In the mainstream the conceptualisation of rights has largely been treated in a top-down
fashion as the preserve of international organisations and negotiations among states. Not
many attempts have been made to link this analysis to a discussion of political activism and
advocacy from within civil society. The significance of the feminisation of migration and
stratified access to a bundle of rights and entitlements as discussed above highlights the
importance and necessity of integrating migrant rights activism into broader women's rights
activism. Interesting in this regard is Elson and Gideon's (2006) study on women's labour
activism in Latin America and women's organisations employing notions of economic rights
in pointing to the gender injustices inherent to neoliberal capitalist development. By
emphasizing socio-economic rights these organisations challenge the liberal association of
human rights with civil and political liberties and primarily with the right to hold private
property. The question this raises for migration is whether the migrant rights movement
frames its advocacy in similar manners.
Overall, there is still a need for a systematic discussion and application of the issue of rights
and social justice for migrant workers from the perspective of gendered political economy.
Useful in this regard is the argument forwarded by Hoskyns and Rai (2007) which derives
from a feminist critique about IPE having so far mosdy prioritised the study of state and
market and the need to be expanded to include the social, the domestic and the household.
They suggest that this expanding agenda could lead to a new discipline that might be called
International Social and Political Economy (ISPE). Gendered political economy of migration
would have a firm place on this discipline's agenda, and with this a thorough exploration of
the international division of productive and reproductive labour that implicate the three
feminisations by establishing a link between resource rich and poorer countries across the
world. The feminisation of work is linked to the marketisation of social reproduction whereby
migrants play a prominent role as 'care' providers in a paid form, and the feminisation of
poverty in the context of migration is linked to the privatisation of responsibility to do with
the retreat of state's from providing public goods and services in both the origin and sending
countries. The potential implications of this for political organising and activism deserve
further attention, and the chain concept lends itself as a great analytical tool to bring these
different strands together