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Why Violence?

2
 Why Violence?
Leading Questions Regarding the
Conceptualization and Reality of
Violence in Society
SECOND EDITION

Lydia Voigt
William E. Thornton
Leo G. Barrile
Dee Wood Harper

3
 Copyright © 2017
Carolina Academic Press, LLC
All Rights Reserved

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Voigt, Lydia, author. | Thornton, William E., 1946- author. | Barrile,
Leo G., author. | Harper, Dee Wood, author.
Title: Why violence? : leading questions regarding the conceptualization and
reality of violence in society / Lydia Voigt, William E. Thornton, Leo G.
Barrile, and Dee Wood Harper.
Description: Second edition. | Durham, North Carolina : Carolina Academic
Press, [2017] | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016057531 | ISBN 9781611637793 (alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Violent crimes. | Victims of violent crimes. | Violence.
Classification: LCC HV6493 .T48 2017 | DDC 303.6--dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016057531

e-ISBN 978-1-53100-005-9

Carolina Academic Press, LLC

700 Kent Street
Durham, North Carolina 27701
Telephone (919) 489-7486
Fax (919) 493-5668
www.cap-press.com

Printed in the United States of America

4
Contents

List of Boxes, Images, Figures and Tables

Preface

Chapter 1 · What Is the Meaning of Violence?

Part 1 Common Definitions
Violence as Physical Force
Violence as Violation
The Scientific/Criminological Definition of Violence
Violence and the Law
The Measurement of Violence
Violence Victims
Violence Typologies
The Etiology of Violence
Criminology and the Study of the Criminal Justice System and the Political Order
Levels of Violence
Interpersonal Violence
Institutional Violence
Structural Violence
Violence and Democracy
The Antithetical Relationship between Violence and Democracy
Surplus Violence
Part 2 The Social Construction of Violence in Society
Informal Consensual Reality v. Formal Consensual Reality
Common Stock Knowledge
Violence as a Social Problem
Cultural and Symbolic Expressions of Violence: Language and Metaphors
Arguments and Debates Framed as War/Violence
Violence as a Summary Label
Media Images v. Reality of Violence
Media Construction of Violence
Old Legacy Media v. New Media
Part 3 Competing Perspectives on Violence
Criminal Justice Perspective

5
 Public Health Perspective
Human Rights Perspective
Corruption and Human Rights Violations
Commercial/Commodity Perspective
Debunking Violence Myths
Metaphorical Blindness
Conclusion
References

Chapter 2 · The Measurement of Violence

The Measurement of Violence in the United States
Uniform Crime Reports
National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS), Redesign and Changes in the UCR
Trends in Violent Crimes from the UCR
National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS)
Select Findings from NCVS
The NCVS and UCR: True Crime Stories?
Self-Report Inventories
Other Sources of Data on Violence
National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH)
The National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS)
Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS)
Cross Cultural Comparisons of Violence
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC)
United Nations Surveys of Crime Trends and Operations of Criminal Justice Systems
UNODC Global Study on Homicide
Global Crime Victimization Surveys
International Crime Victimization Survey (ICVS)
World Health Organization (WHO)
WHO Multi-Country Study on Women's Health and Domestic Violence against Women
Bureau of Justice International Statistics (BJS)
Conclusion
References

Chapter 3 · Who Are the Victims of Violence?

The Consequences of Violence Victimization
Social and Emotional Effects of Violent Crime
Crisis Intervention for Violent Crime Victims

6
 Legal Rights of Violent Crime Victims
Core Victim Rights
Victim Services
Theories of Violence Victimization
Sociocultural, Social Disorganization, and Social Ecological Theories
Victim-Criminal Interaction and Victim Precipitation Theories
Routine Activity and Lifestyles Theories
Social Strain and Interpersonal Conflict Theories
Symbolic Interaction and Learning Theories
Conflict/Critical Humanist and Radical Feminist Theories
Underserved Populations as Victims of Institutional and State Violence
Homeless Victimization
Sex Worker Victimization
Hate Crime Victimization
Bullying as Violent Victimization
Environmental Degradation as Violence
Human Rights Violations and Corruption as Violence
Financial Victimization as Violence
Conclusion
References

Chapter 4 · Interpersonal Violence

Criminal Violence
Homicide
The Law
Patterns and Trends
Characteristics of Offenders
Characteristics of Victims
Typologies
Rape
The Law
Patterns and Trends
Characteristics of Offenders
Characteristics of Victims
Typologies
Robbery
The Law
Patterns and Trends

7
 Characteristics of Offenders
Characteristics of Victims
Typologies
Assault
The Law
Patterns and Trends
Characteristics of Offenders
Characteristics of Victims
Typologies
Interpersonal Violence in Institutional Contexts
Family Violence
Intimate Partner Abuse
Child Abuse and Maltreatment
Child-Parental Abuse
School Violence
Violence in Primary and Secondary Schools
Violence on College and University Campuses
Workplace Violence
Community Violence/Hate Crimes
Conclusion
References

Chapter 5 · Institutional Violence

Church Child Abuse Scandal: A Shroud of Secrecy
Spotlight on the Archdiocese of Boston
Clericalism, Changing Social Mores and Public Shame
Schools and Sexual Abuse: Higher Learning Is Not Always Higher Morality
Staff Subculture and University Enabled Child Sexual Abuse
Student Subculture, University Inaction and Acquaintance Rapes
Corporal Punishment in Schools: Sanctioned and Unsanctioned
Police Violence: A Thin Blue Line between Two Societies
The Chicago Cover-Up of Laquan McDonald's Shooting
Broken Windows: A Broken Policy
Prison Violence: Controlling the Caged
Violent Officer Subcultures
Solitary Confinement for Juveniles
Women in Prison: No Better, On Either Side of the Cage
Corporate Violence

8
 Harm and Blame in Corporate Violence
Corporate Violence and Dangerous, Unhealthy Consumer Products
Ten Characteristics of Corporate Violence
The Definition and Social Construction of Corporate Violence by Social Scientists
Social Construction of Corporate Violence in Law
Social Construction of Corporate Violence in the Mass Media and the Public
Corporate Violence in the Workplace
Organizational Culture as a Cause of Corporate Violence
Is There a Subculture of Corporate Violence?
The “Dark Side” of Organizational Culture: The Challenger and Columbia Disasters
The BP Disaster: Employee Safety and Environmental Destruction
Harming the Environment — The Most Criminalized Corporate Violence
State Corporate Crime: Violations of Migrant Workers
Preventing Corporate Violence
Conclusion
References

Chapter 6 · Collective and Group Violence

Theories of Collective Violence
Types of Elementary Collective Violence
Crowds
Mobs
Riots
Panics
Social Movements
Reform Social Movements
Revolutionary Movements
Reactionary Social Movements
Gangs and Violence
Definition of Gangs
Demographic Characteristics of Gang Members
Types of Gangs
Street Gangs
Prison Gangs
Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs
Homicides and Gangs
Other Gang-Related Violence
The Future of Gangs

9
 Organized Crime and Violence
Definition and Nature of Organized Crime
History of Organized Crime in the United States
Contemporary Transnational Organized Crime Networks and Activities
Trafficking in Persons
Smuggling of Migrants
Cocaine and Heroin Trafficking
Counterfeit Products
Maritime Piracy
Environmental Resource Trafficking
Cybercrime — Child Pornography
Control of Transnational Organized Crime
Conclusion
References

Chapter 7 · Political/State Violence

Three Types of Political Violence
State Violence
State Power and the Just War
Types of State Violence: Exogenous and Endogenous
Genocide
Torture
Exogenous State Violence
War and International Conflict
Endogenous State Violence
The State's Attack against Indigenous Peoples
Slavery, Jim Crow, and an Unequal Society
State Executions
Better Dead than Red: State Violence against Communists and Political Opponents
Anti-Union Violence
State Violence against Political Threats
Domestic Spying and Disruption of Political Groups
The End Justifies the Means: State Violence against Its Citizens for the National Security
NSA's Mass Surveillance of Citizens
Insurgent Political Violence
Islamic Radicalism, International and Domestic
American Antigovernment Domestic Terrorism
Oklahoma City Bombing

10
 Sovereign Citizen Militias
Intergroup Political Violence
Anti-Black Hate Crime
Lynchings
Anti-Abortion Attacks
Sexual Orientation Hate Crime
Conclusion
References

Chapter 8 · Interpersonal Theories of Violence

Biological/Hereditary Theories of Crime
Historical Overview
Contemporary Perspectives
Genetics and Crime
Fear Conditioning and Crime
Brain Dysfunctions and Crime
Psychological and Psychiatric Perspectives on Criminality
Competence, Criminal Culpability, and the Insanity Defense
M'Naghten Rule
Irresistible Impulse
The Durham Rule
Diminished Capacity
Substantial Capacity Test
Assessing Dangerousness
Clinical Predictions
Actuarial Models
Mental Illness and Violent Crime
Personality Disorders and Crime
Integrated Developmental and Life-Course Theories of Violent Behavior
Conclusion
References

Chapter 9 · Institutional and Structural Theories of Violence

Historical Accounts of Varying Patterns and Rates of Violence
Mainstream Sociological Theories of Violence
Analysis of Demographic and Ecological Patterns
Routine Activities and Rational Choice Theories
Social Strain Theories and the American Dream

11
 Differential Association and Social Learning Theories
Social Control and Social Bond Theories and the General Theory of Crime
Humanistic/Critical Theories of Violence
Defining Legitimate and Illegitimate Violence
The Political Economy and Violence
Violence and the Reproduction of Power Control
The Social Geometry of Conflict and Intensity of Violence
Structural Production of Violence and the Cycle of Violence, Suppression of Freedom, and
Inequality
Conclusion
References

Chapter 10 · Is Peace Possible?

The Universal Quest for Peace
The Need for a Holistic Understanding of Violence
Violence as Sanctioned and Unsanctioned Harm
The Paradox of Peace and Violence
Promising Pathways to Peace
Restorative Justice
Comparison of Restorative Justice with Criminal Justice
Restorative Justice Approaches
Key Elements of Restorative Processes
Measures of Success
Conflict Resolution (CR)
The Ladder of Inference
Peacekeeping Criminology
Democracy, Human Rights, and Social Justice
Conclusion
References

Index

12
List of Boxes, Images,
Figures and Tables

Chapter 1 · What Is the Meaning of Violence?

Box 1.1 The Big Graph: Skyrocketing Incarceration Rate in U.S.
Box 1.2 The Rise of the Carceral State
Box 1.3 The Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994
Box 1.4 Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act of 2015
Box 1.5 Mass Incarceration in the U.S. — A Human Rights Violation
Figure 1.1 Cultural Rules and Their Violations
Figure 1.2 Gradual Declining Trend in U.S. Public Support of the Death Penalty
Figure 1.3 State-by-State Status of the Use of the Death Penalty in 2015

Figure 1.4 Global Death Penalty Trends

Figure 1.5 U.S. Violent Crime Rate and Public Perceptions of Crime Rate v. Year Ago
Figure 1.6 Perceived Seriousness of the U. S. Crime Problem
Figure 1.7 Perceived Seriousness of the Crime Problem in Americans' Local Areas
Figure 1.8 General Public Satisfaction with Current Conditions in the U.S.
Figure 1.9 Gun Ownership
Figure 1.10 Public Satisfaction with Gun Control Laws

Figure 1.11 Reasons Americans Own Guns

Image 1.1 President Obama tours the El Reno Federal Correction Institution in Oklahoma.

Image 1.2 Media shooter, Vester Lee Flanagan, using his phone camera to video his shooting of Alison
Parker.

Image 1.3 Gun display at annual local gun show.

Table 1.1 Sample Lists of More Common and Less Common Acts Associated with Violence

Table 1.2 Internationally Recognized Human Rights

Chapter 2 · The Measurement of Violence

Box 2.1 UCR Definition of Violent Crimes

Box 2.2 NIBRS Crimes against Persons, Property and Society: Group A Offenses
Box 2.3 NIBRS Crimes against Persons, Property and Society: Group Incident Report

Box 2.4 Types of Data and Potential Sources for Collecting Violence Information

Figure 2.1 Expanded Homicide Data Figure

13
Figure 2.2 Behavioral and Health Consequences of Violence
Table 2.1 Violent Crimes in the U. S. by Volume and Rate per 100,000 Inhabitants, 1990–2014

Table 2.2 Theories on the Crime Decline (Based on Brennan Center Analysis)
Table 2.3 Violent Victimization by Type of Violent Crime 2005, 2013, and 2014
Table 2.4 2012 Self-Report Survey of Violent Activity of 14,343 High School Seniors
Table 2.5 Homicide Cause of Death — ICD Codes: E960–E969
Table 2.6 Global Homicide Statistics: Rate and Total Volume by Region for 2012

Table 2.7 Key Topics for International Comparability

Chapter 3 · Who Are the Victims of Violence?

Box 3.1 Legislation Assisting Victims of Crime
Box 3.2 Brains Are Built over Time, from the Bottom Up
Box 3.3 Louisiana Applies Hate-Crime Laws to First Responders

Image 3.1 Protestors seek recognition for bias crimes against the homeless and better protection.
Image 3.2 Deepwater Horizon oil rig burning.

Chapter 4 · Interpersonal Violence

Box 4.1 Anders Behring Breivik: Norway Mass Murderer
Box 4.2 California Zodiac Killer
Box 4.3 Intimate Partner Violence: I Ran Into the Door
Box 4.4 Child Abuse and Neglect: I Fell Out of My Cradle
Image 4.1 Jerry Sandusky.
Table 4.1 Violent Criminal Offenses on College and University Campuses 2009–2013

Chapter 5 · Institutional Violence

Box 5.1 The Most Dangerous Serial Corporate Killers

Box 5.2 Organizational Causes of Corporate Violence: Another Look at the Imperial Fire

Chapter 6 · Collective and Group Violence

Box 6.1 Occupy Wall Street

Box 6.2 New York's Five Families

Box 6.3 El Narco — Inside Mexico's Criminal Insurgency

Table 6.1 National, Regional, and Local Street Gangs

Chapter 7 · Political/State Violence

Box 7.1 International Criminal Court (ICC)

Box 7.2 Prehistoric Evidence of Violence

14
Image 7.1 The machine gun effectively put an end to cavalry charges in World War I.
Image 7.2 Infamous entrance building to the Auschwitz II (Birkenau) death camp in Oswiecim.

Image 7.3 Jewish Neighborhood of Paris: Infants murdered by the Nazis with the complicity of the Vichy
government.
Image 7.4 Lethal Injection Gurney. The death chamber of the new lethal injection facility at San Quentin
State prison in San Quentin, California, September 21, 2010.

Chapter 8 · Interpersonal Theories of Violence

Box 8.1 Governor Apologizes for Forced Sterilization: Virginia Eugenics Law Was One of 30 in U.S.

Box 8.2 The Nature-Nurture Debate, Redux

Chapter 9 · Institutional and Structural Theories of Violence

Table 9.1 Robert Merton's Typology of Adaptation

Chapter 10 · Is Peace Possible?

Box 10.1 Mohandas Gandhi
Box 10.2 Martin Luther King, Jr.
Figure 10. 1 Competencies for Democratic Citizenship
Figure 10.2 Ladder of Inference
Table 10.1 Ancient and Current Patterns of Response to Harm and Violations of the Law
Table 10.2 Contrasting Characteristics of Criminal Justice and Restorative Justice

15
Preface

Why Violence? Leading Questions Regarding the Conceptualization and Reality of Violence in Society presents a
comprehensive discussion of violence that is organized around overarching questions that have perplexed
human beings since time immemorial. Using the lens of the social scientific perspective and analytical tools,
this book provides a broad, interdisciplinary understanding of the complexities and controversies/debates
surrounding the problem of violence, especially in democratic societies, with special emphasis on the
antithetical relationship between violence and democracy. This book not only examines the relationship
between violence and the violation of democratic principles, such as human rights violations, but it also
engenders the idea that a greater commitment to democratic values, including equality and freedom and the
preservation of human rights as well as a demonstrative preference for non-violence, is arguably the most
effective way to prevent and reduce violence. Drawing upon sociology, criminology, anthropology,
psychology, political science, economics, and history as well as professional specialty areas including criminal
justice, law, and public health, Why Violence? is designed to enhance appreciation for scientifically constructed
knowledge and the application of critical thinking and analytical techniques in assessing various databases,
theories of causation, social policies, and solutions related to violence. Special emphasis is given to social
policies that are intended to prevent and control violence in democratic societies, paying particular attention
to the underlying theoretical assumptions and their social justice and human rights implications. The
relationship between science and social policy, as well as questions associated with the ethics and politics of
scientific theory and research related to violence, are considered on state, national, and international levels,
with careful attention given to the patterns of violence in democratic societies with respect to differential life
chances, poverty, gender and racial inequality, and the consequences of changes taking place in the world.

The book begins with the question of what is the meaning of violence. The relative ubiquity and ambiguity
of the term has made it difficult to find a definition of violence that captures its complexity and often
contradictory forms of expression. Violence refers to various acts such as homicide, rape, robbery, and assault
as well as collective violence, war, and terrorism; it may be found in our homes, workplaces, schools, places of
worship, and communities, both locally and globally. In everyday life, the concept of violence seems to draw
its significance more from the ways it is used to categorize certain types of behavior and certain types of
people or countries than from the ways it is applied to describe concrete phenomena. As a consequence, the
concept is typically employed as a pejorative label or negative “summary symbol” serving mainly as an
intensifier of emotions or judgments which leads to mistrust or fear of others. Through its ubiquitous and
ambiguous application, violence has become the quintessential metaphor that we all live by; that is, it is
symbolically ingrained in our language, thinking, and behavior. Due to its lack of specificity and function as a
symbolic intensifier, it has lent itself to being politically exploited. As a result of the challenges associated
with violence, its study calls for a very cautious and critical approach.

Why Violence? explores the many manifest and latent expressions of violence and the numerous ways in

16
which violence is understood in contemporary society, ranging from common parlance, everyday perceptions
and myths to governmental proclamations and scientific claims. It covers age-long questions such as why
some human beings, under certain circumstances, react in violent or aggressive ways and others do not, and
why some social forces/institutions tend to encourage or exacerbate violence and others do not. The book also
treats questions that have not conventionally been associated with violence such as: why are acts of social
injustice, environmental degradation, and gross abuse of power not considered acts of violence per se? In this
sense, the book serves to fill a gap in the literature by raising not only the enduring questions of violence, but
also new questions about the conceptualization and reality of violence. For example, should the recent
financial crisis stemming from mass fraudulent acts that have adversely affected the lives of millions of people
be considered acts of violence? Should homeless populations be considered victims of violence? Should
unchecked and blatant air and water pollution be considered forms of violence? Unlike many books on
violence that focus on narrow depictions of certain types of perpetrators and victims, this book offers a
broader consideration of violence extending beyond criminal violence at the interpersonal level to include
discussions of violence at the institutional and structural levels.

The book begins with the question Why Violence? and ends with the question Why not peace? In addressing
the leading questions about violence and ultimately peace, the book introduces readers to the complexities
associated with violence and violence studies as well as with non-violence and peace studies and their
implications for the future of democracy. State-of-the-art thinking and associated research/knowledge-base
on violence and non-violence are discussed, providing a critical analysis of the interplay between popular
questions of why there is a “disconnect” between the public's understanding of violence and non-violence,
including official responses to violence and peace and related scientific evidence.

Special thanks must be expressed to Rae Taylor, who has contributed to the chapter in this book that deals
with victims of violence. We would also like to thank our many colleagues who have written on the topics of
violence and peace and human rights over the years and have inspired us in ways that would be difficult to
enumerate in a few words. Finally, we would like to extend our appreciation to all at Carolina Academic Press
for their support on this project.

17
Chapter 1

What Is the Meaning of Violence?

PART 1
Common Definitions
• Violence as Physical Force
• Violence as Violation
• Scientific/Criminological Definition of Violence
° Violence and the Law
° The Measurement of Violence
° Violence Victims
° Violence Typologies
° The Etiology of Violence
° Criminology and the Study of the Criminal Justice System and the Public Order
• Levels of Violence
° Interpersonal
° Institutional
° Structural

Violence and Democracy

• The Antithetical Relationship between Violence and Democracy
• Surplus Violence

PART 2
The Social Construction of Violence in Society
• Informal Consensual Reality v. Formal Consensual Reality
° Common Stock Knowledge
° Violence as a Social Problem
• Cultural and Symbolic Expressions of Violence: Language and Metaphors
° Arguments and Debates Framed as War/Violence
° Violence as a Summary Label
• Media Images v. Reality of Violence
° Media Construction of Violence
° Old Legacy Media v. New Media

18
PART 3
Competing Perspectives on Violence
• Criminal Justice Perspective
• Public Health Perspective
• Human Rights Perspective
° Corruption and Human Rights Violations
• Commercial/Commodity Perspective

Debunking Violence Myths

• Metaphorical Blindness

Conclusion

References
—————

Violence is the foremost social problem confronting human beings in democratic societies, particularly in
the United States. The problem of violence extends beyond its expression as a criminal justice or a public
health or a human rights issue and requires a holistic, integrated understanding of various perspectives as well
as a critical consideration of approaches and solutions. Why Violence? offers a broad, interdisciplinary
treatment of the complexities and controversies surrounding the problem of violence with special emphasis on
violence as a violation of democratic/constitutional values and principles threatening human beings living in
democratic societies today. The book advances the idea that in addition to rhetorical affirmation of democratic
ideals, a greater demonstrable commitment to and compliance with democratic and constitutional rights and
values (including a commitment to nonviolence and acknowledgement of the antithetical relationship
between violence and democracy) is arguably the most effective approach or remedy to the problem of
violence. Drawing upon criminology, sociology, anthropology, psychology, political science, economics,
history, philosophy, and law, Why Violence? has been designed to enhance an appreciation for scientifically
constructed knowledge and critical thinking and analytical techniques in assessing various databases, theories
of causation, social policies, and solutions.

We begin this book with a consideration of questions related to how violence is understood in democratic
societies, especially in the U.S. How is violence commonly defined? What are the distinguishing
characteristics of the scientific construction of violence? What are the different levels of violence and their
corresponding forms and patterns? What is the relationship between legitimacy of violence and power? What
is the relationship between violence and democracy? How is violence socially/culturally constructed? How
does the media construct violence? How do we explain various and often conflicting interpretations of the
meaning and uses of violence? How do we explain the disconnect between political or public perceptions of
violence and scientific evidence? What are the key perspectives on violence in society? What are the leading
myths related to violence?

19
20
 PART 1
Common Definitions
Violence is a conceptual enigma wrapped in a social paradox, making it particularly difficult to define. Few
concepts are so widely used, representing such a broad range of meanings and interpretations, and referring to
such a vast spectrum of phenomena. For instance, Table 1.1 (below) lists a small sample of acts/behaviors that
both commonly and less commonly come to mind when we hear the word violence, which together illustrate
the extensive variety of acts/behaviors that may be associated with the concept of violence and only represent
the tip of the iceberg.

Even though some incidents of violence may be dismissed or ignored because they are considered “normal”
(e.g., sibling fighting or criminal violence in urban areas with high crime rates) or because they are seemingly
invisible (e.g., psychological violence) or escape public attention (e.g., injury resulting from corporate
violation of safety regulations), yet our society appears to be preoccupied with violence and oversaturated with
violent images. Violence has countless forms of expression and may be found in all social settings—in our
homes, workplaces, schools, places of worship, and in communities as well as in recreational sports,
entertainment media, and across all levels of public and private institutions. Violence signifies many different
things to people in different historical periods and in different cultural contexts. Indeed, violence conjures up
many images of reality and is frequently associated with other actions, behaviors, events, or concepts such as
crime, terrorism, and war. It has also been argued that violence is explicitly or implicitly a form of justice—
expressed as punishment, retaliation, resistance, or revenge (Black, 1983). Other scholars have linked it with
injustice and exploitation (Bufacchi, 2009).

Violence has been noted not only for its ubiquity (pervasiveness) and ambiguity (lack of clarity and
uncertainty), but also its political exploitation (Imbusch, 2003; Keane, 2004). In fact, particular acts of
violence may be considered legitimate and illegitimate at the same time, usually depending on who is
applying the label and who is being labeled (Apter, 1997; Barak, 2003; 2007). For instance, during the war
with Iraq, people in the U.S. referred to Iraq's military defense arsenal as weapons of “mass destruction” while
referring to their own weapons as “peacekeepers.” Tony Platt (1992) writes that “the happy combination of
relatively vague descriptive content, coupled with a negative moral and emotional connotation, makes the
word violence ideal for use in polemic discourse” (pp. 187–188).

Table 1.1 Sample Lists of More Common and Less

Common Acts Associated with Violence

21
 While violence is mainly known for its pejorative connotation and association with destructive and lethal
consequences, the creation of fear, and as a cause of social disorganization and anomie, it is also used to
respond to or rectify a problem, to justify action, and to mobilize publics or bring communities together. For
instance, politicians are always fighting violence with violence (e.g., “war on crime” or “war on drugs” or “war
on terrorism”). In fact, the distinction between the legitimate and illegitimate use of violence is often blurry.
For example, Ray Surette (2007, p. 113; 2015) observes: “In today's media the distinction between the crime
fighter and the criminal has all but disappeared in regard to who initiates violence and how much force is
used.”

Since the concept of violence lacks concrete specificity and often functions to emotionally charge and
politically define debates or the legitimacy of actions, it is important to approach any discussion of violence
cautiously. This chapter, which serves to introduce the book, considers some of the most enduring questions
related to the phenomenon of violence and explores multiple socially manifest and latent expressions of
violence, including the symbolic ways in which violence is understood in contemporary society. So, let's start
with a review of the definition of the term/concept of violence and how it is expressed in common parlance,
everyday perceptions, and common myths as well as governmental proclamations and scientific claims.

Violence is one of those “elephant” concepts that everyone recognizes when one sees it, but is hard-pressed
to define it. Indeed, no single definition of violence has been proffered that meets with broad agreement. No
definition successfully captures the complexities of its many forms and contexts. In everyday speech the term
is used very generally and is often interchanged with other words such as aggression, anger, hate, physical
injury, and killing. Most English dictionaries draw the origins of violence from the Latin root words violentus
or violentia (meaning physical force) and violare (meaning violation of the law). The definition of violence as
physical force is one that is most commonly used. For example, the initial entry for the word violence/violent
in the Merriam-Webster Dictionary (www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/violent) is: “using or involving the
use of physical force to cause harm or damage to someone or something: showing violence.” The Oxford
Dictionaries (www.oxforddictionaries.con/us/definition/english-thesaurus/violence) definition is: “Behavior
involving physical force intended to hurt, damage or kill someone or something: showing violence ...”
including “the unlawful exercise of physical force or intimidation by the exhibition of such force.”

Violence as Physical Force

22
 At first glance, the definition of violence as physical force may appear to be adequate, but on careful
scrutiny it turns out to be too narrow. The definition implies the direct application of force as well as physical
contact between the aggressor and victim or object. As a result, it leaves out many acts of violence. For
instance, this definition of violence would exclude acts such as robbery. Under this definition the mere
“pointing” of a gun when committing the crime of taking or attempting to take anything of value from
another person or even “pulling” of the trigger of a gun in a homicide may not itself represent “physical force,”
yet given the consequences of such an act, it would not make sense to exclude the use of a gun (whether in a
robbery or homicide) from a definition of violence. It is important to note that it does not take “physical
force” per se to initiate a computer command to expel a guided missile (Alvarez and Bachman, 2008) or guide
a drone and launch an attack, yet this, too, is considered a violent act in terms of its consequences. The typical
dictionary definition, as it stands, also omits the act of suicide since the aggressor and the victim are one and
the same.

An important question, which is raised in connection with the definition of violence in the context of
physical force, is whether the definitions include both physical and nonphysical injury/harm. Some scholars
make a strong argument that both physical and nonphysical injury, such as psychological damage, should be
included in definitions of violence. General bias against recognizing nonphysical forms of injury (thus
denying victimization and ultimately justice) has been associated with cases of abuse such as intimate partner
abuse (Bartol and Bartol, 2005). The United States military has only recently recognized brain injuries as
“real” injuries in its award of the Purple Heart Medal for valor (Garamone, 2011).

Broader definitions of violence, such as “all types of behavior either threatened or actual that result in or are
intended to result in the damage or destruction of property or the injury or death of an individual,” are also
problematic (Moyer, 1983, p. 1618). They encompass not only the different classes of homicide
(premeditated, negligent, accidental, and justifiable), but also psychological or nonphysical harm and
aggressive behaviors found in sports such as football or hockey. These broad definitions may actually be too
inclusive, subsuming behaviors that may not be considered violent, per se.

Violence as Violation
Defining violence as violation, i.e., “to fail to keep or observe the law or to violate the law,” however, is also
not without complications (see Waldenfels, 2006). First, most legal violations are not violent; this is also true
of violations of the criminal code—most criminal offenses are not violent. Second, there are many forms of
violence that remain outside the law and are unsanctioned. Even by invoking legality in the definition of
violence as physical force, e.g., by adjusting the definition above to read: “all types of [illegal] behavior either
threatened or actual, that result in the damage or destruction of property or in the injury or death of an
individual” (Moyer, 1983, p. 1619), many forms of violence would still escape this legal definition (see Figure
1.1, below).

Employing a strictly legal definition of violence, the Nazi Holocaust, which resulted in the deaths of over
six million people, would be considered “nonviolent” on the grounds that the acts constituted legal policies of
the time. Currently, there are many forms of violence that are not part of any legal or criminal code, for
instance, a wide range of regulatory violations committed by corporations, businesses, and public officials

23
resulting in serious public injury and even deaths (e.g., safety violations, toxic waste dumping, and political
corruption and human rights violations), which many argue should be considered forms of violence (e.g.,
Barak, 2003, 2007; Geis, 2007; Barrile and Slone, 2012; and Iadicola and Shupe, 2003, 2013).

In addition to the issue of legality, debates over what is necessary to include or exclude in various
definitions have involved other considerations including whether such definitions should take into account
intentionality and considerations of subjective or emotional context, i.e., whether such acts are instrumental
(means to an end) or expressive (emotionally motivated actions). Some definitions incorporate emotional
qualities such as anger, hate, rage, or vehemence along with physical force. However, this does not solve the
problem of eliminating acts that should be considered violent by definition (e.g., the physical injury/killing
perpetrated by a gunman or killer-for-hire, whose action may be instrumental, i.e., for monetary gain), which
would still be excluded from such definitions, particularly if intentionality is not factored in. According to
most codes of law, intentionality plays an important role in determining degree of responsibility or liability.
Unintentional violent acts generally carry lesser penalties or may be excused from criminal liability.

The Scientific/Criminological Definition of Violence

The study of violence entails a systematic process of inductive or deductive reasoning based on observation
and measurement, which begins with an empirically precise definition of violence (i.e., operationalization).
Scientific definitions of violence must be clearly amenable to observations and empirical measurements, which
are replicable and subject to questions of reliability (referring to issues of consistency from knower to knower
and from time to time) and validity (referring to questions of accuracy in measuring what we think we are
measuring).

Figure 1.1 Cultural Rules and Their Violations

Criminology may be defined as an interdisciplinary field of study related to crime/violence phenomena.

While there are many perspectives within the field of criminology, the dominant emphasis is on bringing
“scientific” understanding to the nature and extent of the problem of crime and violence as well as the social

24
political response separating myths from facts and perceptions from reality. Criminology includes a wide
range of studies related to violence in many contexts including the following subareas: law, measurement,
victimology, typologies, and etiology, as well as the study of the criminal justice system and the public order
(Gibbons, 1979; Voigt, et al., 1994). Criminologists produce the largest number as well as the greatest variety
of theories and research that pertains to violence in the U.S. and in the world. Presumably criminological
knowledge is developed by experts and professionals associated with nonprofit academic institutions (e.g.,
universities) and other research organizations (public or private establishments) whose main goal is to further
knowledge. The research/information infrastructure and institutional network is enormous and unlike any
other in the world. Moreover, it is also assumed that the development of knowledge on this level is subject to
the scrutiny of professional peers and scientific communities whose role it is to check the process and results
as well as critically review any conclusion or theories. Consequently, the dissemination/distribution
mechanisms of scientific knowledge follow a unique course, one that involves a process of careful evaluation.
The fact that scientific or criminological studies include a reviewing/critiquing process conducted by
professional peers and scientific/criminological communities represents an important ingredient or element
often missing in other types of knowledge, especially violence information created for commercial purposes.

Since, the criminological or scientific study of violence necessitates conceptual clarity and precise
measurement, rarely is the general concept of violence (referring to a wide range of phenomena) the subject of
attention in scientific investigations. Some scholars argue that “in the United States in the late twentieth
century, violent crime has become the proxy for all violence” (Brownstein, 2000, p. 10). The FBI Uniform
Crime Reports (UCR) definition of criminal violence (i.e., homicide, rape, robbery, and assault) is a commonly
used operationalization (empirical definition/measurement) of criminal violence in many studies. However, it
is important to keep in mind that the distinct forms of criminal violence such as homicide, rape, or robbery
have unique legal definitions and suggest very different profiles of perpetrators and victim as well as different
types of perpetrator/victim relationships, fact patterns, motivations or causes, and solutions or responses. As a
result, some criminologists, who have studied the history of criminal violence or international trends of
criminal violence, usually empirically define/measure or operationalize the concept using homicide as a proxy
(e.g., for historical studies see: Cartwright, 1996; Lane, 1997; Roth, 2009; Pinker, 2011; and, for
international studies see: Terrill, 2007; Van Dijk & Kangaspunta, 2000). Even though legal definitions of
homicide vary historically and culturally, homicide is used as the proxy for violence because homicide records
are among the oldest and most comparable over time and across cultures.

Violence and the Law

Criminologists have disagreed over the question of whether to limit the study of violence to legal violations
(e.g., focusing studies of violence exclusively on criminal homicide, rape, robbery, and assault) or to extend
the scope of study to include other forms of violence, including forms that may not be illegal at the time of
occurrence. There are forms of violence that result in individual injury or destruction of property (e.g.,
corporate violence such as toxic waste dumping or selling harmful products to third world nations) that are
typically not treated as criminal offenses and do not fall under the criminal code, but rather may be treated
under the civil code. Today, most criminologists support a broad approach to the study of criminology and
topics such as violence that extends well beyond the laws of any one nation or transnational codes to include

25
patterns of behavior/actions/events that may not be obvious to most people or well understood. For example,
cyber violence (referring to mediated violence in electronic space) for which laws have not yet been fully drafted
and for which the severity and deadly consequences are still largely unforeseen, will require greater awareness
and understanding on the part of law makers and law enforcement agents in order to adequately prevent its
real consequences (e.g., electronically manipulating computerized railway clearances that can potentially cause
horrific, massive train collisions across state and national borders) or to identify and respond to the originators
or perpetrators of violence that may be unknown and unlikely to be tracked down (Wall, 2007; Wittes and
Blum, 2015).

The Measurement of Violence

Among the greatest challenges in the study of violence is determining the actual amount of violence in
society. We simply do not know how much violence occurs. Most acts of violence go either undiscovered or
unreported. In addition to the fact that many acts of violence are not reported or are selectively reported,
statistics are subject to the organizational definitions and politics of the various agencies that collect the data.
For instance, the statistics/indicators reported in Uniform Crime Reports (UCR), the National Crime
Victimization Survey (NCVS), or the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) are all subject to their
respective organizational definitions and policies. Each has its own set of strengths and weaknesses. For
example, one of the drawbacks to the data provided by the UCR regarding the amount of violence in society
is that it mainly focuses on criminal homicide, rape, robbery, and assault; certain types of violence such as
political corruption that results in injury and loss of lives are less likely to come to the attention of local law
enforcement authorities. When it comes to statistics related to specific subsets of criminal violence, such as
serial murder or other forms of violence such as terrorism or war or workplace violence, there are other
agencies that collect and disseminate relevant information (e.g., data related to war is reported by the U. S.
Department of Defense and data related to workplace violence is reported by the Bureau of Labor Statistics).

One of the great challenges associated with the study of violence is that there is no general repository of
information regarding violence in society. As a result, different forms of violence present varying degrees of
difficulty in obtaining data. For this reason, criminologists often must conduct studies using their own
derived datasets.

Violence Victims
Until relatively recently, most of the emphasis in the field of criminology has been on the offender. It was
not until the 1970s that the field of victimology (i.e., the study of victim-offender relationships) became an
area of concentration for criminologists. It was during this time that the National Crime Victimization
Survey (NCVS) was introduced as an alternative data set to the UCR. However, even with this alternative
data set, which employs different strategies of gathering information and includes much more information
regarding victims, the emphasis has still remained largely focused on criminal violence (excluding homicide)
as defined by the UCR. The benefits of the NCVS is that it includes additional information on victims and
public perceptions of criminal justice as well as studies focusing on various subtopics of violence such as
intimate partner violence and sexual assaults. The main problem that victimization researchers face is the lack
of information related to many forms of victimizations stemming from different levels of violence, on the

26
interpersonal, institutional, or structural levels (which will be discussed further in the chapter).

Violence Typologies
Criminologists have long sought to find a violence typology, i.e., an organizing device for categorizing large
amounts of information into mutually exclusive categories (as in the biological system of taxonomy or the
chemical periodic table). A number of typologies have been suggested. However, to date, there has not been a
universally accepted typology of violence or criminal violence or violent offenses offered. Most typologies are
based on legal (e.g., UCR typology of criminal violence) or semi-legal definitions of criminal violence
typology. There are also numerous violent offender typologies that have been developed based on information
related to such factors as the seriousness of the offense, the psychological characteristics of the offender, the
motivations of the offender, the victim-offender relationship, and the career patterns of the offender. For
example, rapists may be classified as sadistic, power control, or opportunistic (Groth and Birnbaum, 1979);
rampage school shooters have been categorized into three types: traumatized, psychotic, and psychopathic
(Langman, 2009); and workplace violence has been categorized into intrusive violence, consumer-related
violence, relationship violence, and organizational violence (Vaughan, 2002, p. 6).

An example of a more general typology of violence has been offered by existential psychologist, Rollo May,
in his well-regarded book, Power and Innocence: A Search for the Sources of Violence (1972/1998):

Simple—actions stemming from immediate response to feelings of frustration, dominance or impotence

Calculated—actions that are planned
Formented—actions that evolve from mass outbreaks
Absentee or instrumental—actions committed by minions of authority at the behest of their superiors
Repressive—actions unleashed by governments against lower social orders in maintenance of the status
quo.

May's five varieties go beyond actions by individuals and groups to include acts/behaviors related to the
institutional and structural foundations of society that result in harm.

To this day, however, no definition or typology of violence has been offered either conceptually or
empirically that has been widely accepted. John Keane (2004) writes: “The search for definitions may be
fraught, but at very least it shows that the ambiguous term ‘violence’, like all concepts within human sciences,
is idealtypisch [ideal type], which is to say that it selectively highlights certain aspects of reality, which
nowhere exist in the pure form suggested by the concept” (p. 39).

The Etiology of Violence

Criminologists have been seeking the causes of crime, especially violent crime, for over 200 years. During
this time many competing theories and paradigms have been offered. Theories basically represent speculative
guesses about some aspect of the phenomenon under study. More advanced theories are usually stated in
some logical framework, about why and how certain behaviors or events occur. Moreover, theories are
statements of relationships among facts that have some basis in empirical and experimental testing. Based on
their logical framework and supporting empirical base, theories of violence address questions of why and how

27
violent behaviors or events occur.

“What causes violence?” is a very difficult question to answer. It is important to keep in mind that each
form of violence refers to actions that differ significantly in a number of ways. As noted earlier, each form of
violence (e.g., rape, mass murder, child abuse, or terrorism) suggests unique sets of aggressors and victims
with varying motives and emotional states, different social contexts or situations, varying social definitions or
response patterns, as well as different strategies of research or sources of data.

The relative strengths and weaknesses of different explanations are mainly determined by scientific merit,
with propositions and theories supported or dismissed on the basis of the reliability (i.e., referring to the
degree of consistency of findings) and validity (i.e., the degree of certainty in accuracy of measurements) of
evidence. Since no perspective has the market on truth, all the perspectives taken together enhance our
understanding of the problem of violence. Theories of violence are extremely important and must not be
taken for granted because they underlie the fundamental ways in which violence is understood in society and
how we respond to it and, ultimately, what we think of one another.

Causal models of criminal violence, derived from the field of criminology, are among the most numerous.
This may be due to the great cultural popularity of crime topics, the relative ease of obtaining crime data
(police reports and statistics), and the specificity of legal definitions (i.e., criminal codes). However, critical
attention must be given to the underpinning assumptions of the nature of human beings and society, the
operationalization or empirical definition of key variables, the relationship between the theory and supporting
research, and the appropriateness of generalizations and ethical application of results. For instance, some
researchers vaguely make violence equivalent with all crime (including public order and property offenses). By
today's standards, such vague references are considered scientifically useless. Nonetheless, when reviewing
criminological theories and research, one must be mindful of the limiting effects of certain definitions of
violence upon generalizations and policy applications.

The history of criminology suggests that no one theory has been able to explain violence. As a result, many
rival etiological theories of violence, or one of its more specific forms, have been developed from a wide
variety of disciplines and perspectives, including biological, psychological, sociological, and humanistic or
conflict approaches. Since no one vantage point or theoretical perspective can claim superiority, the
development of a more holistic, critical analysis of the complexity of the subject matter of violence is essential
in fostering understanding that can lead to effectively addressing human needs and ultimately improving the
quality of life on earth.

Criminology and the Study of the Criminal Justice System and the
Political Order
Another integral part of criminology is the scientific investigation of the criminal justice system (CJS)
including the study of its major components: (1) law enforcement, (2) courts, and (3) corrections. Since it is
the criminal justice system (including practitioners such as police, prosecutors, judges, attorney generals,
probation officers, and correction personnel) that actually responds to most acts of interpersonal violence and
deals with violent offenders, criminologists' vigilance over its functions and operations is vital. Every aspect of
the criminal justice system has been widely studied and analyzed by criminologists.

28
 Criminologists working from the humanistic and conflict perspective have been particularly vigilant over
criminal justice system practices and the law and order orientation of the field. They have been especially
critical of mainstream criminology for its selective attention to interpersonal violence with relatively minor
consideration of institutional and structural patterns and causes of violence. For example, their work has been
successful in exposing some of the dangers of this biased understanding of violence, which has resulted in the
public's relative lack of awareness of significant acts of violence such as the violation of human rights,
environmental degradation, and endangerment of all living creatures on earth (Pepinsky, 1991; Friedrichs and
Friedrichs, 2002; Platt and O'Leary, 2003; Agozino, 2004; Wollford, 2006; Roth, 2010; Pawlett, 2013).

For example, it has been observed that public opinion is often formulated without full understanding of the
many complexities related to empirical evidence and scientific research surrounding various national debates
of key issues related to the administration of justice, such as capital punishment. In is interesting to note the
historical pattern of fluctuation of public opinion related to capital punishment. The Gallup Poll's
measurement of public perceptions (i.e., opinions for and against the death penalty) go back to 1937 (which
registered 59% in favor and 38% against) and extend to the present. Over this particular poll's 75-year history
the lowest point of 42 percent in favor and the highest point of 47 percent against were registered in 1966;
the highest point of 80 percent in favor was registered in 1994 and the lowest point of 16 percent against was
registered in 1995 (Gallup Poll, 2016a, www.gallup.com). (See Figure 1.2, below.)

Figure 1.2 Gradual Declining Trend in U.S. Public

Support of the Death Penalty1

According to the most recent Gallup polls, conducted in October 2015, the level of support for capital
punishment (61%) represents the lowest point of those in favor and the highest point of those against (37%)
over the past 15 years (2001–2015). These trends have remained stable despite vigorous debate and scientific
evidence on different aspects of the arguments, such as evidence suggesting that the death penalty is applied
unfairly. For example, there is evidence suggesting that arbitrary differences in trial procedures may be related
to trial outcomes (Bohm, 2012a; 2012b; Innocence Project, n.d.; Culbert, 2008); there is also evidence of
racism and wrongful conviction (Hawkins, 2006; Bedau, 2009). It is interesting to note that while public
opinion polls suggest majority support for the death penalty, in reality capital punishment is rarely used.
Moreover, according to 2015 data (see Figure 1.3 below), 19 states (and the District of Columbia) have

29
Other documents randomly have
different content
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accurate

THE LANGUAGE OF FLOWERS. 37 uous ornament of every

festival and every solemn sacrifice, Syria, Arabia, and Persia vie in
tiieir admiration of it. In the East, indeed, this fairest of flowers
attains its greatest perfection. There is distilled the precious Attar,
which makes it live forever. "Its breath Is rich beyond the rest; and
when it dies It doth bequeath a charm, to sweeten death." Barry
ComwaU. The love of the nightingale for the rose is continually
mentioned by the Eastern bards, and we find many allusions to it in
our English rhymes. Moore says, — " Though rich the spot With
every flower this earth has got, "What IS it to the nighting-ale, If
there his darling rose is not -•' " And Byron sings, — " How welcome
is each gentle air That wakes and wafts the odors there! For there
the rose, o'er crag and vale, Sultana of the nightingale, The maid for
wliom his melody, His thousand songs, is heard on high. Blooms
blushing to her lover's tale: His queen, the garden's queen, his rose,
Unbent by winds, unchilled by snows. Far from the winters of the
west, By every breeze and neason blest, Ketums the sweets by
nature given In softest incense back to heaven. And grateful yields
that smiling sky. Her fairest hue and fragrant sigh," In France there
takes place annually a beautiful ceremony, which, originated as
follows ; Saint 3Iedard, 4
 38 THE LANGUAGE OF FLO^rEBS. bi.sliop of Noyon, born
at Salency, of an illustrious family, instituted in his birthplace, in 532,
a prize for virtue. This prize is a simple crown of roses ; but all the
young people of the village must acknowledge her who obtains it as
the most worthy, modest, and virtuous. The sister of St. Medard was
unanimously named the first rosilre. She received her crown from
the hands of its founder, and bequeathed it, with the example of her
virtues, to posterity. Time, which has overturned so many empires,
and broken the sceptre of so many kings and queens, has respected
the rose crown of Salency. It has continued to pass from the hand of
one protector and another to the brow of innocence. Chaucer loved
the rose, and crowned Venus with a garland "rosy white and redde."
Spenser tells us that, in the contest of beauty, " a rosy girlond was
the victor's meed." And after his description of fair Alma, in her rich
array, he says, — ** Her yellow golden heare Was trimly woven, and
in tresses wrought; Ne other tire she on her head did weare, But
crowned with a garland of sweet rosi&re." In many a festive scene,
we find, as Sir Philip Sidney beautifully said, — " A rosy garland and
a weary head." Thus the rose has often been used to "point a moral
or adorn a tale." One of the most pleasing of Waller's poems is the
well-known song, " Go, Lovely Eose." Middleton says, —
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THE LAXGUAGE OF FLOWEIiS. 39 " I never heard Of any

true affection, but 'twas nipt With care, that like the caterpillar eats
The leaves of the spring-'s sweetest book — the rose." Herrick sings,
— "Gather the rosebuds while ye may; Old Time is still a flying; And
this same flower, that smiles to-day, To-morrow will be dying." And
holy G-eorge Herbert, — "Sweet rose, whose hue, angry and brave,
Bids the rash gazer wipe his eye. Thy root is ever in its grave. And
thou must die." The celebrated Roman de la Hose, the delight of the
court of Philip the Fair, seems to have been written only to teach us
how dangerous it is to listen to a seducing voice ; and that modesty
ought to defend beauty, as thorns the rose. The order of the Golden
Rose was instituted by the Pope of Rome in the twelfth century. It
was formerly sent to new sovereigns at their accession, but is now
presented annually to some crowned head. A fine little . poem on
the rose is attributed to Sappho : — " Did Jove a queen of flowers
decree, The rose the queen of flowers should be; Of flowers the eye
; of plants the gem ; The meadows' blush; earth's diadem; Glory of
colors, on the gaze Lightening in its beauty's blaze. It breathes of
love : it blooms the guest Of Venus' ever-fragrant breast : In gaudy
pomp its petals spread; Light foliage trembles round its head; With
vermeil blossoms fresh and fair, It laughs to the voluptuous air."
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40 THE LANGUAGE OF FLOWEBS. Anacreon has sung the

praises of the rose in two • exquisite odes. In one he says, — " O,
lovely rose ! to thee I sing, Thou sweetest, fairest child of spring;! O,
thou art dear to all the gods, The darling of their blest abodes ; Thy
breathing buds and blossoms fair Entwine young Cupid's golden hair,
When gayly dancing hand in hand, He joins the Graces' lovely band."
The other one we give entire, sure that our readers will forgive its
length for its beauty and appropriateness. The translation is by T.
Bourne. " Thou, my friend, shalt sweep the strings I In loftiest
strains will sing, Wliile its fragrance round us flows. The queen of
flowers, the lovely rose. Its perfumed breath ascends the skies On
every gentle gale that sighs; Its sweets descend to earth again, Alike
beloved by gods and men. When spring awakes the slumbering
flowers, And music breathes amid the bowers. Thee, darling gem,
the Graces wear Entwined amid their flowing hair; And rosy wreaths
alone may dress The queen of love and loveliness. In every song
and fable known The Muses claim thee as their own; Thou bidd'st
thy blooming sweetness glow In thorny paths of pain and woe. But
O, what joy, when blest we rove Through rosy bowers and dream of
love. While bliss on every breeze is borne, To pluok the rose without
the thorn; With gentlest touch its leaves to press. And raise it to our
soft caress!' O, thou art still the poot*s theme, And thee a welcome
guest we deem, To grace our feasts and deck our hair. When
Bacchus bids us banish care. E'en Nature does thy beauties prize —
She steals thy tint to paint the skies;
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THE LANGUAGE OF FLOWERS. 41 For rosy-fing-ered is the

morn With which the crimBon veil is drawn. The lovely nymphs we
always deck "With rosy arms and rosy neck ; And roseate tints are
ever seen To bloom the cheeks of beauty's queen. Its power to
soothe the pang^s of pain Physicians try, nor try in vain; And e*en
when life and hope are fled, Its deathless scent embalms the dead;
For though its withering- charms decay, And one by one all fade
away, Its grateful smell the rose retains, And redolent of youth
remains. But, lyrist, let it next be sung From whence this precious
treasure sprung, "When first from ocean's dewy spray Fair Venus
rose to upper day, — "When, fearful to the powers above, The
armed Pallas sprimg from Jove, — 'Twas then, they say, the jealous
earth llrst gave the lovely stranger birth. A drop of pure nectareous
dew From heaven the blest immortals threw; A while it trembled on
the thorn, And then the lovely rose was bom. To Bacchus they the
flower assign. And roses still his brows entwine." Tasso gives us an
exquisite description of the rose. " Deh mira, egli cant5, spuntar la
rosa Dal verde suo modesta e verginella, Che mezzo aperta ancora e
mezzo ascosa, Quanto si mostra men, tanto h piu bella, Ecco poi
nudo il sen gla baldanzosa Dispiega, ecco poi langiie, e non par
quella, Quella non par, che desiata avanti Fu da mille donzelle e mille
amanti. " CoBi trapassa al trapassar d'un giomo Delia vita mortale il
fiore e'l verde." Ger, Lib., Canto XVI. And Ariosto tells us, — " La
verginella fe simile alia rosa Ch* in bel giardin su la nativa spina
Mentre sola e sicura si riposa, Nfe grcgge nfe pastor se le awicina : 4
*
The text on this page is estimated to be only 22.83%
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42 THE LANGUAGE OF FLOWERS. L' aura soave e i' alba

rugiadosa, L'acqua, la terra al suo favor s'lncliina ; Giovoni vaghi e
donne inamorate Amano averne e seni e tempie ornate." Orl. Fur.f
Canto I. The origin of the thorns on the rose is thus fancifully told :
— *' Young Love, rambling through, the wood, Found me in my
solitude, Bright with dew, and freshly blown, And trembling to the
zephyr's sighs. But as he stooped to gaze upon The living gem with
raptured eyes. It chanced a bee was busy there Searching for its
fragrant fare ; And Cupid, stooping, too, to sip, The angry insect
stung his lip, — And, gushing from the ambrosial c«ll, One bright
drop on my bosom fell. Weeping, to his mother he Told the tale of
treachery ; And flhe, her vengeful boy to please, Strung his bow with
captive bees; But placed upon my slender stem The poisoned sting
she plucked from them ; And none, since that eventful morn, Have
found the flower without a thorn." ROSEBUD. Confession of love. "
Who can view the ripened rose, nor seek To^'^"''"-" Byron. Yet to
many the rose is lovelier before she " expands her paradise of
leaves." "The rose is fairest wlien 'tis budding new," Scott. " Ah I see
the virgin rose, liow sweetly shee Doth first peepe forth with bashfull
modestee, That fairer seemes the less ye see her may." Spenser,
Thomson praises " A red rosebud, moist with morning dew,
Breathing delight."
 THE LAXaUAGE OF FLOWEBS. 43 WHITE ROSE (Bosa
cUba). Silence. It was fabled that all roses were originally white ; but
the authorities differ widely as to how it became red. The legend
most generally received is, that it was colored by the blood of
Adonis. The ancients represented the god of Silence under the form
of a young man, putting one finger on his lips, and holding in the
other hand a white rose. A rose was carved on the door of
banqueting halls, to signify to the guests that nothing said there
should be repeated. Sometimes the rose was painted on, or
suspended from, the ceiling. Hence the expression " sub rosa, " for
secrecy. Happy age, when a rose was enough to seal the lips of the
tale-bearer I The white rose is connected with more melancholy
scenes and thoughts than the brilliant red rose. In the " Lay of the
Last Minstrel," when the sad, anxious Margaret came on her palfrey,
— " White was her wimple and her veil. And her loose locks a.
chaplet pale Of wlutest roses bound." And at the tomb of Byron's
Zuleika, — " A single rose is shedding Its lonely Instre, meek and
pale; It looks as planted by despair, — So white, so faint, — the
slightest gale Might whirl the leaves on high." *' Bring flowers, pale
flowers, o'er the bier to shed, A crown for the brow of the early dead
'. For this through its leaves hath the white rose burst." " By the
garland on the bier. Weep I a maiden claims thy tear — Broken is
the rose," Mrs, Hemans,
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44 THE LANGUAGE OF FLOWERS, MOSS ROSE {Rosa

musoosa). Superior merit. Voluptuousness. PHETTY translation from
the G-erman gives us the origin of this superb rose. The Angel of the
Flowers fell asleep one day under a rose tree, which gave him
refreshing shade, and on waking, thus in rapture he 'spoke : — '* '
Thou queen of my bowers, Thou fairest of flowers, What gift shall be
mine. And what guerdon be thine ? * ' In guerdon of dutyBestow
some new beauty,' She said; and then smiled Like a mischievous
child. In ang-er he started. But ere he departed, To rebuke the vain
flower In the pride of her power, He flung some rude moss Her fair
bosom across; — But her new robes of green So became the fair
queen. That the Angel of Flowers Mistrusted his powers. And was
heard to declare He had granted her prayer."
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THE LANGUAGE OF FLOWESS. 45 WILD BRIER, SWEET

BRIER ROSE, or EGLANTINE. Poetry. This is, par excellence, the
flower of the poets. Hear them. " A Bweeter spot of earth was never
found, 1 looked and looked, and Rtill with new deligfht, Such joy my
soul, such pleasures filled my sight. And the fresh eglantine exhaled
a breath Whose odors were of power to raise from death.'' Dryden,
from Chaucer. Spenser teUa us of an arbor ** Through which the
fragrant eglantine did spred His prickling arms, entrayld with roses
red. Which daintie odours round about them threw." " Its sides T'U
plant with dew-sweet eglantine." Keats. " Grateful eglantine regales
the smell." Cowper " Here eglantine embalms the air." Scott. ** A
brier rose, whose buds Yield iragrant harvest for the honey bee." **
The chestnut flowers are past, The crowning glories of the hawthorn
fail. But arches of sweet eglantine are cast From every hedge." Mrs.
Semans. " The wild-brier rose, a fragrant cup To hold the morning's
tear." Atiss Landon. In Cymbeline we find Arviragug saying that the
grave of Fidele, while he lives there, shall not lack " The leaf of
eglantine, whom not to slander, Outsweetened not thy breath,"
 46 THE LANGUAGE OF FLOWERS. " Eglantine est la fleur
que j'aime." Clemence Isaure is made to say, in the pretty old
romance that bears her name ; and a golden eglantine was one of
the prizes at the celebrated Floral Games of Toulouse, instituted by
her; a fuller account of which will be found immediately after the
article on the violet.
 JULY. MUGWORT (^AHemisia vulgaris or ponticum). Good
luck. Happiness. HERE is a superstition among the French peasantry
that a wreath of this plant, gathered and worn on midsummer eve,
has power to preserve the wearer from all attacks of evil spirits or
men, throughout the year. With regard to the name of this plant, a
quaint old French translation of Pliny tells us, " La gloire d'imposer
les noms aux herbes n'a pas seulement appartenue aux hommes,
elle e.st aussi venue jusqu'a enflammer le cerveau des femmes, qui
ont voulu avoir leur part ; car la royne Artemisia, femme du riche
Mausolus, roy de Carie, fit tant par son Industrie, qu'elle baptisa de
son nom I'armoise, qui, auparavant, etoit appel^e parthenis. (47)
 48 TBE LANCrUAaE OF FLOWERS. Toutefois il y en a qui
tiennent ce nom d'artemisia avoir ete impost h Tarmoise, a raison de
la deesse Artemis Ilithya (Diana), paroeque cette herbe est
particulidrement bonne aux femmes." The fragrant southern-wood
belongs to this family, and also the bitter wormwood. WHITE
JASMINE (^Jasminum officinale). Amiability. The jasmine seems to
have been created as the emblem of amiability. Its supple branches
bend gracefully to every caprice of the trainer ; and whether in the
shape of bush, tree, or arbor, it lavishes on us a shower of fragrant,
star-like blossoms. It grows now in all warm climates, but was
introduced into Europe from India by Spanish navigators, about
1560. Its fragrance, like the woodbine's, is stronger towards night. "
Many a perfume breathed From plants that wake while others sleep,
From timid jasmine buds, that keep Their odors to themselves all
day, But, when the sunlight dies away, Let the delicious secret out."
Moore. The Earl of Carlisle is the author of the followin
 fHE LANGUAGE OF FLOWERS. 49 My mild and winsome
jasmine tree, That climbest up the dark gray wall. Thy tiny flowerets
seem in glee, Lite silver spray-drops, down to fall : Say, did they
from their leaves thns peep When mailed moss-troopers rode the
hill, , When helmed warders paced the keep. And bugles blew for
Belted Will? My free and feathery jasmine tree. Within the fragrance
of thy breath Ton dungeon grated to its key. And the chained captive
pined for death. On border fray, on feudal crime, I dream not, while
I gaze on thee; The chieftains of that stem old time Could ne'er have
loved a jasmine tree." It is related that a duke of Tuscany, who was
the first possessor of the plant in Italy, forbade his gardener to take
off a single flower or cutting. The gardener might have been faithful
had he not been in love. On the birthday of his mistress he
presented her a bouquet containing one sprig of the precious
jasmine. She put it in moist earth to keep fresh : it took root, grew,
and multiplied under her skilful hands. She was poor, her lover was
not rich, and her careful mother forbade their union. But the young
girl, by selling her jasmines, soon amassed a little dowry. The Tuscan
girls stUl wear a wreath of jasmine on their wedding day ; and they
have a proverb that a maiden worthy to wear this wreath is rich
enough to make her husband's fortune. CARNATION (Diarahus
caryaphyUua). Pure and deep love. The variety of shades produced
in this flower by skilful cultivation is almost infinite, making it a great
5
 50 THE LANGUAGE OF FLOWERS, favorite witli florists. But
through all changes it still preserves its beauty aud fragrance. The
great Conde. loved and cultivated carnations, and had the courage
to wear one in his button-hole before Louis XIV., whose aversion to
perfumes is well known. Pope says, — " To the Elysian shades
Dismiss my soul, where no carnation fades.*' And in one of the most
enchanting scenes that even Shakspeare ever wrote, he makes
sweet Perdita say, — " The fairest flowers of the season Are our
carnations and streaked gillyflowers." VERVAIN {Verhenahastata).
Enchantment. Vervain was used among the ancients in various kinds
of divination, and among other properties, that of reconciling
enemies was attributed to it. When the Romans sent heralds to carry
to nations peace or war, one of them carried vervain. The Druids had
the greatest veneration for this plant ; before gathering it they made
a sacrifice to the Earth. The Magi, when adoring the sun, held
branches of vervain in their hands. Venus victrix wore a crown of
myrtle interwoven with vervain, and the G-ermans to this day give a
wreath of vervain to brides, as if to put them under the protection of
this goddess. In the northern provinces of France, the shepherds
gather it with ceremonies and words known only to themselves.
 THE LANGUAGE OF FLOWERS. 51 TARES (Lolium
termUeiitum). Vice. The tare is made to, symbolize vice. Its stalk
resembles that of wheat ; it grows up in the finest harvests. The
hand of the wise and skilful cultivator roots it up with care, that it
may not be confounded with the good grain. Thus a wise instructor
ought diligently to eradicate every inclination to vice which springs
up in the youthful heart ; but he should beware lest he uproot at the
same time the germs of virtue. MARSHMALLOW (Althea officinalis).
Beneficence. The marshmaUow, which typifies beneficence, is the
poor man's friend. It grows wild along the brook and around the
cottage, and sometimes shows its modest head in the garden. It is a
soft, silvery-looking plant, with delicate, pretty pink flowers. The
flowers, the leaves, the stalk, and the root are all useful. Various
pastes and sirups are prepared from its juices, as pleasant to the
taste as they are excellent for the health. A lost traveller has
sometimes found wholesome nutriment in its root. We need only
look around us to discover, everywhere in nature, proofs of love and
foresight. But this tender mother often conceals, in plants as in men,
the greatest virtues under the most modest exterior.
 52 THE LANOUAGE OF FLOWERS. FLOS ADONIS (^.idonia
autumnalis). Painful recollections. Adonis was killed by a wild boar.
Venus, who had left for him the delights of Cythera, shed tears over
his fate : they were not lost ; the earth received them, and
immediately produced a slender plant covered with flowers like
drops of blood. LOCUST (Robinia pseudo-acacia), Platonic love. This
fine tree was carried from America to France, more' than a century
ago, by the botanist Robin, who gave it his name. Its foliage is
exceedingly light and fresh, and its white, drooping flowers very
fragrant. The Indians are said to have made bows of its wood, and
buried their dead under its shade.
 AUGUST. WHITE LILY (LUium candidum). Majesty. Purity. "n
est le roi des fleurs, dont la rose est la reine." BoisjoUn. EAB to the
heart of every one is this regal flower. It stands with ineffable grace
on the elegant stem which rises from its circle of long green leaves,
and breathes out the richest incense. It is a native of Syria, but has
reigned in our gardens from time immemorial. The sovereigns of
France have especially honored it. It bloomed in the gardens of
Charlemagne. Louis VII. placed it on his coat of arms, coins, and
seals. Philip Augustus 5 * (''•')
 54 • THE LANGUAGE OF FLOWERS. sprinkled his standard
with lilies. St. Louis wore a ring representing, in enamel and relief, a
wreath of lilies and daisies, and pn the stone was graven a crucifix
with these words : " Hors cet annel pourrions-nous trouver amour ?
" because, indeed, this ring combined for the pious king the
emblems of all he held dear — his religion, his country, and his wife.
** Crowned with a wreath of lilies, breathing cool Their fragrance
o'er his throbbing temples, comes July, with languid step." " Long
alleys, falling down to twilight grots, Or opening upon level plots Of
crowned lilies, standing near Purple-spikad lavender." Tennyson. "
Nor snow-white lily, called so proudly fair. Though by the poor man's
cot she loves to dwell, Nor finds his little garden scant of room To
bid her stately buds in beauty bloom." Mri. Norton. GARDEN
GILLYFLOWER (Cheiranthus annuus). Lasting Beauty. The gillyflower,
less graceful than the rose, less majestic than the lily, keeps its
freshness longer than either. The old English poets loved the
gillyflower, and made frequent allusions to it. In Germany,
surprisingly fine effects are produced with this flower. Mme. de la
Tour says, "At an old chateau near Luxemburg were arranged, along
an immense terrace, four rows of vases, of coarse ware, but well
shaped, and of the purest white ; these were all filled with the finest
red
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FiJBLISHED B7DE VRiES. IBARRA ET '" = , BOSTON.

 THE LANGUAGE OP FLOWERS. 55 gillyflowers. Towards
sunset one would have said that living flames were issuing from
these vases, and a balsamic odor filled the air around." WHEAT
(Triticum vulgare). Wealth. This plant seems to have been conferred
on man, together with the use of fire, to assure to him the sceptre
of the earth. It is one of the first links of society, because its culture
exacts mutual labor and services. An Arab, lost in the desert, had
eaten nothing for two days. Nearly dead with hunger, in passing by a
well where caravans stopped, he saw on the sand a little leather
bag. " God be praised," said he, picking it up ; " I believe this is a
little flour." He hastily opened it, but, seeing what it contained,
exclaimed, " Unfortunate that I am ! It is nothing but gold dust ! "
DAHLIA (Dahlia). My gratitude exceeds your cares. Novelty. This
showy plant comes from Mexico, where its roots are eaten, roasted
in the ashes. It was first introduced into Europe as an edible, but
proved of too strong a flavor, and botanists soon began to cultivate it
for its flowers, which were at first only single. It is named from
Andrew Dahl, a celebrated Swedish botanist. Cultivation has
developed a countless variety of shades, whilfe improving the shape
of this flower, and English gardeners hold it in great esteem.
 56 THE LANGUAGE OF FLOWERS. GARDEN MARIGOLD
{Calmchila officinalis). Grief. Chagrin. " No marygolds yet closed are,
No BhadowB yet appear." Herrich. " But, maiden, Bee, the day is
waxen olde, And 'gins to shut in with the marygold." Browne. The
celebrated Mme. Lebrun painted a pretty little picture, representing
Grief under the form of a young man, pale and languishing, whose
head seemed bent under the weight of a wreath of marigolds. It
blooms nearly all the year round ; therefore the Romans called it the
Flower of the Calends. It is open only from nine A. M. till about three
P. M., but turns towards the sun, and follows his course from east to
west. In July and August it emits luminous sparks by night, like the
nasturtium and a few other plants of the same color. Margaret of
Orleans, the maternal grandmother of Henry IV., took for her device
a marigold turning to the sun, with the motto, " Je ne veux suivre
que lui seul." The older poets called it simply gold. Chaucer devotes
the marigold to jealousy. " and Jalousie, ■ That weved of yelwe
goldes a girlonde." Spenser associates it both with bridals and
funerals. Chatterton mentions " The mary-budde, that ahutteth with
the light."
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THE LANGUAGE OF FLOWERS. 5 Shakspeare evidently

cherished this flower. " The marigold, that goes to bed with the sun,
And with him rises weeping." '* like marigolds, had sheathed their
light, And canopied in darkness sweetly lay, Till they might open to
adorn the day." *' Hark ! hark ! the lark at Heaven's gate sings, And
Phoebns 'gins arise, His steeds to water at those springs On chaliced
flowers that lies. And winking mary-bndds begin To ope their golden
eyes; With every thing that pretty bin, My lady sweet, arise, Arise,
arise ! " The practical Gay tells us, — " Fair is the marigold, for
pottage meet." The more poetical Keats sings, — " Open afresh your
round of starry folds. Ye ardent marigolds I Dry up the moisture of
your golden lids ; For great Apollo bids That in these days your
praises shall be sung On many harps, which he has lately strung;
And when again your dewiness he kisses. Tell him I have you in my
world of blisses : So haply when 1 rove in some far vale. His mighty
voice may come upon the gale," "We end with part of a fine piece by
George Wither " When with a serious musing I behold The grateful
and obsequious marigold, How duly every morning she displays Her
open breast, when Titan spreads his rays; How she observes him in
his daily walk. Still bending towards him her small, slender stalk;
How, when he down declines, she droops and mourns, Bedewed as
'twere with tears till he returns;
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