Problem Solving 492
n In the Lab of Ian Deary 494
Biological Bases of Intelligence 495
Alternative Approaches to Intelligence 497
Cultural Context and Intelligence 497
Gardner: Multiple Intelligences 501
Sternberg: The Triarchic Theory 502
n Practical Applications of Cognitive Psychology: Intelligence and Culture 505
Improving Intelligence: Effective, Ineffective, and Questionable Strategies 505
Improving Children’s Intelligence 505
n Investigating Cognitive Psychology: Teaching Intelligence 506
Development of Intelligence in Adults 507
Artificial Intelligence: Computer Simulations 510
Can a Computer Program Be “Intelligent”? 510
Applications of Artificial Intelligence 511
Intelligence versus the Appearance of Intelligence 511
n Practical Applications of Cognitive Psychology: Cognitive Styles 512
Key Themes 512
Summary 513
Thinking about Thinking: Factual, Analytical, Creative, and Practical Questions 514
Key Terms 515

Glossary 517
References 525
Name Index 579
Subject Index 589

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 Preface
To the Instructor
Welcome to the seventh edition of Cognitive Psychology. As you have likely noticed, this
new edition is now published in four-color print. This greatly enhances the visual appeal
of the book and also allows for a whole new level of detail in the images of the book.
Most of the images in the book have been replaced or reworked to function even better
as learning aids.
A major focus of this revision was the readability and understandability of the text.
We have rewritten and modified many sections and have deleted or shortened a number
of tables that were long.
In the following sections, we will outline the changes we made to give you an over-
view of this new edition.
Please also note the section on ancillaries. These materials have been developed
to assist you in teaching your cognitive psychology class. A number of resources are
available, which are listed in the following sections. We have included additional Inter-
net addresses to the resources interest to students, including virtual tours of a magnetic
resonance imaging (MRI) machine, a story about a snowboarder with a traumatic brain
injury, and visual description of how to use transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMI) for
the treatment of depression.

Goals of this Book

Cognitive psychologists study a wide range of psychological phenomena, such as per-
ception, learning, memory, and thinking. In addition, cognitive psychologists study
seemingly less cognitively oriented phenomena, such as emotion and motivation. In
fact, almost any topic of psychological interest may be studied from a cognitive perspec-
tive. In this textbook, we describe some of the preliminary answers to questions asked
by researchers in the main areas of cognitive psychology. The goals of this book are to
accomplish the following:
• present the field of cognitive psychology in a comprehensive but engaging manner;
• integrate the presentation of the field under the general banner of human
intelligence; and
• interweave throughout the text key themes and key ideas that permeate
cognitive psychology.

Mission in Revising the Text

When revising the book, we had a number of goals that guided us through the revision,
such as the following:
• make the text more accessible and understandable;
• make cognitive psychology more fascinating and less intimidating; xvii

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xviii Preface

• better integrate coverage of cognitive neuroscience in each chapter; and

• develop appealing images, illustrations, and tables.

Major Organizing and Special

Pedagogical Features
Several of the features that characterize this textbook are as follows:
• “Believe It or Not” boxes that present incredible and exciting information and
facts from the world of cognitive psychology.
• “Practical Applications of Cognitive Psychology” boxes that help students think
about applications of cognitive psychology in their own lives.
• “Investigating Cognitive Psychology” boxes that present mini-experiments and
tasks that students can complete on their own.
• “Neuroscience and . . . ” features included in at least one section per chapter to
highlight the presentation of neuroscientific material.
• Concept checks after each major section to help students quickly check their
comprehension of the material.

New to the Seventh Edition

Following is an overview of what changes you generally can expect in this edition
followed by details of what was changed in each chapter:
• All In-the-Lab boxes were revised and two are completely new: Chapter 7, In the
Lab of Doug Medin and Chapter 13, In the Lab of Ian Deary.
• By popular demand, the content on human and artificial intelligence has been
removed from the 12 chapters and is now presented again in a separate chapter
at the end of the book (Chapter 13, Human Intelligence).
• The book is now printed in four colors.
• Almost all figures and images have been replaced, revised, or adjusted.
• The language has been reviewed and many sections changed or rewritten to
facilitate reading comprehension.
• We have added fun new websites to the instructor’s manual and companion
website to encourage readers to delve deeper into some matters, like stories
on traumatic brain damage, a virtual tour of an MRI, and the story of famous
neurologic patient H. M.
• The entire text has been rigorously updated.
And finally, here are the detailed changes for each chapter:

Chapter 1
• Rewrote the definition of heuristics and parts of Cognitive Psychology Defined
to facilitate comprehension
• Added a figure about the roots of cognitive psychology
• Updated sections on early dialectics in the psychology of cognition, structural-
ism, associationism, and behaviorism
• Added a new figure on the cycle of research

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
  Preface xix   

• Revised the section on experiments to facilitate comprehension

• Edited the Key Themes in Cognitive Psychology section

Chapter 2
• Updated the section on anatomy of the brain: forebrain, midbrain, hindbrain
• Updated section on cerebral cortex and reorganized information on the four
lobes to facilitate comprehension
• Updated the sections on studying live nonhuman animals, metabolic imaging,
and head injuries
• Added new description of new imaging techniques, including a combination of
functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) and magnetoencephalography
(MEG), functional transcranial Doppler sonography (fTCD), and near-infrared
spectroscopy (NIRS)

Chapter 3
• Updated the introduction to clarify the difference between sensation and
perception
• Updated the section on the what and where pathways
• Extended the explanation on Selfridge’s feature-matching model to facilitate
comprehension
• Updated the section on physiology of the eye to facilitate comprehension
• Updated the section on feature matching theories
• Add a new section on CAPTCHAs (Completely Automated Public Turing Test
to Tell Computers and Humans Apart) to illustrate template theories
• Updated the sections on geons, viewer-dependent versus object-dependent rep-
resentation, prosopagnosia, size constancy, shape constancy, and optic ataxia
• Added a new section on recognition of emotions in faces in people with schizo-
phrenia to the section on face perception
• Updated the section on perception in practice

Chapter 4
• Updated the section on the nature of attention and consciousness
• Reorganized and streamlined Table 4.1 on the four main functions of attention
• Updated, shortened, and rewrote the section on search to facilitate
comprehension
• Revised the section on selective attention
• Reorganized and revised the section on divided attention
• Added new research about cell phone use or texting and driving to the section
on divided attention
• Updated the section on spatial neglect
• Updated the section on attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD)
• Extended the figure caption for Treisman’s and Broadbent’s model to facilitate
comprehension

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
xx Preface

Chapter 5
• Restructured Table 5.1 on tasks for measuring memory
• Enhanced coverage of working memory
• Added new sections on alternative models of working memory, neuroscience of
working memory, and amnesia research to support distinction between short-
term and long-term memory
• Added research on bilingualism to the section on central executive, on how
memories are stored, and on formation of new synapses or loss of synapses and
brain oscillations

Chapter 6
• Revised discussion of short-term storage
• Revised discussion of Roediger’s study on mnemonic devices
• Revised the section on mnemonic devices
• Updated coverage of retrieval from short-term memory
• Added new coverage of connection between encoding specificity and levels
of processing approach, as well as brain research to the section on memory
consolidation
• Added new research on encoding specificity, reality monitoring and
autobiographical memory, sleep and memory consolidation, mnemonic devices,
interference theory, and flashbulb memory

Chapter 7
• Redesigned Table 7.1 on propositional representations to facilitate
comprehension
• Added a new section to mental maps section
• Added an all-new discussion of neuroscience and functional equivalence
• Updated and expanded the sections on neuroscience and mental rotation,
gender differences in mental rotation, and image scanning
• Added a discussion of research on border bias to the section on cognitive maps

Chapter 8
• Clarified the difference between concepts and categories
• Clarified difference between prototypes and exemplars
• Added family resemblance to the section on categorization
• Expanded the explanation of concepts
• Updated the sections on essentialism, network models, schemas and scripts,
typicality effect, adaptive control of thought–rational (ACT-R), and parallel
distributed processing (PDP)
• Added boundary extension to the section about schemas
• Enhanced the discussion of the differences between connectionist and network
representations and their differences with respect to learning

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
  Preface xxi   

Chapter 9
• Updated sections on properties of language, number of spoken languages in the
world, and examples of newly coined words
• Streamlined and updated sections on basic components of words, speech
perception as special, and speech perception as ordinary
• Rewrote parts of the section on transformational grammar to facilitate
comprehension
• Added a section on basic approaches to teaching reading
• Reorganized the section on reading
• Added Zwaan’s simulation model to representing text in mental models

Chapter 10
• Updated the section on verbal overshadowing effect and bilingualism
• Streamlined and updated sections on Sapir-Whorf hypothesis and linguistic
relativity and universals, metaphors, the brain and language, and autism
spectrum disorder and language
• Eliminated the section on speech acts

Chapter 11
• Added a new table to better represent the drug problem in the beginning of the
chapter and elaborated on the description of the problem
• Added definitions and explanations of key words like initial state, goal state,
and obstacles
• Updated the section on problem-solving cycle
• Extended the explanation of and figures on the Tower of Hanoi
• Added a new figure to illustrate the concept of problem space
• Updated the section on types of problems
• Added Duncker’s candle problem and two figures illustrating the concept
• Added stereotype threat to the section on mental sets, entrenchment, and
fixation
• Added a new section on embodied cognition and problem solving
• Rewrote the transfer of analogies section
• Redesigned Table 11.2 about correspondence between radiation and military
problem
• Updated research on analogical problem solving and incubation
• Revised the section on expertise to facilitate comprehension
• Added a new section on expertise and long-term working memory
• Updated the section on creativity

Chapter 12
• Extended and updated information relating to everyday life in sections on
availability, satisficing, and anchoring heuristics as well as framing effect
• Extended the explanation in the vaccine example of a framing effect

Copyright 2017 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
xxii Preface

• Added a new section on myside bias to the section on biases

• Added a new section on maximizers and satisficers and the effects of their
strategies on their well-being
• Updated sections on hindsight bias, gambler’s fallacy, and conjunction fallacy
• Extended and updated the section on conditional reasoning in everyday life

Chapter 13
• Added separate chapter to discuss human and artificial intelligence

Ancillaries
As an instructor, you have a multitude of resources available to you to assist you in the
teaching of your class. Here is a list of materials you can use:
Instructor’s Manual with Test Bank—The Instructor’s Manual contains chapter
outlines, in-class demonstrations, discussion topics, and suggested websites. The
Test Bank includes approximately 75 multiple-choice and 20 short-answer ques-
tions per chapter. Each multiple-choice item is labeled with the page reference and
level of difficulty.
PowerPoint Presentation Tool—With this one-stop presentation tool, instructors
can assemble, edit, and present custom lectures with ease. This tool includes
figures and tables from the text, as well as preassembled Microsoft PowerPoint
lecture slides. Instructors can use the material or add their own material for a truly
customized lecture presentation.
CogLab 5.0—CogLab 5.0 lets students do more than just think about cognition.
CogLab 5.0 uses the power of the web to teach concepts using important classic
and current experiments that demonstrate how the mind works. Nothing is more
powerful for students than seeing the effects of these experiments for themselves.
This resources includes such features as simplified student registration, a global
database that combines data from students all around the world, between-
subject designs that allow for new kinds of experiments, and a quick display of
student summaries. Also included are trial-by-trial data, standard deviations, and
improved instructions.
When you adopt Sternberg’s Cognitive Psychology, 7e, you will have access to a rich
array of online teaching and learning resources that you won’t find anywhere else.

Acknowledgments
We would like to thank members of our Cengage Learning editorial and production
teams: Tim Matray, product manager; Tangelique Williams-Grayer, content developer;
Michelle Clark, senior content project manager; and Kimiya Hojjat, product assistant.
We also thank reviewers who assisted with the development of this seventh edition:
Thomas C. Davis, Nichols College
Jocelyn Folk, Kent State University
Stephen Brusnighan, Kent State University
Heather Labansat, Tarleton State University
Michael Poulakis, University of Indianapolis

Copyright 2017 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
  Preface xxiii   

Heather Bailey, Kansas State University

Kevin DeFord, King University
Charles P. Kraemer, LaGrange College
Natalie Costa , University of New Orleans
Sara Margolin, College of Brockport, SUNY
Xiaowei Zhao, Emmanuel College
Darryl Dietrich, College of St. Scholastica
Andreas Wilke, Clarkson University
Jennifer Perry, Baldwin Wallace University
John Lu, Concordia University, Irvine
Lisa Topp-Manriquez, University of Arkansas, Fort Smith
Kristi Bitz, University of Mary, Bismarck
We’d also like to thank reviewers who contributed feedback and suggestions to previous editions of
Cognitive Psychology:
Jane L. Pixley, Radford University
Martha J. Hubertz, Florida Atlantic University
Jeffrey S. Anastasi, Sam Houston State University
Robert J. Crutcher, University of Dayton
Eric C. Odgaard, University of South Florida
Takashi Yamauchi, Texas A & M University
David C. Somers, Boston University
Michael J. McGuire, Washburn University
Kimberly Rynearson, Tarleton State University

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
 Foreword
To the Student
Why do we remember people whom we met years ago, but sometimes seem to forget
what we learned in a course shortly after we take the final exam (or worse, sometimes
right before)? How do we manage to carry on a conversation with one person at a party
and simultaneously eavesdrop on another more interesting conversation taking place
nearby? Why are people so often certain that they are correct in answering a question
when in fact they are not? These are just three of the many questions that are addressed
by the field of cognitive psychology.
Cognitive psychologists study how people perceive, learn, remember, and think.
Although cognitive psychology is a unified field, it draws on many other fields, most no-
tably neuroscience, computer science, linguistics, anthropology, and philosophy. Thus,
you will find some of the thinking of all these fields represented in this book. Moreover,
cognitive psychology interacts with other fields within psychology, such as cognitive
neuroscience, developmental psychology, social psychology, and clinical psychology.
For example, it is difficult to be a clinical psychologist in the twenty-first century
without a solid knowledge of developments in cognitive psychology because so much
of the thinking in the clinical field draws on cognitive ideas, both in diagnosis and in
therapy. Cognitive psychology also has provided a means for psychologists to investigate
experimentally some of the exciting ideas that have emerged from clinical theory and
practice, such as notions of unconscious thought.
Cognitive psychology will be important to you not only in its own right but also in
helping you in all of your work. For example, knowledge of cognitive psychology can
help you better understand how best to study for tests, how to read effectively, and how
to remember difficult-to-learn material.
Cognitive psychologists study a wide range of psychological phenomena, such as
perception, learning, memory, and thinking. In addition, cognitive psychologists study
seemingly less cognitively oriented phenomena, such as emotion and motivation. In
fact, almost any topic of psychological interest may be studied from a cognitive perspec-
tive. In this textbook, we describe some of the preliminary answers to questions asked by
researchers in the main areas of cognitive psychology.
• Chapter 1, Introduction to Cognitive Psychology: What are the origins of cogni-
tive psychology, and how do people do research in this field?
• Chapter 2, Cognitive Neuroscience: What structures and processes of the human
brain underlie the structures and processes of human cognition?
• Chapter 3, Visual Perception: How does the human mind perceive what the
senses receive? How does the human mind perceive forms and patterns?
• Chapter 4, Attention and Consciousness: What basic processes of the mind
govern how information enters our minds, our awareness, and our high-level
processes of information handling?

xxiv

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  Foreword xxv   

• Chapter 5, Memory: Models and Research Methods: How are different kinds of
information (e.g., our experiences related to a traumatic event, the names of U.S.
presidents, or the procedure for riding a bicycle) represented in memory?
• Chapter 6, Memory Processes: How do we move information into memory, keep
it there, and retrieve it from memory when needed?
• Chapter 7, Mental Images and Propositions: How do we mentally represent
information in our minds? Do we do so in words, in pictures, or in some other
form representing meaning? Do we have multiple forms of representation?
• Chapter 8, The Organization of Knowledge in the Mind: How do we mentally
organize what we know?
• Chapter 9, Language: How do we derive and produce meaning through
language? How do we acquire language—both our primary language and any
additional languages?
• Chapter 10, Language in Context: How does our use of language interact with
our ways of thinking? How does our social world interact with our use of
language?
• Chapter 11, Problem Solving and Creativity: How do we solve problems? What
processes aid and impede us in reaching solutions to problems? Why are some
of us more creative than others? How do we become and remain creative?
• Chapter 12, Decision Making and Reasoning: How do we reach important
decisions? How do we draw reasonable conclusions from the information we
have available? Why and how do we so often make inappropriate decisions and
reach inaccurate conclusions?
• Chapter 13, Human Intelligence: What is intelligence? How can we measure
intelligence? Can intelligence be improved?
To acquire the knowledge outlined in the previous list, we suggest you make use of
the following pedagogical features of this book:
1. Chapter outlines, beginning each chapter, summarize the main topics covered
and thus give you an advance overview of what is to be covered in that
chapter.
2. Opening questions emphasize the main questions each chapter addresses.
3. Boldface terms, indexed at the ends of chapters and defined in the glossary,
help you acquire the vocabulary of cognitive psychology.
4. End-of-chapter summaries return to the questions at the opening of each
chapter and show our current state of knowledge with regard to these
questions.
5. End-of-chapter questions help you ensure both that you have learned the
basic material and that you can think in a variety of ways (factual, analytical,
creative, and practical) with this material.
6. “Investigating Cognitive Psychology” demonstrations, appearing throughout the
chapters, help you see how cognitive psychology can be used to demonstrate
various psychological phenomena.
7. “Practical Applications of Cognitive Psychology” demonstrations show how you
and others can apply cognitive psychology to your everyday lives.
8. “In the Lab of . . . ” boxes tell you what it really is like to do research in
cognitive psychology. Prominent researchers speak in their own words about
their research—what research problems excite them most and what they are
doing to address these problems.
9. “Believe It or Not” boxes present incredible and exciting information and facts
from the world of cognitive psychology.

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xxvi Foreword

10. Key Themes sections, near the end of each chapter, relate the content of the
chapters to the key themes expressed in Chapter 1. These sections will help
you see the continuity of the main ideas of cognitive psychology across its
various subfields.
11. CogLab, an exciting series of laboratory demonstrations in cognitive psycholo-
gy provided by the publisher of this textbook (Cengage Learning), is available
for purchase with this text. You can actively participate in these demonstra-
tions and thereby learn firsthand what it is like to be involved in cognitive-
psychological research.
This book contains an overriding theme that unifies all of the diverse topics found
in the various chapters: Human cognition has evolved over time as a means of adapting
to our environment, and we can call this ability to adapt to the environment intelligence.
Through intelligence, we cope in an integrated and adaptive way with the many chal-
lenges with which the environment presents us.
Although cognitive psychologists disagree about many issues, there is one issue
about which almost all of them agree; namely, cognition enables us to successfully adapt
to the environments in which we find ourselves. Thus, we need a construct such as that
of human intelligence, if only to provide a shorthand way of expressing this fundamental
unity of adaptive skill. We can see this unity at all levels in the study of cognitive psy-
chology. For example, diverse measures of the psychophysiological functioning of the
human brain show correlations with scores on a variety of tests of intelligence. Selective
attention, the ability to tune in certain stimuli and tune out others, is also related to
intelligence, and it has even been proposed that an intelligent person is one who knows
what information to attend to and what information to ignore. Various language and
problem-solving skills also are related to intelligence, pretty much without regard to how
it is measured. In brief, then, human intelligence can be seen as an entity that unifies and
provides direction to the workings of the human cognitive system.
We hope you enjoy this book, and we hope you see why we are enthusiastic about
cognitive psychology and proud to be cognitive psychologists.

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
 About the Authors
Robert J. Sternberg is professor of Human Development at Cornell University
and honorary professor of psychology at Heidelberg University, Germany. For-
merly, he was IBM professor of psychology and education in the Department
of Psychology at Yale University.
Dr. Sternberg received his B.A. summa cum laude from Yale and his Ph.D. in
psychology from Stanford University. He also holds 13 honorary doctorates.
He has received numerous awards, including the James McKeen Cattell Award
from the American Psychological Society; the Early Career and McCandless
Awards from the American Psychological Association (APA); and the Out-
standing Book, Research Review, Sylvia Scribner, and Palmer O. Johnson
Awards from the American Educational Research Association.
Dr. Sternberg has served as president of the APA, the Eastern Psychological
Association, and the Federation of Associations in Behavioral and Brain Sci-
ences. He currently is editor of Perspectives on Psychological Science and previ-
ously was editor of the Psychological Bulletin and the APA Review of Books:
Contemporary Psychology. He is a member of the American Academy of Arts
and Sciences, the National Academy of Education, and the Society of Exper-
imental Psychologists. He is a fellow of APA, Association for Psychological
Science, and American Association for the Advancement of Science. He was
the director of the Center for the Psychology of Abilities, Competencies, and
Expertise at Yale University.

Karin Sternberg is a research associate at Cornell University. She has a Ph.D.

in psychology from the University of Heidelberg, Germany, as well as an MBA
with a specialization in banking from the University of Cooperative Education
in Karlsruhe, Germany. Karin completed some of her doctoral research at Yale
and her postdoctoral work in psychology at the University of Connecticut.
Afterward, she worked as a research associate at Harvard University’s Kennedy
School of Government and School of Public Health. She currently is working
on projects pertaining to admissions in undergraduate, graduate, and profes-
sional schools, based on theories in cognitive psychology.

xxvii

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 Copyright 2017 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
 Introduction to
Cognitive Psychology 1
Cognitive Psychology Defined
Philosophical Origins of Psychology: Rationalism versus Empiricism
O U T L I N E

Psychological Origins of Cognitive Psychology

Early Dialectics in the Psychology of Cognition
Understanding the Structure of the Mind: Structuralism
Understanding the Processes of the Mind: Functionalism
An Integrative Synthesis: Associationism
It’s Only What You Can See That Counts: From Associationism to Behaviorism
Proponents of Behaviorism
Criticisms of Behaviorism
Behaviorists Daring to Peek into the Black Box
The Whole Is More Than the Sum of Its Parts: Gestalt Psychology
Emergence of Cognitive Psychology
Early Role of Cognitive Neuroscience
Add a Dash of Technology: Engineering, Computation, and Applied Cognitive
Psychology
C H A P T E R

Research Methods in Cognitive Psychology

Goals of Research
Distinctive Research Methods
Experiments on Human Behavior
Neuroscientific Research
Self-Reports, Case Studies, and Naturalistic Observation
Computer Simulations and Artificial Intelligence
Putting It All Together
Fundamental Ideas in Cognitive Psychology
Key Themes in Cognitive Psychology
Summary
Thinking about Thinking: Analytical, Creative, and Practical Questions
Key Terms

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
2 CHAPTER 1 • Introduction to Cognitive Psychology

Here are some of the questions we will explore in this chapter:

1. What is cognitive psychology?
2. How did psychology develop as a science?
3. How did cognitive psychology develop from psychology?
4. How have other disciplines contributed to the development of theory
and research in cognitive psychology?
5. What methods do cognitive psychologists use to study how people
think?
6. What are the current issues and various fields of study within cognitive
psychology?

B E LIE VE I T O R N O T Now You See It, Now You Don’t!

Note: Do not read on before you have watched the video.

Cognitive psychology yields all kinds of surprising Now view the following video. Your task will be
findings. Dan Simons of the University of Illinois is to count the number of times that students in white
a master of surprises (see Simons, 2007; Simons shirts pass the basketball. You must not count
& Ambinder, 2005; Simons & Rensink, 2005). Try it passes by students wearing black shirts:
out yourself! Watch the following videos and see if [Link]/flashmovie/[Link]
you have any comments on them.
Well, it doesn’t really matter how many passes
[Link]/flashmovie/[Link] there were. Did you notice the person in the
Did you notice that the person who answers the gorilla outfit walk across the video as the stu-
phone is not the same as the one who was at the dents were throwing the balls? Most people don’t
desk? Note that they are wearing distinctively dif- notice. This video demonstrates a phenomenon
ferent clothing. You have just seen an example called inattentional blindness. You will learn more
of change blindness—our occasional inability to about this concept in Chapter 4. Throughout
recognize changes. You will learn more about this this book, we will explore these and many other
concept in Chapter 3. phenomena.

Think back to the last time you went to a party or social gathering. There were probably
tens and maybe hundreds of students in a relatively small room. Maybe music played
in the background, and you could hear chatter all around. Yet, when you talked to your
friends, you were able to figure out and even concentrate on what they said, filtering out
all the other conversations that were going on in the background. Suddenly, however,
your attention might have shifted because you heard someone in another conversation
nearby mention your name. What processes would have been at work in this situation?
How were you able to filter out irrelevant voices in your mind and focus your attention
on just one of the many voices you heard? And why did you notice your name being
mentioned, even though you did not purposefully listen to the conversations around you?
Our ability to focus on one out of many voices is one of the most striking phenomena in
cognitive psychology, and this phenomenon is known as the “cocktail party effect.”
2

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
  
Introduction to Cognitive Psychology • CHAPTER 1 3   

Monkey Business Images/[Link]

When you are at a party, you are usually able to filter out many irrelevant voice streams to
concentrate on the conversation you are leading. However, you will likely notice somebody
saying your name in another conversation even if you were not listening intently to that
conversation.

Cognitive processes are continuously taking place in your mind and in the minds
of the people around you. Whether you pay attention to a conversation, estimate the
speed of an approaching car when crossing the street, or memorize information for a
test at school, you are perceiving information, processing it, and remembering or think-
ing about it. This book is about those cognitive processes that are often hidden in plain
sight and that we take for granted because they seem so automatic to us. This chapter will
introduce you to some of the people who helped form the field of cognitive psychology
and make it what it is today. The chapter also will discuss methods used in cognitive-
psychological research.

Cognitive Psychology Defined

What will you study in a textbook about cognitive psychology?
Cognitive psychology is the study of how people perceive, learn, remember, and
think about information. A cognitive psychologist might study how people perceive
various shapes, why they remember some facts but forget others, or how they learn lan-
guage. Consider some examples:
• Why do objects look farther away on foggy days than they really are?
• Why do many people remember a particular experience (e.g., a very happy
moment or an embarrassment during childhood), yet they forget the names of
people whom they have known for many years?
• Why are many people more afraid of traveling in planes than in automobiles?

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
4 CHAPTER 1 • Introduction to Cognitive Psychology

• Why do you often easily remember people you met in your childhood but not
people you met a week ago?
• Why do marketing executives in large companies spend so much company
money on advertisements?
These are some of the kinds of questions that we can answer through the study of cogni-
tive psychology.
Consider just the last of these questions: Why does Apple, for example, spend so
much money on advertisements for its iPhone? After all, how many people remember
the functional details of the iPhone, or how those functions distinguish it from the func-
tions of other phones? One reason Apple spends so much is because of the availability
heuristic, which you will study in Chapter 12. Heuristics are mental shortcuts we use to
process information. When we think about an issue and certain examples immediately
come to mind, we are using the “availability heuristic” (Tversky & Kahneman, 1973). For
example, when we are thinking about buying a new cell phone, we are much more likely
to buy a brand and model of a phone that is familiar. Similarly, Microsoft paid a lot of
money to market its rollout of Windows 8.1 to make the product cognitively available to
potential customers and thus increase the chances that the potential customers would
become actual ones. The bottom line is that understanding cognitive psychology can
help us understand much of what goes on in our everyday lives.
Why study the history of cognitive psychology? If we know where we came from,
we may better understand where we are heading. In addition, we can learn from past
mistakes. For example, there are numerous newspaper stories about how one educa-
tional program or another has resulted in particular gains in student achievement. It
is relatively rare, however, to read that a control group has been used. A control group
might tell us about the achievement of students who did not have that educational
program or who were in an alternative program. It may be that these students also
showed a gain. We need to compare the students in the experimental group to those in
the control group to determine whether the gain of the students in the experimental
group was greater than the gain of those in the control group. We can learn from the
history of our field that it is important to include control groups, but not everyone
learns this fact.
The fundamental questions in cognitive psychology remain the same, but the ways
of addressing these issues have changed. Ultimately, cognitive psychologists hope to
learn how people think by studying how people have thoughts about thinking.
The approaches and ways scientists use to study issues in cognitive psychology
change over time. These changes often are the result of a dialectic. A dialectic is a devel-
opmental process whereby ideas evolve over time through a back-and-forth exchange
of ideas; in a way, it is like a discussion spread out over an extended period of time. The
dialectical process looks like this:
1. A thesis is proposed. A thesis is a statement of belief. For example, some
people believe that human nature (i.e., the effects of our genes) influences
many aspects of human behavior (e.g., intelligence or personality; Sternberg,
1999). After a while, however, certain individuals notice apparent flaws in
the thesis.
2. An antithesis emerges. Eventually, or perhaps even quite soon, an antithesis
emerges. An antithesis is a statement that counters a thesis. For example, an
alternative view is that our environment (whose effects are called “nurture”)
almost entirely determines many aspects of human behavior.
3. A synthesis integrates the viewpoints. Sooner or later, the debate between the
thesis and the antithesis leads to a synthesis, which integrates the most credible
features of each of two (or more) views. For example, in the debate over nature

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Introduction to Cognitive Psychology • CHAPTER 1 5   

versus nurture, the interaction between our innate (inborn) nature and envi-
ronmental nurture may govern human nature.
The dialectic is important because we may be tempted to think that if one view is
right, another seemingly contrasting view must be wrong. For example, in the field of
intelligence, many tend to believe that intelligence is either all or mostly genetically
determined, or all or mostly environmentally determined. A similar debate has raged in
the field of language acquisition. It is better to examine such issues as different forces that
interact with and influence each other than to view these issues as either–or questions.
Indeed, the most widely accepted current contention is that the “nature or nurture” view
is incomplete. Nature and nurture work together in our development.
Nurture can work in different ways in different cultures. Some cultures, espe-
cially Asian cultures, tend to be more dialectical in their thinking, whereas other cul-
tures, such as European and North American ones, tend to be more linear (Nisbett,
2003). In other words, Asians are more likely to be tolerant of holding beliefs that are
contradictory, expecting that at some point a resolution will resolve the conflict in
their beliefs. Europeans and Americans expect their belief systems to be consistent
with each other.
Similarly, people from Asian cultures tend to take a different viewpoint than
Westerners when seeing or hearing something new (e.g., a movie of fish in an ocean;
Nisbett & Masuda, 2003). So if people see a movie of fish swimming around in the
ocean, Europeans or Americans will tend to pay more attention to the fish, and Asians
may attend more to the surround of the ocean in which the fish are swimming. That
is, people from Western cultures generally tend to process objects independently of
the context, whereas people from many Eastern cultures look at objects embedded
in their surrounding context (Nisbett & Miyamoto, 2005). Asians may emphasize the
context more than the objects embedded in those contexts. The evidence suggests that
culture influences many cognitive processes, including intelligence (Lehman, Chiu, &
Schaller, 2004).
If a synthesis advances our understanding of a subject, it then serves as a new thesis.
A new antithesis then follows it, then a new synthesis, and so on. You will see in this
chapter that psychology also evolved as a result of dialectics: Psychologists had ideas
about how the mind works and pursued their line of research; then other psychologists
pointed out weaknesses and developed alternatives as a reaction to the earlier ideas.
Eventually, characteristics of the different approaches are often integrated into a newer
and more encompassing approach.

Philosophical Origins of Psychology:

Rationalism versus Empiricism
Where and when did the study of cognitive psychology begin? Historians of psychology
usually trace the earliest roots of psychology to two approaches to understanding the
human mind:
• philosophy, which seeks to understand the general nature of many aspects of the
world, in part through introspection, the examination of inner ideas and experi-
ences (from intro, “inward, within,” and spect, “look”)
• physiology, which seeks a scientific study of life-sustaining functions in living
matter, primarily through empirical (observation based) methods

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6 CHAPTER 1 • Introduction to Cognitive Psychology

Fancy Photography/Veer Images

Fancy Photography/Veer Images

Figure 1.1 Rationalism and Empiricism. (a) According to the rationalist, the only route to truth is
reasoned contemplation; (b) according to the empiricist, the only route to truth is meticulous observation.
Cognitive psychology, like other sciences, depends on the work of both rationalists and empiricists.

Two Greek philosophers, Plato (ca. 428–348 b.c.) and his student Aristotle
(384–322 b.c.), have profoundly affected modern thinking in psychology and many
other fields. Plato and Aristotle disagreed regarding how to investigate ideas.
Plato was a rationalist. A rationalist believes that the route to knowledge is through
thinking and logical analysis. That is, a rationalist does not need any experiments to
develop new knowledge. A rationalist who is interested in cognitive processes would
appeal to reason as a source of knowledge or justification.
In contrast, Aristotle (a naturalist and biologist as well as a philosopher) was an
empiricist. An empiricist believes that we acquire knowledge via empirical evidence—
that is, we obtain evidence through experience and observation (Figure 1.1 ). To
explore how the human mind works, empiricists would design experiments and con-
duct studies in which they could observe the behavior and processes of interest to
them. Empiricism therefore leads directly to empirical investigations of psychology.
Later in this chapter, we will discuss the empirical research methods that are used in
cognitive psychology.
In contrast, rationalism is important in theory development. Rationalist theories
without any connection to observations gained through empiricist methods may not
be valid; but mountains of observational data without an organizing theoretical frame-
work may not be meaningful. We might see the rationalist view of the world as a thesis
and the empirical view as an antithesis. Most twenty-first-century psychologists seek
a synthesis of the two. They base empirical observations on theory to explain what
they have observed in their experiments. In turn, they use these observations to revise
their theories when they find that the theories cannot account for their real-world
observations.
The contrasting ideas of rationalism and empiricism became prominent with the
French rationalist René Descartes (1596–1650) and the British empiricist John Locke
(1632–1704). Descartes viewed the introspective, reflective method as being superior
to empirical methods for finding truth. The famous expression cogito, ergo sum (I think,
therefore I am) stems from Descartes. He maintained that the only proof of his existence
is that he was thinking and doubting. Descartes felt that one could not rely on one’s
senses because those very senses have often proven to be deceptive (e.g., think of optical
illusions). Locke, in contrast, had more enthusiasm for empirical observation (Leahey,
2003). Locke believed that humans are born without knowledge and therefore must seek
knowledge through empirical observation. Locke’s term for this view was tabula rasa
(meaning “blank slate” in Latin). The idea is that life and experience “write” knowledge

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Introduction to Cognitive Psychology • CHAPTER 1 7   

on us. For Locke, then, the study of learning was the key to understanding the human
mind. He believed that there are no innate ideas.
In the eighteenth century, German philosopher Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) syn-
thesized the views of Descartes and Locke, arguing that both rationalism and empiricism
have their place. Both must work together in the quest for truth. Most twenty-first-cen-
tury psychologists accept Kant’s synthesis. The roots of cognitive psychology discussed
here and in the next sections are summarized in Figure 1.2 .

Psychological Origins of Cognitive Psychology

Cognitive psychology has roots in many different ideas and approaches (see, e.g., King,
Woody, & Viney, 2013; Leahey, 2012). The approaches that will be examined include
early approaches such as structuralism and functionalism, followed by a discussion of
associationism, behaviorism, and Gestalt psychology.

Early Dialectics in the Psychology of Cognition

Psychology only recently emerged as a new and independent field of study (Hergen-
hahn & Henley, 2013). It developed in a dialectical way. Typically, an approach to
studying the mind would be developed; people then would use it to explore the human
psyche. At some point, however, researchers would find that the approach they used had
some weaknesses, or they would disagree with some fundamental assumptions of that
approach. They then would develop a new approach. Future approaches might integrate
the best features of past approaches or reject some or even most of those characteristics.
In the following section, we will explore some of the ways of thinking early psycholo-
gists employed and trace the development of psychology through the various schools
of thinking. Take note that there is not, and never has been, just one right approach to
studying cognitive psychology. Rather, researchers have used one or more approaches as
bases for their work but also appreciated the value of other approaches.

Understanding the Structure of the Mind: Structuralism

Archives of the History of American

Psychology—University of Akron
An early dialectic in the history of psychology is that between structuralism and
functionalism (Kardas, 2013; Leahey, 2012; Morawski, 2000). Structuralism was the
first major school of thought in psychology. Structuralism seeks to understand the
structure (configuration of elements) of the mind and its perceptions by analyzing
those perceptions into their constituent components (affection, attention, memory,
and sensation).
Consider, for example, the perception of a flower. Structuralists would analyze this Wilhelm Wundt was no
perception in terms of its colors, geometric forms, size relations, and so on. In terms of great success in school,
the human mind, structuralists sought to deconstruct the mind into its elementary com- failing time and again and
frequently finding himself
ponents; they were also interested in how those elementary components work together subject to the ridicule of
to create the mind (Benjamin, 2014). others. However, Wundt
Wilhelm Wundt (1832–1920) was a German psychologist whose ideas contributed later showed that school
to the development of structuralism (Wertheimer, 2011). Wundt is often viewed as the performance does not
founder of structuralism in psychology (Structuralism, 2009). Wundt used a variety of always predict career
success because he is
methods in his research. One of these methods was introspection. Introspection is the considered to be among
conscious observation of one’s own thinking processes. The aim of introspection is to the most influential psy-
look at the elementary components of an object or process. chologists of all time.

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8 CHAPTER 1 • Introduction to Cognitive Psychology

Methods To Gain Knowledge How Knowledge Is Gained

Rationalism Through reflective thinking and logical analysis

Empiricism Through observation

Synthesis Through the use of observation as well as thinking and logical analysis

Aristotle René Descartes Immanuel Kant

(384–322 B.C.) (1596–1650) (1724–1804)

1500 1600 1700

Plato John Locke

(c. 428–348 B.C.) (1632–1704)

Approaches to Studying the Mind Methods Used What Is Studied

Structuralism Introspection Content/structure of the mind

Functionalism Various; depends on question asked Processes of how the mind works

Pragmatism Various Research that can be applied to the

real world

Synthesis: Associationism Experiments: Ebbinghaus used

How learning takes place by associating
himself as a subject; Thorndike
things with each other
used cats as well as humans.

Behaviorism Use of animals in research in addition Relations between observable

(extreme form of associationism) to humans behavior and environmental events/stimuli
Quantitative analysis

Gestalt psychology Introspection, experiments Psychological phenomena studied

as organized wholes

Experiments, computer simulation, Understand behavior through the ways

Synthesis: Cognitivism
protocol analysis people think

Figure 1.2 Roots of Cognitive Psychology.

The introduction of introspection as an experimental method was an important

change in the field because the main emphasis in the study of the mind shifted from a
rationalist approach to the empiricist approach of observing behavior to draw conclusions
about the subject of study. In experiments involving introspection, individuals reported
on their thoughts as they were working on a given task (Goodwin, 2011). Researchers
interested in problem solving could ask their participants to think aloud while they were
working on a puzzle so the researchers could gain insight into the thoughts that go on in
the participants’ minds. In introspection, then, we can analyze our own perceptions.

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Introduction to Cognitive Psychology • CHAPTER 1 9   

Wilhelm Wundt Edward Titchener Wolfgang Koehler Max Wertheimer

1832–1920 1867–1927 1887–1967 1880–1943

Hermann Ebbinghaus E. L. Thorndike George Miller Ulric Neisser

1850–1909 1874–1949 1920–2012 1928–2012

1800 1900 2000

Herbert Simon
1916–2001

John Dewey
1859–1952
William James
1842–1910

Ivan Pavlov John Watson B. F. Skinner

1849–1936 1878–1958 1904–1990

The method of introspection has some challenges associated with it. First, people
may not always be able to say exactly what goes through their mind or may not be able
to put it into adequate words. Second, what they say may not be accurate. Third, the fact
that people are asked to pay attention to their thoughts or to speak out loud while they
are working on a task may itself alter the processes that are going on.
Wundt had many followers. One was an American student, Edward Titchener
(1867–1927). Titchener (1910) is sometimes viewed as the first full-fledged structuralist.
In any case, he certainly helped bring structuralism to the United States. His experi-
ments relied solely on the use of introspection, exploring psychology from the vantage
point of the experiencing individual. Other early psychologists criticized both the
method (introspection) and the focus (elementary structures of sensation) of structural-
ism. These critiques gave rise to a new movement—functionalism.

Understanding the Processes of the Mind: Functionalism

Functionalism was developed as an alternative to structuralism, and suggested that
psychologists should focus on the processes of thought rather than on its contents.
Functionalism seeks to understand what people do and why they do it. This principal

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 10 CHAPTER 1 • Introduction to Cognitive Psychology

question about processes was in contrast to that of the structuralists, who had asked
what the elementary contents (structures) of the human mind are. Functionalists held
that the key to understanding the human mind and behavior was to study the processes
of how and why the mind works as it does, rather than to study the structural contents
and elements of the mind. They were particularly interested in the practical applications
Archives of the History of American

Archives of the History of American

Psychology—University of Akron

Psychology—University of Akron
of their research.
Functionalists were unified by the kinds of questions they asked but not necessarily
by the answers they found or by the methods they used for finding those answers. Because
functionalists believed in using whichever methods best answered a given researcher’s
questions, it seems natural for functionalism to have led to pragmatism. Pragmatists
believe that knowledge is validated by its usefulness: What can you do with it? Pragma-
Many cognitive tists are concerned not only with knowing what people do; they also want to know what
psychologists regard we can do with our knowledge of what people do. For example, pragmatists believe in
William James, a the importance of the psychology of learning and memory. Why? Because it can help
physician, philosopher, us improve children’s performance in school. It can also help us learn to remember the
and brother of author
Henry James, as among
names of people we meet.
the greatest psycholo- A leader in guiding functionalism toward pragmatism was William James (1842–1910).
gists ever, although His chief functional contribution to the field of psychology was a single book: his landmark
James himself seems to Principles of Psychology (1890/1970). Even more than a century later, cognitive psychologists
have rejected psychol- frequently point to the writings of James in discussions of core topics in the field, such as
ogy later in his life.
attention, consciousness, and perception. John Dewey (1859–1952) was another early prag-
matist who profoundly influenced contemporary thinking in cognitive psychology. Dewey is
remembered primarily for his pragmatic approach to thinking and schooling.
Although functionalists were interested in how people learn, they did not really
specify a mechanism by which learning takes place. This task was taken up by another
group, associationists.

An Integrative Synthesis: Associationism

Associationism, like functionalism, was more of an influential way of thinking than a
rigid school of psychology. Associationism examines how elements of the mind, such as
events or ideas, can become associated with one another in the mind to result in a form
of learning. For example, associations may result from
• contiguity (associating things that tend to occur together at about the same time);
• similarity (associating things with similar features or properties); or

practical applications of COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY

Pragmatism
Take a moment right now to put the idea of pragma- explain a new app to a friend, a good way to start
tism into use. How can you make the information you would be to ask your friend, “Do you have any
are learning in this course more useful to you? questions?” That way, the information you provide
1. This chapter begins and ends with the same ques- is more directly useful to your friend rather than
tions to make the information more coherent and forcing your friend to search for the information by
useful. Come up with your own questions and listening to a long, one-sided lecture.
organize your notes in the form of answers to your How can pragmatism be useful in your life (other than
questions. in your college coursework)?
2. Connect this chapter’s material to your other
courses and activities. For example, if asked to

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
  
Introduction to Cognitive Psychology • CHAPTER 1 11   

First Learned Reviewed Reviewed Reviewed

100%

90%
Retention

80%

70%

60%

50%
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Time Remembered (Day)
Figure 1.3 Ebbinghaus Forgetting Curve. The Ebbinghaus Forgetting
Curve shows that the first few repetitions result in a steep learning curve. Later
repetitions result in a slower increase of remembered words.

• contrast (associating things that show polarities, such as hot/cold, light/dark,

day/night).
In the late 1800s, Hermann Ebbinghaus (1850–1909) was the first experimenter to
apply associationist principles systematically (Benjamin, 2014). Specifically, Ebbinghaus
studied his own mental processes. He made up lists of nonsense syllables that consisted
of a consonant and a vowel followed by another consonant (e.g., zax). He then took
careful note of how long it took him to memorize those lists. He counted his errors
and recorded his response times. Through his self-observations, Ebbinghaus studied
how people learn and remember material through rehearsal, the conscious repetition
of material to be learned (Figure 1.3 ). Among other things, he found that frequent
repetition can fix mental associations more firmly in memory. Thus, repetition aids in

Bettmann/CORBIS
learning (see Chapter 6).
Another influential associationist, Edward Lee Thorndike (1874–1949), held
that the role of “satisfaction” is the key to forming associations. Thorndike termed
this principle the law of effect (1905): A stimulus will tend to produce a certain German experimental
response over time if an organism is rewarded for that response. Thorndike believed psychologist Hermann
that an organism learns to respond in a given way (the effect) in a given situation if Ebbinghaus.
it is rewarded repeatedly for doing so (the satisfaction, which serves as a stimulus to
future actions). Thus, a child given treats for solving arithmetic problems learns to
solve arithmetic problems accurately because the child forms associations between
valid solutions and treats. These ideas were the predecessors of the development of
behaviorism.

It’s Only What You Can See That Counts: From

Associationism to Behaviorism
Other researchers who were contemporaries of Thorndike used animal experiments to
probe stimulus–response relationships in ways that differed from those of Thorndike
and his fellow associationists. These researchers straddled the line between association-
ism and the emerging field of behaviorism. Behaviorism focuses only on the relation
between observable behavior and environmental events or stimuli. The idea was to
make physical whatever others might have called “mental” (Lycan, 2003). Some of these

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12 CHAPTER 1 • Introduction to Cognitive Psychology

researchers, such as Thorndike and other associationists, studied responses that were
voluntary (although perhaps lacking any conscious thought, as in Thorndike’s work).
Other researchers studied responses that were involuntarily triggered in response to
what appear to be unrelated external events.
In Russia, Nobel Prize–winning physiologist Ivan Pavlov (1849–1936) studied
involuntary learning behavior of this sort. He began with the observation that dogs sali-
vated in response to the sight of the lab technician who fed them. This response occurred
before the dogs even saw whether the technician had food. To Pavlov, this response
indicated a form of learning (classically conditioned learning), over which the dogs had
no conscious control. In the dogs’ minds, some type of involuntary learning linked the
technician to the food (Pavlov, 1955). Pavlov’s landmark work paved the way for the
development of behaviorism. His ideas were made known in the United States especially
through the work of John B. Watson (see next section). Classical conditioning involves
more than just an association based on temporal contiguity (e.g., the food and the con-
ditioned stimulus occurring at about the same time; Ginns, 2006; Rescorla, 1967). Effec-
tive conditioning requires contingency (e.g., the presentation of food being contingent
[i.e., dependent] on the presentation of the conditioned stimulus; Rescorla & Wagner,
1972; Wagner & Rescorla, 1972). Contingencies in the form of reward and punishment
are still used in the twenty-first century, for example, in the treatment of substance abuse
(Cameron & Ritter, 2007).
Behaviorism may be considered an extreme version of associationism. It focuses
entirely on the association between the environment and an observable behavior.
According to strict, extreme (“radical”) behaviorists, any hypotheses about internal
thoughts and ways of thinking are nothing more than speculation (Benjamin, 2014).
Radical behaviorists have tried to influence the way people handle problems in everyday
life, from child-rearing, to schooling, even to close personal relationships (Benjamin &
Baker, 2014).

Proponents of Behaviorism
The “father” of radical behaviorism is John Watson (1878–1958). Watson had no use
for internal mental contents (thoughts) or mechanisms. He believed that psychologists
should concentrate only on the study of observable behavior (Doyle, 2000). He dismissed
thinking as nothing more than subvocalized speech. Behaviorism also differed from pre-
vious movements in psychology by shifting the emphasis of experimental research from
human to animal participants. Historically, much behaviorist work has been conducted
(and still is) with laboratory animals, such as rats or pigeons, because these animals
allow for much greater behavioral control of relationships between the environment and
the behavior emitted in reaction to it (although behaviorists also have conducted experi-
ments with humans). One problem with using nonhuman animals, however, is deter-
mining whether the research can be generalized to humans (i.e., applied more generally
to humans instead of just to the kinds of nonhuman animals that were studied).
B. F. Skinner (1904–1990), a radical behaviorist, believed that virtually all forms
of human behavior, not just learning, could be explained by reactions to the envi-
ronment. Skinner conducted research primarily with nonhuman animals. He rejected
mental mechanisms. He believed instead that operant conditioning—involving the
strengthening or weakening of behavior, contingent on the presence or absence of
reinforcement (rewards) or punishments—could explain all forms of human behavior.
Skinner applied his experimental analysis of behavior to many psychological phenom-
ena, such as learning, language acquisition, and problem solving. Largely because of
Skinner’s towering presence, behaviorism dominated the discipline of psychology for
several decades.

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Introduction to Cognitive Psychology • CHAPTER 1 13   

Criticisms of Behaviorism
Behaviorism was challenged on many fronts such as language acquisition, production,
and comprehension. First, although it seemed to work well to account for certain kinds
of learning, behaviorism did not account as well for complex mental activities, such
as language learning and problem solving. Second, more than understanding people’s
behavior, some psychologists wanted to know what went on inside the head. Third, using
the techniques of behaviorism to study nonhuman animals was often easier than study-
ing human ones. Nonetheless, behaviorism continues as a school of psychology, although
not one that is particularly sympathetic to the cognitive approach, which involves meta-
phorically and sometimes literally peering inside people’s heads to understand how they
learn, remember, think, and reason. Other criticisms emerged as well, as discussed in
the next section.

Behaviorists Daring to Peek into the Black Box

Some psychologists rejected radical behaviorism. They were curious about the contents
of the mysterious black box. Behaviorists regarded the mind as a black box that is best
understood in terms of its input and output, but whose internal processes cannot be
accurately described because they are not observable. For example, a critic, Edward Tol-
man (1886–1959), thought that understanding behavior required taking into account
the purpose of, and the plan for, the behavior. Tolman (1932) believed that all behavior
is directed toward a goal. For example, the goal of a rat in a maze may be to try to find
food in that maze. Tolman is sometimes viewed as a forefather of modern cognitive
psychology.

B E L I E VE I T O R N O T Scientific Progress!?

The progress of science can take unbelievable Howard Dully was lobotomized at age 12 years
turns at times. From the early 1930s to the 1960s, old and did not find out about the procedure until
lobotomies were a popular and accepted means much later in life
of treating mental disorders. A lobotomy involves
(Helmes & Velamoor, 2009; MSNBC, 2005).
cutting the connections between the frontal lobes
of the brain and the thalamus. Psychiatrist Walter
Freeman developed a particular kind of lobotomy
in 1946—the transorbital or “ice pick” lobotomy. In
this procedure, he inserted an ice pick–like instru-
ment through the orbit of the eyes into the frontal
lobes where it was moved back and forth. The
patient had been previously rendered unconscious
by means of a strong electrical shock. By the late
1950s, tens of thousands of Americans had been
subjected to this “psychosurgery.” According to
some accounts, people felt reduced tension and
anxiety after the surgery; however, many people
Bettmann/Corbis

died or were permanently incapacitated after the

lobotomy. One famous lobotomy patient included
John F. Kennedy’s sister Rosemary. Unbelievably,
lobotomies were even performed on patients who In a lobotomy, connections between the frontal
were not aware they were receiving the surgery. lobes of the brain and the thalamus are severed.

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
14 CHAPTER 1 • Introduction to Cognitive Psychology

Bandura (1977) noted that learning appears to result not merely from direct rewards
for behavior, but it also can be social, resulting from observations of the rewards or punish-
ments given to others. Learning through observation is well documented and can be seen
in humans, monkeys, dogs, birds, and even fish (Brown & Laland, 2001; Laland, 2004). In
humans, this ability spans all ages; it is observed in both infants and adults (MejiaArauz,
Rogoff, & Paradise, 2005). This view emphasizes how we observe and model our own
behavior after the behavior of others. We learn by example. This consideration of social
learning opens the way to considering what is happening inside the mind of the individual.

The Whole Is More Than the Sum of Its Parts:

Gestalt Psychology
Of the many critics of behaviorism, Gestalt psychologists may have been among the
most avid. Gestalt psychology states that we best understand psychological phenomena
when we view them as organized, structured wholes. According to this view, we cannot
fully understand behavior when we only break phenomena down into smaller parts. For
example, behaviorists tended to study problem solving by looking for subvocal process-
ing (when people murmur to themselves). They were looking for the observable behav-
ior through which problem solving can be understood. Gestaltists, in contrast, studied
insight, to understand the unobservable mental event by which someone goes from hav-
ing no idea about how to solve a problem to understanding it fully in what seems a mere
moment of time.
The maxim “the whole is more than the sum of its parts” aptly sums up the Gestalt
perspective. To understand the perception of a flower, for example, we would have to
take into account the whole of the experience. We could not understand such a percep-
tion merely in terms of a description of forms, colors, sizes, and so on. Similarly, as noted
in the previous paragraph, we could not understand problem solving merely by looking
at minute elements of observable behavior (Köhler, 1927, 1940; Wertheimer, 1945/1959).
We will have a closer look at Gestalt principles in Chapter 3.

Emergence of Cognitive Psychology

In the early 1950s, a movement called the “cognitive revolution” took place in response
to behaviorism. Cognitivism is the belief that most human behavior explains how peo-
ple think. It rejects the behavioristic notion that psychologists should avoid studying
mental processes just because they are unobservable. Cognitivism is, in part, a synthesis
of earlier forms of analysis, such as behaviorism and Gestaltism. Like behaviorism, it
adopts precise quantitative analysis to study how people learn and think; like Gestaltism,
it emphasizes internal mental processes.

Early Role of Cognitive Neuroscience

Ironically, one of Watson’s former students, Karl Spencer Lashley (1890–1958), brashly
challenged the behaviorist view that the human brain is a passive organ merely respond-
ing to environmental contingencies outside the individual (Gardner, 1985). Instead, Lash-
ley considered the brain to be an active, dynamic organizer of behavior. Lashley sought
to understand how the macro-organization of the human brain made possible complex,
planned activities such as musical performance, game playing, and using language. None
of these activities were, in his view, readily explicable in terms of simple conditioning.

Copyright 2017 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
  
Introduction to Cognitive Psychology • CHAPTER 1 15   

In the same vein, but at a different level of analysis, Donald Hebb (1948) proposed
the concept of cell assemblies as the basis for learning in the brain. Cell assemblies are
coordinated neural structures that develop through frequent stimulation. They develop
over time as the ability of one neuron (nerve cell) to stimulate firing in a connected
neuron increases. Behaviorists did not jump at the opportunity to agree with theorists
such as Lashley and Hebb. In fact, Skinner (1957) wrote an entire book describing how
language acquisition and usage could be explained purely in terms of environmental
contingencies. This work stretched Skinner’s framework too far, leaving Skinner open
to attack. An attack was indeed forthcoming. Linguist Noam Chomsky (1959) wrote
a scathing review of Skinner’s ideas. In his article, Chomsky stressed both the biologi-
cal basis and the creative potential of language. He pointed out the infinite numbers of
sentences we can produce with ease. He thereby defied behaviorist notions that we learn
language by reinforcement. Even young children continually are producing novel sen-
tences for which they could not have been reinforced in the past.

Add a Dash of Technology: Engineering,

Computation, and Applied Cognitive Psychology
By the end of the 1950s, some psychologists were intrigued by the tantalizing notion that
machines could be programmed to demonstrate the intelligent processing of information
(Rychlak & Struckman, 2000). Turing (1950) suggested that soon it would be hard to dis-
tinguish the communication of machines from that of humans. He suggested a test, now
called the “Turing test,” that judges whether a computer program’s output was indistin-
guishable from the output of humans (Cummins & Cummins, 2000). In other words, sup-
pose you communicated with a computer and you could not tell that it was a computer. The
computer then had passed the Turing test (Schonbein & Bechtel, 2003). (See Figure 1.4 .)

Figure 1.4 The Turing Test. An interrogator communicates via computer screen and
keyboard with a real human and a computer. The interrogator’s task is to find out who is the
computer by asking as many and varied questions as necessary.

Copyright 2017 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
in the day-coach, and at night had laid their heads on their packs, as
simply as they had eaten the remains of their lunch, and of food
snatched at station counters.
And all the way, he had been trying to understand. She was very
gentle with him—sometimes he felt as if she were almost pitying.
Always she seemed the elder. How was it possible, he wondered,
that she could be to him like this?
For in these days he had come to understand her, with a man’s
curiously clear understanding of a “good” woman. He knew the
crystal candor of her, the wholesomeness, the humanness, and, for
all her merriment and her charm and her comradeship, the exquisite
aloofness of her, a quality as strange in Jem Moor’s daughter as it
was unusual in any womanhood of Inch. But, these things being so,
how was it possible that she could tolerate him? She could not have
forgiven him—that was unthinkable, and, he dimly felt, undesirable.
How then could she be to him so gentle, so genuinely human?
Of exactly what had occurred that night on Whiteface, he could
not be sure. He wearied himself, trying to remember what he had
said, what he had done. Of one thing he was certain: he had not laid
his hands on her. That he should have remembered, and that, he
knew, she would not have let pass by as she was letting memory of
that night pass. Yet it was the same thing, for he had tried. What,
then, exactly, was she thinking?
These things he did not cease to turn in his mind. And bit by bit
it seemed to him that he understood: for at first, on the mountain,
she had needed him. Without him she could not have followed that
imperceptible trail. Then, here on the train, she was deeply his
debtor, as he had forced her to be. Whatever, in her heart, she was
thinking of him, she could not now reveal to him. Indeed how was it
possible that she did not despise him? So, as she had sat beside him
on the Overland, he had been torturing himself.
Yet never once did her gentleness to him fail. There was, in her
manner now, as she spoke to him, something of this incomparable
care:
“Will you do something?” she said, looking away from him.
 “If it’s for you, I reckon you can reckon on it,” he said.
“I donno who it’s for,” she told him. “But will you be just as nice
to my uncle as you are to me?”
He stared at her.
“Be kind of polite to him,” she said. “Don’t pull your revolver on
him,” she explained.
“I hardly ever pull my revolver,” he defended himself indignantly.
“Well, don’t shake him or—or lift him up by the collar for
anything,” she suggested.
“Oh,” he comprehended. “You want me to trot out my Chicago
manners—is that it? He laughed. “All right,” he said. “I’m on.”
“Uncle Hiram is good,” she cried earnestly. “He come to see us,
once—he’s good! You treat him right—please.”
The Inger sunk his chin on his chest and walked, mulling this. So
she hadn’t liked his way with folks! He felt vaguely uneasy, and as if
he had stumbled on some unsuspected standard of hers.
“I don’t know,” she said, troubled, “what Aunt ’Cretia’s goin’ to
think. I mean about your coming with me.”
He raised his head.
“What about me coming with you?” he demanded.
Before the clear candor of his eyes, her own fell.
“She’ll think the truth,” he blazed, “or I’ll burn the house down!”
At this they both laughed, and now it was she who was feeling a
dim shame, as if from some high standard of his, she had been the
one to vary.
At the intersection of two paved roads, whose sidewalks were
grass-grown, in their long waiting for footsteps, stood the house
which they had been seeking. It was of dullish blue clapboards
whose gabled ends were covered with red-brown toothed shingles.
The house was too high for its area, and a hideous porch of cement
blocks and posts looked like a spreading cow-catcher. On a clothes
line, bed blankets and colored quilts were flapping, as if they were
rejoicing in their one legitimate liberty from privacy.
 Everywhere, on the porch, and on the scrubby lawn, and within
the open door, stood packing boxes. The leap of alarm which Lory
felt at sight of them was not allayed by the unknown woman in blue
calico, with swathed head, who bent over the box in the hall.
At Lory’s question, the woman stared.
“You mean the family that’s just went out of here?” she asked.
“Well, they’ve moved to Washington, D.C.”
“What’s that?” cried the Inger, suddenly.
“If you mean the family that’s just went out of here—” the
woman was beginning.
The Inger struck his hand sharply on the post.
“We mean Mr. and Mrs. Hiram Folts,” he shouted. “And if you’re
trying to be insulting—”
The woman looked at him, open-mouthed.
“Why, my land,” she said, “I never heard their names in my life. I
just happened to know the family moved to Washington. You better
ask next door—mebbe they knew ’em.”
Lory interposed, thanked her, got back to the street.
“S’posin’ she was puttin’ on,” she urged. “It don’t hurt us any.”
“Puttin’ on,” raged the Inger. “Well, I should say. Pretendin’ not to
know the name of whoever moved out of the same house she’s
movin’ into!”
It was true, the neighbor told them. Mr. and Mrs. Hiram Folts had
been gone for almost a month. She found the Washington address
for them, and in a moment they were back on the Illinois prairie
again, with grass-grown sidewalks leading them nowhere.
“I must look for a job,” Lory said, only. “I must begin now and
look for a job.”
The Inger’s look travelled over the waste stretches, cut by neat
real estate signs. The sun was struggling through a high fog, the sky
was murky, and on the horizon where Chicago lay, the black smoke
hung like storm clouds.
 “What a devil of a hole,” he said. “It looks like something had
swelled up big, and bust, and scattered all over the place.”
“I donno how to look for a job,” Lory said only, staring toward
that black horizon cloud where lay the city.
“Don’t you want to go on to Washington?” the Inger asked
casually.
Lory shook her head.
“I can’t,” she said. “An’ I ain’t goin’ to come down on to you
again.”
He looked down at her, and for the first time since they had
boarded the Overland, he saw the hunted look in her eyes. She was
turning toward the City with exactly the look with which she had
turned, over shoulder, toward Inch and Bunchy.
... He looked at her bright fallen hair, at the white curve of her
throat, at the strong brown hand with which she held her pack that
she steadfastly refused to let him carry. Here she was, remote from
all the places and people that she had ever known. Here she was,
almost penniless. He thought of her bright insolence as she had sat
his horse that morning on the desert, of her breathless appeal to
him in the dark of his hut, of her self-sufficiency in the night of his
cowardice and failure.... Now here she was, haunted by another fear.
In the days of their comradeship, he had felt in her presence
shame, humility, the desire to protect; and passion, steadfastly put
down by the memory of that night for which he was trying
desperately to make amends. But never till that moment had he felt
for her a flash of tenderness. Now—it must have been the brown
hand nearest him, on her pack, which so moved him—he felt a great
longing just to give her comfort and strength and a moment of
cherishing.
She looked up at him. And abruptly, and with no warning, it
seemed to the Inger as they walked there together, and he looking
down at her, that he was she. He seemed to move as she moved, to
be breathing as she breathed, to be looking from her eyes at that
storm-cloud of a city lying in wait for her. For an instant of time, he
seemed to cease to exist of himself, and to be wholly Lory. Then she
looked away, and he lifted his eyes to the flat green and brown, and
was striding on, himself again.
“I never thought of it before,” he burst out. “It is a job to be a
woman. And alone in Chicago—Lord!”
Her look flashed back at him.
“I can get along just as well there, or anywhere else, as you
can,” she challenged.
Going back on the car, he argued it with her. Why should they
not go on to Washington. His bank was to telegraph him funds—
these were probably waiting for him now. Why should she not find
work with her aunt, in Washington as well as in Chicago—and be
that much farther from Bunchy in the bargain?
She listened, imperturbably bought a newspaper, and looked out
an employment agency; and ended by being left at the agency while
the Inger went off to the telegraph office.
He had gone but a step or two when he felt her touch on his
arm.
“And oh, listen!” she said. “If the money ain’t come, don’t kill the
man!”
He laughed, a great ringing laugh that made the passers-by on
Wabash Avenue look amusedly after him. Then he strode off among
them. At intervals, all the way to the telegraph office, he cursed the
town. The noise confused him, the smoke blinded and choked him,
he understood nobody’s talk of “east” and “west.” Unmercifully he
jostled people who got in his way, and he pushed by them,
unmindful of remonstrance. At a corner a traffic policeman roared
out at him to halt. He stared at the officer, then leaped on the
running board of a motor that was making a left-hand turn, and
dropped off on the other side of the causeway.
“Get a grown man’s job, little fellow!” he yelled in derision.
He could find neither the signs nor the numbers. The beat of the
traffic made indistinguishable the voices of those who tried to reply
to his questions. To the fifth or sixth man whom he sought to
understand, he roared out in a terrible voice:
“My Lord, haven’t you got any lungs?”
The man fled. The Inger tramped on, to a chant which was
growing in his soul:
“Give me Inch. Give me Inch. Give me Inch....”
But by the time he had gained the telegraph office, and the man
at the window, after long delay, had told him that identification
would be necessary before he could collect his money, the Inger’s
mood had changed. He stood before the window and broke into a
roar of laughter.
“Identify me!” he said. “Me! Why, man, I’m Inger. I own the Flag-
pole mine. I just got here, from Inch, Balboa County. You might as
well try to identify the West coast. Look at me, you fool!”
“I’m sorry, Mr. Inger,” said the man, respectfully. “You’ll have to
bring somebody here who knows you. A resident.”
“There ain’t a resident of nothing this side the Rockies that ever
laid eyes to me,” said the Inger. “You guess twice.”
The clerk meditated.
“Haven’t you got your name on something about you?” he said
softly.
The Inger thought. He rarely had a letter, he never carried one.
He had never in his life owned a business card or an embroidered
initial. Suddenly his face cleared.
“You bet!” he cried, and drew his six-shooter, which the men at
the mines had given him, and levelled it through the bars.
“There’s my name on the handle,” he said. “Want I should fire,
just to prove it’s mine?”
The man hesitated, glanced once about the office, looked in the
Inger’s eyes,—and risked his job.
“That’ll be sufficient,” said he. “But if you’ll allow me, you’d best
cover that thing up.”
 “I donno,” said the Inger, reflectively, “but I’d best shoot my way
down State Street. I don’t seem to get along very fast any other
way.”
He had one more visit to make. This was to a railway ticket
office, where he deliberately made a purchase and took away a
time-card. Then he returned to the employment office.
There he faced a curious sight. The outer room was small and
squalid with its bare, dirty floor, its discolored walls, the dusty,
curtainless panes of its one window which looked in on a dingy
court. About the edge of the room, either seated on deal benches
without backs, or standing by the wall, were perhaps twenty women.
They were old, they were young, they were relaxed and hopeless, or
tense and strained—but the most of them were middle-aged and
shabby and utterly negligible. They had not the character of the
defeated or the ill or the wretched. They were simply drained of life,
and were living. Occasionally an inner door opened and a man’s
voice called “Next.” Few of the women talked. One or two of them
slept. The window was closed and the air was intolerable.
To all this it took the Inger a moment or two to accustom his
eyes. Then he saw Lory. She was sitting on her pack, on the floor,
amusing a fretting baby on the knees of its mother, who dozed. In
that dun place, the girl’s loveliness was startling, electric. The
women felt it, and some sat staring at her.
“If I had that face—” he caught from one.
“Come along out of this, for the Lord’s sake!” said the Inger.
They all turned toward him and toward Lory as she rose,
crimsoning as they looked at her. She went to the doorway where he
stood.
“I’ll lose my turn if I come now,” she said.
He held her wrist and drew her into the hall. Other women were
waiting to get into the room. Well-dressed, watching men went and
came.
“You come with me,” said the Inger.
“But—” she tried to say.
 “You come along with me,” he repeated. And as her troubled look
questioned him:
“I’ve got two tickets to Washington,” he said. “You don’t want no
job here if you get one.”
“You hadn’t ought—” she began, breathlessly.
“I know it,” he told her. “What I’d ought to ’a’ done was to get
two tickets to Whiteface and the hut. Hadn’t I?”
The baby, deserted, began to cry weakly. Lory turned back to her,
stooped over her, comforted her. As he stood there, leaning in the
doorway, once more there came to the Inger that curiously sharp
sense of the morning on the prairie.
For a flash as he looked at those empty faces and worn figures,
he knew—positively and as at first hand—what it was to be, not Lory
alone now, but all the rest. Abruptly, with some great wrench of the
understanding, it was almost as if momentarily he were those other
wretched creatures. When Lory had brought her pack and joined
him, he stood for a moment, still staring into that room.
“My God,” he said. “I wish I could do something for ’em!”
He struggled with this.
“‘Seems as if it’d help if I’d canter in and shoot every one of ’em
dead,” he said.

They went out on the street again, intent on finding a place to

lunch. There were two hours until the Washington train left. The
Inger refusing utterly to ask anybody anything, they walked until
they came to a place which, by hot flapjacks in the making in the
great window, the Inger loudly recognized to be his own.
Seated at a little white oil-cloth covered table beneath which the
Inger insisted on stowing the packs, the two relaxed in that moment
of rest and well-being.
The Inger, seeing her there across from him, spoke out in a kind
of wonder.
 “It seems like I can’t remember the time when you wasn’t along,”
he said.
She laughed—and it was pathetic to see how an interval of
comfort and quiet warmed her back to security and girlishness. But
not to the remotest coquetry. Of that, since the morning on the
desert, he had had in her no glimpse. By this he knew dimly all that
he had forfeited. He made wistful attempts to call forth even a
shadow of her old way.
“A week ago,” he said, “I hardly knew you.”
She assented gravely, and found no more to say about it.
“A week ago,” he said, “I was fishing, and didn’t bring home
nothin’ but a turtle.” He smiled at a recollection. “I was scrapin’ him
out,” he said, “when I heard your weddin’ bell. How’d you ever come
to have a weddin’ bell?” he wondered.
“It was Bunchy’s doing,” she said, listlessly. “He sent the priest a
case o’ somethin’, to have it rung. I hated it.”
“Well,” said the Inger, “it was Bunchy’s own rope, then, that hung
him. I shouldn’t have come down if I hadn’t heard the bell—” he
paused perplexed. “You didn’t know I was down there, though?” he
said.
“No, I thought you’d be up on the mountain when I went up. I
didn’t think you’d be in town. You hardly ever,” she added, “did come
down.”
He did not miss this: she had noticed, then, that he hardly ever
came down.
“When I did come,” he said, “I always saw you with Bunchy. Only
that once.”
“Only that once,” she assented, and did not meet his eyes. “Oh!”
she cried, “I’ll be glad when we get to Washington and I’m off your
hands! That’s why I wanted a job here—to be off your hands!”
On this the Inger was stabbed through with his certainty. It was
true, then. She was longing to be free of him—and no wonder! To
hide his hurt and his chagrin he turned to the waiter, who was
arriving with flapjacks, and lifted candidly inquiring eyes.
 “See anything the matter with my hands?” he drawled.
“No, sir,” said the man, in surprise.
“Well, neither do I,” said the Inger. “What is the matter with
’em?” he demanded of Lory, as the man departed.
“Why, if it wasn’t for me on ’em,” said Lory, “you’d be starting for
war.”
War! The Inger heard the word in astonishment. That was so, he
had been going to the war. He had been bent on going to the war,
and had so announced his intention. In that day on the mountain,
those days on the train, these hours in the city, he had never once
thought of war. He flooded his flapjacks with syrup, and said
nothing.
“Washington ain’t much out of your way,” she added. “You can
get started by day after to-morrow anyway.”
Still he was silent. Then, feeling that something was required of
him, he observed nonchalantly:
“Well, we don’t have to talk about it now, as I know of.”
In this, however, he reckoned without his host of the restaurant.
As the Inger paid the bill, there was thrust in his hands a white
poster, printed in great letters:

GIANT MASS MEETING

THE COLISEUM
TO-NIGHT! TO-NIGHT! TO-NIGHT!
WHAT IS AMERICA
TO DO
IN THE PRESENT CRISIS

The Inger read it through twice.

“What crisis?” he asked.
The restaurant keeper—a man with meeting eyebrows, who
looked as if he had just sipped something acid—stopped counting
change in piles, and stared at him.
“Where you from?” he asked, and saw the packs, and added
“Boat, eh? Ain’t you heard about the vessel?”
The Inger shook his head.
“Well, man,” said the restaurant keeper with enjoyment, “another
nice big U. S. merchantman is blowed into flinders a couple o’ days
ago, a-sailin’ neutral seas. Nobody much killed, I guess—but leave
’em wait and see what we give ’em!”
“Does it mean war?” asked the Inger, eagerly.
“That’s for the meetin’ to say,” said the man, and winked, and,
still winking, reached for somebody’s pink check.
The Inger turned to Lory with eyes alight.
“Let’s get a train in the night,” he said. “Let’s stay here for this
meeting.”
In the circumstances, there was nothing that she could well say
against this. She nodded. The Inger consulted his timetable, found a
train toward morning, and the thing was done. He left the place like
a boy.
“Let’s see some of this Mouth o’ the Pit this afternoon,” he said,
“being we’re here. And then we’ll head for that war meeting. It’s
grand we got here for it,” he added.
Lory looked up at him in a kind of fear. On the mountain that
night she had not once really feared him. But here, she now
understood, was a man with whom, in their days together, she had
after all never yet come face to face.
 VI
They sat where they could see the great audience gather. The people
came by thousands. They poured in the aisles, advanced, separated,
sifted into the rows of seats, climbed to the boxes, the galleries,
ranged along those sloping floors like puppets. The stage filled.
There were men and women, young, old, clothed in a mass of black
shot through with color. Here were more people than ever in their
lives Lory or the Inger had seen. The stage alone was a vast
audience hall.
The people talked. A dull roar came from them, fed by voices, by
shuffling feet, by the moving of garments and papers and bodies.
They all moved. No one was still. The human mass, spread so thinly
in the hollow shell of the hall, moved like maggots.
The Inger leaned forward, watching. His eyes were lit and his
breath quickened. His huge frame obscured the outlook of a little
white-faced youth who sat beside him, continually stroking and
twisting at a high and small moustache.
“Sit back, sir, can’t you?” this exasperated youth finally
demanded.
The Inger, his hand spread massively as he leaned on his leg,
tossed him a glance, over shoulder, and with lifted brows.
“Why, you little lizard,” he observed, only, and did not change his
posture.
A group of men and women in evening clothes sat beside Lory,
who frankly stared at them. One of the women, elderly, pallidly
powdered, delicately worn down by long, scrupulous care of her
person, sat with one blue and boned hand in evidence, heavily clad
with rings.
“Look at the white bird’s claw,” the Inger said suddenly. “I’d like
to snap it off its bloomin’ stem.”
And as the people ceased to come in, and now were merely
sitting there, breathing, and incredibly alive, he suddenly spoke
aloud:
“If hundreds of ’em fell dead and was dragged out,” he said,
“we’d never know the difference, would we?”
Lory’s look was the speculative look which always embarrassed
him.
“If two of ’em was us, we would,” she said.
The Inger laughed boisterously.
“You bet,—then!” he agreed. “Lord, ain’t it grand that the rest of
’em could go, for all we care!”
She pondered it.
“What if they was a big fire,” she said, “like the Hess House?”
The Hess House, an unsavory place of Inch, had burned the year
before, and with it five nameless women.
“Oh gosh,” said the Inger, “you could hand ’em out like fish off
the coals, and save ’em, alive and kicking, and cord ’em up
somewheres, and rip back for more.”
“Why?” asked Lory. “Why would you do that—if it didn’t make
any difference?”
“Because you’d be a dub if you didn’t,” he replied simply.
He was silent for a minute, played at picking her up in his arms,
holding her, hewing through the crowd, trampling them out of the
way, and as he went, kissing her when he pleased. To him the hall
dimmed and went out.... Then he heard the chairman speaking.
The chairman was a man of thick body and bent head, with
watching eyes, and a mouth that shut as a fist shuts. His voice went
over the hall like a horn.
 The meeting had been called because something must be done—
something must be done. The war had dragged on until the world
was sucked. Men, women, children, money, arms, cities, nations,
were heaped on the wreck. The wreck was the world. Something
must be done—something must be done. In all the earth stood only
one great nation, untouched of carnage, fat, peopled—and peopled
with sons of the warring world. This meeting had been called
because something must be done. There were those who had come
to tell what to do.
To those who comprehended, the weight of the moment lay in
the chaos of applause which took the house. The air of the place,
languid, silent, casual, for all that one observed, abruptly solidified
and snapped, and flew asunder. In its place leaped something
electric, which played from the people to the speaker who came first
to his place, and from him back to the people.
This man began to speak slowly. He was slow-moving, slow of
eyelid and of glance, and his words came half sleepily. It was so that
he told them about themselves: Children of those who had come to
America for escape, for retreat, for a place of self-expression. Who
had sought liberty, free schools, manhood suffrage, womanhood
suffrage, religious freedom, and had found some of these and were
seeking more. Picture by picture he showed them a country which,
save for its enduring era of industrial babyhood, and its political and
judicial error, gave them richly of what they had sought, developed
them, fed them, comforted them. A place of plenty, a happy
paradise, a walled world, he pictured theirs.
In the same sleepy, casual fashion, he went on: Why should they
set about all this talk of “something must be done”? This was none
of our quarrel. Perfectly, by this time, we recognized its causes as
capitalistic issues. If they chose to murder one another, should we
add terror unto terror by slaying more, and ourselves? Why
ourselves and our sons? Why not stay soft in the nest we had made,
while men of the soil which had nourished our fathers called to us
vainly, the death rattle in their throats? Sigh delicately for this rattle
of death in millions of throats and fill our own with the fat of the
land whose prosperity must not be imperilled. Read of a people
decimated, and answer by filing a protest. Pray for peace
incessantly, beside our comfortable beds. Read of atrocities and
shudder in our warm libraries. Hear of dead men who fought and
dead men who rotted, and talk it over on our safe, sunlit streets.
Meet insult on the high seas, and merely hold mass meetings. And
speculate, speculate, speculate, at our laden dinner tables, on the
probable outcome.
“The part of men is being played by us all,” the slow voice went
on, “of men and of descendants of men of Europe. It was so that
they acted in ’76—the men of Europe, was it not? And we are the
sons of those who, before ’76, made Europe as they made America
—and us. The destruction of one of our vessels—what is that to us?
Let’s turn the other cheek. And let’s meet here often, friends, what
do you say? Here it is warm and light—you come from good dinners
—you come in good clothes—in automobiles. Let us meet to-morrow
and to-morrow and to-morrow! Let us have music—Where is the
music to-night? ‘Tipperary’—‘Marseillaise’—‘Wacht Am Rhein’—‘God
Save the King’—why are we not being stirred by these to sign a
protest, to take a collection which shall keep them fighting on?
‘Something must be done!’ So we meet—and meet—and meet again.
And we play a part that in the history of the next century will make
the very schoolboys say: ‘Thank God, America locked her door and
kept her safety and let them die!’ Next week—let us meet here again
next week, pleasantly and together. ‘Something must be done!’ In
the name of all the bleeding nations, let us keep on meeting, in this
large and lighted hall.”
Before the silence in which he turned away had been rent by the
applause that followed on the surprise of it, another man sprang
from his seat on the stage and strode to the front. In a gesture
curiously awkward and involuntary, he signed them to let him speak,
and his voice burst out before they could hear him.
“... he is right—he is right—and I burn in flesh and soul and
blood and bone of these peoples of Europe who made me. Their
flesh cries to my flesh and it answers with a tongue that has been
dumb too long. Men of America! Men who have lately been sons of
the warring nations and have crept off here just in time—by a
decade or by a century—to stand with whole skins and unbroken
bones—let’s have done with it! Do we face our insults as men—or do
we stand silent and bid for more? And are we another kind of
creature? Do we understand what those men suffer? Are their cries
of agony to us in another tongue? Have blood and misery and
madness a language of their own, and are we deaf to it—or do we
know with every fibre in us what it is they are going through, what it
is they ask of us, what it is that if we are men we must give them—
and give them now! For now their provocation is our provocation. I
ask you what it shall be—the safe way of intervention? Or the hands
of human beings, to succor the naked hands of the desperate and
the dying of our own kin—our own kin! And to revenge our wrong!”
In an instant the hall was shattered by a thousand cries. Men
leaped to their feet. Some sat still. Some wept. But the cries which
came from no one knew whom of them, rose and roared
distinguishably!
“To war ... war ... war!”
The Inger had risen and stood stooping forward, his hands on
the rail, his eyes sweeping the crowd. His look seemed to lick up
something that it had long wanted, and to burn it in his face. He was
smiling with his teeth slightly showing.
“Ah-h-h,” he said within his breath, and said it again, and stood
rocking a little and breathing hard.
The demonstration lasted on as if a pent presence had lapped
them to itself and possessed them. A man, and another tried to
speak, but no one listened. A few in the front rows left the hall, and,
ominous, and barely audible, a hissing began in the galleries and ran
down the great bank of heads, and scourged the few as they gained
the door.
What at last silenced them was the dignity and status of a man
who took the stage. He made no effort to speak. He merely waited.
Presently they were quiet, though not all reseated themselves.
 He was a man of more than middle years, with a face worn and
tortured—but it was as if the torture had been long ago.
“My neighbors,” he said, “will some one tell me why you want to
kill your neighbors across the water?”
“To vindicate our honor! To help our neighbors and our kin!”
shouted the lean man who had spoken last.
The older man regarded him quietly:
“You want to kill your neighbors,” he repeated. “You want to go
over there with arms and be at war. You want to kill your neighbors.
I am asking you why?”
From the upper gallery came a cry that was like a signal. Up
there a hundred throats took up a national hymn. Instantly from the
balconies below, from pit, from stage, a thousand were on their feet
and a thousand throats took up the air. Not an instant later,
something cut the current of the tune, wavered, broke, swelled—and
another nation’s hymn, by another thousand, rose and bore upon
the first, and the two shook the place with discord. A third nation’s
air—a fourth—the hall was a warfare of jarring voices—and out of
the horror of sound came the old exquisite phrases, struggling for
dominance: “God Save the Queen”—”Watch on the Rhine,” “The
Marseillaise,” “The Italian Hymn,” and rollicking over all, the
sickening wistfulness and hopelessness and sweetness of
“Tipperary.”
The Inger raised his great form and stretched up his arms and
shook them above his head, and swung out his right arm as if it
flung a rope.
“Yi—eih—ai—la—o-o-o-oh—!” he shouted, like the cry of all the
galloping cow-punchers of the West, galloping, and galloping, to a
thing on which, with sovereign intensity, they were bent. He silenced
those about him, and they looked and laughed, and gave themselves
back to their shouting. The woman with the blue-boned hand looked
over to Lory, and smiled with a liquid brightness in her eyes, and her
pink spangled fan tapped her hand in tune with the nearest of the
songs about her. This woman looked like a woman of the revolution,
who believed that good has always come out of war, and that from
war good will always come. She smiled. Tears rolled on her face. She
sank back weakly, but she waved her pink spangled fan.
As his hand came down, Lory caught at the Inger’s sleeve.
“Can’t we go?” she begged. “Can’t we?”
He pulled his sleeve from her hand, hardly knowing that it was
there, and kept at his shouting.
The only man to whom they would listen was, at last, the man
who had so roused them. When, after a hurried conference with the
chairman, and others, this man rose again, they listened—in the
vague expectation that something would now be said which would
excite them further.
“Don’t be senseless fools!” he shouted. “This is no better than a
neat, printed protest. ‘Something must be done!’ Say what it is that
you are going to do, or you may as well go home.”
He turned pointedly toward a dark-bearded man who was
evidently expected to follow him. This man rose and shook out a
paper. He shouted shrilly and wagged his head in his effort to make
himself heard, and his long hair swung at the sides.
“At this moment,” he rehearsed, “eighteen meetings such as this
are being held in eighteen towns—New York, Baltimore, New
Orleans, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Salt Lake, Denver, Omaha,
Portland, Spokane, St. Louis, Cleveland, Minneapolis, Milwaukee—
these and the others are holding meetings like this. You know how
each meeting is to take action and transmit that action to-night to
each of the other meeting places. I ask you: what is it that this
meeting is going to do? And Mr. Chairman, I make you a motion.”
The hall was so silent that it seemed drained of breathing: so
electric with listening that it seemed drained of thought.
“Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, ay, and Ladies, for I deem you
fully worthy to have a share in these deliberations,” said he, with a
magnificent bow. “I move you, that, Whereas our government in its
wisdom has seen fit to withhold itself from the great drama of the
world’s business for a length of time not to be tolerated by a great
mass of its citizens: and, Whereas, since the destruction of the
steamship Fowler, a merchant vessel, belonging to the United States
and sailing neutral waters, three days have elapsed without action
on the part of the government thus outraged past all precedent in
conduct toward neutral nations—save only one nation!—That now,
therefore, we here assembled, citizens of the United States, do voice
our protest and demand of our government that if within the week
no adequate explanation or apology shall be forthcoming from the
offending power, we do proceed without further delay to declare war
against that power.
“And I further move you that it be the sense of this meeting that
we hereby petition for immediate mobilization of our army.
“And I further move you that, on the carrying of this motion, a
copy of it be telegraphed to the President of the United States, and
to the Chairmen of the eighteen similar meetings held in the United
States this night, in the common name of liberty and humanity.”
The hall became a medley of sound with but one meaning. Men
leaped to the seats, to the rails of balconies, shouting. The thing
they had wanted to have said had been said. The fire that had been
smouldering since early in the war, that had occasionally blazed in
public meetings, in the press, in private denunciation, had at last
eaten through the long silence to burn now with a devouring flame,
and the people gave it fuel.
A dozen men and women there were who fought their way
forward, and stood on the platform, appealing for silence. One by
one these tried to speak. To each the hall listened until it had
determined the temper of the speaker: then, if it was, as it was from
several, a passionate denunciation of the policy, groans and hisses
drowned the speaker’s voice. And if it was a ringing cry of “Patriots
of the world, show your patriotism in the cause of the stricken world
and of this offended nation!”—the fury of applauding hands and
stamping feet silenced speech no less.
“Question! Question! Question!” they called—not here and there
and otherwhere, but in a great wave of hoarse shouting, like a
pulse.
 The Chairman rose to put the motion, and as silence fell for him
to speak, a youth of twenty, lithe, dark, with a face of the fineness
of some race more like to all peoples than peoples now are like to
one another, hurled himself before him, and shouted into the quiet:
“Comrades! Comrades! In the name of God—of the hope of the
International....”
A yell went up from the hall. A dozen hands drew the youth
away. He waved his arms toward the hall. From above and below,
came voices—some of men, some of women, hoarse or clear or
passionate:
“Comrades! Comrades!...”
But in that moment’s breath of another meaning, the speaker
who first had fired them stood beside the chairman, and held up a
telegram. They let him read:
“Resolution almost unanimously passed by Metropolitan mass meeting
and by two overflow meetings....”

If there was more to the telegram, no one but the reader knew.
The clamor was like a stretching of hands across the miles to New
York, to clasp those other hands in their brother-lust. The youth of
twenty flung himself free of those who had held him, and dropped to
the floor, and sat hugging his knees and staring out over the hall as
if death sat there, infinitely repeated, and naked.
The Chairman lifted his hand. “You have heard the motion. Does
any one desire to hear it re-read?”
Again that amazing, pulsing, unanimity of the cry:
“Question! Question! Question!”
“All those in favor—” the Chairman’s bent head was raised so that
he peered at them from under his lids—“will make it manifest by
saying ‘ay.’”
Out of the depth of their experience and practice at meetings for
charity, for philanthropy, for church, for state, for home, they voted,
so that it was like One Great Thing with a voice of its own.
“Ay!”
 In this “ay” the Inger’s voice boomed out so that some
remembered and wondered, and even in that moment, a few turned
to see him.
“Those opposed will make it manifest by saying ‘no.’”
The boy sprang to his feet, and with the clear call of a few
hundred no’s, his own voice rang out in agony:
“Oh my God,” he said, “No! No! No!”
There must have been a thousand who laughed at him and called
him a name. But the others were gone wild again. And with them
the Inger was shouting his wildest, so that for a moment he did not
hear Lory. Then he realized that she was standing beside him crying
with the few hundred their ‘No!’”
He took her by the shoulder and shook her roughly.
“What do you want to do that for?” he said. “Are you a white
feather?”
It smote him with dull surprise that she was so calm.
She answered him as she might have spoken on the mountain
trail:
“If that means that I ain’t like them,” she said, “then I am a
white feather, I guess.”
“But look here,” he burst out, “you’re no mollycoddle. You’re the
West! You know how things go—”
She broke in then, with her face turned toward the hall again.
“Yes,” she said. “I know how things go. They’re voting to kill folks
—Oh my God!”
The Inger blazed up in a flame.
“It ain’t any such thing!” he burst out. “They don’t care a hang
about killing folks—not for the fun o’ killing!”
He hurled his new fact at her, passionately anxious that she
should understand.
“Don’t you see?” he cried. “It’s for somethin’—it’s for somethin’!
That’s all the difference. It’s grand! It’s—it’s grand—” He shook with
his effort to make her know.
 “It’s killing ’em just as dead!” she said, and she wept.
Here the Inger received an unexpected ally. The woman with the
blue-boned hand beside Lory leaned forward, and touched the girl’s
arm with her pink, spangled fan:
“My child,” she said, “try to understand: killing is so small a part
of it all!”
Lory faced her, and her eyes blazed into the faded eyes of her.
“Did you ever see your father kill a sheriff?” she asked. “Well,
mine did—and I watched him. And I tell you, no matter how
murderin’ is done, it’s hell. If you don’t know that, take it from me!”
About them, the crowd, waiting for no adjournment, was rising,
streaming out, falling back as it got to the doors. The Inger,
marshalling Lory before him, made his way with the rest. He looked
across Lory’s head and above most of the others. He was noticing
the people.
There was a fine stalwart lad, he thought—good for the army,
and looking ready to shoulder his gun. That chap with the shoulders
—what a seat he’d have in the cavalry—or on a broncho, for the
matter of that. That fellow there was too old, but he was in excited
talk with some one, and both were as eager as boys. Some were still
shouting to one another, flushed with immediate purpose. Others
were quiet and moved out soberly, as when the lights come back
after the great climax. But every one was thrilled and fired by a
powerful emotion, and it lived in their faces. The Inger read it there,
because he felt it in his own. He warmed to them all.
A man about town, fashionably dressed, and in absorbed talk,
came down on the Inger’s foot with shocking vigor.
“I’m so sorry!” he exclaimed in a hurrying falsetto, pitching down
three notes of the scale.
“Don’t you give a damn,” said the Inger unexpectedly.
At the door, in the bewilderment of lights and carriage calls and
traffic, the Inger stood in complete uncertainty.
“Can you tell me—” “Say, could you tell me—” “Say, which way—”
he addressed one or two, but in the inner turmoil of them and in the
clamor without, they did not heed him.
The Inger faced the next man, a fat being, with two nieces—one
knew that they were nieces; and demanded of him to be told the
way to his station.
“Lord bless me,” said the man. “Get on any car going that way!”
“Thank you to hell,” said the Inger heartily. “Hope we’re on the
same side,” he warmed to it. “Hope we’re in the same regiment!” he
mounted with it.
As the two swung out on the sidewalk, he was silent with the
vague mulling of this.
“Could we walk?” Lory suggested. “Is there time?”
He welcomed it. They went up Wabash Avenue with the slow-
moving crowd.
It had been raining, and the asphalt between the rails, and the
rails themselves, were wet and shining. The black cobblestones were
covered thinly with glossy mud. Even the sidewalks palely mirrored
the amazing flame of the lights.
It was another Chicago from the city which they had entered
with the dawn. Here was a gracious place of warm-looking ways,
and a time of leisure, and the people meant other than the people of
the morning. The Inger moved among them, swam with them,
looked on them all with something new stirring him.
Lory went silently. She had slipped her handkerchief cap away,
and her hair was bright and uncovered in the lamplight. But she
seemed not to be looking anywhere.
“You did get on to it there to-night, didn’t you?” he asked,
wistfully.
“What do you mean?” she said.
“Why—the new part,” he told her. “Didn’t you notice? Every last
one of ’em was goin’ on about country and folks. That’s why they
want to go.”
She was silent, and he was afraid that she did not understand.
 “I never thought of it till to-night, either,” he excused her. “Don’t
you see? Fellows don’t want to go to war just to smash around for a
fight. It’s for somethin’ else.”
He stopped, vaguely uncomfortable in his exaltation.
“It’s killin’,” she said, “an’ killin’ ’s killin’.”
He stood still on the walk, regardless of the passers, and shook
her arm.
“Good heavens,” he said, “women had ought to see that. Women
are better’n men, and they’d ought to see it! Can’t you get past the
killin’? Can’t you understand they might have a thunderin’ reason?”
“No reason don’t matter,” she said. “It’s killin’. And it ain’t
anything else.”
He walked on, his head bent, his eyes on the ground. She knew
that he was disappointed in her—but she was too much shaken to
think about that. She remembered how her mother had watched her
brother go out to fight after some mean uprising of drunken whites
against the Indians. Nobody knew now what it had been about, but
six men had been shot. That stayed.
Presently the Inger raised his head, and walked with it thrown
back again. Women, he supposed, wouldn’t understand. They were
afraid—they hated a gun—they hated a scratch. There was the
woman with the blue-boned hand and wrist and the pink spangled
fan—she understood, it seemed. But somehow that proved nothing,
and he freed his thought of her.
A window of birds took his fancy. The poor things, trying to sleep
in the night light, were tucked uncomfortably about their cages,
while their soft breasts and wings attracted to the feather shop
possible buyers. The Inger looked at them, thinking. He turned
excitedly.
“I get you about that red bird,” he cried, “when you said not kill
it! Well, there wasn’t any reason for killin’ the red bird—not any real
reason. I don’t blame you for rowin’ at it. But can’t you see that
killin’ men in war is differ’nt?”
 She looked upon him with sudden attention. While he was being
directed to their street, she stood thinking about what he had said.
“Is that the way you felt about it when you first said you was
going to the war?” she asked when he joined her.
“Gosh, no,” he replied almost reverently. “All I been wantin’ to go
to war for was to raise hell—legitimate. Don’t you see no differ’nce?”
he repeated.
It was then that she began to understand what a mighty thing
had happened to him. Her insistence that war was merely killing,
was merely murder, had done violence to his new idealism. And
without the skill to correlate her impressions of this, she divined that
here was something which was showing her, once more, the
measure of this man. And she saw, too, that now she should not fail
him.
She could say nothing, but as they crossed the street to the
station, she suddenly slipped her hand within his great swinging
arm.
He caught at her hand with a passion that amazed her. As his
own closed over hers, she drew breathlessly away again.
“Oh,” she said. “Maybe it’s late. We didn’t hurry....”
He made no comment. At the station they claimed their packs
and sat down to wait. Two hours or more later, as they stood by the
gate, a man with many bundles jostled Lory and stood beside her,
unseeing, with a long parcel jabbing at her neck. The Inger laid his
great hand on him.
“Say, Snickerfritz,” he said, in perfect good humor, “lamp the lady
there.”
And when the man apologized, the Inger smiled his slow smile,
and waved his huge hand at him.
As he looked at this man and at the tired woman beside the man,
it occurred to the Inger that these people must all have homes. This
was a thing that he had never thought about before. Always he had
seen people, as it were, in the one dimension of their personal
presence, taking no account of them otherwise—neither of that
second dimension of their inner beings, nor of the third dimension of
their relationships.
“I bet they all got some little old hole they crawl into,” he said,
aloud. And as the gate opened, and the two filed down the platform
behind the man with the parcels and the tired woman, the Inger
added: “That gink and his dame—they looked spliced. Doggone it, I
bet they got a dug-out somewheres!”
“Why, yes,” said Lory, in surprise. “Sure they have. What of it?”
“Oh well, I donno,” he mumbled. “Nothin’ much.”
In the day coach, he turned over a seat, and in the forward one,
he deposited the two packs.
“I don’t need two seats,” she objected.
“No,” he assented. “You sit down there.”
She sat by the window, and he beside her. On the way across the
desert, she had sat alone at night, with her pack for a pillow, and he
in a seat near by. She said nothing now, and when the train began
to move, they still sat in silence, watching the lights wheel and
march, run to the windows, and vanish with no chance to explain
themselves, and an edge of dawn streaking the sky. When he saw
her eyes droop, he put his arm about her, and drew her head down
until it lay upon his shoulder.
“I want you should go to sleep there,” he said.
For a moment he held her so, not the less tenderly that his great
arms would not let her move. But this obedience was, after all, not
what he wanted. “Do you want to?” he demanded, and half loosed
his clasp.
“I don’t know,” she answered sleepily—but she did not move
away.
In a little while she fell asleep, and he sat so and held her. Her
weight became a delicious discomfort. He was not thinking either of
that night on the trail, or of what might be. He was hardly thinking
at all. He was swept by the sweetness of the hour and by the sense
of an exalted living, such as he had never dreamed; an exalted
warfare, in which men killed for great reasons. And once his feeling
was shot through with the recognition that every one in the car
would be believing that she was his wife; that every one in the car
would be thinking that they had a home somewhere.
He put his lips on her hair, and then rested his cheek there. So,
sleeping, they sped through that new world.
 VII
At Harrisburg, he bought a New York paper. There have been huge
mass meetings in New York to which only an inch of space was
given, on a back page; but this meeting had the second column next
to the war news. Two overflow meetings had been held and in all
three, the enthusiasm, the newspaper said, had been tremendous,
the sentiment overwhelming. The editorial boldly supported the
headlines:
“... enough of this policy of negation. If national pride has not been
sufficient to prompt the United States to activity, to its rôle as a leader
among the powers, surely the goad of a violated neutrality and an utter
disregard of international law should be sufficient to open the eyes of its
people....
“The refusal to exercise intervention was natural. The refusal to make
the first move in calling a congress of all nations including the belligerents,
was hardly less so. We should in no wise assume to dictate to the powers
of Europe. The refusal to mobilize the army or to begin to provide
anything like adequate coast defences a people has borne patiently and
far too long. But the tacit refusal to permit the citizens to bear arms in
defence of this their land ... etc.”

The Inger slapped the paper and the page slit down its length.
“That’s it,” he said, “they’ve got it. Ain’t it a wonder,” he put it to
the flying Pennsylvania landscape, “that I come just when I come?”
The graciousness and quiet of Washington, the spaciousness of
the vast white station, the breadth and leisure of the streets,
welcomed them like a presence. Here was something such as they
had left at home—a sense of the ample.
 “Seems like there was room enough for two more here,” said the
Inger contentedly, as they turned into the avenue.
They chose to walk to find Lory’s aunt, lured by the large village
aspect of the place. And as they walked, there leaped up for them
from the roofs the insistent, dominant shaft of the monument.
“Thanks be,” said the Inger. “There’s somethin’ to shin up. It
begun to look to me like the East is a place where all the trails laid
flat.”
“I kind of like it here, though,” Lory said apologetically.
“Seems like there’s more folks and their stuff, and less of God
and his stuff,” the Inger offered after a pause.
Lory shook her head. Her hair was in disorder, and the soot of
the train filmed her face, but her look was strangely radiant.
“I donno. I feel like there was lots of God around,” she said.
She had waked the previous morning in the dimness of the coach
and had found her head on his shoulder, his cheek on her hair, her
hand in his hand. For a moment she lay still, remembering. Then she
lifted her face slowly, lest she should waken him. But he was awake
and smiled down at her, without moving, save that his clasp a little
tightened. She struggled up, her flushed face still near his.
“Your arm,” she said; “ain’t it near dead?”
He sat quietly, and still smiling. “I give you my word,” he said, “I
ain’t once thought of myself in connection with that arm’s dyin’.”
“Did you sleep?” she demanded, anxiously.
“I’m afraid,” he said ruefully, “I did—some.”
Having thought of him, she began to think of herself. She sat
erect, her hands busy at her hair, her face crimson.
“Tell me something,” he said, and when she looked round at him:
“did you care?”
“Did I care—what?” she asked.
He kept her eyes. “Did you?” he repeated.
“I care about bein’ a whole lot of bother to you,” she answered
gravely. “An’ I’m goin’ to pay for my own breakfast.”
 They breakfasted for the first time in the dining-car—both
infinitely ill at ease, Lory confusedly ordering the first things on the
card, the Inger indolently demanding flapjacks and bacon. And when
they brought the bacon dry, he repudiated it, and asked gently if
they thought he didn’t know how it was cooked or what?—ultimately
securing, with the interested participation of the steward, a
swimming dish of gravy. After that, Lory had slipped in a vacant seat
on the other side of the car, and he had gone back to their own seat,
and stared miserably out the window. He ought, he reflected, to
have been showing her at every step of the way that he despised
himself; and here instead he had made her ill at ease with him,
afraid of him, eager to be away from him. That night, in the long
dragging journey of their slow train, they had sat apart, as they had
sat on the Overland.
Here on the avenue in Washington, she was merely disregarding
him. For the first time in their days together, she seemed to be
almost happy. That, he settled the matter, was because she was so
soon to be free of him. There came upon him, for the hundredth
time, the memory of her reason for coming to him in her need—
“I didn’t know no woman I could tell—nor no other decent man.”
It was the supreme compliment of his life—it was his justification.
And how had he rewarded it....
Suddenly he felt her hand on his arm, and when he turned, she
was looking away and before them. He followed her eyes and saw
the white dome.
“It’s it,” she said, reverently.
“Yes,” he said. “It’s it, sure enough.”
They walked on, staring at it. All that could be in the heart of a
people all the time was in their faces for the meaning of it.
In a little back street, ugly save for its abundant shade, they
came to the home of Lory’s aunt. It was a chubby house, with bright
eyes, and the possibilities, never developed, of a smile. There were a
small, smothered yard, and an over-ripe fence, and the evidences of
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