Vttirpsra Public Llbratf

Ooft* ut Weft Beufal

REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL
REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

BINOY JIBAN GHOSH

CALCUTTA
G. A. E. PUBLISHES
1987
'o. A. E. PUBLISHERS
10 Raja RajkrisheD Street, P.B. No-11428,
Calcutta-700006

First Edition, 1987

Printed at Siva Uurga Printers, 32 Beadon Row,

Calcutta-700006
 To
The Hallowed Memory of
My Revered Mother,
infinitely stricken and suffering but supremely brave
and indomitable, bludgeoned and buffeted to an early
death, through a succession of tragic calamities,
Shrimati Pravas Ranjini Ghosh
no less a Martyr to the cause of Indian Independence than
her Martyr sons, Shahid Naba Jiban, and Shahid Nirmal
Jiban.
 PREFACE

History is the Biography of Mankind. The focus on history

of different writers varies. “The eternal theme of History is
the unknowable variable-Man,” writes the eminent American
historian, Barbara Courtald. This monograph speaks of history
that is created by men and women.
The first two chapters portray the background to the Revolt
of 1905 in Bengal, delineated in the subsequent chapters.
The publications from which the materials of this compila¬
tion have been largely collected and collated have been
mentioned in the Bibliography. But I owe it to myself to
mention particularly my debt of gratitude to one work
K. C. Ghosh’s Roll of Honour. That book is a treasure house
of information and data relating to India’s Independence
struggle. In our personal lives I always regarded late Kali
Charan Ghosh as an elder brother.
I have to acknowledge my gratitude and offer my humble
thanks to friends whose help and efforts made possible the
printing and publication of this small volume. I am infinitely
indebted to Sri Gopendra Kumar Dutta, but for whose patience
and perseverance this book would never have been published ;
I am deeply obliged to my colleague in the Municipal
Corporation of Calcutta, Sri Pashupati Bhattacharya, who
besides taking on himself the irksome task of preparing the
Index, was continuously labouring hard to see through the
printing and publication ; I really do not know how to express
mif thanks and gratitude adequately to Dr. Sourendra Mohan,
Oanguly, Librarian, Rabindra Bharati University for his
gratuitous and generous interest and efforts in this behalf
ail the way : I have to record my appreciation of the prompt
and sincere assistance of Sri Narayan Ghosh, Proprietor,
Shiva Durga Printers, who got the manuscript printed in a
short time ; lastly I must thank gri Ananda Bhattacharya of
G. A. E. Publishers for having undertaken its publication.

8 May, 1987. Binoy Jiban Ghosh

107, Indra Biswas Road,
Calcutta-37.
 CONTENTS

India Awakes After Slumber of Ages 1

Vanguard of New India 41
Partition of Bengal and Swadeshi Movement 69
Gifts of the Movements to India 97
Swadeshi Struggle and the Congress 105
A Second Front Against Nationalist India 114
Bombs and Bullets Burst in Bengal 121
Bibliography 173
Index 175
Errata 182
 INDIA AWAKES FROM SLUMBER OF AGES
The intellectual, religious, social, cultural, and political ferment
that shook India out of her ages-old sloth and slumber in the
nineteenth century of the Christian era, particularly in the
second half of it is often spoken of as indicating a renaiscent
India Similarly one hears of the renaissance in Bengal.
But this phenomenon is more a new birth, an awakening
than a ribirth of the old, a reawakening. True, there was ad
almost simultaneous harking back to India's past heritage, to
its treasures and glories, often unduly glorified. For instance,
the TUSHPAK.' Chariot, referred to in ancient Indian litera
ture, was claimed in all seriousness by some ardent admirers of
Indo-Aryan achievements to be an actual forerunner
the modern aeroplane.
But this new ardour for ancient Indian lore and splandour
was really an indigenous reaction and counter-thrust to the
tidal waves of new trends and currents coming across Western
seas in the wake of the new conquerors of India. The newly
consolidated British regime over India led inevitably to the
dissemination of Western ideas and ideals, siphoned into
Indian brains through the English language, and fostered
through contacts with Europeans. It was basically a new
awakening rather than a revival of old Values. It was a new
genesis rather than a resurrection of the dead.
Another preliminary point has to be noted in this regard.
The new awakening wns neither uniform, nor simultaneous in
all regions and parts of the sub-contiment. It started naturally
in the three Presidency Cities of Calcutta, Bombay, and
Madras. In Calcutta, British India’s metropolis, it not only
came earliest, but was tiie most spectacular. Poona, the seat of
the once mighty Maratha Empire of the Peshwas, had an early
and momentous awakening. From these important ports and
dUies the Western tide seized inwards into dieir hinterland*.
1
 2 BEVOLT OP 1905 IN BENGAL

Import of ioTisibles from the West:

The Britishers were exporting to Britain from India raw
materials and food stuff obtained at low rates, and importing
into India articles of British manufacture, and selling them
here at considerable profit. They were, thereby, impoverishing
India, and draining out her financial and economic resources.
But, wafted as by phantom ships from the shores of Europe,
an invaluable Cargo of invisibles was coming to India.

Imoigration of living visibles from the West:

There was also the immigration of a large number of living
visibles into India. A considerable band of Christian missio¬
naries from Europe trooped into India, hell-bent on propaga¬
ting the gospel of their faith among the bedevilled natives ;
European merchants and traders to ply their calling here ; and,
of course, British military and Civilian personnel to keep the
natives under their heels, and to confer on them the blessing
of a civilised government.
What were those invisibles from the West ? In a word,
they connoted Western thoughts and history, and denoted
Western modus operand!. But, first, as to the medium through
which Indians imbibed these new thoughts and ideas—
—The English language and literature.

English Language and Literature :

Slaves willy-nilly have to learn the language of their mas¬
ters. During the long Muslim rule over India, the elite among
the Hindus, either to serve their self-interest, or to gain in
dignity and status in the eyes of their masters, had to learn
Farsi or Persian, which was the court language. Munshi Nabbo
Kissen ( afterwards the famous Dewan of Lord Clive, and the
founder of the Sovabazar Raj family of Calcutta ) was proficient
in Farst, and hence was chosen to act as the interpreter between
Nawab Siraj-Ud-Daula and the emissaries of Clive in the
gardendxouse of Omi Chand in Calcutta early in 1757. Even
 INDIA AWAKES FOBM SLUMBER OF AGES 3

Raja Ram Mohun Roy wrote his first tract against

idolatry in Farsi.
For filling of the lower rungs of the administratian, for assis*
tance in their commercial transactions the British needed
English-Knowing Indians. Indians, on their part, who wanted
jobs under the British administration, or in British commer¬
cial concerns, and who wanted to be associated with the trading
ventures of their English masters as partners, or agents eagerly
learnt the English language. The two most outstanding pioneer
examples are Raja Ram Mohun Roy, and his friend and admi¬
rer, Prince Dwarkanath Togore. Ram Mohun served as
Sheristadar of the East India Company in Dacca, Ramj^rh, and
other places, and then as Dewan in Bhagalpur. Next, he was
personal Dewan of an Englishman, named Thomas Woodford
for some time, and of John Digby for several years. Through
such survice he acquired a huge fortune not always, perhaps,
by means that would stand strict scrutiny. Dwarka Nath
Tagore was an employee of Nimak Mahal, the British Salt
Monopoly cencern. Then, he became partner of the famous
Carr & Tagore Company, and amassed enormous wealth.
Incidentally, they were among the first Indians to visit
England.

Wastern Political ideas and ideales»

But English language and literature by itself was not of such
dynamic importance to the Indian people as the new political
and other ideas and ideals that came to them through its
medium. What were these ? Before discussing them in details,
it is better to be a little more concrete, as we have been dealing
with abstractions so far. The writings of the British thinkers,
Hobbes, Bentham, Herbert Spencer, and John Stuart Mill, and
of the French Positivist August Comte influenced deeply the
Indian intelligentsia. When in 1853, Iswar Chandra Vidya*
sagar reorganized the Sanskrit Coll^ in Calcutta, and intro-
dtioed the teadtisg of English subjects in its curriculum, he
4 BBVOLT OF 1905 IN BENOAL

declared that the study of John Stuart Miirs works waa

indispensable for students. Bankiro Chandra Chatterjee, the
great Bengali Litterateur wrote an essay on Mill’s interpretation
of August Comte. Thom Paine’s Age of Reason was avidly
read by young educated Bengalis in the middle of the
nineteenth ceniury. Even the great French rationalist, Voltaire
did not fail to attract Indian minds. In the Anglo-Hindn
School, founded by Ram Mohun, boys were asked to translate
into Bengali the English rendering of passages from Voltaire.
The events of western history which seem to have had the
strongest influence on the Indian intelligentsia were the
Americmi War of Independence, the French Revolution, and
the Italian Risorgimento, whose leader Giuseppe Mazzini
inspired many Indian patriots.

A sense of Nationalism and political Unity :

First, there began to emerge a sense of nationalism and
political unity among the inhabitants of the sub-continent. By
1849, with the annexation of Punjab from the Sikhs, the piece*
meal conquest of India by the British was complete. They now
devoted themselves to the task of consolidating their rule over
the land—to spread its tentacles to the remotest villages. For
this they had to set up a well—knit and uniform system of
administration, law and procedure. For purposes of goverment,
troop movement, and thoroubg exploitation df the maierial
resources of the land the British had to build a network of
railways, to introduce postal and telegraphic system of commn*
nication. Contrary to British intentions and expectations,
these things—a strong, stable, uniform system of administration
covering the whole of the Indian peninsula, a uniform code of
laws, and legal procedure, easy means of travel and communi¬
cation created a new cosciousness of political unity among the
Indian people. The inhabitants of the diflerent parts of India.
Kfgitn to feel they belonged to one nation.
No sense of political unity among the inhaMtants of Mia
 INDIA AWAKBS FOBU SLUMBBB OF AGBS 5

<lfd exist prior to the nineteenth century of the Christian era.

A sense of nationalism ond political unity among Indians, as
admitted by both Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, and Pandit
Jawaharlal Nehru, was a by-product of British rule over
India.
A study of European history reinforced this sentiment. This
Indian nationalism was really an echo in Indian breasts of the
nationalism developed in England, France, Holland, Spain#
Italy, and Germany during the seventeenth, eighteenth, and
nineteenth centuries. The giant Indian intellectuals, mostly
from the legal profession, were the avant garde of this new
Indian nationalism.
In this context, we are faced with the vexed question of the
fundamental unity of India. Notwithstanding that the student
of Indian history is confronted with the picture a divided
and fragmented India rather than of a unified land, it is main¬
tained that the fundamental unity of the Indian people had
persisted through the ages.
To add to the difiSculty, our great poet Rabindranath in his
inimitable language glorified India’s unity in diversity. He, of
course, did not live to see the partition of India. To common
ears the expression unity in diversity sounds like a juxtaposi¬
tion of incompatibles, illustrative of the figure of speech.
Oxymoron. In any event, where diversity is great there is
hardly any unity ; conversely where unity is strong there is
little diversity.
Let us examine the nature of this fundamental unity of
India, spoken of by such eminent historians as V. A. Smith,
J. Cunninghau, and Radha Kumud Mukherjee. First, as to
what is generally described as the Hindu period of Indian
history. A vague sense that the land-mass bounded by the
Himalayas and the seas, was one country existed from ancient
times. This is borne out by India’s classical literature. Apart
from that vague sense of geographical unity, there were the
bonds of common religious scriptures, and observances ^ the
6 BE VOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

Sanskrit language : common places of pilgrimage } the rivers

held sacred in common $ and the bond of the two great epics
the Ramayana, and Mahabharat. The socio-economic bond
was the uniform pattern all over the land of the self-sufficient
village community. All these factors might have given the
inhabitants of India in the Hindu period a sense of religious,
social, and cultural unity. But this unity had no administra¬
tive, or political content. Those factors did not, and could
not generate among the inhabitants of India a consciousness
that they belonged to one nation, one state, or one political
unit* Only during the reign of the great emperor, Asok
Maurya did a part of Afghanistan, and almost the whole
of India, barring the extreme south, come under one uniform
administration.
During the long Muslim rule over India the religious and
cultural bonds of unity among the inhabitants of India were
snapped. The village community, perhaps, survived mutatis
mutandis. Under Muhammad-bin-Tughlaq, and during the last
years of Aurangzeb most of the country came under one
administration. Aurangzeb’s administration, however, was not
uniform, but discriminatory. It did not make for unity, but
division and disunity.
In any event, there could not possibly be any political unity
among Indians under Islamic rule. There were the proud and
tyrannical Muslim conquerors ruling over the downtrodden
Hindu slaves. The Muslim conquerors hated their Hindu
subjects as *‘KAFERS*’ (infidels) and ‘*but-parasts** (idolators).
There can be no political unity among rulers and masters and
their subjects and slaves. We may as well imagine that there
could be a political unity among Britishers and Indians during
the British regime as envisage a political unity among Muslims
and Hindus during the Islamic reign over India. Why the hell
should the proud and victorious Muslim conquerors care to
come down to an equal level with their abject Hindu subjects
grovelling in the dust under their heels ?
 India awakbs fobm slumbbb of agbs 7

Even if we lay aside the question of Hindu—Muslim unity,

the inhuman atrocities and brutalities perpetrated by the
Maratha ‘bargirs’, or marauders on the people of Orissa and
West Bengal as late as the middle of the eighteenth century is
proof positive that there was no sense of national and political
unity, or solidarity among the inhabitants of India prior to the
nineteenth century of the Christian era.
This new sense of nationalism, or consciousness of political
unity among Indians found expression, at first, in the formation
of regional political associations leading up eventually to the
foundation of an All-India political organisation—the Indian
National Congress in 1885.
But due to the past history of the land, and the imperialist
machinations of the British the politicsl unity among Indians
never attained complete maturity, and full growth. To coun>
teract the Indian National Congress the AH-India Muslim
League was started in 1906 as a separate political organization
for the Muslims of.India. Political imity among Indians
remained only halfbaked till the middle of August, 1947, and
in consequence thereof two separate, sovereign indepandent
states emerged on the subcontinent—Bharat, that is India, and
Pakistan.

Consciousness of Political Rights and Liberties :

The ideas, or ideals of political rights and liberties that the
Indian people got from the W6st formed the basis of India’s
struggle for independence. The idea of representative, or
popular government was the most important. During the first
forty*five years of its existence ( 1885-1929 ) the main political
demand of the Indian National Congress was the introduction
and expansion of representative government in India under the
British Crown. • The ideas of civil liberty, of individual liberty,
freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of association
ct cetera began to exercise the minds of educated Indians.
In the first half of the idneteenth century there was only one
8 BBVOLI OF 1905 IN BBNOAL

outstanding Indian national, or public figure, and he was a

Colossus. He was Raja Ram Mohun Roy. Ram Mohun was
born into a Brahmin Zemindar family in 1772 ( or 1774 ) in
the village of Radhanagar in District Hooghly, West Bengal.
In his childhood he learnt well Sanskrit works from pundits,
and Arabic and Persian from Moulavis. Next, while serving
under English masters, he delved into English language and
literature, and Western history and philosophy. Western
political concepts had a strong impact on his mind. In 1814
he retired from service ahd settled down permanently in
Calcutta. The titular Mughal Emparor, Akbar Shah II conferred
the title of Raja on him, and sent him to England to persuade
the authorities there to enhance the Emperior’s annual persion.
He sailed for England in 1830, and died at Bristol on the 27th
Septembet» 1833.
During his sixteen years’ stay in Calcutta ( 1814-1830 ) he
laboured ceaselessly for religious and social reforms, for the
spread of English edueation, for asserting the civil rights of
his countrymen against the reacticnary measures of the Govern¬
ment.
To discuss the social and political problams before the
country Ram Mohun started his own Bengali Journal, Sanvad
Kaumudi in 1821, and his Farsi Journal, Mirat-Ul-AKhbar in
1822. But early in 1823 Government issued a press ordinance
restricting the freedom of the press. It was provided that the
proprietor printer, and publisher of a paper will have to obtain
a license from the Government before a paper could come out.
An affidavit will have to be sworn by them before a Magistrate,
and then submitted to the Chief Secretary.
Ram mohun, after recording a atrong and dignified protest
against the new regulations, stopped the publication of his
Mirat Ul-Akhbar. This political protest is» perhape, the first
by an Indian Citizen against an unpopular Government
measure. Not cont^t with this, Ram Mohun, siqjported by
Dwarkanath Tagore^ and five other distinguished ^Bengalis,
 INDIA AWAKES FOBlf SLUMBEB OF AGES 9

lodged his protest against the Press regulation with the Supreme
Court. He also sent a momorandum to the Government in
England pointing out that such restrictious on the Press were a
serious interference with the liberty of the people. This memo¬
randum is a landmark in the chronicle of India’s independence
struggle.
A few years later came an invidious piece of legislation. In
1827 was passed the Jury Act, by which no Hindu, or Muslim
could be empanalled on a jury in a case against a Christian,
whereas a Christian could serve as a jury in a case against a
Hindu, or Muslim. Ram Mohun voiced his protest against
this unjust and discriminatory legislation.
White he was in England, the parliamentary committee set
up in connexion with the renewal of the Charter of the East
India Company in 1833 invited Ram Mohun to give his evid¬
ence before it. Ram Mohun. however, instead of appearing
personally, chose to send some written memoranda to the
CommittM. In these memoranda he pointed out that though
the Permanent Setileraent had conferred security and well-being
on the zemindars, it had left the ryots, or peasants at the mercy
of the zemindars, and afforded no relief to the cultivators of
the soil. He also pleaded that the number of high-salaried
British officials might be reduced, and in their place Indian
Officers on lower pay could be appointed. He als demanded
that the Judioiary and the Exceutive should be separated.
Ram Mohun, thus, became the first spokesman of the
Indian people, the first Indian Tribune of the People-vis-a-vis
the British Government. And Ram Mohun truly represented
his people’s demands and grievances as India’s first national
leader.
Ram Mohun also stood forth an the vindicator of his
people’s honour. In his memoranda Ram Mohun stoutly
defended the excellence of the national character of the Indian
people against the calumnies unjustly hurled against it.
10 EBVOUT OF 1905 IN BENQAIi

Raja Ram Mohun Roy was an ardent lover of liberty and

freedom. In his eagerness to salute the French revolutionary
tricolour flying on a passing French Vessel, he hurt one of
his legs whils rushing to the deck of his ship. He would not
join a dinner party because his heart was laden with sorrow at
the news of the supplanting of the constitutional government of
Naples, in Southern Italy by the Austrian troops. He threw a
dinner party to celebrate the achievement of independence by
the Spanish colonies of Latin America. Paradoxically enough
this great-hearted cosmopolitan champion of liberty, so far as^
his motherland, was concerned, firmly believed that Britains
becoming ruler of India was a providential boon to the people
India, and it was his fervent prayer that long may that rule
continue ! Alas ! for hapless Mothar India ! This was alsa
exactly the vitw of Ram Mohun’s close friond and admirer,.
Prince Elwarkanath Tagore.
A most painful instance of political inconsistency on the*
part of Raja Ram Mohun was his support to the rapacious and
oppressive British indigoplanters against the helpless and
oppressed Indian indigo cultivators. Shockingly enough. Prince
Dwarkanath likewise supported the utterly unjustified privilege
enjoyed by Europeans charged with committing crimes in the
districts to be tried exclusively by judges of their own race. It
may be noted that subsequently even successive British Law
Members, and a British Chief Justice considered this privila^
indefensible.
Raja Ram Mohun Roy, and Prince Dwarkanath Tagore had
also agitated in favour of colonisation of India by Britishers-
for the good of the Indian people.
These conflicting attitudes show clearly how shaky and
uncertain was the hold of the Western political ideas of liberty
and democracy even on the best of Indian brains and minds ill
the first half of the nineteenth century.
A stronger and surer sense of patriotic nationaliam was-
voiced by that scintillating young Anglo-Indian poet, journslist.
 INDIA AWAEBS FOBM SLT7MBBB OF AGES It

and teacher, Henry Louis Vivian Derozio ( 1809-1831 ). In

his poetical work, Fakir of Jhangira, published in 1827, is
included a poem, which, in point of time, is consdidercd the
first patriotic poem on India. Dwijendranath Tagore, eldest
brother of poet Rabindranath, rendered it into Bengali. The
first six lines of the poem run thus :
“My coimtry in the days of glory past,
A beauteous halo circled round thy brow.
And worshipped as a deity thou wast—
Where is thy glory, where that reverence now.
One eagle pinion is chained down at last,
And grovelling in the dust art thou.*'
Derozio convened a meeting in the Town Hall of Calcutta
to celebrate the July, 1830 European revolution. On Christmas-
day, 1830, he and his disciples unfurled the French revolutio¬
nary flag on the Ochterloney Monument in Calcutta. Derozia
died before he had completed his twenty-third year. But such
was the Charisma of his intellect, personality, and character
that a band of brilliant young students gathered enthusisstically
round him. They came to be known collectively as Young
Bengal. After their master's death these disciples of his
carried forward faithfully the progressive political and social
ideas and activities commenced during the brief, but brillant
span of Derozlos life. Henry Louis Vivian Derozio was such
an amazing teacher of the youth that had he been spared to
complete even his thirtieth year he would have taken his place
by the side of Socrates of Athens, and Peter Abelard of Paris.
We have seen above how the French Revolntion influenced
both Ram Mohun and De-Rozio. A few more instances of how
European history and example inspired Indian notionalists
and patriots may be cited. Jogendranath vidyabhuson was a.
Bengali Deputy Magistrate like Bankim Chandra Chatterjee.
But to instil nationalism and patrotism into the heart af young
Bengalis he woJte in Bengali the lives of Mazzini. and Gari¬
baldi. Suroidraiiath Baneriee lectured to the students about
12 BEVOLI OF 1905 IN BBNGAIi

Mazzini, his message, and burning patriotism. A Bengal jour¬

nal dubbed Surendranath as “that hot-headed disciple of Mazz¬
ini*’. Sister Nivedita gave away her personal copy of the life of
Mazzini to young Bengali revolutionarises for perusal and
cireulation. Sister Nivedita ( Margaret Noble ), the Versatile
disciple of Swami Vivekanand, was herself Irish, and a zealons
inspirer of the earliest batch of Bengali revolutionaries. The young
Indians who wanted te to strike Violent blows at the British
drew their inspiration from Russian nihilists also. Lokmanya
Bal Gangadhar Tilak, and Mrs-Annie Besant started the Indian
Home Rule League following the example of the Irish Catho¬
lics. The word, “boycott” so frequently heard in course of
India’s national struggle, was borrowed from Irish history.
How much India’s political consciousness and nationdism
bear the stamp of the West is concretely exemplified by an
apparently paradoxical phenomenon. All the big leaders of
the Indian national struggle, barring, perhaps, Moulaua
Abul kalam Azad. and Khan Abdul Gaffar, had very solid Eng¬
lish education ; almost all of them had their higher education
in England itself. Sri Aurobinda Ghosh and Pandit Jawaharlal
Nehru were educated in England since boyhood ; and a few of
them, like Deshapriya Jatindra Mohan Sen Gupts^ Netaji Sub-
has Chandra Bose, M N. Roy (who had, at least, two—the
second after divorcing the first), and Dr, khan Sahib (elder
brother of the Frontier Gandhi), had European wives.

National Press* And National Leaders :

But the most powerful exponent of the new political ideas
from the West was the national press. It disseminated these
ideas among the educated Indians. The same task was per¬
formed by the national leaders from public platforms, la the
early days of the national struggle, and even afterwards the
national leaders, and the national press were closely identified.
Most important national leaders had a Journal of their own •,
and most Journals were run by important political , leaders. The
 XKDU AWASBS FOBlf BLUMBBB OF AGES 15

realisatioii by Indian leaders of the supreme value and impor¬

tance of the press in the public life of a country was also due to
Western example.
We have seen Raja Ram mohun Roy had his own Bengali,
and Persian or Farsi papers. De Rozio started in Februaay*
1829, through his Academic Association, the Edglish weeklyr
Parthenon. But it was almost immediately banned by the
authorities of the Hindu College for the revolutionany views
expressed in the Journal. After his removal from Hindu College
De Rozio started his own evening daily, East India on the
1st June, >831. But alas ! De Rozio passed away on the 26th
December, 1831.
The venerable Brahmo patriarch, Devendranath Tagore
bad hie Tattwabodhini Prtrika with which, for some time,,
were associated Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar, and Akshoy Kumar
Dutt. Jyotirindranath Tagore, an elder brother of poet
Rubindranath. said that the first seeds of nationalism were
sown by the articles which Akshoy kumar Dutt wrote in the
Tattwabodhini Patrika.
In 1872 Bankim Chandra Chatterjee started the famous
Journal, Bangadarshon, which dealt in depth with li
terary, cultural, social, religious. Political, and economic prob¬
lems that confronted the country. 7
The number of Journals in India which discussed mainly
political news, and political measures and matters grew rap¬
idly ; their popularity and influence spread remarkably, and
the political power of the press had to be reckoned with. The
British Government replied with a series of repressive measures
to control and gag the national press. We have alreadjr
discussed the press Ordinance of 1823. Lord Lytton^s
notorious Vernacular press Act oeme in 1878. This was,
however, repealed by Viceioy Ripon in 1882.
Mentitm may be made here of only a few prominent
newspiqMra and journals of a markedly political cbatactcr^
Hm list is merely illustrative, and not at all exhaustive.
14 EEVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

In Calcutta in January, 1853 appeared the Hindoo Patriot.

This was really the organ of the British Indian Association.
Harish Chandra Chatterjee was its first renowned editor. He
was the tireless and fearless champion of the oppressed indigo
cultivators against the rapacity and atrocities of the British
indigo planters. On his death in 1862, the redoubtable
journalist Kristodas Pal became the editor.
One of the foremost patriotic and nationalist journals of
India was the Amrita Bazar Patrika, edited and run by the two
1>rother8—Sisir Kumar, and Motilal Ghosh. A patriotic and
nationalist Bengali journal was the Hitavadi, edited successively
by two brave servants of their motherland—Kaliprasanna
Kavyavisarad, and Sakharam Ganesh Deuskar. The distin¬
guished patriot of Bengal, Krishna Kumar Mitra owned and
edited the Bengali weekly, Sanjivani. Under the proprietorship
and editorship of the great Surendranath Banerjea the Bengalee
became the most powerful English daily of Bengal. Two gifted
ladies of the illustrious Tagore family—poet Rabindranath’s
sister, Swarna Kumari Devi, and her daughter, Saraladevi
Chaudhurani edited the Bengali journal, Bharati.
Bombay, and particularly Poona could boast of a number
of nationalist newspapers and journals. In 1851 Dadabhai
Naoroji started his Gujarati weekly, Rast—Goftar (Truth
Teller ) Another important Bombay paper was Indu Prakash,
in which appeared Sri Aurobinda Ghosh’s first political
essays—New Lamps for Old written from Baroda. The paper
was, then, being edited by K. G. Daspande, a Cambridge friend
of Sri Amobindas. Among other Bombay journals were the
Pravakar, and Mumbai Vaibhav.
Poona similarly had her Poona Vaibhav. The Anglo-
Marathi weekly, Sudharak had as its editor Gopal Krishna
Gokhie for four years. The Maharashtra Mitra was an
important newspaper of Poona. But the pride of place among
the Poona journals was occupied by tiiose founded by
Ickmanya Tilak and his friends. In 1881 were started two
 INDIA AWAKES FOBBi 6LUMBEB OF AGES 15

newspapers by Bal Gangadhar Tilak, and G. C. Agarcar. The

Mahratta in English, and Kesari in Marathi. In 1898 Tilak’s
close associate, Shivram Mahadeo Paranjpe started the fiery and
extremist Marathi weekly, Kal.
The indefatigable national leader, G. Subraraanya Iyer was
associated with the two leading journals of Madras—the
English Hindu, and the vernacular Swadesh Mitram. Anand
Charlu, who presided over the seventh annual session of the
Congress held at Nagpur in 1891, edited the Peoples Magazine.
Two other local language papers of the Madras presidency were
the Andhra Prakasika, and the Kerala Patrika.
Uttar Pradesh had Advocate, Hindusthani, and Azad.
Among northern Indian newspapers the most outstanding
was the Tribune of Lahore, founded by that prince of patriots
Sardar Dayal Singh Majithia. Under a succession of able
Bengali editors it maintained a strong nationalist character.
Another important jonrnal of the same type was the Punjabee
of Lala Lajpat Rai. Two other northern papers were the
Akhbar-i-Am, and the Koh-i-Noor
The phenomenal expansion of the press in India in the
nineteenth Century will be apparent from the statistics quoted
below,—
In the year 188S>86, the number of Vernacular papers was :
104 in Bombay Presidency j North* West Frontier Province and
Oudh ( modern Uttar Pradesh)—72 } Bengal—54 | Madras—
29. Total numbhr of newspapers in India ( excluding Punjab ):
English—127 j Vernacular—277. Punjab had a total of 67
newspapers for both English and Vernacular.
India’s national struggle for independence started with one
splendid asset-a fearless, fiery, irrepressible, patriotic national
press. No body of men did so much to sow the seeds of
nationalism and patriotism in Indian hearts than the devoted
band of journalists in the country. Threats, presure, fines,
foi^ture, incarceration to which they werec ontinually subjected
by the Aritidi authorities coi^d^ i^t^^|jp£^|^^^stifle iMt
16 BBVOLT OF 1905 IN BBNGAL

national and patriotic ardour. They broadcast throu^ their

columns the new gospel of nationalism and patriotism among
their people and they carried out their mission with undunted
faith and unremitting zeal. Indeed, the national struggle started
with far more vigour and boldness in the press than on the
platform of the Indian National Congress.

Western RationaLism :
Let us now turn to the other precious invisibles imported
from the West One such was Western rationalism—tiie scien¬
tific and critical way of judging things and institutions, social
and religious customs and practices. The religious, mid social
refoarms spearheaded by eminent Indians in the nineteenth
century bear the mark of Western rationalism. The Hindus of
India are congenitally anti-rational, and the Mullah-Moulavi>
ridden Muslims of India are fanatical and irrational.
The picture of Hindu society at the close of the eighteenth
century with such prevailing customs and practices as child-
marrige, polygamy, burning of widows on the furneral pyre of
husbands (Sati), enforced widowhood of women, female
infanticide, human sacrifices, rigidity of caste, seclusion, suppre¬
ssion, and ignorance inflicted on woman, ban imposed on sea-
voyages demonstrate conclusively how horribly anti-rational is
the attitude of the Hindu mind. Western rationalism lighted
up a land darkened by supci stition and prejudices, insane and
inhuman injunctions aud inhibitions.
Writes the eminent historian, Jadu Nath Sircar :
“On our hoplessly decadent society the rational progressive
spirit of Europe struck with irresistible force”. ( India through
the Ages).
But let us take up first the problem of religious reform. The
challenge of proselytising and rigidly monotheistic Islam bad
forced the mediaeval Hindu reformers like Nanak and Char
tanya to Jettison the weakest parts of Hindu religion, and
social system—idolatry and the multitodinous Hindu pandteoiv
 mDlA AWAEBS FBOM SLUMBER OF AGES 17

and the caste system. Faced with the inroads of Christianity,

and the Christian missionaries Raja Ram Mohun, and Daya-
nand Saraswati had to do likewise-drop idolatry and the multi*
plicity of gods ond goddesses, and the eastc-system. But
)here is a significant difference between the two sets of refor¬
mers. Nanak, and Chaitanya based their reformed creeds on
the sentiments of ‘Bhakti’ (reverent faith), and Trem* (love ).
Ram Mohun and Dayanand’s teachings were based on rational
Judgement, and critical analysis.
Ram Mobun’s worship of the fromless ‘Brahman* spoken
of in the upanishads, was grounded purely on reason. His own
morals and life-style were the very reverse of those universally
associated with those of a religious reformer. Think of the
morals and lifestyle of a Guru Nanak, Kabir, or Chaitanya and
those of Raja Ram Mohun j He himself did not have, and
could not make to others a moral appeal. Hence, he relied
sclely on reason, and rational appeal to preach his new faith,
Dayanand Saraswati, even though he did not have an English
education, and conformed to the traditional character of a reli¬
gious reformer, could not depart ff om the Zeit-Geist, spirit of
the age, and his activities and preachings also breathe of ratio¬
nalism, and humanism. He was born in the small atate of
Morvi, in kathiawar in 1824. His original name was Mulji
Shankar. Dayan-and founded the Arya Samaj in the Punjab in
1875. He was Poisoned to death by an assassin in 1883. While
Ram Mohun’s Brahmo Samaj was confined to the intellectual
elite, Dayanand’s Arya Samaj had a far greater mass appeal
among the people of not them India. But Dayanand also arrived
at his religous views through reasoned Judgement and critical
analysis. He also denounced idolatry and caste. He vehemen¬
tly assailed the Puranic conception of Hinduism, and harked
back to the purity of the Vcdic days. Dayanand’s Arya Samaj
was a major socio-religious influencet in India of the nineteenth
century. It was founded on reason and protest. That is why
Dayanand is sometimes called “India’s Martin Luther**.
2
 i8 liEVOLT OS’ 1905 IN BENGAL

The rationalistic outlook towards social and religious

matters was the unique gift of Henry Louis Vivian De Rozio
to his devoted disciples.

Western Humanism :

Another important induction from the West was what we

may describe as either utilitarianism-seeking the greatest good
of the greatest number—or Humanism, Religious charity is
undoubtedly, a part of the Hindu tradition : giving alms to
holy men; opening ‘Sadabiatas’—free places of board and
lodge for ascetics and pilgrims ; building Dbarmsalas, or rest*
houses for pilgrims in holy places were part of the spiritual
chore of well-to-do Hindus. Some also endowed—“tols”, or
village “pathshalas”, where the Brahmin was the Pundit, or
teacher. Among the Muslims was the very commendable holy
injunction that a portion of every man’s income should be
given away for the welfare of brothers-in-faith.
All such charitable acts of the Hindus were directed
towards one aim-advance reservation of a comfortable
berth in Heaven for the donor, form this earth.
But while the Hindus believed in service to holy men
they did not believe in service to their ordinary fellow-
beings. There was, of course, that well-known expression—
*‘Daridra Narayaner Seva”—service to the poor who were to
be regarded as Narayan, or God. But actually it come to
giving scanty alms to a beggar, or feeding the starving at
“Sradh”, or funeral ceremony of the rich departed.
The idea of organized service to society, or humanity came
to India from the West. The ideal Hindu view of life was to
forsake family, society, and the world, and plunge into spiritual
meditation, or esoteric exercises in a secluded and solitary
corner of a forest, or cave of a rock. Such an attitude to life
and the world could not possibly make people very enthusiastic
about the betterment of society, or social conditions, or about
improvement of the lot of their fellow-beings.
 INDIA AWAEBS FROM SLUMBBB OF AGBS 19

Here also Raja Ram Mohun Roy stands forth as the herald
of the new era. Deeply imbued with the rationalism and
humanism of the West, by dint of his extraordinary genius.
Ram Mohun not only denounced Hindu idolatry,—the most
heroic act be ever did—and enjoined the worship of the form¬
less “Brahman”, but through h»s Brahmo Samaj, founded in
1828, he stood against caste, child-marriage, and exclusion of
women. He alao advocated the education of women, and their
right to property. Ram Mohun and Dwarkanath supported
the abolition of “Sati”. But the credit for the banning of the
immolation of widows—enforced, or Voluntary—on the funeral
pyre of their husbands should go to Lord William Bentinck
and his government. Hindu widows were no longer permitted
to burn themselves after 1829. Drowning to death female
infants, and human sacrifice to the Gods were prohibited
through legislation by the British rulers, as such practices
appeared to Western eyes as too revolting and beastly.
As an important part of this Humanism, Indian national
leaders everywhere realised the supreme need of spreading
education, especially English education and European
Knowledge among their countrymen. When the Government
proposed in 1823 to open centres of Sanskrit learning in
Tirhut. Nadia, and Calcutta, Ram Mohun opposed it vehement¬
ly and advocated, instead, teaching of the western sciences like
Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry, and Anatomy. Ram Mohun
himself founded the Anglo—Hindu school in Calcutta. Ram
Mohun shines as the morning star of the modern India dawn—
the beacon and path-finder of the Indian people into a new age
and a new world.
kfter Ram Mohun the cause of social reform was taken up
by the great Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar—rationalist to the core,
one of World’s greatest humanists* and a confirmed atheist.
Vidyasagar was as saintly an atheist as the far-famed British
savant, John Stuart Mill. He did not waste a minute of his
time, jampacked with his philanthropic and humanitarian
20 BBVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

services to his fellow-men, over religious worship, or observan¬

ces, spiritual meditation or discourse, or esoteric exercises, or
rituals. Nor did he speak a word either in supporting, or
demouncing British rule over India. Work, ceaseless and
tireless woik for human weliare was the breath of his life.
Unfailing service and help to the afflicted, and unstinted^
charities to the distressed was his life’s daily loutine. The
miseries of Hindu women moved his noble heart deeply. The
cruel fate of Hindu widows debarred from marrying again
grieved him very much. Against calumnies, threats, and abuses^
and against tremendous opposition from the orthodox, he
fought heroically for the remarriage of Hindu widows. His
efforts were crowned with success by the passage of the Widow
Remarrirge Act of 1856.
Next he started a campaign against polygamy, practised
qarticularly by kulin Brahmins. From lists compiled by Vidya-
sagar, it is seen that some kulin Brahmins of very meagre means
had married from fifty to eighty wives. Apart from the misery
of these wives, this evil practice was a prolific source of adul¬
tery clandestine abortion, bastardy, and prostitution. Though
in this case Government refused to help him with a legislation
banning the system, Vidyasagar, through appeals to Brahmins,
and through mobilising public opinion, suceeded in abating
this awful nuisance considerably-Vidyasagor spent a lot of
moi^y out of his own pocket over this campaign.
Iswar chandra Vidyasagar’s attitude to western education
was amazingly radical and revolutionary. Indeed, any Hindu
revivalists head will reel with shock at his words.
As Principal of the Sanskrit College in Colcutta he wrote :
**That the Vedanta, or Sankhya are false systems of philosophy
is no more a matter of dispute.while teaching these in
the Sanskrit course we should oppose them by sound philoso¬
phy in the English course to counteract their influence.”
What Vidyasagar did for the apread of education among
hia people will be evident from the figures given below :
 INDIA AWAEBS FROM 8LUMBEB OF AOBS 21

He was actively associated with the establishment of over one

hundred Bengali Pathshalas(VilIage grammar schools) started
under Viceroy Hardinge. In close collaboration with Lieut-
Governor of Bengal, Frederick Halliday Vidyasagar, through
superhuman efforts establiahed, between August. 1855 and
January, 1856 Twenty model Sehools-5 each in the districts
of Nadia, Hooghly, Burdwan, and Midnapur. When John
Drinkwater Bethune, Law Mewber of the Governor-Gene¬
ral’s Council, founded in Calcutta in 1849 a girls school,
Vidyasagar readily agreed to act as its Honorary Secretary.
When Bethune died suddenly and prematurely, Vidyasagar
plunged into the work for girls educatioa Between Novem¬
ber, 1857 and May 1858 Vidyasagar established 35 girls’
schools. Besides, through his personal efforts Vidyesagar
established the Metropolitan College in Calcutta, which has
since been rightly named after him. In Birsingha, his native
village in the diatrict Midnapur, he founded a free High
English school.
The magnificent tribute paid to Vidyasagar by the great
Bengali poet, Michael Madhusudan Dutt is no Poetic exaggera¬
tion.

Michael said of Vidyasagar s

*’He has the genius and wisdom of an ancient sage, the
energy of an Englishman, and the heart of a Bengali
mother” Dayanand Saraswati, founder of the Arya Samaj
was the moat potent Hindu revivalist of the nineteenth century.
But humanitarian work was, as important to him as religion.
He advocated remarriage of widows, and women’s education,
and denounced caste and ’’purdah”, or seclusian of women.
He established the paropakarini Sabha (philanthropic Society)
and endowed it with all his properties. For administering it
he appointed twenty—thres trustees, including among them
such men as the Maharana of Udaipur, Shyamaji krishna
Varma, Mahadeo Govind Ranade.
 22 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

Even Swami Vivekanand, the fire—brand Hindu revivalist

founded the Raoikrishna Mission, after the name of his great
teacher, Ramkrishna Paramhansa of Dakshineswar, on the
mode! of the European Christian missions. Service to the
srffering and the afflicted is the work of the Ram Krishna
Mission. Recently the Mission is trying to do the work which
the famous Society of Jesus, fouaded by the Spanish ex-soldier
Ignatius Loyola, has been doing all over the world during
several centuries—imparting superior and better education to
children.
Arya Samajists also established Dayanand Ary a Vidyalayas,
or schools, and colleges, and Arya kanya Vidyalayas, or girls
schools, in various towns and cities of northern India,
Keshab Chandra Sen, the Brahmo evangelist also did much
for spread of education, specially among women. Keshub was
also keen on improving the lot of women in other respects.
Unfortunately, whatever may have been his words to British
audiences in England, Keshub Chandra Sen here in his own
country was politically retrograde and reactionary. He incor¬
porated in the pledge of the Nava Bidhan Brahmo Samaj an
article expressing allegiance to the British Crown, and Govern¬
ment of India.
In Bombay, Behramji Khurshedji Gandhi, Jamshetji Jeeji-
bhoy Dadabhai Naoroji, and others launched on a voluntary
mission in 1849 to spread education among girls. The efiforis
of the Poona leaders for humanitarian work, and for tpread of
education were remarkable.

Western Materialism :
Western materialism, in contradistinction to glorified Indian
spiritualism, simply means a greater care for the comforts and
pleasures of life on this side of the grave, and a greater atten¬
tion to the realities of the physical world. Indian spiritualism
dwells everlastingly on the bliss to come after death, and is
absorbed in speculation over an< imagined other world, or after-
 INDIA AWAKES FBOM SLTTMBEB OF AGES 23

existence.
Great as are his services to his people, and multifarious and
tremendous as are his achievements, Raja Ram Mohun Roy is
himself more important than all he did, He is India’n first
Modern Man, and a Complete Modern Man at that. He flung
away like a pair of old tattered shoes the hoary Hindu gospel of
shunning women and wealth. Ram Mohun had simultuncously
several mistresses, including a Mohammedan one, and, peihaps,
also a British Christian one. He amassad great wealth by
means fair and foul. He lived in magnificent material comfoit
and luxury, washing down his evening cuisine with the choicest
foreign brews. Ram Mohun had not only a Muslim mistress,
he employed Muslim Baboorchis, or cooks for preparing his
Mughlai and European dishes.
Maharshi (Great Hermit ) Devendranath Tagore-noble,
serene, and pure-took under his fostering care the Brahmo
Samaj after the demise of Ram Mohun. But the materialism
of the West had its stamp on his life-style also. The Great
Hermit of the nineteenth century did not live, except during
his last few years in Santiniketan, in a sequestered sylvan
retreat, but in his ancestral palace in Jorasanko, Calcutta,
surrounded by his eight sons, and six daughters, and a host
of other relations with a large retinue of assistants and
servants. From the writings of Abanindranath Tagore we
learn he really lived in an aristocra tic style amidst reasonable
material comforts. Like Is war Chandra Vidyasagar,
Devendranath Tagore maintained rigid silence over British
rule in India.
The Western materialist view of life finds remarkable mani¬
festation in Keshub Chandra Sen. Although he was Brahma-
nand ( Steeped in the Beatitude of the Brahman ) he chose as
husbands for his daughters the rulers of Indian States. And,
even though both the bride and the groom were underage, as
per Keshub*s own New Dispensation, he celebrated their
marriage in the presence of a Hindu Icon. Why did he do so ?
24 BEVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

Obviously for the material comfort and happiness of his

daughters in this world. A very sensible line of conduct for a
loving father. Here material and mundane considerations of
the father Keshub Chandra Sen got the bettea of the Brahma-
nand.
Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar, though an uncompromising
votary of Western rationalism and Western humanism, felt no
attraction towards Western materialism. He lived a life of
Spartan simplicity, conforming to the traditional Indian style
of living of a Brahmin Pundit, or Teacher, exemplified by the
l^endary Ramai Pandit, who passed his life surpassing happy
on a bowl of rice and soup of Tamarind leaves, cooked by hit
wife. Truly, may one gaze in wonder at Iswar Chandra
Vidyasagar and exclaim Ecce Homo-Behold the Man !

Western Modus Operand! z

Another important lesson which the Indians learnt from the
West was the value and necessity of organization, of concerted
collective effort. Religious organizations Indians had in
galore from ancient times. Some trade associations in the
nature of guilds ancient India could boast of. The new lesson
was the forming of associations for achieving or promoting
desired objectives in the cultural, social, and political, spheres
of the national life. Bengal was seized in the ninsteenth
Cenntury with a craze for forming associations to further every
conceivable aspect of national development.

Impact of the West on Indian Languages and Literature :

Strange as it may seem, ttie impact of the West fostered
even the growth of Indian languages, specially their prose part.
The Western Christian missionaries were intensely determined to
convert the Indian masses to their faith. They could propa-
gate their gospel among the Indian people only through the,
regional common dialects. They wanted to preach their faith
through simply easily intelligible words^ that is, tl^ou^ popo-
 IHDIA AWAKES FEOM SLUMBEB OF AGES 2^

ler veracular speech. This gave a great fillip to the growth of

Indian prose writing and literature, Compilation of simple
grammars, and lexicons.
The Baptist missionaries, from Serampore near Calcutta
during ten years translated and printed the Bible, or parts
thereof in thirty-one Indian languages. They also brought out
the Bengali newspaper, Samachar Darpan, which was the second
in point of time, and the first in importance among the earliest
Bengali journals.
In A. D. 1800 was established in Calcutta the Fort William
college to acquaint British freshers into the Civil Service, and
new British Writers of the East India Compiny with the
languages of the natives. Pundits form all over India were
brought into this college. The Pundits started writing
text-books in prose for the benefit of their British pupils.
Pandit Mritunjoy Vidyalonkar and others wrote a number of
of such books in Bengali prose , Lallu Lai $ and Sadal Misra,
associated with this College made pioneer contributions to
Hindi prose literature.

The Indian Renaissance:

So far our eyes had been turned Westward ; let us now
turn our gaze homeward. The Christian missionaries with
their dogged Zeal and determination posed a great threat to
both Hinduism and Islam. The cry of religion in danger had
never failed to rouse people to beastly frenzy. Here was a
case of religion in danger, and it roused both.the Hindus and
Muslims. The Hindus trrditionally shrink form violence ; the
Muslims are prone to it. The dangerous Wahabi movement
among Muslims, iu course of which an acting Chief Justice of
the Calcutca High Court, J. P. Norman ( killed on September
2“, 1871 by Wahabi Abdulla ), and a Viceroy of India, Lord
Mayo ( killed in the Andamans on February 8, 1872 by Wahabi
Sher Ali) were assassinated, was, perhaps, launched to counter
this new threat to Islam from Christianity,
26 REVOLT OP 1905 IN BENGAL \

What was the Hindu reaction to this new threat will be

recounted presently. But qnite apart from the menace of
Christian missionaries, many thoughtful and patriotic Indians
felt that the new ideological waves from the West were about
to wash away the ancient culture and civilisation, ideas and
ideals of India, they threatened to denationalise the Indian
people. The new liquor from the Wast was going to people’s,
head and they were slavishly aping Western dress, manners and
habits. They were damning everything Indian, and cutting off
their roots In the native soil To the sedate and conservative
national leaders and thinkers the ways and actions of the
neophytes of Western models threatened to ruin, the ancient
and glorious Indian society, culture and religion.
That this apprehension on their part was not altogether
unfounded is borne out by some facts. Michael Madhusudan
Dutt, the great Bengali poet became a convert to Chriatianity.
A wellknown remark of his was : “We must speak in English,
think in English, and even dream in English.” He first married
a Biitish lady, and then a French one and lived in purely
European style. He wrote his first poem Captive Lady in
English. Even the great Bankim Chandra Chatterjee wrote his
first novel, Raj Mohan’s wife in English. De Rozio's disciples,.
Young Bengal in the first flush of their exuberance began to
hate and denounce everything Indian. A most striking
example of this extreme adoration of the West was none other
than the father of the illustrious Sri Aurobinda Ghosh. Dr.
K, D. Ghosh, who was one of the earliest Indians to go to
England for higher education. He wanted his son, Aurobinda
to be educated in an English environment. So the son grew up
ignorant of his mother-tongue. Aurobinda was first sent to
Darjeeling to a school meant for European children only. At
the age of seven Aurobinda was sent to England where he
studied for Twelve years. Whenever his wife would be expec¬
ting Dr. K. D. Ghosh would send her to England so that the
child might be British-born.
 • INDIA AWAKES FROM SLUMBER OF AGES 27

Raja Ram Mohun Roy, in the major role of his multi-

pur posed life, was the pioneer of the Indian renaissance. But
he was reasonable and sensible. He realised that Hindu
religion and society required reformation. To counter the
hithy denunciation of Hinduism by the Christian missionaries,
he resuscitated the pure and noble religion of the Upanishads,
the worship of the formless Brahmant and put it into current
vogue through the Brahmo Samaj.
Ram Mohun published his first tract against Hindu idolatry
and in support of monotheism, written in Persian and entitled
Tuhfat-Ul-Muwahidin, in 1804. In 1815 Ram Mohun
composed two prose treatises in Bengali—Vedantasar, and
Vedantagrantha—in which he explained his new Brahmo faith.
Ram Mohun also established in the same year in Calcutta the
Atmiya Sabha ( Kindred Spirits Association ) for study and
dicussion of Vedanta, and propagation of Hindu monotheism.
With the same object in view, Ram Mohun started his own
organs—Brahmanical Magazine in English, and Brahman
Sevadhi in Bengali.
In 1828,Two years before he sailed for England, from where
he never returned, the great Raja Ram Mohnn Roy did his
life's greateast and most abiding work—the establishment of
the Brahmo samj. We have seen Dayanand saraswati through
his Arya samaj propagated the religion of the Vedas, rejecting
puranic Hinduism.
Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, the giant litterateur of Bengal
was a powerful leader of the Indian Renaissance. In his youth'^
he was an ardent admirer of European rationalism and human¬
ism, But in his later years he began to emphasie the deep
spiritual springs of the Hindu faith, philosophy, and culture.
He envisioned Mother India as embodying in herself all the
divine geddesses. Bankim admitted frankly that we got our
rationalism from the West through English educatian. But he
eulogised the deeply spiritual and moral tradition of the Indian
people, and called on his countrymen to serve the motherlanth
28 EBVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

with the strength born out of the ancient Indian virtues of

sacrifice and celibracy. Bankim was definitely against
foreign domination, though as a Government employee
he had to camouflage his attitude under allegories, and innuen¬
does, and had often to speak his mind through past events.
The Maharashtrian Vishnn Sbastri Chiplunkar’s view was
akin to Bankim Chandra*s. He appreciated the value and
importance of English education, whieh he likened to *‘Tigress
‘milk”. But in his ‘Nibandh—Mala he attacked not only
foreign missionaries, but also native reformers, and especially
those who aped Western manners and customs. He also ridi¬
culed the idea that the Britishers were here to do good to
Indians.
Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak also valued Western edu¬
cation. but he wanted to adapt It to Indian needs. He deeply
cherished Hindu religious tenets, philosophical traditions, and
moral values. But he sought to utilise the religious revivalism
as a handmaid for the political awakening of the people. Such,
however, is the innate anti-rationalism of the Hindu religion
and Hindu ^philosophy that even a man of Tilak’s calibre could
not escape its contagion. He compaigned against the Age of
Consent Bill in 1890. Next, he started the Cow Protection
League.
Unlike Tilak, the great Swami Vivekanand wanted the reli¬
gious resurgence to keep aloof of political currents. No donbt
his was the most powerful voice for revival of Hindu spiri¬
tuality and Indo—Aryan heritage. But from the viewpoint
of the national struggle some of his eloquent outbursts were
not helpful. Take for instance the following passages :
“Let foreigners come and fill the country with their armies,
never mind, up India ^ and conquer the world with your
spirituality.”
And,
“England we shall conquer, we shall possess through the
power of spirituality.”
 INDU AWAKES FBOM SLX7MBBB OF AGES 29 '

Further,
“Conquest of England, Europe, and America—this should be
ouJ supreme Mantra at present —in it lies the well—being
of our Ceuntry,*

Such utterances sound like a delirium of hyperbolic bragga-

docio. The great Swamiji ignored completely the unsavoury
facts of history. Hindu spirituality never conquered any territory
outside of India, exccept, perhaps, some islands of South-East
Asia, which also. later, became totally Isalmic. The message
(tf Oautam Buddha once conquered almast the whole of Asia.
On the contrary, in spite of the much—^vaunted Hindu
spirituality, the holy land of Aryavarta was conquered again,
and again by not—so—spiritual foreign conquerors from across
mountains and seas through seven centuries, and a half.
Finally, world—conquering Hindu spirituality notwithstanding^.
a good portion of sacred Aryavarta became Pakistan>holy land
of the Mnslims. This reminds us of the sack of the temple
of Somnath by Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni. The Brahmin
priests fondly believed that Lord Somnath will arise and crush
“the Mlecchas”* or unholy Mussims. No spiritual miracle
happened, and Sultan Mahmud with a mighty stroke of his
scimitar smashed to pieces the Idol of Somnoth.

But the extremest Indian reactian to Western iafluence

was expressed in four lines of verse writtsn by a Bengali
poet, Iswar Gupta, who lived from 1806 to 1858.
“With a brother’s love in your heart
Look to your Countrymen,
with love-light in your eyes $
Let us tend with affection
The dogs of our own land,
Laying aside foreign gods.*’

This is, no doubt, an unfortunate swing to the other extreme

away from the extreme where Dr. K.D. Oho^ stood.
 30 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

Militant Nationalism :
Nationilism, patriotism, love of liberty are sentiments, and
are aroused by sentimental appeals, and not so much by cold
reason What is known as militancy, or extremism was injected
into the incipient Indian nationalism by the leaders of the
Indian renaissance and Hindu revivalism. Their assertions
about the excellence and superiority of Hindu religion, philoso¬
phy, culture and civilisation, and their glorification of the Indo-
Aryan* past achievements engendered in the hearts of their
countrymen patriotic and nationalist fervour. To be a little
more concrete, the knowledge of the scientific achievements of
Newton or Lavoisier could enlighten the minds of Indians, but
could not ignite patriotic glow in their hearts. But when they
■heard of the achievements of the ancient Indian scientists, Ary-
abhatta, and Varamihir they conld have a feeling of patriotic
pride over them. Similarly, study of Chaucer, and Shakes¬
peare might enthrall their mind, but could not bring to their
hearts the national pride which the beauties of Kalidas» or
Bhababhuti could excite.
The Indian renaissance, and Hindu revivalism, as it was
essentially anti-west, fanned anti British feelings in Indian
hearts, and inspired militant nationalism and political extrem¬
ism. Many among the earliest batch of political leaders and
workers came from the Brahmo Samaj, or Prarthana Samaj.
Dayanand Saraswati and his Arya Samaj made a tremendous
impression on the people of the north, and caused a political
awakening along with the religious and social Such Well-
known national leaders as Lala Hansraj, Lala Lajpat Rai, Lala
Munshiram (Swami Sraddhanand), and Bhai Parmanand
received their inspiration from Dayanand and the Arya Samaj.
Bankim Chandra Chatterjee stands out as a Tower of
strength to the Indian renaissance and Hindu revivalism. His
writings, including his immortal song, Bande Mataram, which
became India’s National Anthem, were the fountan—heads from
which the revolutionary youth of Bengal drew thdr patriotic
 INDIA AWAKBS FOBM SLUMBEB OF AOBS 31

Ardour and their spirit of supremest sacrifice.

Swani Vivekanand avoided political involvement, and
Advised the Ram Krishna Mission to stay away from
politics. His Charismatic Irish disciple, Sister Nivedita was
compelled to sever her connexion with the Ram Krishna
Mission shortly after her Master’s death because of her political
activities.
Even so, some of his stirring addresses to his countrymen,
-clothed in the characteristic volcanic eloquence of the cyclonic
monk, could not fail to inflame young hearts with a burning
sense of patriotism and nationalism.
Thundered forth Swamiji:
“So give up being a slave For the next fifty years
this alone shall be our key-note—this our great Mother¬
land. Let all other vain Gods disappear for that time
from our mind.”
And then, that oft-quoted purple passage in Bengali—a
passionate exhortation to his count!) men to unite as one
people.
“Oh hero : be courageous : Proudly proclaim I am an
Indian—every Indian is my brother ! Proclaim illite¬
rate Indians, poor Indians, Brahmin Indians, Chanda!
Indians are my brothers.
••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••

say brother India’s earth is my Heaven, India’s well¬

being is my well—being.”
In 1905 an ascetic Agamya Guru Paramhansa went about
telling people in Western India to stand up against the British
Raj. Vinayak Damadar Savarkar and a group of young students
at Poona were inspired by his teaching and founded a
revolutionary association.
The upshot of it all was that in India a strong religio-
political nationalism grew up. It was also frankly and
predominantly a Hindu Nationalism* To be fair to the
founding fathers of the Indian National Congress it has to be
32 BBVOIiT OP 1905 IN BENGAL

noted that this development happend in spite of them. They

worked scrupulously to nurture the Congress as a purely
political organization keeping out of it all religious and social
questions.

Patriotic Poets and Writers :

The misery and degradation of the country under foreign
rule, and the yearning to be a free people were expressed poig¬
nantly and passionately by a host of patriotic poets and writers
in every Indian language and literature. But their names are
numerous and their contribution immense. To recount them
would mean writing half the history of the different literatures
of India. Neither the size of this volume, nor the competence
of its author are equal to that monumental task. Here discretion
is the better part of valour. We have to be content with just a
general mention of this very important and powerful contri¬
butory factor to the growth of nationalism and patriotism
among the people of India.
Culturally, the grandest synthesis between the new Western
thesis and the ancient Indian counter-thesis was achieved by the
celebrated Tagore family of Calcutta, who blended into a glori¬
ous harmony the modern enlightenment of the West with the
eternal verities of Aryavarta.

Genesis of Indian Economic Nationalism :

The intellectual and cultural gusts from the West produced
national consciousness and political awakenning in India. But,
it also brought in a new danger, Some of the Indians who
have had the highest level of Western education became fana¬
tical votaries of Britishers, and everything British. They could
see nothing but inestimable blessings accruing to Indians from
British rule. Throughout the nineteenth century their number
was not inconsiderable. To utter a word t^ainst the British
was anathema and blasphemy to them. Tnis itiusion, delunoi^,
and halluctnaiion had to be dialled. Il
 INDIA AWAKES FOBM SLUMBER OF AGES 33

Even the Indian Masses seemed to be reconciled to British

rule, because inspite of their poverty and hardship they had a
peaceful and secure existence under the British regime. They
had a frightful memory of the turmoils and turbulence of pre-
British days, particulary of the plunder and rapine of Mahratta
bargirs, and the depredations of Thuggies and Pindaris. Little
could they realise that this Pax Brittanica was for them really
the peace of the grave. The sinister and subtle policy and
activities of British imperialism had to be unmasked to the
people of India. They had to be apprised of data and statistics
relating to the pitiful economic plight of the coimtry under
British rule.
Indians had to foot the bill for the upkeep of a large body
of highly paid British civilians, and a heavy contingent of expen¬
sive British troops, whose only function was to keep Indians
under British heels. The people of India had to bear the huge
expense of foreign wars fought for the maintenance and expan¬
sion of the British Empire.
The British indigo planters, through threats, force, and
allurements, were compelling Indian farmers to cultivate indigo
plants. But the poor Indian peasants were receiving paltry
pittances for their labour, while their British exploiters were
reaping huge profits by selling much-prized indigo in European
markets. The story in the British-owned tea-gardens was the
same or worse. The Indian coolies in those tea gardens had to
suffer restrictions and humiliations which really reduced them
to the condition of bond-slaves. The rich coal-fields in Bengal
and Bihar were owned mostly by Britishers. The hard-worked
miners did their perilous job on only starvation wages, while
the British owners lifted huge profits. In short, the British¬
ers were eating up the fat of the land.
Through customs and Tariff regulations and the policy of
freetrade Britishers were exporting to their homeland raw-
materials and food stuff, procured at cheap rates, to feed
British manufacture and industries, and British labour in
3
 34 BBVOLT OP 1905 IN BENGAL

England. They were, at the same time, throttling and squeezing

out India’s indigenous industries through foul and cruel
methods in order to monopolise the Indian market for goods
of English make. The economic exploitation of India, and
the Indians was the motif of British imperial rule over India.
Exposing the Character of British Exploitation :
Luckily for the Indian people a galaxy of highly gifted and
intensely patriotic sons of India produced a series of master¬
pieces which laid bare this most sinister and insidious aspect
of British Indian imperialism. The most penetrating and
impressive among such works was Poverty and Un-British Rule
in India by Dadabhai Naoroji, the principal architect of the
Indian National Congress. The book showed Dadabhai’s extra¬
ordinary grasp and knowledge of every sphere of India’s
national life. He also revealed in it his vast learning, powers
of research, and his burning partriotism. The compilation was
a statistical masterpiece. Dadabhai did not mince words, and
was forthright in his denunciation of British rule. He decared :
“Indians were mere helots. They were worse than American
slaves, for the latter were, at least, taken care of by their
masters, whose property they were.” He had the courage to
characterise British rule as ‘‘an everlasting, everyday increasing
foreign invasion, utterly, though gradually, destroying the
country.” So far as the expression of anti-British opinion and
feeling went, the most extremist of Indian leaders could hardly
go beyond those words of Dadabhai Naoroji.
Mahadeo Govind Ranade’s Economic Essays were also an
important contribution on the subject.
A famous work in this behalf was the authoritative and
revealing Economic History of British India by that patriotic
and versatile civilian, R. C. Dutt. This book opened the eyes
of educated Indians to the carefully camouflaged British
machinations through which the economic exploitation of India
in the interest of England was being effected. Dutt pointed
out that this was the motive behind British rule over India.
 INDIA AWAKES PROM SLUMBER OP AGES 35

In a later stage of the national struggle the phrase economic

exploitation of India was on the lips of every Congress leader
and worker. Aurobinda Ghosh said it would have been very
difficult to explain to the people the efficacy of boycott of
British goods, but for this publication. Incidentally, R. C.
Dutt presided over the Lucknow session of the Congress in
1899.
But, perhaps, in this sphere the writings of a less known
patriot, Bhola Nath Chandra of Calcutta was more comprehen¬
sive and constructive. He wrote a monumental work in five
volumes, entitled A Voice for the Commerce and Manufac¬
tures of India. In 1874, in a series of articles in Mukherjee’s
Magazine, edited by Sambhu Nath Mukherjee he showed how
Britain’s free-trade policy was ruining India’s industries. He
appealed to his countrymen to take the vow that they won’t
touch British goods, and use only indigenous products. He
also gave a call to his countrymen to resolve to resuscitate and
develop the ruined crafts and industries of the Country. The
writings of Bhola Nath Chandra anticipated entirely the pro¬
gramme of the Swadeshi and Boycott movement of 1905.
Nor should we omit to mention here a remarkable compila¬
tion the product t>f sustained patriotic labour by a remarkable
man. Sakharam G^mesh Deuskar was a Marathi, and a devoted
disciple of Bal Gang .dhar Tilak. He was domiciled in Bihar,
and was a good and prolific writer of Bengali. He was born
and educated . t Bai -'y math Dham or Deogarh in Bihar. He
started life tlie^-e as a teacher. He was externed from Bihar
for his political activities. He came to Calcutta, and took to
journalism as his career. He was for thirteen years the editor
of the Bengali n.iti m list paper, Hitavadi. In his publication
“Desher Kaiha” ( An Account of the Country ), written in
Bengali he convijicingly exposed the evils of British rule. The
Government banned the book. It has to be added that
Sakharam Ganesh Ueuskar was one of the active spirits in the
first batch of secret armed revolutionaries of Bengal.
36 BE VOLT OP 1905 IN BENGAL

Bombay and Eeononic Nationalism :

It is one among the strange ironies of history that the
Indian people got their consciousness of political unity, politi¬
cal rights and nationalism from the British through English
education. These equipped them to start their struggle for
national independence against the British. In the economic
sphere Indians learnt of modern industrialisation—the trans¬
formation of industry into large-scale mechanised ventures from
its development in Britian* The idea of floating joint-stock
companies came to India from England. Indians, then, started
big industries of their own, and clashed with Britain in the
economic and industrial arena.
In Bengal nationalism was intellectual and emotional. The
coming clash there between Indian nationalism and British
imperialism would be on the political plane. The struggle
against British inperialism on the economic front was to start
in Bombay with the growth of indigenous industries there.
When the English first began trading in India under license
and permission of Mughal Emperors British and Indian
merchants transacted business on equal footing. After the
British spread their sway over the land the Indian merchants
were reduced to the status of underlings to British concerns.
Both in Bombay and Calcutta, as elsewhere in India, the native
merchants became cither purchasing, or selling agents, or
brokers of British Commercial houses.
Even so, some of these Indian agents amassed considerable
surplus wealth. In Bengal, where the Zemindary system pre¬
vailed, merchants with surplus money invested it in landed
properties. A few instances will prove the trend there. Joy
Kissen Mukhei jee of Uttarpara, near Calcutta amassed a large
fortune as supplier to the British Commissariat. But he inves¬
ted his money in acquiring landed estates and founded the
Uttarpara Raj family. Another instance is the celebrated
Tagore famiy. Prince Dwarkanath acquired a huge fortune as
business partner of British firms. But after him, the Tagores
 INDIA AWAKES PROM SLUMBER OP AGES 37

turned into Zemindars. Other branches of the Tagore family

also exchanged lucrative trade for Zemindaries. A third ins¬
tance was Raghuram Goswami of Scrampore. He was a banian
( agent) of the famous British mercantile firm of John Palmer
and Company, and amassed great wealth in busine'^s. He
competed with the East India Company over the purchase of
the Danish settlement of Serrimporc, and offered to pay the
price of Twelve lakh rupees ftxed by the Danish authorities.
But after Raghuram. the Goswamis of Serampore became one
of the big Zemindar families of Bengal.
Moreover, the industries that grew up in Bengal were
mostly owned by Britishers. Bengal is the home of Jute. Some
Jute Mills did spring up on both banks of the Hooghly,
adjacent to Calcutta. But they were British concerns. Tea is
another important commercial product of Bengal But the
tea-gardens were monopolised by British planters. The rich
coal-fields of Raneegunge, and Jharia were also grabbed by
Englishmen.
Luckily for Bombay ( here by Bombay is denoted the
Presidency of Bombay ), the picture was different. For one
thing, the ryotwari system of land-tenure prevailed there.
Investment in land was not as attractive under that system as
under the Zemindary settlement of Bengal. Hence, in Bombay
people with surplus wealth invested their money in trade and
industries
Western India’s great industrial product is cotton. It is
grown in abundance in Maharashtra, Gujarat, Cutch and
Madhya Pradesh—all within eas^y reach of Bombay and
Ahmedabad. Cheap and abundant labour could be darwn into
the industries in Bombay, as the mostly arid soil of Maharash¬
tra and Gujarat afforded scanty subsistence to the peasants.
Bombay had the honour of developing the first Indian—
owned large-scale industry-Textile Mills. The pioneers in the
industrial field in Bombay were the Parsis. They were followed
by Bhatias, and Borah Muslims. Though a very small
 38 BBVOLT OF 1905 IN BBNGAL

minority in the Indian Population, the contribution of Paisis in

the making of mooern India is immense.
After the Arab victories over the Persians at the battles of
Kadisia and Nihavend Persia passed under the rule of the
Islamic Arabs. Most Persians had to embrace the faith of
their conquerors. But a few families, who cherished their old
Zoroastrianism, or fireworship, emigrated to India from time
to time. They settled down in Gujarat, and engaged in trade.
Commerce and crafts. As the city of Bombay grew up many of
them shifted there.
The Parsis were at first agents for buying cotton for British
exporters. They were also selling agents for imported British
articles. Some of these agents became quite rich and began to
tiade on their own. They engaged most profitably in the
opium trade with China.
In 1856 a Parsi named C. N. Davar started the first
Spinning Mill in Bombay. The first Weavaing Mill came up
in 1860, but most of the Mills were at first Yarn Mills. Their
product used to be exported to Rangoon, Hong-Kong, and
Japan, but China was the principal customer of Indian yarn
and piecepoods.
The American Civill War ( 1861-1865 ) proved a bonanza
to the Indian Cotton dealers. Till the outbreak of that war,
Manchester had imported cotton from America, but that source
was now closed. British mills at Manchester had now to
depend on Bombay for their supplies of cotton. The Parsi
Cotton dealers took full advantage of the situation, and made
huge profits.
As a result the number of Textile mills in Bombay shot up
to 51 in 1877. Jamshetji Tata founded the big Empress
Mills in Nagpur. At the close of the century the number of
of mills reached 155. Next to the Bombay city area, the largest
concentration of Textile mills was in Ahmedabad in Gujarat.
The Japanese, who had been large importers of Indian Yarn,
soon began to spin and weave their cloth. This forced the
 India awakes fobm slumbbb of ages 39

Bombay mills-owners to develop their Spinning mills into full

Textile Mills.
Indians, thus, thre<v a serious challenge to British capitalists
and exploiters on the industrial front. It should be noted that
the Indian Empire was ruled in the ninteenth century not only
from Westminster, but also from Manchester with its free-trade
leaders in the first half, and from Birmingham with Joseph
Chamberlain and the cry for imperial preference in the second
half.
Under pressure of British free-trade agitators and British
manufacturers the Government of India had ultimately to
abolish import duties on all British goods, except spirits and
salt. Not content with that, in order to corner India’s nascent
textile industry, they forced the Government of India to impose
a custom duty of five per cent on the import of long-staple
cotton, essential far the growth of the Indian Textile industry.
India did not grow long staple cotton, it had to be imported
from Egypt.
To stifle the new-born Indian industry the British vested
interests also compelled the Indian Government to levy an
excise duty of five per cent on Indian cotton products.
The Parsis were the pioneers in Bo nbay in not only trade
and industry, but also in the fields of education, and cultural,
social, and political activities. They had gone all out tor
Westernisation through the medium of English education.
Hence, they shone in the legal and medical professions and also
in the educational sphere. Their public leader was the able,
partrioticn and sagacious Dadabhai Naoroji. The enlightened
Parsis realised that they could not save their infant industries
from the onslaught of British imperialism unless they had
behind them the support of the entire Indian people, That is
why they threw themselves heart and soul into the effort to
organize the Indian National Congress.
It is true the Swadeshi movement in Bengal, specially boy¬
cott of foreign cloth gave a great fillip to the Textile industry in
40 BBVOIiT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

the Bombay Presidency. Bengalis often refer to this fact with

some petulance. We suffered and the Bombaywallas prospered
at our cost, they say. But we should not forget to look to the
other side of the shield. Had not the textile mills of Bombay
been there, the boycott of foreign cloth might have forced many
Indians to go without clothes.
A mention should be made of the great leader of India’s
Industrial revolution, Jamshctji Tata. It would not be fair for
any Indian who takes pride in his own country just to sneer at
him as a capitalist, out for profiteering.
Jamshetji Nusserwanji Tata was born at Navasari in the
Baroda State. He came over to Bombay at the age of thirteen,
and was admitted to the Blphinstone School. After studying
there for six years, he joined his father’s firm. His father had
trade with China. That led Jamshetji to go over to Hong-Kong.
Next, he proceeded to Manchester to acquire the khow how
about Textile Mills. On returning to India, he started on
January 1, 1877 the Empress Cotton Mills at Nagpur.
British freigners, who till now held the monopoly over
carrying the products of Bombay mills to Rangoon, Hong-
Kong, and Japan, began to charge exorbitant rates. Jamshetji
went to Japan, and arranged for carrying of Bombay pro¬
ducts in Japanese Vessels, thus breaking the British monopoly.
Jamshetji’s greatest national service to India was the foun¬
dation of the Bangalore Research Institute. He laboured hard
and long over this project, and himself donated rupees thirty
lakhs towards its establishment.
Jamshetji Tata had completed the project and all prelimina
ries for another great land-mark in India’s Industrial history,
when he suddenly died in 1904. That was the great enterprise,
Tata Iron and Steel works at Jamshedpur, in Bihar. The foun¬
dation of the giant steel plant was laid next year, and it went
into production in 1907.
Jamshetji Tata should be remembered by Indians with
respect as the Father of Industrial India.
 VANGUARD OF NEW INDIA

Well-nigh half-a-century before the emergence of nn Indian

nationalism a fullblown, close-knit, and firmly com olidated
Bengali nationalism, more precisely Bengali Hindu nationalism
had developed. Principally historical, and some geographical
factors and circumstances gave the Bengal Hindus a flying start
over the other races and provinces of India in the race for pro¬
gress and modernisation. Nevertheless, the intrinsic merit,
character, and aptitude of the Bengali Hindus themselves contri¬
buted considerably to make them the Vanguard of the new
India, which took shape in course of the nineteenth century of
the Christian era.
Let us first take up a few geographical factors. While
talking of the Bengali Hindu nationalism or of the Renaissance
in Bengal or of the New Age in Bengal one should keep his
eyes rivetted on Calcutta and its surrounding areas within a
radius of twenty-five miless. The city and port of Calcutta was
the nerve centre of new Bengal, nay, of new India.
Within a stretch of twenty-five miles to the north of Calcutta
on the west bank of the river Hooghly, had grown up in close
proximity the Portuguese settlement at Hooghly, which was
replaced by an English settlement when the Portuguese were
wiped out from there in 1650 under orders of the Emperor
Shah Jehan ; adjacent to it on the south was the Dutch settle¬
ment at Chinsurah j contiguous to it on the south was the
French settlement at Chandernagore ^ a little further to the
south was the Danish settlement at Serampore. Later on
sprang up on the east bank of the river the English settlement
at Calcutta. Such a compact juxtaposition of so many
European nationalities occurred nowhere else in India. All
these made their distinct contributions to the new age in Bengal
New light in many fields came first from the Danish settlement
in Serampore. The French settlement at Chandernagore pro¬
vided a rendezvous and shelter for Bengali revolutionaries and
political absconders.
42 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

The port of Calcutta had as its hinterland the whole of

upper India up to the Himalayas-the Heart of Aryavaita. Jute,
over which Bengal held world monopoly, was exported through
the port of Calcutta. Tea from the gardens in the Dooars was
exported through the port of Calcutta. The rich coalfields ot
Raneegunge and Jharia were easily accessible from the port of
Calcutta. Calcutta became the centre of European trade,
commerce, and industry in India. Through the port of
Calcutta were exchanged between India and the West both
commodities and ideas, lor the imports into this port included
crates of English publications.
Next, we come to the more important historical lacts and
circumstances. The British victory in the Battle of Plassey in
1757 made the English East India Company the Nawab-makers
over Bengal* Bihar, and Orissa. The grant of Dewani of Bengal,
Bihar, aud Orissa to the East India company by the Mughal
Emperor, Shah Alam 11 in 1765 gave the British their first
administrative foot-hold in India. Calcutta became the prin¬
cipal base, and headquarters of the British power in India, and
remained so till 1911.
Hence, both commercially aud politically the importance of
Calcutta grew fast and it had by far the largest concentration of
Britishers, and Europeans in the whole of India. Bengalis of
Calcutta had very much earlier, in very much larger number,
very much closer contact with Britishers than any other comm¬
unity in India.
The impact of historical events marked out Calcutta as the
venue where the commingling, clash, and synthesising of India
and the West were to take place first. British traders for expan¬
sion and cai rying on of their commercial ventures must know
the language, manners, and customs of their Indian partners.
The new British rulers of the land for purposes of their admini¬
stration must acquaint themselves with the language and litera¬
ture, religion, and social customs and laws of their native
subjects. A third group of Britishers and Europeans were also
 VANGUARD OP NEW INDU 45

eager to learn all about Indian religion language, and social

observances. They were the British and European Christian
missionaries.
Bengali Hindus ( the Bengali Muslims in the beginning held
aloof from British contacts ) were eager to learn the English
language, and Western manners and customs in order to avail
themselves of the opportunity for being the junior partners, or
undergos in both commerce, and administration of the new
masters of the land.
It was, thus, a two way traffic. Necessity impelled the
British to take the initiative in this interchange of knowledge,
and ideas. The first British Governor-General of India,
Warren Hastings founded the Calcutta Madrassah in 1781, and
Jonathan Duncan established the Sanskrit College at Banaras
in 1792. British administrative exigencies led to the establish¬
ment of these institutions. They were intended principally to
interpret Mohammedan and Hindu law to English officers. The
same reason led Sir William Jones, a judge of the Supreme
Court, to select the celebrated Pundit Jagannath Tarkapancha-
nan of Tribani in district Hooghly for the job of compiling a
Hindu law code in which the conflicting views of Hindu law¬
givers could be brought into a system. Lord Cornwallis
accepted this recommendation of Jones. Tarkapanchanan
compiled his famous Bibad—Vangharnav, which was later
translated into English by the well-known Orientalist, Henry
Herbert Colebrook.
Sir William Jones, with the assistance of local Orientalists,
established in 1784 the Asiatic Society of Bengal for '*enquiry
into the history and antiquity, arts, sciences, and literatures of
Asia. In 1788 the Society’s journal Asiatic Researches came
out. It may be mentioned in this connexion that the Bombay
branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, originally started as the
Bombay Literary Society in 1804, also did very useful work in
throwing light on India’s rich heritage.
Administrative needs also accounted for the establishment
44 BEVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

of the Fort William College in A. D. 1800. The starting of

the East India College at Hailebury, England for training of
British Civilians caused the decline in importance, and ultimate
abolition of the Fort William College.
Individual Britishers were also making some remarkable
contributions. Wilkinson, the famous translator of the Gita,
with the assistance of Panchanan Karmakar cast Bengali types
in wood in Hooghly. Brassy Halhead wrote a Bengali grammar
in English. This book was printed in 1778 in Bengali wooden
types made by Panchannn Karmakar in a press owned by an
Englishman, named Andrews at Hooghlv, James Augustus
Hickie published on 19th January, 1780 the first English news
journal of Calcutta, Bengal Gazette. Hickie was a free-lance,
scurrilous journaiist. who directed his barbed shafts at the
Establishment, not sparing even Lady Warren Hastings None
theless, he set on example of bold, fearless, even reckless
journalism.
An important landmark in the awakening of Bengal was
the establishment of the Baptist Mission by William Carey,
Joshua Marshman, and William Ward in 1800 A. D. in the
Danish settlement at Serampore, a few miles north of Calcutta.
■For thirty—eight years from A, D. 1800—1837 the Serampore
Mission, besides translating the Bible into different Indian
languages, and printing and distributing tracts and pamphlets
for propagating Christianity, did also a number of remarkable
things for Bengal, and Bengalis. In 1800 A. D- Carey estab¬
lished his famous Serampore Bengali Press for printing Bengali
books and journals. William Carey himself composed in 1801
a Bengali translation of the Bible, and a grammar of the Bengali
language j in 1812 he wrote Itihasmala. These and other old
Bengali texts were printed by the Serampore press. The
Serampore missionaries established a considerable number of
English schools round about the Danish settlement and one of
the finest and oldest colleges in Bengal, the Serampore College
in 1818. In 1831 under this college were twenty one English
 VANQUAED OP NEW INDIA 45

boys schools, and the number of students on their rolls was

1195. In 1818 was also started the famous Bengali weekly
journal, Samachar Darpan under the editorship of John Clark
Marshman, son of Joshua Marshman. Though Marshman was
its editor, the writings in Samachar Darpan were done by
Bengali Pundits.
Samachar Darpan had a long and very useful career.
Astonishingly enough the Serampore missionaries also set up
the fiirst steam engine in India ^ with its help they introduced
the modern manufacture of paper on a large scale. It has
to be admitted the Baptist missionaries working in the Danish
settlement at Serampore did a lot to make the Bengali Hindus
the vanguard of new India. Bengali prose literature, Bengali
journalism, Bengali Press, and indigenous supply of paper in
Bengal owe much to them, not to apeak of their great service
in the spread of English education among Bengalis.
The Scottish missionary, Alexander Duff also founded a few
good english schools and colleges. A philanthropic Scottish
watch dealer, David Hare toiled tirelessly and emptied his
purse in founding and financing schools, and helping indigent
Indian students of such schools.
British and European initiative is seen also in the field of girls*
education in Bengal. A batch of European ladies started the
female Juvenile Society in 1819 to found free schools for girls in
Calcutta and its outskirts. The first free school was opened by
them in Gounbari of the Ultadanga area called the Female
Juvenile School. Miss Cook arrieved in India with the sole
purpose of spreading education among Indian women. By 1824
she started twenty-four schools, but with few pupils. Finally,
John Eliot Drinkwater Bethune, Law Member of the Governor-
General’s council founded with the help and support of the two
Young Bengal leaders, Ram Gopal Ghosh, and Dakshina
Ranjan Mukhopadhay, and two eminent Pundits, Madan Mohan
Tarkalankar, and Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar the Hindu Balika
Vidyalay on 7th May, 1849. The institution, which came to be
46 BEVOLT OF 1905 IB BENGAL

known later as Bethune School, and Bethune College, after the

name of its founder, started with the only 21 students.
Carriages were arranged for the conveyance of the girls.
We have been so far delineating the initiative and approach
of Britishers and Europeans towards Bengalis, and their
progress What was the response of the Bengali Hindus to
these overtures from the other side. Before going into that,
we should note that the Bengali Hindus had developed, long
before the advent of the British, a mind receptive to new ideas,
ready to welcome changes in their habits and customs, and not
afraid to leave the beaten track, and strike out into new avenues
of thought and new paths of action. The religious and
intellectual ferment in Nabadwip, on the river Hooghly, a
little to the north of Calcutta in the fifteenth century had
broadened and liberalised the mind and character of the Bengali
Hindus. That Mini-Ranaissance at Nabadwip prepared their
mental makeup to react readily to new progressive ideas and
ways. Sri Cbaitanya through his preaching had considerably
relaxed the traditional Indian rigidity on caste and sex. His
teachings widely influenced the Bengali masses, and the lower
strata of Hindu society, and liberalised their mind. Raghunath
Shiromoni through his “Nabya Nayay’* ( New Principles of
Thought) had given a new turn to the mental horizon of
Bengal Hindus. In same Nabadwip Raghunandan Bhattacharya
had compilled his “Nabya Smriti,” and opened the door to
social reforms for Bengalis. Jimutbahan’s “Daybhag” ( Law
of inheritance ), which was different from the law that governed
the rest of India, gave individual liberty to the Daybhag-father
in respect of ancestral property. He was free to follow his
whims and wishes in managing, or disposing of the ancestral
property. Compared to Vijnaneswar’s “Mitakshara”, which
controlled the lest of India, it was a powerful assertion of the
liberty of the individual.
We have seen what was the impact of English education and
western ideas on Raja Ram Mohun Roy. But that was the
 VANGUARD OP NEW INDIA 47

reaction of an individual of rare intellect and extraordinary

personality.
How well the Bengali Hindus realised the importance and
value of English education and how eagerly all sections of
Hindu Bengal wanted their sons to have the benefit of it is
exemplified in the story of the foundation of the Hindu College,
a momentous event in the history of Bengal.
At a meeting held in the residence of Sir Edward Hyde
East, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court on the Nth May,
1816 about fifty leading Hindus of Calcutta, including the prin¬
cipal Brshiman Pundits decided on establishing a college for
imparting an English education and Western learning to their
•children. These moves and efforts finally culminated in the
founding of the Hindu College on the 2Uth January, 1817.
Among those who took a leading role in founding and
nurturing the institution were Maharaja Tej Chedra of Burd-
wan, Gopi Mohan Tagore, Gopi Mohan Deb of Sovabazar, Joy
Krishoe Sinba, Raja Sir Radhakanta Deb of Sovabazar, and
Dewan Ram Kamal Sen.
At first the Hindu College received no aid from the Govern¬
ment. Indeed, Government attitude towards it was hostile.
Raja Sir Radha kanta Deb nursed and nurtured the college with
his care, labour, and finance. There were, ofcourse, other
patrons also. In 1825-2^ Horace Heyman Wilson, in collabo¬
ration with Ram Kamal Sen reorganised the college. To begin
with the Hindu College was realty a school.
Two things should be noted particularly in this connexion.
Long before Macaulay’s famous Minutes of 1836 even learned
Brahmin Pundits had become eager to impart English education
and Western learning to their sons. Secondly, the principal
wellwisher of the institution was none other than the leader
of the orthodox Hindu group, Raja Sir Radha Kenta Deb of
Sovabazar.
In 1817 was established the Calcutta School Book Society,
and next year the Calcutta school society. Not olny the Hindn
48 EBVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

college but quite a few English schools and colleges had been
established in the Calcutta area through private enterprise and
the efforts of Christian missionaries, before Government
accepted Macaulay*s recommendation.
The zest for acquiring English education and Western
Knowledge was growing apace among Bengali Hindus, and
was thereby transforming their mental outlook on religion and
society. More important, this Western education was implan¬
ting in their mind a new and fast growing political and nation¬
al consciousness.
Among such English schools was Raja Ram Mohun Roy’s
Anglo-Hindu school, Pataldanga High School, founded by the
Calcutta School Society, Jaga Mohan Basu’b Union Academy in
Bhowanipur. and Gour Mohan Auddy’s Oriental Seminary,
established in 1829. Bishops College was established in 1820
in Sibpore on the other side of the river, The Scottish missio¬
nary, Alexander Duff first started an English school which grew
into the General Assemblys Institution in 1835. The Society
of Jesus also started in Calcutta the St. Xaviers college about
this time. In fact, Calcutta was fast becoming heneycombed
with English schools and colleges.
But a controversy still reged among the Indian leaders of
thought, and among British administrators as to what should
be the medium and curiiculm of Instruction for Indian boys.
The Anglicists urged that Indian boys should study Western
literature, philosophy, liisiury, and the Western sciences through
the medium of the English tongue. The orientalists wanted
that Indian boys should leain the traditional Indian subjects
through the medium of Saiiski it, or any other Indian language.
The question was hnally settled by the famous minute of
February 2, 1835 of Thomas Babmgton Macaulay, the first Law
Member of the Governor Generals’ Council. Governor-General
Bentinck accepted the recommendation of Macaulay, and
declared his policy on education on the 7th march, 1835. It
laid down that henceforward the British Government will spend
 VANGUARD Op NEW INDIA 49

money only on the spread of Western knowledge and science

through schools and colleges. The medium of instruction will,
of course, be English. Old native schools will, however,
continue to receive, their grants. But Government money will
be devoted principally to teaching English literature and
Western science to the natives of India through the medium
of the English language.
Macaulay in his characteristic strong and dogmatic style
emphasized his viewpoint on the matter with a remark which
was universally resented to by Indians. Said he :
“A single shelf of a good European library was worth the
whole native literature of India’*, and Calcutta was soon going
to have one. Sir Charles Metcalfe on the 15th September,
1835 removed the restrictions on the freedom of the Indian
press. The citizens of Calcutta expressed their gratitude to
Metcalfe by erecting to his memory Metcalfe Hall. In 1836
was established the Calcutta Public Library which came to be
housed in Metcalfe Hall. In Bombay a library had been
established earlier than 1836, but in importance and circula¬
tion of its books it could stand no comparison to the Calcutta
Public Library. The Public Library in the Town of Midnapur
Bengal, now known as Rishi Rajnarain Pathagar was
established in 1852.
Following the announcement of Governments policy on
Education by Lord Wiliam Bentinck there was a spate of new
English Schools and colleges all over Bengal. In 1835 the
Medical college in Calcutta was founded ; in 1836 the Hooghly
College, through the philanthropy of Haji Mohammed Mahsin,
and the Dacca college in 1841.
Another important landmark in the spread of English
Education and western learning in India was Wood’s Education
Despatch of 1854. Sir Charles Wood, President of the Board
of Control in England sent, in 1854, a comprehensive Despatch,
which laid down the principles of a graded ec! icational system.
4
50 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BBxGAL

A department of Public Instruction was to be set up in each

of the three Presidencies, and also in the North western
Provinne (Uttar Pradesh), and the Punjab. A network of
graded schools was to be spread all over British India.
Provision was to be made for sanction of grants-in-aid to
some of these schools. A system of scholarships for merito¬
rious students should be introduced, and girls education should
be encouraged. Universities were to be established in Calcutta
Bombay, and Madras on the model of the University of
London, which was then a purely examining body. The uni¬
versities of Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras were established
in 1857.
Human progress, paradcxically enough, results from fusion
of different cultures, and abo out of friction between different
civilisations. Calcutta witnessed in the nineteenth century a
beautiful commingling and communion between India and the
West, and also ugly clashes caused by differing Western and
Indian values and viewpoints.
May Englishmen and Europeans were fascinated by the
ancient lore and annals of India, by the teachings of the Gita
and the Upanishads, and by the charms of the rich Sanskrit
literature. Mention has been made of Wilkinson, Sir william
Jones, Colebrook, and Horace Hayman Wilson. There was
a host of others, like Gladwin, Winfred, Hutton, and Prinsep.
On the other hand, thousands of Bengalis and other Indians
were enthralled by the beauties of tha English literature, were
enlivened by the appeal to rationalism and humanism in
Western thought, were inspired by the glory and grandeur
of liberty, democracy, and nationalism mir ored in Western
history.
But there was also a different, and not so pleasant a
picture. Christian missionaries scathingly attacking Hindu
tenets and practices. Hindu reformists like Ram Mohun took
up the gauntlet and attempted to parry attacks of the Christian
 VANGUARD OF NEW INDIA 51

missionaries. Ramkrishna Paramhansa revived and popularised

the Hindu faith and his disciple, Vivekanand threw a strident
challenge on behalf of the ancient philosophy and religion
of India.
Young Bengal, drunk with the new Western spirit, in the
fisrt flush of youthful exuberance poured contempt on every
Hindu custom and concept. Naturally the orthodox section
was up in arras against them.
Next came the controversy between Anglicists and Orien¬
talists over the medium and nature of education.
Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar’s movement in favour of
remarriage of widows shook Hindu society to its foundations,
and raised a terrible storm. The orthodox section led by
Raja Sir Rad ha Kanta Deb organised a stiff resistance to
the reform.
Even the question of imparting education to girls raised
an ugly dust storm. While some of the best and noblest
spirits or Bengal laboured strenuously to spread education
among women, some of the orthodox Hindus treated the
matter with uncouth ribaldry, and coarse taunts and jibes and
confidently predicted that education would turn girls into
widows and harlots.
Bengali Hindus much earlier and in very much larger
number got the benefit of English and Western education
than dwellers in other parts of India and this helped tlicm to
be the Vanguard of New India. But it cannot also be denied
that the magnificent manner in which the sons of Bengal
utilised this windfall, and their own splendid endeavours and
achievements deservedly won for them this pre-eminence.
An extraordinarily large number of men with extraordinary
character, calibre, and passion for patriotic service adorned the
land. In the galaxy of her great and noble sons, and in their
many-splcndourtd achievements nineteenth century Calcutta
could well vie with Periclean Athens or Florence of the
52 REVOLT OF 1905 I\ BENGAL

Renaissance. We have referred briefly in a previous chapter

to the giants among them and their work; to the stupendous
Raj Ram Mohun Ray—the Moses of Modern India; to that
amazing prodigy of a poet, journalist and teacher Henry
Louis Vivian Oe Rozio, who himself barely out of his teens
inspired the flower of the yonih of Bengal with an unflnehing
zeal for reason, liberty, truth and public service; to the vene¬
rable Brahmo patriarch, Maharshi Devendranath Tagore-sage^
sedate, and serene, quietly but steadily labouring for the uplift
of his people, to the incomparable Pundit Iswar Chandra
vidyasagar in whom blazed forth the noblest virtues of man-
a Taj Mahal built of noble humanity, to the charismatic Bra-
hmanand Keshub Chandra Sen; to the cyclonic Monk of
volcanic eloquence, Swami Vivekanand. Great and illustrious
names who really made Bengal the Vanguard of New India.
But there were many other remarkable figures, who made
noteworthy contributions to the greatness of Bengal. It is not
possible to enumerate here the work oi all of them. But it
would be unfair not to mention the services of some of them,
at least.
First, mention must be made of Young Bengal, or the
brilliant group of Derozians and tiiair valuable contribution
to the Renaissance in Bengal. Inspite of a bit of youthful
excesses in the beginning, they developed into serious,
responsible public leaders, who laboured incessantly for the
spread of education and enlightenment, for removal of
ignorance and superstition, for rousing social and political
consciousness among their countrymen. The agencies through
which they worked were journals and associations. But they
always remained steadfastly loyal to the ideals of their
great master-Derozio-truth, reason, and freedom.
We may mention here the names of some of the prominent
Derozians. They were Rev Krishna Mohan Banerjee, Ram
Gopal Ghosh, Rasik krishna Maliick, Daksbina Ranjan
 VANGUARD OF NEW INDIA 53

Mukhopadhay, Pyari Chand Mitra, Ramtanu Lahiry,

Radhanath Sikdar, Tara Chand i Chakravarti, Digambar Mitra,
Madhab Chandra Mailick, Shib Chandra Deb, Har Chandra
Ghosh, and Govind Chandra Basak.
Rev krishna Mohan Banerjee was the most distinguished
member of the group. Although he embraced Christianity, he
was a celebrated orientalist, and a profound Sanskrit Scholar.
The University of Calcutta, in recognition of his contributions
to oriental research conferred on him the degree of Doctor oi
Law, honoris causa. He strove to serve his people in every
sphere, educational social and political.. In ISBI he
brought out the weekly Enquirer, in which he exposed the
s'jperststion, and irrational customs and practices of old Hindu
society. Krishna Mohan won the respect of even Iswar
Chandra Vidyasagar.
He and his friend Rasik Krishna Maliick lost their job as
teachers of the Pataldanga School for the same reason which
cost their mentor's job in the Hindu College.
For the propagation of rational and progressive views
among the people three important disciples of Derozio-Rasik
Krishna Maliick, Dakshina Ranjan Mukhopadhay, and
Madhab Chandra Maliick started a bi-lingual weekly called
“Janeswar” (Pursuit of knowledge) on the 31st May, 1831 in
Bengali only, and from 1st January, 1833 in both Bengali and
English. We have seen both Ram Gopal Ghosh, and Dakshina
Ranjan Mukhopadhay assisted Bethune in the founding of the
Hindu Balika Vidyalay. Derozio's disciples themselves
established schools for imparting English education to children
in their own homes. Rev Krishna Mohan Banerjee in 1831 in
his weekly Enquirer mentions half-a dozen such schools in and
around Calcutta. Young Bengal, or the Derozians started
societies or associations journals, and schools for the progress
and enlightenment of their people. They also did much to
rouse the political consciousness of the people. Ram Gopal
54 RtVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

Ghosh was in many ways an outstanding member of Young

Bengal. Ram Gopal Ghosh, Tara Chand Chakravarti, Pyari
Chand Mitra, Ramtanu Lahiry, Krishna Mohan Baneijee,
and a few others, all brilliant DeRoaans, formed in 183S a
distinguished educational and cultural association under the
tmme of the Society for the Acquisition of General knowledge.
In course of time this Society began to take interest in.
administrative affairs.
In 1842 Ram Gopal Ghosh brought out a bi-lingual
monthly called the Bengal Spectator in which besides cultural^
scientific, and literary subjects, political problems also used to
be discussed.
Ram Gopal Ghosh in a book with the title of Black Acts
supported Drinkwater Bethune's proposal to bring Britishers
living in the mofussil under the jurisdiction of local courts,,
and also scathingly criticised the conduct of some British
indigo planters and others in the countryside. Bankim Chandra
Chatterjee wrote;
^^Besides Raja Ram Mohun, Ram Gopal Ghosh, and Harish'
Ciiandra Mukhopadhay were our pioneer patriotic leaders.”
Another versatile DeRozian was Rasik Krishna Mallick. A
summary of the address delivered by him in the Calcutta
Town Hall on the 5th January, 1835 criticising some of the
provisions of the Charter of 1833 is given below. Said Rasik
Krishna Mallick :
This Charter has not been enacted for the benefit of
Indians, but only to serve the interests of the share-holders
of the East India Company, and of the British people. It was
wholly unjust to charge the revenues of India for payment of
debts incurred by the Company through the stupidity and
incompetence of their officers. Why should Indian revenues
be spent for the payment of a Bishop and two Archdeacons,
whose appointment was considered necessary for the religious
welfare of British civilian and military personnel? Why
 VANGUARD OF NEW INDIA 55

should the Governor-General have discretion to grant financial

aid to Christian missionaries, and for the construction of their
churches with a view to spread Christianity among the natives ?
Did it not amount to this that Indians will have to pay for
the propagation of a faith they consider harmful to their
spiritual salvation ?
The Charter had conferred the right of everyone to Gover-
ment service without distinction of race, colour, and creed.
But how can Indians get into the higher services under present
arrangements. The authorities should devis: such a system
of recruitment as will make possible for Indians to compete
for the higher services.
The restrictions on trading by Britishers have been
removed by the Charter, but the restrictions imposed on trad¬
ing by Indians still remain in force.
Lastly, while Bishops have been appointed for moral
education of British civilian and military community, no pro¬
vision is there in the Charter for the spread of education
among the natives.
What a cogent, courageous and vigorous denunciation of
an Act of the British Parliament uttered in the Calcutta Town
Hall full fifty years before th found ition of the Indian National
Congress.
Mention has also to be made of some of the close friends
and associates of the great Pundit Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar.
There was the erudite and respected Pundit Madan Mohan
Tarkalankar, who showed his bold and progressive outlook by
volunteering first to send his two daughters-Bhubanmala and
Kundamala—'to the Hindu Balika vidyalay founded by Drink-
water Bethune. He was socially ostracised for this. A Close
kindred spirit of Vidyasagar was Akshoy kumar Dutt. He
was for some time in charge of the Tattwabodhini Sabha, and
Tattwabodhihi patrika of Maharshf Devendranath Tagore.
While presiding over the meetings of the Tattwabodhini Sava
56 RLVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

he would determine the powers, duties, and functions of God

by majority of votes, after obtaining the views and vote of
each member present. Akhoy kumar Dutt was a strong
rationalist and humanist and a beliver in scientific knowledge
and outlook. Akshoy kumar Dutt himself, like his great
friend vidyasagar, was an atheist.
The rich and young admirer and friend of Vidyasagar,
Kali Prasanna Sinha was a lemarkable figure of the age. Of
his literary achievements we will have to speak later. But he
spent a lot of money in employing a batch of eminent Sanskrit
scholars with whose help he got the Mahabharat
translated into Bengali. He distributed copies of this Bengali
Mahabharat free to deserving people. He founded the
Vidyotsahini Sabha-Soiety for the Encouragement of Learning-
and lavishly patronised it. He built a theatre for dramatic
performances in his palatial residence. This example was
followed by several other plutocrats of the city. When
Rev. Long was fined rupees one thousand by the court for
writing an Introduction to the English translation of
Dinabandhu Mitra’s Nil-Darpan, Kali prasanna Sinha
promptly deposited the sum on behalf of Rev. Long.
Another young follower and admirer of Vidyasagar was
Pundit Shiv Nath Shastri; who later became the leading
sprit of the Sadharan Brahmo Samaj. Shiv Nath Shastris
contributions to the awakening of Bengal both in the social
and political spheres were not inconsiderable. He was the
real initiator and inspirer of the great Bipin Chandra Pal.
Shiv Nath even formed a secret political goup.
But so far as rousing patriotic and national sentiments
among the people is concerned, Naba Gopal Mitra, Rajnarain
Bose, and others associated with the organizing of the Hindu
Mela made for greater contribution Bipin Chandra Pal once
said: *We learnt what nationalism is from Naba Gopal
Mitra, and patriotism from Surendra nath Baneijee. It may
 VANGUARD Op NEW INDIA 57

even be said that Bengali Hindu nationalism sprouted out of

the Hindu Mela.
Mela is popular Bengali word for assemblages of people,
which were usually held on the occasion of religious festivals,
or on some auspicious and significant day of the year. Melas
had been held in India from time immemorial on the Chaitra
Sankranti, or the last day of the year. Naba Gopal Mitra
and his associates renamed the Chaitra Sankranti Mela as
Hindu Mela, and organized it in a manner intended to arouse
national and patriotic feelings among the people. Though
Naba Gopal was the soul of the Hindu Mela, the doyen among
the group tf organizers was the old Brahmo leader and
teacher, Rishi Rajnarain Bose. Rajnarain was a passionate
patriot, and ceaselessly and tirelessly toiled for the up
liftment of the race in every sphere of national life, and even
tinkered with the idea of forming a secret revolutionary group
to fight the British. Poet Rabindranath refers to this attempt
in a comic vein. Rajnarain Bose’s famous speech on “Hindu
Dharmer Srestathwa” Superior Excellence of the Hindu Faith
appeared in book form on September 15, 1872. Bankim
Chandra Chatterjee hailed this book of Rajnarain as it breathed
nationalism and patriotism. No wonder his two grandsons ( his
eldest daughters’ sons) Aurobioda Ghosh and Barindra kumar
Ghosh became such celebrated revolutionaries. Krishna kumur
Mitra, editor and proprietor of the famous Bengali weekly
Sanjivani, who was among the nine persons deported from
Bengal by the Government in Dcember 1908 was another
son-in-law of Rishi Rajnarain Bose.
Naba Gopal Mitra got the idea of organizing the Hindu
Mela from Rajnarain Bose’s Prospectus of a society for the
promotion of Nationel feeling among the natives of Bengal.
To run the Mela Naba Gopal formed his National Association.
Naba Gopal Mitra was enamoured of the word ‘National*.
The paper which he started with the help and financial
58 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

assistance of Devendranath Tagore he named National paper.^

He started a National Gymnasium. The Society he organized
was National Society ; the school he founded he named
National School. Hindu Mela to him in English was National
Gathering. Inspired by national sentiments a group of
Bengali young men-the celebrated dramatist and actor, Girish
Chandra Gnosh the distinguished actor dramatist Amrit Lai
Bose and the star actor, Ardhendu Sekhar Mustah and others
opened a theatre in 1872. At Naba Gopal Mitra*s insistence it
was named the National Theatre. People, therefore, started
calling him National Naba Gopal, or National Mitter.
Naba Gopal Mitra with financial assistance from
Dwijendranath Tagore and Ganenderanath Tagore-son and
nephew respectively of Maharshi Devenranath started the
Hindu Mela on Chaitra Sankranti in 1867.
In his opening address to the second session of the Mela in
1868, the Secretary, Ganendranath Tagore declared the
objectives of the Mela as follows :
The first objective of the Mela is to unite at the end of the
year the Hindu community. This coming together is for us
very significant. We have assembled here not for usual
religious practices, nor for any material pleasures, nor for
diversions or amusements, but for the sake of our motherland,
for the sake of India.
The second objective of the Mela is to inculcate self-
reliance among Indians for our own progress.
Although National Naba Gopal was the soul of the Hindu
Mela, almost all prominent public figures in Bengal were
associated with the organization of the Mela. The Mela
embraced all activities relating to the reform and improvement
of every sector of the national life.
Stirring nationel songs and poems were composed, sung,
or recited in the Mela. The second session of the Mela, held
in 1868, was inaugurated with a celebrated song composed
 VANGUARD OF NEW INDIA 59

by Satyendranath Tagore, the first Indian member of the

Tndian civil service and second son of Maharshi Devendra
nath .
The opening lines of this song were :
“Mile sab Bharat santan
Ek tan raanopran
gao Bharaten yasogan.”
Unite all ye children of Bharat,
In one voice, mind, and heart
And sing the glory of Bharat.
Bankim Chandra Chatterjee broke forth into rapturous
rnapsody ove this song.
Another famous poem composed for the Hindu Mela was
from the pen of Monomohan Bose, poet, playwright, journa¬
list, and a pillar of the Hindu Mela. This was a well known
verse beginning with the words:
‘'Diner din sabe Deen,
Bharat holo paradhin”
Day by day all are getting impoverished.
Because Bharat is under foreign yoke.
The poem deplored in poignant language the pitiful plight
or those engaged in indigenous crafts and industries.
Papers on literature, science,and education written by
distinguished scholars used to be read and discussed in the
Mela, physical gymnastics were shown. Exhibitions of
paintings and of handicrarts, including women’s work used
to be held. Prizes were distributed for excellence in all
such work.
The Hindu Mela continued to be held annually till, at
least, 1875. The Mela, undoubtedly, was a powerful positive
catalyst in rousing the sentiments of nationalsm and
patriotism among the Hindus of Bengal.
Bengali language and literature made remarkably rapid
strides after the discowry of Western literature by the
60 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

educated sons or Bengal. And the breath and bloom of Bengali

language and literature is the bone and marrow of Bengali
Hindu nationalism. In our reference to Bengali language and
literature we will also include literary societies, and literary
journals. We have already mentioned a few of these socieies
and journals. This is not th place, however to trace the
history of Bengali language and literature. We will only touch
upon aspects or Bengali literature which show new trends and
tendencies, with particular reference to their patriotic and
nationalist overtones and inspiration.
First, we shall deal with poets and dramatists. Almost all
of them were fervidly patriotic and nationalist.
Notwithstanding all his crudities, oddities,and absurdities,
none can deny the honour of a pioneer to Iswar Gupta (1812-
1869} poet and journalist. Elsewhere we have spoken of his
extreme form of nationalism. He was more of a versifier
than a poet. But his easy free-lance verse helped modern
Bengli poetry to break off the old traditonal shackles. It was,
however, as the founder and editor of the first Bengali daily
Sanvad Pravakar-that Iswar Gupta rendered the greatest
service to his people. After passing through the stages of
being a weekly, a fortnightly, and a monthly, the Sanvad
Pravakar was first published as a daily on the 14th June 1839-
the first daily in any Indian language.
The poet Rangalal Bandopadhay (1827-1887) wrote his
‘Padmini Upakhyan* to rouse the patriotic fervour of his
people. The piece in it which b>:gins with the line “Swadhinata
Hinatay Ke Banchite Chay re*’ who would care to live on
bereft of freedom is well-known and oft-quoted.
The real revolution in Bengali Drama and poetry was
effected by one who was an astonishing genius and tragic
character. Madhusudan Dutt (1824-1873) became a convert
to Christianity while still a student, and got the name of
Michael Madhusudan Dutt. He married first an English
 VANGUARD OF nKW INDIA 61

lady, and next a French lady. He adopted totally the Western

style of living. He liad once said: “we should speak in
English, think in English, and dream in English.** Naturally,
tlierefore, he started his literary career by writing two poems
in the English language. Suddenly lie turned his eyes to “the
tongue of his fathers,*’ and started to write in his mother
tongue. He read through the masterpieces of Western poetry
in different European languages. He, therefore, came
tremendously equipped to instil into the dead bones of Bengali
drama and poetry the pulsation of Western modes and spirit,
[n the brief span of seven years he poured forth dramas both
tragic and comic modelled on Western masters ; introduced
the blank verse into the Bengali language, and wrote a
powerful epic in blank verse ; he wrote sonnets in Bengali
modelled on those of Petrarcha and Shakespeare. He stamped
indelibly the impress of the West on Bengali literature. He
is undoubtedly the path-finder of modern Bengali poetry and
drama. Michael Madnusudan Dutt is the Raju Ram Mohan
of Bengal’s literary sphere. His sonnet on ‘Bharat Bhumi’
(India) breathed patriotic sentiments.
The poet Hem Chandra Bandopadhay (1838-1903), like his
contemporary Rangalal wrote his “Britra Sauhar Kavya**
with the intention of rousing national sentiments in th&
hearts of his countrymen. His poem “Bharat Sangeet*’ (song
of India) was really an inspiring patriotic poem.
Nabin Chandra Sen (1847-1909), another major poet of
modern Bengal invoked national and patriotic sentiments in
his poem on the battle of Plassey.
Among importat dramatists of Bengal we have already
referred to Dinabandhu Mitra (1830*1873) and his Nil-darpan,
and to the political ferment created by that drama. We have
also mentioned the poet and dramatist, Monomohan Bose
(1831-1912). Girish Chandra Ghosh (1844-1911) perhaps, the
greatest among Bengali dramatists wrote a few historical dramas
62 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

to ignite the fires of patriotism and nationalism in Bengali

hearts. But the person who may be described as the poet of
patriotism was Dwijendralal Roy (1863-1913) who through a
series of historical dramas and stirri ig poems directed his
remarkable talents towards impirnting in the breast of his
-countrymen a passionate love for the motherland.
Among less known pous and dramatists Akshoy Chandra
Chaudhuri, who wrote “Bharatgatha’* a collection of patriotic
poems; Dwijendranath Tagore, Jyotirndranath Tagore,
Upendranathe Das, and specially Govinda Chandra Das
(1854-1918) of Bhowal deserve mention.
Bengali language and literature reached crowning
consummation in the writings of Rabindranath Tagore, who
after winning the Nobel Prize in literature in 1913, was
universally acclaimed as one of the greatest of world poets.
Rabindranath is vast like the ocean, and we better not enclose
him within the narrow compass of this volume. We will have
to refer to his patriotic utterances and acts from time to time.
The first spcciments of modern Bengali prose are found in
some of the writings of Pundit Mritunjoy Vidyalankar of Fort
William College Raja Ram Mohim wrote his religious
treatises in prose, and even composed a Bengali grammar.
But he dealt with difficult religious and philosophical
controversies, and his style was stilted, and lacked clarity,
grace and flow. Pundit Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar first
brought beauty and charm to Bengali prose. Vidyasagar,
Madan Mohan Taskalankar, and Akshoy kumar Dutt
rendered inestimable service to their community by compiling
a wonderful series of Bengali primers for beginners and
school children.
The Tattwabodhini Patrika founded by Maharshi
Devendranath Tagore in 1843 was the most important Bengali
journal prior to the publication of Bankim Chandra Chatterjecs
famous Bangadarshan in 1872. Vidyasagar was entrusted
 VANGUARD OF NEW INDIA 63

with the editorship of the Tattwabodhini by the Malmrshi.

Akshoy kumar Dutta (1820-1886) was its editor for twelve
years, and he wrote extensively on various scientific subjects,
-dealing with them in a scientific and rational spirit.
Jyotirindranath Tagore wrote that the articles of Akshoy
kumar Dutt in the Tattwabodhini Patrika on the glories of
ancient India first kindled patriotic sentiments in the heart of
the people.
But among Bengali writers in prose the man whose pen
before the advent of Bankim Chandra spread the fire of
patriotism and nationalism among Bengalis was Rishi
Rajnarain Bose (1826-1899). Of him we have spoken in
connexion with the Hindu Mela.
So far as popular literature is concerned, a brilliant
Derozian Pyari Chand Mitrs writing under the name of Tck
Chand Thakur achieved a double triumph by writing “Alaler
Ghare Dulal”, as that book is considered the first Bengali
novel, as also the first work written in the popular Bengali
dialect. The charismatic Kali Prasanna Sinha wrote in
Calcutta cockney his unique and incomparable “Hutom
Panchar Naksha'* a collection of vitriolic satires on the social
vices of his contemporaries.
The Pontifex Maximus of Bengali Hindu nationalism was
Bankim Chandra Chatlopadhay (1838-1894Vthc great Bengali
novelist and literater Bankim was also a great thinker. Bengali
prose reached lull maturity in Bankim’s writings, and he still
remains unrivalled as a Bengali novelist. But Bankim Chandra
Chatterjees* significance and importance in the national
struggle of India equals his eminence as a man of letters.
It is with this latter aspect of Bankim Chandra that we are
more concerned in these pages. ^
The broad sweep of Bankim’s mighty intellect could not
have failed to notice the need for an Indian nationalism
uniting all creeds, races, and provinces of the vast sub-
 64 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

continent. Indeed, in the very first issue of his celebrated

Bangadarshan in 1872 he wrote India cannot advance unless
the different Indian races come together in a unity of opinion
counsel and effort. On the occassion of Sambhu Mukherjee’s
bringing out an English journal Bankim wrote to him.
“There is no hope for India until the Bengali and the
Punjabi understand and influence each other and can bring
their joint influence to bear upon her. This can only be
done through the medium of English, and I glidly welcome
your projected journal.”
But an Indian nationalism was yet an indistinct nebulous
phenomenon in the distant horizon. Bankim’s birth and
upbringing, the milieu of his life, and his inner being were
Bengali and Hindu. Bankim Chandra Chatterjee became the
most powerful prophet of Hindu nationalism. He spoke of
“Ai, subarnamoyee Banga Pratin a” Oh ye golden image of
Bengal”. Bankim’s nationalism and patriotism sprung from
deeply rooted spiritual and emotional sources. In the last
two decades of his life he plunged into all the major problems
that confronted his countrymen. In doing so he emarged as
a political seer and evangel.
Two novels published in 1884 Anandamath, and Devi-
chaudhurani, and his unique fantasies called Kamalakanter
Daftar, and a few essays like “Samya”, in which he deplored
tlie hiatus between rich and poor, and “Anushilan Tattwa” and
Banglar Krishak” contain Bankim’s political gospel. In an essay
entitled “Our Politics” Bankim, through the parable of a dog
and bull, ridiculed the policy of mendicancy followed by the
national leaders, and counselled adoption of a policy based on
courage and self-determination.
Bankim Chadra .Chatterjee and Rishi Rajoarain Bose were
tlie first great Bengalis who were definitely and strongly against
slavery under foreigners, True, Raja Ram Mohun had once
said about the plight of his countrymen :
 VANGUARD OF NEW INDIA 65

‘•They are condemned to perpetual oppression and degra¬

dation from which they have no hope of being raised during
the existence of the British power.”
But Ram Mohun’s political attitude to the ruling race was
ambiguous. He was essentially an admirer and supporter of
British rule over India. Bankim Chandra, one of the first two
graduates of the Calcutta University, entered the provincial
service of the British Government, and continued therein till
superannuation. He was also made a Rai Bahadur. He had
often to speak his mind through past events and parables, and
under the camouflage of religious terminology, or through the
lips of a fictitious opium-eater. Into Aanadamath was inserted
the historic Vande Mataram song, which later became the
National Anthem of India, and whose two opening words^
“Vande Mataram” became the battle—cry of all nationalist
fighters. In Debichaudhurani he went to the brink of suggest¬
ing an armed struggle against the Britsh. Bankim passionately
desired that his a)untrymen should bestir themselves to throw
ofif the foreign yoke. It may not be mere chance coincidence
that Barrister P.Mitter, who belonged to Naihati, in close
proximity to Bankim*s ancestral home at Kanthalpara, and
who often met and discussed matters with Bankim, founded
the first secret revolutionary society in Bengal, and named
it Anushilan Samity from Bankim Chandra's essay Anushilan
Tattwa. Sri Aurobinda Ghosh and his famous group of
revolutionaries drew their inspirati ,n from Bankim.

It was Bengal's exceptionally rare good luck that it came

to have such a priceless asset as the Tagore family of
^orasanko, Calcutta. What are the Medici of Florence
compared to the Tagores of Jorasanko ? The family tree of the
^orasanko Tagores was a gloriously irradiant column which
illuminated every ayenue of thought and activity of the Bengal
Hindas-reiigiop% cultural, intellectual and political* Prince
Dwarka Nath Tagore's .mansion at Jorasanko was a virtual
5
66 REVOLT OF 1905 IM BENGAL

high Standard Universily for the cultivation of creative arts

and letter*:, and for the pursuit of progressive cultural, social,
and political thoughts and experiments. Prince Dwarkanath
Tagore, as a close friend ard collaborator of Raja Ram
Mohun Roy, was as">oci.ited with latter's public activities.
His son, Maharshi Devendranath Tagore was a serene and
lofty teacher of religion and morals, who strove steadily
for the betterment of the community. Then came the brilliant
galaxy of his sons and nephews. Abanindranath Tagore was
the father of modern Indian art, and Gaganendranath Tagore
experimented with modern trends in European art.
Dinendranath Tagore was the musical maestra Dwijendranath
and Jyotirindranath were versatile literati. Satyendranath was
the first Indian to become a member of the Indian Civil servie
He also wrote a famous national song, lyotirindranath,
Surerdranath, and Rabindranath participated in political
activities and movements, as did Saraladevi Chaudhurani a
grand daughter of the Maharshi. Even ladies of the family
distinguished themselves as literators and journalists Maharshi
Dever.dranaths* daughter Swarnakumari Devi, and her daughter
Saraladevi Chaudhurani ran a well known Bengali monthly
Bharatj. Jyotirindranath Tagore, and Satyendranath’s daughter
Indira Devi were accomplished students of French literature
and philosophy. There were many high intellectual summits
in the Range of the the Tagores, but the Mt. Everest
was the great Rabindrath, thiir pinnacle of pride and glory.
The Bengali Hindus, and even Muslims of Bengal owe a debt
of immeasurable value to the Tagores of Jorasanko.
If the Tegores of Jorasanko were the spearheads oi creative
arts and letters of Bengal, the cause of science found a zealous
obampion in a distinguished physician of Calcutta. Thanks
principally to the untiring efforts of Dr. Mahendra Lai
Sarkar the Indian Assaciation for the cultivution of Science
came into being on the 29th July, 1S76,
 vanguard of new INDIA 67

In 1894 was established the Bangiya Sahitya Parishad

through the munificence of a few zemindars, who were also
ardent patrons of literature. Bengal was, thus, provided with
an Academy of Arts and Lett'rrs.
We would like to close this chapter with the story of the
resplendent triumph of women’s edution in Bengal. Following
the Christian missionaries; the Brahmo Samaj and Brahmo
leaders came forward to spread education among the women of
Bengal. They also formed new girls schools, like the Hindu
Girls School in Ballygunge, and the Banga Mahila vidyalay,
established in 1876 by Dwarkanath Ganguly, an ardent
champion of this cause. Brahmos of Bengal were the pro¬
gressive elite of those days, and no wonder girls from Brahmo
families flocked to these schools and showed their proficiency
in studies. A list of the girls of the Banga Mahila Vidyalay
who were deemed fit to sit for the Entrance Examination will
testify to this fact. Of these girls, some who acquired
prominence in later life, may be mentioned.
Swamaprava Basil, (sister of Acharya Jagadish Chandra
Basu and wife of Anand Mahon Bose), Binodini, (sister of
Barrister Monraohan Ghose) Sarala Das, (daughter of Durga
mohan Dps) Kadambini Bose (who later became wife of Dwark
Nath Ganguly) Abala Das (daughter of Durga Mohan Das,
and wife of Acharya Jagadish Chandra Basu)
Kadambini Bisu, appearing as student from the Bethune
Sc^ool, passed the Entrance Examination of the Calcutta
University, in 1878. She was the daughter of Brojo Krishore
Basu, a Brahmo of Bhagalpur. Two years earlier, in 1876,
Chandramukhi, a student of Dehra Dun School for Native
Christian Girls had passed an exemination which was consi¬
dered equivalent to the Entrance. She was the daughter of
Bhuban Mohan Bose, an Indian Christian of Dehra Dun. Both
these girls wanted to go up for higher education. Bethune
School had to be upgraded to a College i to afford scope
68 RUVOLI OF 1905 IN BENGAL

for Kadambini’s higher studies. Kadambini continued to be

the sole student of Bethune College. Not being a Hindu,
Chandramukhi could not get into the Bethune College. She
enrolled herself as a student of Free Church of Scotland
College.
Both Kadambini and Chandramukhi passed the First Arts
in 1880, and went for the B.A. course. In January, 1883
Kadambini Bose,and Chandramukhi Bose became the first
two lady graduates in the Brstish Empire.
 PARTITION OF BENGAL AND SWADESHI
MOVEMENT

The Viceroyalty of Curzon was a water-shed in the history

of British India. When he assumed oflBce in December, 1898
the people of India, barring a handful of hostile Marathi
Chitpavan Brahmins, still regarded British rule over India
as a blessing, and agreed with Raja Ram Mohun that it was
Providential. Curzon, who regarded himself as a Zealous
protagonist and guardian angel of the British Indian Empire,
sought feverishly to add to its strength and securtiy by
delivering a series of blows against institutions and
communities marked out by him as constituting a potential
menace to that Empire. But through the remorseless opera¬
tion of the law that says every action produces an equal and
opposite reaction, Curzon, when he resigned his office in
August, 1905 had succeeded splendidly in implanting in Indian
hearts strong and durable feelings of animosity towards that
Empire, and in Engendering in them a spirit of resistance and
defiance to it. Bengal for a time was virtually in revolt
against British rule.
Fussy, showy, bumptious, drumming about his own
efficiency George Nathaniel Curzon, first Baron and Marquess
of kedelston was, nevertheless, intellectually gifted and alert
and vigorous in action. Surendra Nath Banerjee used to
refer to him in common parlance as the Muddlehead of
Kedelston. But Curzon, and his successor to the Viceroyalty,
Earl Minto were the Machiavellis of imperialism, and it
cannot be denied the Machiavellian manipulations of
these two did leave an impress on the subsequent history
of India.
But before we discuss the sinister moves of Curzon to
safeguard the British Empire in India, and his Divide et
Impera policies let us have the grace of ^ving the devil his
70 RLVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

due. He realised fully the value and importance of ancient

Indian historical mcnuments, and his Act for preservation of
such monuments deserves to be gratefully remembered by
tl.c Indian people.
Curzon spotted and pin-pointed the factors that posed a
threat to the Indian Empire of Britain. Firstly, the Bengali
intelligentsia, really the educated Bengali upper caste Hindus ;
they had, through English education, thoroughly assimilated
Western political ideas and ideals. They had succeeded in
welding themselves together into a strong, united, and poli¬
tically conscious nation. The Muslims of Bengal, though
forming the majority of the population, were toeing the line
chalked out by the Hindu leaders. This was because the
Muslims were lagging far behind the Hindus in acquiring
Western education and modern political ideas. Secondly,
Calcutta had become the nerve-centre of the national and
political life of India, and was giving the lead to the rest
of the sub-con-tinent in political aspirations and activities.
To Curzon Calcutta was the danger spot, the nest in which
the future wreckers of the Indian empire were bring nestled
and nurtured. The Coiporation of Calcutta was becoming a
forum and training-ground for Bengali leaders, and also
giving them some public importance and influence. That
nest had also to be singed. The Indian National Congress
must be given a quietus. The mischief done by the measures
of his wrong-headed predecessor. Lord Ripon-the Local Self-
Government Act, and repeal of Lord Lytton’s Press Act had
to be undone.
Curzon determined what should be the antidotes to these
ominous symptoms he had diagnosed in the imperial organism,
and then proceeded to apply his remedies with remarkable
energy and vigour. The spread of higher education of n
Western type among Bengalis should be severely restricted
and regulated by the Government. This Western edncatioiv
 PARTITION OP BBNGAL AND SWADESHI MOVEMENT 71

he rightly diagnosed, had sown the seeds of intransigence

among the natives. The nalimal unity and sjlidariiy of the
Bengali race must be brokvn up both geographically and
communally. The Muslims of Bengal must first he detached
from the apronstrings of Hindu leaders, aid then turned
hostile to the Hindus.
The importance of Cilcutta is to be reduced by the creation
of a rival political and administrative centre at Dacca, and
by bringing the civic administration completely under Govern¬
ment control. As to the Indian National Congrass, Curzon
with unconcealed glee predicted :
**My own belief is that Congress is tottering to its fall,
and one of my ambitions while in India is to assist it to a
peaceful demise.’*
Curzon fired his first salvo against the Corporation of
Calcutta. Curzon wrote to Brodrick, Secretary of State
for India :
•Calcutta ts the centre from which the Congress parly is
manipulated throughout the whole of Bengal, and indeed the
whole of India. Its best wire-pullers and most frothy
orators reside here. (Tara Chand—History of Freedom
Movementvoi 3).
By the Calcutta Municipal Act of 1899 (Mackenzie Act)
the municipaal body was brought completely under the grip
of the Govenment-its former democratic features being slashed
Whereas formerly the number of elected municipal commi¬
ssioners was fifty out of a total of seventy five, the Act of 1899
reduced the number of elected commissioners to twenty five
out of a total of fifty. Besides, the entire executive power
was vested in the Chairman, who was to be a high British
official. As a mark of protest against the retrograde measure
twenty-eight of the elected commissioners of Calcutta resigned
in a body. The Indian underdog has started barking back at
his British misteis; soon he would bite too.
 72 revolt op 1905 IN BENGAL

Curzon believed in the imperial recipe of impressing on

the natives of India the might and majesty of the British
Empire through grandiose pomp and pageantry. He wasted
an enormous amount by holding in Delhi in 1902 an extra¬
vagant Durbar costing £ 180,000 in connexion with the
coronation of Edward VII.
In 1901 Lord Curzon held in camera an Educational
conference in Simla to which only European educationists
were invited. The Educational conference was followed by
the appointment of a Universities Commission in 1902. The
personnel of this Commission, as originally announced, did
not include a single Hindu. Due to vigorous protests against
this Commission in the nationalist press Mr. Justice Gurudas
Banerjee was included in this Commission. Their report
was a deadly blow to the system of higher education in India.
It recommended :
(1) The abolition of the second-grade Colleges, which
formed the bulk of the colleges in the country ;
(2) The abolition of the law classes ;
(3) The fixing of a minimum rate of college fees by the
syndicate, which really meant the raising of the fees.
It should be mentioned here that justice Gurudas Banerjee
gave his strong note of dissent to all the above recommenda¬
tions. Nevertheless, they were embodied, with minor amend¬
ments, in the Indian Universities Act, 1904, by which Curzon
intended to bring Universities, and even private colleges under
government control and vigilance, and also to retard the
growth of higher and scientific education among the natives
of India. This was a volte facj on the views and attitude of
much-maligncd Macaulay.
Curzon, the arch-imperialist was naturally acutely conscious
of the white Man*s Burden of civilising the Indian niggers.
WhUe he himself often indulged in recourse to untruth when
it suited his purpose, this supercilious British pro-consul
 PARTITION OF BENGAL AND SWADESHI MOVEMENT 73

could not resist the temptation of harangueing the natives on

the superiority of the ethics of the West over the baser morality
of the East. In his convocation address in the Calcutta
University delivered on the 11th February, 1905 he told
the graduates:
*^1 hope I am not making any false or arrogant claim when
I say that the highest ideal of truth is to a large extent a
Western conception." Then he proceeded to analyse how the
Indian idea of truth was inferior and doubtful. This Cur-
zonian charlatanism sparked off a tremendous fury of
protest from the nationalist press. Sister Nivedita gave a
crushing rejoinder in an unsigned letter to the Statesman in
which she quoted from Curzon’s own book—Problems of the
Far East (1894) instances in which he himself had deliberately
prevaricated.
By his Calcutta Municipal Act of 1899 Curzon had
mitigated the mischief done by his erring predecessor, Ripons
local self-government Act. He also wanted to repair the
damage done by another wrong step of Ripon-repeal of
Lord Lython’s Press Act of 1878. Curzon enacted the
Indian Official Secrets (Amendment) Act of 1904 aimed at
protecting oppressive British officials from public criticism.
Finally, Curzon delivered his sledge-hammer blow against
the fomentors and r'ngleaders of the disaffection towards
British Raj in India the Bengali people. Curzon would hit
the Bengali Babus with a multi—pronged missile.
He would split up the Bengali people geoaraphically as
well as communally. Instead of one Bengal there would be
in future two Bengals an East Bengal and a (West) Bengal,
Coincidentally there would be a Muslim-dominated Bengal
(East Bengal) and a Hindu dominated B.ngal (Bengal, or West
Bengal). Curzon did not care at all for the latter, but he was
very much interested in the former.
This partition of Bengal, Curzon shrewdly assessed, would
74 RtVOLT Op 1905 IN BONGAL

also be a blow struck against the Indian National Congress.

He had alredy noted against the Congress the following
remark :
“This organisation is controlled by a set of wire pullers
Their constant effort has been to induce the leading Mohe’m-
medans to submit to iluir influence.”
“Curzon was, above all, apprcl ensive of the danger in¬
volved in allowing the consolidation of the people of any
region. In reply to a suggestion of Ibbetson that Berar
may go to Bomby he wrote :
“I cannot contemplate any proposal which would add ta
the strength and solidarity of the Marat ha Community with
anything but dismay. The Marathas of Bombay (Deccan)
are the most able and the most dangerous of the opponents of
our rule in India. Why then should we go and gratuitously
make a present to Poona of this enormous accre'ion of
political strength, multiplying the forces of our enemies,
consolidating the Maratha race” (Tarachand-Ibid vol-3).
Curzon's scheme for partitioning Bengal was a three
pronged missile. It would simultaneously effect a vivisection
or the Bengali nation, break up the political concentration in
Calcutta, and set up the Muslims of East Bengal as a separate
and rival entity against Hindu Bengal.
In December, 1903 the first scheme for partitioning Bengal
was announced. It declared that the entire Chittagong
division and the districts of Dacca and Mymensingh would
be separated from Bengal and annexed to Assam. The
specious plea under which Curzon, the Machiavelli of
imperialism camouflaged his sinister and satanic design waa
administrative convenience and considerations. He said the
proposed partition aimed at improvement of an over sized and
under administered province.
There t^as a tremendous popular uproar against the
proposal. The nationalist press denounced it vehemently.
 PARTITION OF BENGAL AND SWADESH^ MOV. MFNT 75

Government made a feint of consulting the public leaders of

East Bengal, and Curzon went on a tour of East Bengal
ostensibly to rally support in favour of liis scheme. The
viceroy failed totally in his Last Bengal mission, and even the
Nawab of Dacca was, at first, strongly against it. But when
“Curzon declared at a public meeting at Dacca that in parti¬
tioning Bengal he wanted to create a province with a Muslim
majority where Muslim interests and Muslim demands will get
priority, Nawab Salimullah of Dacca, who had bitterly opposed
Curzon’s previous proposal for partition of Bengal, was
won over through this speech/^ (Rajandra Prasad-Divided
India) Incidentally, Sir Bamfylde Fuller, Lieut-Oovernor
of the newly created province of East Bengal and Assam
declared in a speech that he had two wives, Hindu and
Muhammadan, but that the Muhammadan was the favourite
wife.
While public opposition was temporarily lulled by these
deceitful dodges of the Government, Curzon and his officials
were really busy over revising and expanding the scheme
of partition.
“The revised scheme was conceived in secret, discussed
in secret, and settled in secret, without the slightest hint to
the public.” (S. N. Benerjee—A Nation in Making),
Suddenly, on July 20, 1905 the announcement was made
that Bengal was to be partitioned, aud that the whole of
Chiitagong division, the districts of Dacca and Mymensingh
as well as the whole of North Bengal, together with Assam
> ill form the new province of East Bengal and Assam. The
announcement fell like a bomb-shell on the astonished
people of Bengal.
But the leaders of Bengal soon assembled in conferene to
chalk out the programme for resisting this diabolic British
tdtase, and very soon the entire nationalist press and the whole
country was ablaze with indignation and fury.
76 REVOLT op 1905 IN BENGAL

The first step taken was fo convene a great meeting of

protest at the Town Hall of Calcutta on the 7th August,
1905, to which District towns were invited to send delegates.
Quoted below is a fine but brief description of the historic
Town Hall meeting from Tarachand’s History of the Freedom
Movement Vol-3 :
“A vast multitiu. e gathered, most of the shops In the city
were closed, five thousand students marched to the Hall.
The crowd was so large that two overflow meetings had
to be arranged outside. The excitement was intense, slogans
and shouts of Vande Mataram rent the air, pennons bearing
the phrase *‘No Partition**, and flags inscribed with mottos,
“United Bengal”, and “Unity is strangth” waved over the
heads of the assembled crowd. Hand-bills and pamphlets
were distributed, and black bands as token of mourning.
Maharaja Manindra Chandra Nandy of Kssimbazar.
Bhupendranath Bose, and Ambika Charan Mazumdar presided
over the three separate meetings.’*
Among others, the historic resolution on the boycott of
British goods was adopted by this epoch-making mammoth
public meeting held in the Town Hall of Calcutta on the
Memorable 7th August, 1905. This meeting and this resolu¬
tion symbolised the unfurling of the flag of revolt against
British domination in India.
The resolution ran ;
“That this meeting fully sympathises with the resolution
adopted at many meetings held in the mofussil to abstain
from the purchase of British manufactures so long as the
partition resolution is not withdrawn, as a protast against the
indifference of the British public in regard to Indian affairs
and the consequent disregard of Indian public opinion by
the present Government.”
This resolution urging boycoot of British goods opened
a new chapter in the history of India's Fight for Freedom.
 PARTinON 0£ BENGAL AND SWADESHI MOVEMENT 77

Britishers and British rule over India would no longer be

confronted by the natives with pen and tongue merely, and
hard words break no bones, as the saying goes, but with an
effective economic weapon.
With boycott of British good came as an inevitable comple¬
ment swadeshi, or use of home made articles. The twin
movements of boycott of foreign manufactures, and use, in
their stead, of articles of indigenous manufacture swept Bmgal
like a mighty tornado.
The movement was mostly confined to the urban centres ;
but in the city of Calcutta, and all the towns of Bengal
meetings were continually held, impassioned speeches were
delivered, stirring songs written by patriotic poets were sung,
solemn vows were taken urging abstention from use of foreign
things, and use of India made goods instead. The student
community jumpted enmasse into the fray, and with zealous
and feverish activity spread among the people the double,
message of Boycottt and Swadeshi. They burnt foreign cloth,
asked their mothers and sisters to break to pieces their foreign
glass bangles ; they picketed shops that sold foreign goods ;
students themselves opened swadeshi stores in which they
sold home-made articles. The people of Bengal seemed
to be in a state of political frenzy over the partition of
their homaland.
Surendranath Banerjee led the anti partition agitation and
came to be called by the people *Hhe uncrowned king of
Bengal,” and ‘ Surrender Not,” because of his brave declara¬
tion *1 will unsettle the settled fact’* (partition of Bengal).
He records in his autobiography a significant aspect of the
Swadeshi movement. Writes he: “the Swadeshi movement
invaded our homes, and captured the heart of our women-folk
who were even more enthusiastic than men.”
Remarks Tarachand (Ibid):
“The swadeshi movemrnt found supporters in all classes
78 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BEN4AL

of society, from princely landlords and merchants to humble

workers like washermen and barbars, even the Sanyasis.*
One may add fiom the great poet Rabindranath to the street
beggar of Calcutta all types and categories of Bengalis joined
it with infinite enthusiasm. It was the passionate resistance of
an entire people against a particularly sinister and sataaic ukase
of the British Government. It was a defensive battle which
the Bengalis fought against a foreign aggression. The din and
clash of the battle which rolled on through six long years was
loud and deafening, and true to Surendranath Banerjee’s
brave words, it shook the foundation of the British Empire
in India.
“From December, 1903 to October, 1905 over 2,000
public meetings attended by 500 to 50,000 people were held
In the two parts of Bengal at which Hindus and Mohammedans
with equal zeal and earnestnestness joined in the protest’*.
(A. C. Mazumdar-Indian National Evolution).
The ideas of Boycott of British goods, and Swad shi did not
originate with the anti-partition agitation. Apart from Chinas
boycott of U.S. goods, the two complementary movements
had appeared in India itself earlier. But the anti-partition
agitation gave a tremendous boost to the twin movements not
only in Bengal but throughout India.
“The ideas of Swadeshi and boycott, born of the popular
feelings in 1905, were not new. The Americans, the Irish, had
the Chinese had adopted them before. Swadeshi as a purely
economic measure for the development of Industry, has been
preached by Gopalrao Deshmukh, O. V. Joshi, and M, G.
Ranade of Maharashtra, and Rajnarain Bose, Naba Gopal
Mitra, and the Tagore family of Bengal. Similarly Bhola
Natd Chandra had recommended boycott in the 1870,s to
bring economic pressure on the British public, Tilak had led
«full-fledged boycott campon in 1896.*’ (AnateshTilpathy-
Preefiom ^\Tugg\e).
 PARTITION OF BENGAL AND SWADFSITI IfCVfMINT 79

In the midst of this terrible political turmoil in Bengal

the man who had raised the storm departed from the scene.
Curzon clashed with Kitchener, the Commander-in-chief
regarding control over the Indian army. The auihorites in
Britain supported Kitchener’s contention, and Curzon, his vanity
wounded, resigned the Viceroyalty on August 12, 1905. His
successor to that office, Earl Minto was as much a dyed-in-
the wool imperialist as Curzon, and even more Machiavellian
than Curzon. Earl Minto’s cryptic comment on the question
was that the partition of Bengal was a settled fact.
The Government had notified that the partition of Bengal
was to take effect on the 16th October, 1905. But on the 10th
nf October Carlyle, Chief Secretary of Bengal issued a Circular
to all District Magistrates which threatened schools with
dire consequences if they failed to prevent their pupils from
participation in agitation in general, and the boycott activity in
particular.
Government aid to such schools would be stopped;
teachers and members of school committes would be enrolled
as special constables ; the schools would be disaffiliated by

the University, and their students debarred from getting

Government scholarships.
The second red letter day in the annals of the anti-parti¬
tion agitation was the 16th October, 1905, on which the
p'^rtiiion was to come into force. The leaders drew up an
elaborate programme for the day. The best account of the
days proceedings is given at first hand by Surendranath
Banerjee who himself was the hero of the hour.
“The day was declared a day of national mourning. First,
there was to be the Rakhi-bandhan ceremony the red band
of brotherly union was to be tied round the wrist of all
whom we welcomed as brothers. Secondly, the day was to be
observed as a day of fasting and purification. Tba domestic
hearth was not to be lit; food was not to be cooked except
80 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

for the sick and the invalid ; the shops to be closed ; business
was to be suspended ; people were to wa.k barefooted, and
bathe in the Ganges in the early morning hours. Thirdly,
the foundation-stone of a proposed Federation Hall was to
be laid. The Federation Hall was to be the meeting ground
of the old province ai d its severed parts, the mark and symbol
of their indivisible union. Finally, there was to be a meeting
for the purpose of raising a National Fund to help chiefly the
weaving industry.*’
*^With the breaking of the dawn the whole city of Calcutta
seemed to re-echo to the shouts of Bande Mataram as
thousands of people streamed tnrough the different through-
fares to the bank of the river for a holy dip. They carried
with them rakhis, which they tied round the wrist of passers-
by. The bathing ghats were crammed with a surging mass
of men and women, all furnished with quantities of rakhis,
which they tiee round the wri^t of friends and acquaintances
and even of strangers.'*
The scene next shifted, in the afternoon, to the great
popular rally in the square opposite the University Science
college on upper circular Road. The proceedings opened
there with a forceful speech by Justice Gurudas Banerjee.
The foundation stone of the Fedration Hall was laid by the
doyen of Bciigah’ national leaders-Ananda Mohan Bose,
who was carried to the meeting place from his sick bed.
Ananda Mohan’s speech on the occasion was a magniheeni
example of fervid and noble eloquence worthy of an illustrious
patriot and saintly man.
*‘Ju$t before the foundation stone was laid, Sir Ashutosh
Chowdhury read the following proclamation in English and
Dr Rabindranath Tagore followed him with a translation
in Bengalee :
Whereas the Government has thought fit to effectuate thte
Partition of Bengal inspite of the universal protest of die
 PARTITION OF BENGAL AND SWADESHI MOVEMENT 81

Bengalee nation, we hereby pledge and proclaim that we as a

people shall do everything in our power to counteract the evil
effects of the dismemberment of our province, and to maintain
the integrity of our race. So God help us.-A. M. Bose.”
“The crowd then proceeded to the spacious compound of
the residence of Pashupatinath Bose in Baghbazar, a National
Fund of Rs. 70,000 was collected within a few hours”. S. N.
Banerjee adds: “The amount was made up of small
subscriptions. It was the gift of the great middle class of
Bengal.” (A. Nation in Making).
Repression, more repression, and repression without end
is the only specific antidote of a foreign imperialist Govern¬
ment aginst the uprising of a subject people. On the very day
he assumed the office of Lieut-Governor of the newly created
province of East Bengal and Assam Sir Bamfylde Fuller
issued bis first circular, or administrative directive. He asked
the District Magistrates to furnish names of the local ring
leaders of the agitation. On the 8th November, 1908 he
issued two circulars. One threatened school authorities with
dire consequences, and students with disqualification for
Government service, if they participated in politics. The
other banned the shouting of Bande Mataram in streets and
public places, and even bringing out “Sankirtan” parties, or
devotional processions, An order declared the use of com¬
pulsion for buying only country made goods an offence* To
cow down with a brutal hand the town of Barisal, where under
the leadership of Aswini kumar Dutt the boycott and Swa¬
deshi movements had grown formidable, a company of-Gurkha
military police was stationed there on the 15th of November,
1905. Later, Gurkhas were deployed in other districts also.
326 boys from Rangpur, Dacca, Noakhali, and other high
schools were fined and expelled for attending Swadeshi
meetings. The pupils of Madaripur School who had a
scuffle with an European employee were oidered to be
6
82 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

flogged. Similar harsh orders were passed in the districts of

Mymensingh, Dacca, and Howrah. Kingsford, the English
Presidency Magistrate of Calcutta ordered the flogging of
Sushil Sen, a boy of fourteen. Brahmabandhb Upadhay in
his fire-breathing journal-Sandhya-dubbed kingsford as
“Kassai-Hakira,” or Butcher Judge.
A vile and vicious government repressive measure was
the imposition of Punitive lax, or collective fine on the in-
liabitants of a locality where the Swadeshi movement
appeared to be markedly strong. It was a subtle and satanic
chastisement to cow down the entire population of a particular
area.
In the nationalist camp, on the other hand, new dimensions
were being added to the anti-partition agitation. The expulsion
of students from government aided schools and colleges for
antipartition activities posed a practical problem. Alternative
educataonal institutions had to be provided for such students.
Hance, to boycott and swadeshi a third item, National Educa¬
tion was incorporated in the programme of the movement. On
November 16, 1905 the National council of Education was
constituted with the object, ‘‘to impart, and promote
imparting of Education-Literary and Scientific as well as
technical and professional ••■on national lines.attaching
special importance to a knowledge of the country, its Literature
history, and Philosophy, and designed to incorporate with the
best assimiable ideals of the West and to inspire students
with a genuine love for, and a real desire to serve the
country.*’
A Provisional Committee entrusted to draw up a scheme
for the purpose submitted its rvport on December 2, 1905,
which was accepted by the National council of Education on
March 11, 1906. The Council was was registered in June,
1906 under Act XXI of 1860. The Bengal National college
^as inaugurated on Agust 14, 1906. Sri Aurobinda Ghosh,
 PARTITION OF BENGAL AND SWADESHI MOVEMMNT 83

who had iinaliy left Baroda and come to stay in Calcutta

towards the end of 1905, was named the Principal of the
College on a monthly remuneration of rupees one hundred
only.
To combat the spate of Government circulars directed
against the students an anti-circular society was formed with
Sacliindra Prasad Bose as Secretary, and Krishna Knar Mitra
of the Sanjivani as President. They fromcd a band of
enthusiastic and devoted young National Volunteers who
rendered yeoman service to the Swadeshi cause.
The next highlight of the anti partiition movement was
the forcible dispersal by the police under orders of the
District Magistrate of the Bengal Provincial conference at
Barisal in April, 1906.
The Conference started on April 14, 1906. On that day
when the delegates were proceeding in a procession to the
conference an act of Police barbarity was perpetrated. The
leaders, who were at the head of the procession were allowed
to go unmolested. “It was when the younger delegates, the
members of the anti-Circular society emerged from the ‘liavelli*
{compound of a local Raja’s house) into the public street
that the whole programme of the police was developed, and
the attack was begun. They were attacked with regulation
lathis* (fairly thick sticks six feet long); the Bande
Mataram badges that they wore were torn off. Some of them
were badly hurt, and one of them, Chittaranjan Guha, son of
Babu Monoranjan Guha, a well known Swadeshi worker and
speaker, who afterwards was deported, was thrown into a tank
full of water, in which, if he had not been rescued, he would
probably have found a watery grave.*’ (S. N. Banerjee-A
Nation in Making)
When Surendranath Banerjee remonstrated with Kemp,
Superintendent of Police, Barisal against the assault on the
delegates he was promptly arrested and taken to the residence
84 REBOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

of the District Magistrate, Emerson. Emerson summarily

fined Banerjee rupees two hundred on the count of contempt
of court ; he had to pay another sum of rupees two hundred
for being a member of a procession taken out without license.
The fines were paid up. Later, on an appeal filed by Surendra-
nath Banerjee the sentence of fine was quashed.
Those were the incidents of the first day of the conference.
As the delegates started discussions in the conference on the
second day, Kemp, District Superintendent of Police entered
the pandal. He told the President of the conference, A Rasool,
Bar-at-Law that the conference must disperese unless he was
prepared to give a guarantee that the delegates would not
shout Bande Mataram in the streets after the conference
was over. The President declined to give the guarantee.
Kemp then read out the order of the District Magistrate
directing the dispersal of the conference under section 144 of
the Criminal Procedure Code. After expressing some initial
indignation over the arbitrary order the delegates filed out of
the pandal. Only one, rvrishna kumar Mitra of the Sanjivani
would not budge from his seat. Surendranath himself testifies
“it was with the utmost difficulty that wc persuaded him at last
to leave the pandal.”
T! c Barisal conference made Surendranath Bantrjec the
uncrowned king of Bengal for the nonce. He reached tlie
pinnacle of popularity and hero-worship. But the backwash
of this wave of popularity soon set in, and he’ and his
associates like Bhupendranath Bose, Moti Lai Ghosh and
others receded from the limelight. The way the Police
had broken up the conference and the tame way the leaders
had obeyed an arbitrary order of the British authorities
demonstrated the utter weakness and helplessness of these
leaders. On the other hand the clamour of the people
against the alien Government was rising in crescendo. Far
braver and forceful leaders, new journals, far more fierce and
 PARTITION OF BENGAL AND SWADESHI MOVEMENT 85

menacing in their vitriolics against Feringhi (foreigners), and

Feringhi Raj (foreign rule) than Surendranath*s Bengalee,
or Moti Lai Ghosh's Amrita Bazar Patrike appeared on
the scene.
Nevertheless, it must be admitted that Surendranath
Banerjee had rendered invaluable basic service to the cause
of Indian independence. Through his paper, Bengalee, and
his sonorous eloquence he had roused the political
consciousness of Bengalis, particularly of students and the
younger generation, and also to some extent, of others parts
of India. Through his political tours and speeches all over
the sub-continent he had become some sort of a National
leader of the Indian people. The first such leader, to be
followed closely by Bal Gangadhar Tilak. His own people
conferred on Surendranath posthumously the honorific of
^‘Rastraguru’'-the political Maestro of India.
Indeed, the popular uprising in Bengal was fast developing
from its initial phase into its second phase. The anti-partition
agitation had by now grown into an anti British rule campaign
in full blast. The right of the Britishers to rule over India
was being vigorously assailed. It was a full-throated challenge.
Positively, the right of the Indian people to establish their
independent rule, after ousting the Britishers from the Land,
was being asserted without the least inhibition. We will
see that in the third and final phase of the movement a small
but determined section of educated Bengali yonths started
attacking Britishers with bombs and bullets. The cry of
the second phase of the anti-partition agitation was clearly
concisely and emphatically stated on the 10th November,
1906 by the New India with whieh was associated Bipin
Chandra Pal.
“Absolute National Autonomy is the national goal, and
the nation must attain it or perish in the national attempt."
(K. C. Ghosh-Roll of Honour).
86 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

So a fourth objective was added to the political movemeut

in Bcngal-SwaraJ, or self-rule by the Indian people. The
movement now rested on four pillars-Boycott, Swadeshi,
National Education, and most important of all swaraj. The
great Maratlii Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak voiced t!ie
latest demand in words that electrified the whole of India-
‘•SwaraJ is my birthright and 1 will have it.*' To Tilak
boycott, Swadeshi, and National Education were the steps in¬
tended to lead up to Swaraj.
The new top leaders of Bengal in the second phase were
Sri Aurobinda Ghosh, Brahmabandhab Upadhy, Btpin
Chandra Pal, and Raja Subodh Mallik. The outstanding new
journals spreading the new tempo of the movement and
reflecting the new temper of the people were the English
Bande Mutaram, founded by Raja Subodh Mallik to whici'a
both Aurobinda Ghosh and Bipin Chandra Pal contributed,
and the English New India of Bipin Chandra Pal, the two
Bengali journals were the ever memorable daily Sandiiya
of Brahmabandhab, and the weekly Jugantar started by a group
of young revolutionaries working under Sri Aurobinda.
Tarachand (History of Freedom Movement—Vol. 3) draws
a portrait of Sri Aurobinda in glowing words—
“He was tJie most brilliant among the galaxy of talented
men who challenged the government and directed the people’s
agitation.
Aurobinda Ghosh was a genius of a rare order. His
intellect both in span and depth covered an immensity of
range. He was a master of many languages. English was
almost his mother toungue and he had a wonderful
command over its vocabulary and diction. Ke was well
versed in Latin, and he won a scholarship for university
studies in Greek.
He had a good knowledge of French, and was acquainted
with German and Italian. On return to In^ia he learnt
 PARTITION OF BENGAL AND SWADESHI MOVEMENT 87

Bengali and Sanskrit both of which he came to know

thoroughly.”
Aurobinda studied in St. Paul's School, London, and
then in Cambridge. He competed in the Indian Civil Service
examination, but failed in the riding test. In 1893 he returned
to India, and entered into the service of the Gaekwad of
Baroda. Later he became the lecturer of English in the
Baroda College. Towards the end of 1905 he left Baroda
finally, came over to Calcutta and hurled himself headlong
into the anti-partition agitation both as a journalist and leader.
He became also the head of the most active group among
the revolutionaries of Bengal. Of him we will have to speak
a lot later.
Bra'imabandhab Upadhay'^ life can be likened only to a
blazing meteor burning itself out in a dazzling dash across the
horizon. Born Bhabani Charan Bandopadhay in the Village
of Khanyan in the district of Hooghly in 1861, he became an
ardent Christan missionary with the name of Brahmabandhab
Upadhay and the attire of a Hindu Sanyasi. As he was
not observing the usual norms of a Christian missionary he
was ex-communicated by the Church. Whenever a high and
noble ideal fascinated him Brahmabandhab would plunge
after it with all his soul and fierce energy. Then, after some
time his soul would be stirred deeply by the irresistible call of
some other high mission and he would run after it with his
characteristic fanatical zeal. But in all his life “he nothing
common did or mean.” After the death of Swami Vivekanand,
he felt an urge to spread the message of Vedanta among
Westerners, went to Oxford University and delivered a scries
of lectures there on Vedantism. Returning to India he became
a collaborator of Gurudev Rabindranath in founding the
Brahmacharya Ashram School in &intiniketan, the seed
out of which sprouted the famous Viswavarati of
Rabindranath.
88 REVOLT QF 1905 IN BENGAL

Then he heard the battle drums of the anti-partition and

Swadeshi struggle and rushed into the thick of the fray with
dauntless and heedless abandon. Through the columns of
the Sandhya, which appeared towards the close of 1904,
Upadhay poured liquid fire into the veins of young Bengal,
to use the words of Rabindranath. Though he used the
language of the common people in his celebrated journal
vitriol seemed to gush from his pen in denouncing Britishers
and British rule. Brahmabandhab seemed the very personi¬
fication of his people*s hatred and defiance to ‘Feringhis*
and ‘Teringhi Raj.*’ He had no political group behind him-
no political workers, no followers. He once wrote in the
Sandhya the moving line. “I have no wife, no children, no
home.*’ In the political arena also he stood solitary, alone,
heroic and magnificent. Brahmebandhab seemed to trumpet
into the ears of his countrymen the famous message of
Danton, the great leader of the Franch revolution. Leaudace,
Encore-Leaudace, Tujour Leaudace-to defy, again to defy, and
defy without end to urge them on in their fight against the
foreign government.
Spiritualism has often been the last resort of fatigued and
frustrated revolutionaries. Brahmandab’s spiritualism, like
that of Sister Nivedita, burst forth finally into revolutionary
blaze.
Bipin Chandra Pal was born in November, 1858 in village
Paila in the district of Sylhet in Assam in a middle class
family. While a student in the Presidency college, Calcutta
he came in contact with Shivnath Shastri, leader of the
Sadharan Brahmo Samaj, and joined that Simaj. Like
Brahmabandhab (then Bhabani Charan Bandopadhay) Bipin
Chandra pal was initiated into patriotism by Surendra Nath,
Banerjee through his lectures on Mazzini. But during
the second phase of the anti-partition movement Bipin
Chandra far outstripped his political mentor in the vehmence
 PARTITION OF BENGAL AND SWADESHi MOVEMENT 89

of his onslaughts on the alien rulers of the land. Bipin

Chandra Pal was an erudite scholar and an original thinker.
But his forte was hi ^ wonderful eloquence both in the English
and Bengali languages.
He had fire on his tongue and in his pen, and his speeches
and writings inflamed the hearts of his audience with patriotic
ardour and courage in the grim struggle against the British
authorities. For a time he was the idol of the students and
the youth of Bengal. The trio-Lajpat Rai of the Punjab,
Balgangadhar Tilak of Maharashtra and Bipin Chandra Pal
used to be lionised by extremists, and popularly referred to
as Lal-Bal-Pal. Bipin Chandra Pal also accompanied Barrister
P. Mitter to Dacca when the latter went there to open a
branch of the AnushiIan Society, a secret revolutionary
organization. The fiery oratory of Bipin Chandra Pal caused
a political conflagration in distant Madras. Bipin Chandra
also advocated passive resistance to arbitrary British laws
and orders.
Subodh Chandra Mallik was an affluent, generous, and
philanthropic citizen of Calcutta. But he was also a brave
and staunch patriot, and with unflagging zeal, and unflinching
courage he continued to be one of the top leaders of Bengal
through all the three phases of the anti-partition agitation.
He founded the famous paper Banda Mataram. When he
donated rupees one lakh towards the setting up of the Bengal
Naponal College the people of Calcutta, assembled at a
meeting, conferred on him the title of Raja. Subodh Mallik
thus became a unique Raja, receiving his title not from any
Mughal emperor, nor from the British government, but from
his admiring countrymen. He fully deserved such honour,
he was a king among men. Raja Subodh Mallik was one of
the nine prominent leaders of Bengal who were deported by
the Government in December, 1908.
The Bengali weekly Jugantar, twin brother to the Sandhya
 90 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

in its fierce hostility to Britishers and British rule, came out

in March, 1906.
Barindra Kumar Ghosh, younger brother of Sri Aurobinda
Ghosh, Bhupendra Kumar Dutt. youngest brother of Swami
Vivekanand, and Abinash Chandra Bhattacharya all young
members of the secret revolutionary society headed by Sri
Aurobinda started the journal with the assent and approval
of their leader, who himself contributed a few articles to the
earliest issues of the paper. Kali Prasanna Kavyavisarad and
his Benali paper Hitavadi, though milder in its tone and temper
than Sandhya, or Jiigantar, rendered valuable services in
strengthening the Swadeshi movement.
K. C. Ghosh in his wonderful and unique compilation-
Roll of Honour gives copious extracts and translations from
the fiery journals of the time. We may profitably quote from
that book a few of these by way of illustration.
Jugantar wrote on November 6, 1906 :
The stage has been reached when “we shall not be able to
part with our ideal of freedom, and we shall stake our
lives'’ for the cause. The Sandhya came out on May 10,
1907 with this.
But mere words will not avail. Without the lathi and the
bomb the “ferenghi*' (foreigner) will not be brought to his
senses.
In another issue the Sandhya asked :
How long will you tolerate oppression lying down ? And
why ? Will you learn to give blows for blows ?
On July 30, 1907 the Jugantar said :
The day people will suspect that this house of cards
cannot withstand a single puff of the entire Indian people,
that day will see the beginning of the end of British
rule,
Bande Mataram on August I, 1907 prophesied :
The despot's frown never marred the destiny of a nation.
 PARTITION Of BENGAL AND SWADESHI MOVEMENT 91

The Austrians frowned, but Italy is free ; the Britishers

frowned but the American colonists are free ; the Spaniards
frowned but Cuba is free. The seeming weakness of a subject
people always turned into invincible strength through the
inspiring ideal of freedom. Even if these persecutions
bring about a temporary demoralisation we must not
lose heart. Now losing, now winning we shall proceed to
our goal.
On the very next day Jugantar came out with this :
If it be the united desire and will of a whole nation to shake
off the foreign yoke and to gain independence, in the eyes of
God and justice whose claim is more lawful, the Britishers or
the Indians ? Certainly the Indians. After the Barisal
incident even the milder Hitavadi warned “that arms will at
last be used against arms, and the white man’s blood will atone
for the blood drawn from inoffensive boys.”
The celebrated journals of the city of Calcutta have been
mentioned above. But the contribution to the success of the
anti-partition agitation of some papers published in the districts
like Cham Mihir of Mymenshingh. Hituishi of Khulna, Dacca
Prakash of Dacca and Medini-Bandhab of Midnapur was not
inconsiderable. Political Pamphlets, wliich could afford tD
be more free and fiery than newspapers were scattered plenti¬
fully throughout Bengal. They halped to arcuse popular
enthusiasm. One such entitled “Araader Raja Ke” (who is our
king) questioned the right of the British to rule India. It said,
it is our blood the Britishers are sucking ; it is our money on
which they are fattening ; why should we submit to these
unjust rulers ?
Another, Sonar Bangla (Golden Bengal) called on the
people of Bengal to stand united and tear into pieces
the nest of the foreign crows and throw it into the Ganges*
Thus, we find that the anti-partition agitation had
developed into a strong anti-British-imperialism movement;
92 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BEN4AL
w

the cry of independence had been irrevocably raised, and the

resolve had been taken to oust British rule from India.
But we should remember that if constitutional methods
and agitation can never liberate an enslaved country from
alien domination, nor can fiery speeches and articles in the
press, as the Sandhya had, indeed, pointed out in its writing
of May 10, 1907. If that were possible the stentorian
eloquence of Surendra Nath Banerjee, the fiery oratory of
Bipin Chadra Pal, the resonant writings of Bande Mataram,
and the volcanic lave poured forth by Sandhya and Jugantar
could hava melted away the British power in India ten times
over. “The puff of ihe entire people” of which Jugantar had
spoken in its issue of July 30, 1907 will not be witnessed till
the advent of Mahatma Gandhi as the national leader of India
in 1920. Neither constitutional agitation, nor mere words,
however fiery and blood-warming, can bring freedom to a
subject people. Verbonnadc, however thunderous, shnll never
vanquish their oppressors. They shall have to purchase their
liberty by paying the price for it with their blood, sweat
and tears. A few brave souls did come forward to pay that
price, and stand forth as beacon lights to others. Their story
will be told later.
The Government launched a series of prosecution under the
law of sedition against editors of newspapers particularly
galling to it .
Bhupendranath Dutt, the young editor of Jugantar was
prosecuted for two aaticles-“Bhai Bhanga’* (Awaya with fear),
and “Lathousadhi” (The stick-medicine)-printed in that paper.
On July 22, 1907 the editor made the following statement
before the court:
‘T, Bhupendranath Dutt beg to state that I am the editor
of the journal, Jugantar, and I am responsible for all the
articles in question. I have done what 1 have considered
in good faith to be my duty by my country. I do not wish to
 PARTITION OF BENGAL AND SWADESHI, MOVEMENT 93

make any further statement or to take any other action in the

trial. Bhupendranath Dutt was sentenced to one years rigorous
inprisonment on July 24, 1907.
Next, Aurobinda Ghosh and Raja Subodh Mallik were
prosecuted in connexion with seditious writings in Bande
Mataram. At that time it was not mandatory to publish
the name of the editor of a journal. Aurobinda*s name did
not appear as editor, so how could he be convicted as editor of
Bande Mataram ? Bipin Chandra Pal was the first editor of
Bande Mataram. The government prosecution summoned Bipin
Chandra Pal as a witness to depose as to whom he made
over his charge as editor of Bande Mataram when he left.
Bipin Chandra Pal firmly refused to depose, and was sentenced
to six months simple imprisonment on a charge of contempt
of court. But Aurobinda Ghosh and Raja Subodh Mallik had
to be acquitted.
On Septemder 3, 1907 the forty-six year old lion-hearted
and indomitable editor of Sandbya, Brahmabandhab Upadhay
was arrested for certain seditious articles appearing in that
paper. He was taken to the thana and released on bail.
Brahmabandhab went to attend court in a bridal procession,
thus, making British Laws and Judiciary appear as objects of
ridicule and contempt in the public eye. Before the court,
while taking full responsibility for the paper and the
impugned articles Upadhay made the deathless utterance :
“I do not want to take any part in this trial because I do
not believe that in carrying out my humble share of the God-
appointed mission of Swaraj, I am in any way accountable to
the alien people who happen to rule over us and whose
interest is and must necessarily be in the way of our true
national development.”
Here in a nut-shall we find the spirit and gospel of the
rebellion in Bengal of 1905. While on bail Upadhay was
operated upon surgically in the Campbell Hospital, where he
-94 RKVOLI OF 1905 IN BENGAL

expired on the morning of October 27, 1907, Almost the

last words he had said were :
“I will not go to the jail of the Feringhi to work as a
prisoner.’*
The human volcano lay cold and dead. Upadhay
Brahmabandhab walked through life, his gaze ever fixed on
luminous stars far above all earthly things. Brahmabandhab
remains the grandest Bengali figure of the anti-partition and
-Swadeshi days. Other principal luminaries of the age. later
on. either wilted, retraced their steps, recanted their political
principles and preachings, retreated from the field of struggle,
or drifted away from it. For Brahmabandhab death barred
the way to all chances of future denigration. Upadhay
Brahmabandhab knew when to die, even if he did not will
his own death, as some fondly believed.
By now a more intrepid band of political fighters appeared
vowed to give the last full measure of patriotic devotion to
their country and countrymen.
The sound of bombs and bullets hurled against Britishers
was heard in Bengal. But that story will be told separately
in a subseq lent chapter. Bengal had revolted against British
•rule.
Muslims in large numbers participated in the antipartition
and Swadeshi movements. Some women also stepped out of
their seclusion and joined in processions and picketing. The
most energetic and indefatigable among muslim leaders was
Liakat Hossain of Patna. Among other prominent Muslim
leaders were Abdul Rasool Bar-at-Law of Barisal, and Abdul
Halim Ghaznavi, a zemindar and lawyer of East Bengal.
The British rulers, on their part, were doing their
nefarious best in combating this surge of defiance among their
native subjects. Large sections of Muslims in East Bengal
were mobilised by the Government to counter the agitation
of Bengali Hindus.
 PARTITION OF BENGAL AND SWVDESHI MOVEMENT 95

The Government itself set up a battery of repressive laws

to muzzle the movement. The Prevention of Seditious
Meetings Act (1907) provided for more stringent measure to
prevent public meetings likely to promote sedition on to cause
disturbance to public tranquillity. The Newspapers (incite¬
ments to oflFences) Act of 1908 provided for prevention of
incitements to murder and to other offences in newspapers. The
Explosive substances Act. 1908 prohibited the manufacture,
storing of, or carrying of explosives. The Indian Criminal Law
Amendment Act of 1908 was enacted for more speedy trial of
certain offences, and for the prohibition of associations
dangerous to the public peace. The Indian Press Act of
1910 provided for more stringent control over the press.
In December, 1908 Government made a clean sweep of
almost all the leaders of the agitation in Bengal.
The following nine leaders were deported from Bengal
under Regulation 11 1 of 1818 Aswini Kumar Dutt, 2 Krishna
Kumar Mitra, (3) Raja Subodh Mallik, (4) Shyamsundar
Chakravarti, (S) Pulin Das, (6) Bhupesh Nag, (7) Satis
Chatterjee, (8) Monoranjan Guha Thakurta, and (9) Ashu Das
Gupta. The only important leaders who were spared by the
government were Surendra Nath Banerjee, and Ambika
Charan Mazumcar of Faridpur. Sri Aurobinda Ghosh was
then an undertrial prisoner in the Alipore Jail, and Bipin
Chandra Pal had sailed away to England.
It has to be noted here, howLver regretfully, that Mrs
Annie Besant, who like Bipin Chandra Pal, was often erratic
in her political views and utterances, congratulated the viceroy
on his extraordinary courage in taking this laudable step—the
deportation of the nine Bengal leaders.
After this the tempo of the movement began to sag. But
freedom’s battle, though ever lost, is ever won. On the 12th of
December, 1911 at the Coronation Durbar held in Delhi the
British monarch, George V announced the terms of modi-
96 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

fication of the partition of Bengal; (1) The Bengali-speaking

divisions were to be re-united under a Governor-in-Council
(2) Bihar, Orissa, and Chotanagpur were to be constituted
into a new province under a Lient-Governor-in-Council;
(3) Chief Commissionership of Assam was to be restored ;
(4) Delhi was to be the future capital of India. Bengali¬
speaking areas regained their unity, but Calcutta lost her
primacy on the map of India—glorious and resplendent
Calcutta. The splendid city, as the years roll by, will slide
down slowly to the sad plight of a dying Metropolis, Stricken
with apparently incurable ailments. Alas for the city of Job
Charnok—once the Queen among cities of All Asia, Proud
urb Prima Indis f
Kudos to the valiant people of Bengal and their worthy
leaders. Gandhiji wrote, the Swadeshi movement removed
from the minds of men the terror of the British, taught people
to embrace suffering ; nothing counts more than this in a
nations awakening.
In his book, A case for India the eminent American
historian, Will Durant rightly remarked that the revolution
in India commenced from 1905.
Whatever the differences between them in political
emphasis and methods the leaders of Bengal collectively and
jointly had done a splendid job. They richly deserve the
eloquent tribute paid to them by Tarachand ( Freedom Move¬
ment-vol-3).
“There were in Calcutta and in the districts during these
stoimy days many men of exalted integrity and moral virtue,
of high intellectual calibre, of excellent organinizing ability,
men of great courage steadfastness eloquence, men of
passionate and fervent devotion to the Motherland.”
 GIFTS OF MOVEMENTS TO INDIA

The tremendous struggle waged by Che strongly welded and

well-consolidated Bengali Hindu nationalism against a parti¬
cularly sinister thrust of British imperialism designed to
dismember their motherland and vivisect their race was like an
earthquake which caused political tremors thronghout the
subcontinent. The antipartition and Swadeshi movements of
Bengal contributed to India and Indians four politically
valuable and important gifts.
(1) It caused a political shake-up among people living
beyond the borders of Bengal.
(2) It encouraged small-scale and cottage industries, and
helped in the growth of big industries throughout India.
(3) It gave to India a National Flag.
(4) and it gave to the Indian people their National
Anthem.
In Western India Lokmanya Tilak, and his fiery associates,
like Mahadev Paranjpe, the famous editor of Kal-pioneers in
political extremism-took up the cause of Bengal with zest and
ardour. Tilak’s Kesari and Paranjpe’s Kal gave the call to
Indians to take up the programme of Swadeshi and boycott of
British goods as political weapons for winning Swaiaj. They
organiseu meetings all over the Bombay Presidency t.> popula¬
rise Swadeshi and -.nfo;cc b<*ycott. Lokmany^i Tilak ltd a great
bonfire of foreign cloUi at Poonu. He opened co-oper-itivc
stores as the head of the Swadeshi Wastu Pracliarini Sat.ha.
He exhorted the Bombay Mill owners to supply dhoiis at
moderate rates. An in>iancc of close collaboration between
Tilak-led Marathi txtremf.Us and Aurobinda-k'd Bengali
extremists was the celebration of Sivaji festival in Calcutta in
the summer of 1906. Tilak accompanied by Khaparde and
Moonje came to Calcutta on invitation on thi; occasion.
7
98 BSVOIil OF 1905 IN BEMOAlj

The next strongest response to the Bengal movement came

from the Punjab. The leaders there were Lajpat Rai and the
group of Arya Samajists, and Sardar Ajit Singh.
The most important organ of the movement there was
Lajpat Rai’s Punjabee. There was strong agitation in the
Punjab against the use of foreign sugar which had badly hit the
domestic manufacture of that article, and also retarded the
production of sugar-cane. Syed Haidar Reza was the moving
spirit of Swadeshi in Delhi. Riots and assaults on Europeans
occurred in Lahore and Rawalpindi following the conviction of
the editor of the Punjabee. Government retaliated by deporting
to Mandalay Sirdar Ajit Singh on May 3, 1907, and Lajpat Rai
on May 10, 1907.
Bipin Chandra Pal was the Prometheuse who brought fire
to the politically languid South. The Extremists sent Bipin
Chandra Pal as their political evangel to preach the message of
boycott, Swadeshi, and Swaraj in the Madras Presidency. In
April, 1907 Bipin Chandra addressed meetings in the cast coast
towns, and then in the first week of May he delivered three
fiery orations in the city of Madras itself. In the picturesque
language of Tarachand, “Bipin Chandra Pal’s thunderous
rhetorical speeches sounded loud on the beaches and vied with
the roar of ocean-waves breaking on the shore.” This genera¬
ted tremendous patriotic fervour among the students and the
youth of the Madras Presidency. The students of the Govern¬
ment college at Rajmundhry observed hartal ( non-attendance )
under the influence of Pal’s speeches.
The soul of a distinguished advocaie, Chidambaram Pillai
had been prepared beforehand for receiving the message of
Bipin Chandra. A young Bengali revolutionary, then known
as Tarak Brahmachari and later as the distinguished Professor
Tarak Nath Das of the United States, was in 1906 the guest of
Chidambaram for some time before the formers’ escape to the
U.S.A. Tttfak Brahmachari had initiated Chidambaram Pillai
into the service of the nation.
 GIFIS OF MOVBMBNT8 TO INDIA 99

Chidambaram Pillai and his associate Subramanya Siva

went about touring the districts of Madras calling upon the
people to adopt boycott and Swadeshi as weapons for winning
Swaraj for India. In a speech delivered at Tuticorin Chidam¬
baram Pillai called Bipin Chandra Pal the Lion of Swaraj and
asked people to follow his directions.
Bipin Chandra Pal was due to be released on March 9,
1908 after his six months imprisonment. So great was his
fame and popularity among the people of Madras that Chidam¬
baram Pillai asked them to raise the standard of independece
on that day to celebrate the ocasion. On the 9th March, 1908
Chidambaram Pillai delivered a fiery speech in the town of
Tinnevelley in which he exhorted the people to follow the
dictates of Bipin Chandra Pal regarding boycott and Swadeshi
with full vigour. If they did that, Chidambaram assured they
would win Swaraj within six months. Government arrested
Chidambaram Pillai and Subramanya Siva on the 12th March,
1908. The people of Tinnevelley infuriated by the arrest of
their beloved leaders, set fire to all govenment offices in the
town, and destroyed the buildings on the 13th March, 1908,
The revolt was finally put down by the military, and later
twenty seven persons were sentenced to long terms of impri¬
sonment for the Disturbances.
Repercussions of the movement were also felt in the other
parts of India, though in a less degree.
Surendra Nath Banerjec ( A Nation in Making) writes, “It
is, however, in the industrial line that the national activities
received an unprecedented stimulas.” Not only new cottage
industries, but also large-scale enterprises sprang up all over the
country. As foreign cloth was the chief target of the agitators
both handloom weaving and Textile Mills got a tremen¬
dous boost from the movement, and the Cotton Mills in
Western India never had it better* Match and soap factories,
tanneries and potteries sprouted out everywhere. Among new
industrial vmtures in Bengal were the Banga Luxmi Cotton
100 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

Mills, the Bengal National Bank, the National Insurance Com¬

pany, the Hindustan Co-operative Insurance company, and the
Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works, started by
Acharya Prafulla Chandra Roy.
The entire capital of Tata Iron and Steel Company, which
had refused all government and foreign help, was subscribed by
Indians within three months. The fiery nationalist leader of
the south, Chidambaram Pillai himself organized an Indian
shipping company-the Tuticorin-colombo Steamer Co.
What is a nation without a National Flag ? The leaders
of the Swadeshi movement in Bengal did not fail to realise the
need for a national flag, and did design one.
On this subject Dr. Bhupendranath Dutt in his Bengali
book-Bbarater Dwitiya Swadhinatar Sangram-has reproduced
excerpts from a contemporary report appearing in the Sanjivani
•the well-known Bengali weekly.
On the 20th October, 1905, the day on which the partition
of Bengal was to take efiect, the first Indian National Flag was
hoisted in the compound of the proposed Federation Hall,
opposite the University Science College on Upper Circular
Road with the bursting of 101 crackers by Surendranath
Banerjee. The hoisting was greeted with loud acclamation and
lusty shouts of Bandc Mataram.
The same flag was-hoisted at the annual session of the
Congress held in Calcutta at the end of 1906 under the Presi¬
dentship of Dadabhai Naoroji. The volunteers of the Congress
ses.sion wore aho a replica ol the flag on their badges. So
this was the fiist National flag of India, and of the Indian
National Congress,
WhiU was the design of this flag ? It was a tricolour with
three horizontal stripes ariai.gcd like this :
Top—Red with eight white lotuses embossed thereon ^
Middle—Saffron or Yellow' with the words Bande Mataram in
devnagri script imprinted in deep blue ;
Bottom—Green displaying on the left a white sun, and on the
 GIFTS OF MOVBMBNTS TO INDIA 101

right crescent with star.

The lotus, according to Rishi Rajnarain Bose, was the
national flower of India. The tricolour had really been chosen
after the famous tricolour of the French Revolution. They
stood for liberty, equality, and fraternity. But to avert the
wrath of the British authorities, it was given out that the three
colours represented the three communities of India-Hindus,
Muslims, and Sikhs. The eight lotuses stood for the eight
provinces of India. The sun symbolized the Hindus, and the
Crescent and Star the Muslims. Who designed this flag
Sachindra Prasad Bose, Secretary of the Anti-Circular Society
and some of his friends designed the flag and had it approved
by Surendranath Banerjee. Sachindra Prasad Bose was an
ardent lieutenant of Surendranath.
The first National Flag of India gained even international
celebrity. Madam Cama a rich patriotic Parsi widow then
residing in Paris, hoisted this flag at the World Socialist
Conference held at Stuttgart in Germany in 1907. Hem
Chandra Das (Kanungo )• a revolutionary and artist from
Midnapur in Bengal, who was then in Paris learning to prepare
explosives, designed for Madam Cama the flag, which was an
exact replica of the national flag described in details above.
We may tell here the story of the subsequent transforma¬
tions of India’s National Flag till Independence.
In 1921 the National Flag of the Congress, Virtually the
National Flag of India was redesigned with the approval of
Mahatma Gandhi. It was also a tricolour, but the yellow or
Saffron in the middle gave place to white. The lotuses, Bande
» Mataram, Sun and Crescent were all removed. In their place
was embossed a charka, or spinning wheel in the middle.
The All India Congress Committee at its meeting held in
Bombay in August, 1931 adopted the following resolution
concerning the National Flag :-
The National Flag shall be three-coloured, horizontally
arranged, but the colours ^all be saffirofi, white and green in
102 BBVOiyr OF 1905 in bbkqaIi

the order stated here from top to bottom, with the spinning
wheel in dark blue in the centre of the white stripe, it being
imderstood that the colours have no communal significance, but
that Saffron shall represent courage and sacrifice, white peace
and truth, and green shall represent faith and chivalry, and the
spinning wheel the hope of the masses. The proportions of the
flag should be fly to hoist as three to two. ( Congress in Evolu*
tion—D. Chakravarti and C. Bhattacharya ).
Bengal’s Swadeshi movement also gave to Indians their
National Anthem. Could it be said of any that he was the
Rousseau of the Bengal revolution, it could be affirmed of only
Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, the giant litterateur and thinker.
Bankim’s great mind must have been feeling for some time the
need of a national anthem for his people. This is indicated by
the ecstatic language in which he greeted a song written by
Satyendranath Tagore, the Civilian second son of Maharshi
Devendranath and elder brother of poet Rabindranath. That
song was sung in the opening of the second session of the
Hindu Mela in 1868. This song opened with the lines t
Mile sab Bharat Santan,
Ek tan, mano«pran»
Gao Bharater Yasogan.
unite all ye children of Bharat
In one voice mind and heart
and sing the glory of Bharat.
of this song Bankim Chandra wrote in noble and eloquent
Bengali:
Let this noble song he sung in every corner of India. Let
it echo in the caves and crevices of the Himalyas. Let it
murmur through the leaves of trees guarding the banks of the
Ganges, Jamuna, Indus, Narmada, and the Godavari. Let it
resound in the thunderous roll of the Eastern and Western seas.
Let the heart-^strings of two hundred million Indians be
attuned to its music.
 QIFZB OF KOVBHBSIS lO INDIA 103

Due to bad health, and family troubles Bankim had to come

to his ancestral home at Kanthalpara on eight months leave in
1876. During his stay there on a sudden spurt of lofty inspira¬
tion he camposed the Bande Mataram song. It lay neglected
for a time in his desk. It was printed in the pages of Banga-
darshan in a rather casual fashion. When Bangadarshan
reappeared tmder the proprietorship of Bankim’s brother-
Sanjib Chandra Chatterjee, Bankim wrote in it serially, during
1880, his celebrated novel, Anandamath. In it was incorpora¬
ted an improved and revised form of the Bande Materam song.
Anandamath was published in book-form in 1882.
After a protracted illness and after suffering long from
family troubles Bankim breathed his last on 8th April 1894.
Even then this great song attracted little public attention.
Bankim himself had, however, prophesied that a day would
come when his countrymen would realise the value and signi¬
ficance of the song, or hymn to the mother land.
In the Calcutta session of the Congress held in 1896
Rabindranath sang this song. But Bande Mataram came to its
own when the flood of the Swadeshi movement innundated
Bengal. The song was sung at thousands of public meetings
held all over Bengal. At the mammoth public meeting held in
Che Town Hall of Calcutta on the 7th August, 1905 to voice
popular protest against the partition of Bengal shouts of Bande
Mataram rent the welkin for the first time. Ever since the
opening words of the song, Bande Mataram-Mother I bow to
thee-became a stirring call to patriotism and self-sacrifice.
Bande Mataram gradually spread its magic spell over the whole
of India.
In its original form the Bande Mataram song was the
National Anthem of the Bengali people. The words, *'sapta
Koti Kantha’*—seventy million voices clearly indicate that.
Later on, after slight emendations, the song came to encom¬
pass the entire population of India.
In the Congress session held in 1937 Bande Mataram was
104 BBVOLT 07 1905 IN BBNGAIt

formally given the status of India's National Anthem, and it

continued to be so till Independence.
Bankim Chandra Chatterjee gave India a magnificent and
superb National Anthem-solemn in cadence,sonorous in diction,
sublime in thought, serene in beauty, sweet in melody-soul¬
stirring and nobly inspiring. Had Bankim done nothing else
for his people he would still deserve to be enshrined in their
hearts for this priceless gift to India. This great song inspired
every Indian fighter for freedom-armed or unarmed. Young
patriots bore flogging by the brutal British police with the cry
of Bande Mataram on their lips $ unarmed Satyagrahis faced
merciless assaults by the British police with sticks and batons
shouting Bande Mataram $ brave revolutionaries with dauntless
mien and unfaltering steps mounted the gallows, paying their
last homage to their dear motherland with those two words-
Bande Mataram-Mother I bow to thee.
The Swadeshi movement put the final seal to Bengal's
primacy in the national life of India-a Primacy which lasted
till the advent of Mahatma Gandhi on the political stage of
India. This primacy of Bengal was freely and unreservedly
acknowledged by eminent leaders from other parts of India.
The gifted Marathi leader, Gopale Krishna Gokhale expressed
it brilliantly in one sentence :
*‘What Bengal thinks to-day, India thinks to-morrow”.
The greatest Indian Muslim leader of the nineteenth century.
Sir Syed Abmed paid glowing tribute to the Bengalis in superb
language. Said he:
assure you that the Bengalis are the only people of our
country whom we can be properly proud of, and it is only due
to them that knowledge, liberty, and patriotism are progressing
in our country. I can truly say that they are the head and crown
of all communities in Hindusthan.**
 SWADESHI STRUGGLE AND THE CONGRESS
The Swadeshi struggle in Bengal burst forth as a spontane¬
ous and universal upsurge of the people of Bengal against a
particularly perfidious ukase of Albion. The Indian National
Congress had no part in starting it, or directing its course.
Still, such a tremendous political event as the Revolt of 1905 in
Bengal could not but have strong impact on the national
organization of India.
Long before 1905, the shadows of a coming political storm
were gathering round that body. The founding fathers of the
congress in reverent language, protesting their undying loyalty
to the British Sovereign and their Viceroy in India, had been
praying and petitioning for small political mercies. They had
been agitating for these in the press and on the platform
scrupulously confining themselves within the bounds of law.
Even so, they had failed miserably to draw even a drop of
political concession from the stony—hearted British imperia-
tists.
Not unnaturally, some new ardent spirits in the Congress
felt utterly disgusted with the futile mendicancy of the leaders,
and called for militancy in the language and approach of the
Congress towards the British authorities. These new leaders
wanted that they should put forward the demand for self-
government by Indians in a bold and forthri^t manner.
Indications of this new political cry-militancy, not mendicancy-
appeared in Tilaks Kesari, and Paranjpae’s Kal. They also
emphasized the point that the Indian National Congress in the
existing form was purely an organization of the educated
middle classes, and it had no contact with the masses of India.
In an article with the caption A Dynamic Policy for the
Congress, Tilak Wrote:
*ToUtical rights must be fought for. The Moderates think
Ihosc can be won by persuasion. We think that they can be
106 BBvoia OF 1905 in Bengal

got by pressure. The Congress must be turned into an organi«

zatioD working continuously and energetically.” Paranjpe*8
Kal prophesied tne emergence in future of a new Congress, and
said,
‘The present Congress is composed of the educated class*
but the Congress to which we allude, will be composed of
uneducated masses.” These views of Tilak and his group
found brilliant and vigorous support from the pen of a new
charismatic figure who entered the Indian political arena in the
last decade of the nineteenth century.
Within a few months of his arrival in fiaroda in 1893 Sri
Aurobinda Ghosh started contributing a series of articles to the
English Weekly Indu Prakash of Bombay. Altogether he wrote
eleven articles under the caption New Lamps for old in Indu
Prakash, whose editor at the time was K. G. D^pande, a
Cambridge friend of Aurobiada’s.
In these articles Aurobinda brilliantly attacked the composi¬
tion and leadership of the Indian National Congress. He
wrote—
*The Congress wanted to make England’s yoke easy, and its
burden light, but not to remove the yoke altogether. And again
he asserted, that Congress could not speak out the truth
fearlessly because it was afraid of the British rulers. Repeatedly
he stated that the Congress was composed wholly of the middle
class, and was agitating for political rights that would benefit
that class only. Congress had no contact with the submerged
masses of the country, and cared nothing for the removal of
their ignorance and poverty. In one article Aurobinda came
out as an ardent advocate of revolution. On September 18,
1893, Aurobinda wrote in the Indu Prakash that the self-
appointed Leaders of the Congress would better not forget the
Lessons of history of a country, that is, France where the
ignorant masses through ’’purification of blood and fire blotted
out in five terrible years the accumulated Oppression of
thirteen centuries.” Aurt^inda praised Tilak as the right kind
 SWADBSm STBUGOLB AND TBB C0NGBS88 10T

of Leader of his people.

While the political tempest that broke forth in Bengal in
1905 brought new recruits to this militant group, notably Bipin
Chtndra Pal in Bengal ahd Lajpat Rai in the Punjab, it also
sharepened the differences between the two groups in the
Congress.
There was no difference in the Swadeshi part of the Bengal
movement. It was the defiant and dynamic part-boycott of
British goods-which scared the moderates. To Tilak and his
group boycott was the vital thing-the political weapon by the
use of which they would force the British to grant India Swaraj*^
or self-government. Tilak, it may be noted incidentally, placed
far greater reliance on the efiScacy of boycott of British goods
as a political weapon than warranted.
Tilak’sgroup is often referred to as Extremists. They called
themselves Nationlists, and it is better to refer to them as such,
reserving the term Extremist for those who engaged in a violent'
struggle against Britishers. The leaders of the Moderates at
the time were G. K. Gokhale, Sir phiroze&hah Mehta,
Surendranath Banerjee, and Madan Mohan Malaviya. **Gokhale
would leave alone the word” boycott which implied a vindic¬
tive desire to injure another, and which created unnecessary
ill-will against ourselves.'* Surendranath Banerjee considered
boycott as only a temporary measure to fight the injustice of
Bengal partition, to be dropped as soon as partition was
annulled by the Government. Madan Mohan Malaviya did
not favour boycott. Apart from that there was wide difference
between the two groups concerning the political objectives
aimed at Moderates would be satisfied with a marginal
participation by Indian national leaders in the governance of
their own land. The Nationalists demand was far more
radical. As Tilak put it pithily : *‘lwant to have the key to
my own house. Self-government is our goal.’*
The Congress session held in Madras in 1903 adopted a
resolution expressing its deep concern at the policy of the
108 BEVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

government of India in breaking up the territorial integrity of

Bengal.
In the Bombay session of 1904 Sir Henry Cotton, the
President said :
“The proposal to break up Bengal against the loudly
expressed wishes and sentiments of the people of Bengal can
only be described as the most arbitrary and unsympathetic
evidence of irresponsible and autocratic statesmanship.”
The Banaras session of the congress in 1905 held under the
presidentship of Gopal Krishna Gokhale grew stormy over the
Bengal movement. The session ultimately passed two resolu¬
tions on the topic. One resolution recorded emphatic protest
against the partition of Bengal in the face of the strongest
opposition on the part of the people of the province. The
second “protested against the repressive measures which have
been adopted by the authorities in Bengal after the people there
have been compelled to resort to the boycott of foreign goods
as a last protest, and perhaps the only constitutional and effective
means left to them of drawing the attention of the British
public.”
The Banaras congress, however, refused to adopt the boycott
resolution.
Gokhale in his presidential address had stated the Moderate
creed in the following words :
“The goal of the Congress is that India should be governed
in the interest of Indians themselves, and that in course of time
a form of government should be attained in this country similar
to what exists in the self-governing colonies of the British
Empire.”
The cleavage between the two wings of the Congress was
manifest and threatened to lead to a head on collision in the
near future.
The opposition between the two groups has been put
lucidly and fully by R. P. Masani in his life of Dadabhai
!Naoroji t
 BWADESSl STBUaOLB AND TBE GONGBESS 109

“This anti-thesis between their view points marked a

revolutionary change in the mind of the new generation. It
was not a mere emotional conflict, nor was it a contest for
power. It was esssentially an intellectual conflict, a conflict
of ideology. Self-government under British paramountcy was
the goal of the old school, freedom from foreign control was
the ideal of the new. Constitutional agitation was the accepted
method to which the elders wished to adhere j the rebels
demanded a radical change in that method. Even they, except
a few revolutionaries among them, did not advocate violence
at that stage.
There was, however, such a weapon as boycott to which they
thought they could resort-boycott of British goods, and, if
necessary of councils. Such actions, they felt, would be cons¬
titutional and legitimate.*’
Who would be the President of the Congress at the end of the
year 1906 f The question might lead to a battle royal between
the Nationalists and Modenates. Ihe former wanted Bal
Gangadhar Tilak to be the next President. Such a prospect scared
the Moderates, Surendranath Banerjee and Bhupendranath
Bose, the two veteran Moderate leaders of Bengal had a brain
wave. They sent a cable to Dadabhai Naoroji in London to
accept the Presidentship of the Congress for the third term.
Dadabhai assented. The young Nationalists had the grace not
to oppose the Grand old Man ol India.
The Congress session held in Caicuita in I90i.. under the
presidentship of Dadabhai Naoroji was a landmark in the
history of India’s freedom struggle, even ihougls it only post
poned, but could not avert the coming clash between the two
wings in the Congress. In his presidential address Dadabhai
Naoroji declared :
“Just as tiic administration of the United Kingdom in all
its services, depariments, and details was in the hands of the
people of that country, so should it be in India. As in the
United Kingdom and the colonies, all the Taxation and Icgisla-
110 BBVOLT OF 1905 m BENGAL

tion, and power of spending the taxes were in the hands of the
representatives of the people, so should it be in India. The
financial relations between England and India must be adjusted
on a footing of equality. We do not ask for any favours. We
want only justice. The whole matter could be compressed in
one word-self-government, or Swaraj.’*
The venerable veteran’s swan song in India’s great national
organization* which he had tended and nourished with fostering
care through two decades, mentioned the word Swaraj.
This word *Swaraj’ will undergo progressive interpretation

.complete independence.
On the controversial boycott resolution there was a heated
discussion in the open session Finally, the resolution moved
by Bipin Chandra Pal that the boycott movement inaugurated
in Bengal by way protest against the partition of the province,
“was and is legitimate” was carried. The Nationalists, thus,
scored the point which they had failed to carry in the Banaras
session of the Congress.
It is interesting to note that Mohammed Ali Jinnah acted as
Naorojis Secretary, and Muhammad Iqbal composed the famous
song—*‘Sare Jahan se achha Hindusthan Hamara’*—in the
Calcutta session of the Congress in 1906.
The intervention of Dadabhai, however, only imposed a
Temporary truce j it did not bring about peace between the two
warring wings of the Congress. The Bengalee of S. N. Banerjee
hailed Dsdabhai’s presidential address as “the political gospel
of the new era.” But Aurobinda Ghosh’s Bande Mataram
lamented over it under the caption, “The great Refusal.”
It was decided in Calcutta that the venue of the next session
would be Nagpur. But who would be President ? Aurobin4a
and his group wanted either Lajpat Rai, or Tilak. Tilak him¬
self would have liked Lajpat Rai to be the next president.
Lajpat Rai himself did not want to be drawn into controversy,
and preferred to stay out of it.
 SWADESHI STBU6GLB AND THE OONGBB68 111

The Reception Commitee formed at Nagpur to elect the

President failed to do so, as neither party could muster the
required majority of three-fourths of the members. Then, the
All India Congress Committee met in the house of Sir Phiro-
zeshah Mehta in Bombay and selected Surat» supposed to be a
stronghold of Mehta, as the scene of the next session. The
Moderates also chose Sir Rash Bihari Ghosh, the eminent law¬
yer and philanthropist to be the next president.
The Nationalists were annoyed over the shifting of the
venue, and over the choice of the President.
Just three weeks before the Surat session a full-dress rehear¬
sal of what was to happen there occurred in a District Political
conference in Bengal. On the 7th and 8th December, 1907 was
held the Midnapur District Political Conference. This was
attended by the Moderate leader Surendranath Banerjee. Two
important Nationalist leaders, Shri Aurobinda Ghosh and
Shamsundar Chakravarti also came down from Calcutta to
attend the conference. The Nationalists were backed up by a
strong contingent of local young revolutionaries, led by
Sdtyendranath Bose, who later became a martyr. The first
days proceedings grew stormy over the interpretation of the
word “Swaraj” in different ways by the rival groups. The
other important bone of contention was the resolution asking
for setting up of Akhras, or gymnasiums in every village not
only for developing the health and strength of youngmen, but
also to serve as a village defenee force. The Moderates objected
that the making of Akhras into village defence units would
make them a rival to the government’s police organization, and
they, therefore, could not support such a proposal. There were
shouts and counter-shouts, the President of the conference was
heckled and order could only be resorted in the conference
when the Moderate leaders called in the police. On the second
day of the conference the Moderates and the Nationalists met
separately in two different places in the town of Midnapur.
When the session of the Congress started at Surat on the
112 BBVOLI OF 1905 IN BENGAL

banks of the Tapti the scenes witnessed earlier on the banks of

the Kangsabati at Midnapur were re-enacted on a larger scale.
Surendranath Banerjee ( A Nation in Making ) writes :
“There was a strong party in favour of the election of Mr.
Tilak as President and they would not have Sir Rash Bihari
Ghosh to preside over the Congress. Rather that the Congress
should be broken up than that Rash Bihari Should preside.
That was the feeling of this party, and the Congress was broken
up. Chairs, and shoes, and slippers were flung at the leaders,
the platform was rushed.”
The session opened on the 26th December, 1907. Tilak
rose to oppose the election of Sir Rash Bihari Ghosh as the
President. This caused an uproar and the session adjourned
for next day. On the second day Tilak walked up to the ros¬
trum to address the delegates. But he was not allowed to speak.
Some delegates tried to push him ; a shoe was hurled at him,
which missing him hit Surendranath Banerjee and Phirozeshah
Mehta. Pandemonium reigned in the pandal. Phirozeshah
Mehta called in the police who cleared the pandal. The
Congress had split.
Immediately afterwards the Moderates assembled at a mee¬
ting, and hurriedly drafted the new creed of the Congress. It
laid down that self-government within the empire was the goal
of the Congress ; and that it was to be attained by purely cons¬
titutional means. It was obligatory upon everyone to sign this
creed before he could become a member of the Congress. 1 he
new con&iitutiou of the CU.-ngress laid down-Article I—The
objects the Indian Nauonal congress wus the attainment by
the people of India of a system of Government similar to that
enjoyed by the self governing members of the British Empire
and a participation by them in the rights and responsibilities
of the Empire on equal terms with those members. These
objects are to be achieved by constitutional means by bringing
about a steady reform of the existing system of administration
and by promoting national unity, fostering public spirit, and
 SWADESHI STRUGGLE AND THE CONGRESS 113

developing and organizing the intellectual, moral, economic,

and industrial resources of the country. Article 2—Every
delegate to the Indian National Congress shall express in
writing his acceptance of the objects of the Congress as laid
down in Article 1 of the constitution and his willingness to
abide by the constitation, and by the Rules of the Congress
hereto appended.
This constitution with some amendments was adopted by
the Bankipore session of the Congress in 1912.
The soul of Allan Octavian Hume must have rejoiced
over this new development in the Congress even after twenty-
two years since its foundation. The object with which he
had sponsored the birth of the Congress was to wean
educated Indians away from the path of poUiical extermism
and win them over to constitutional ways.
The Nationalists refused to sign the pledge and went out
of the Congress. The Moderates continued to rule the
roost in the Congress till 1916, and Sir Rash Bihary
Ghosh presided over the next session of the Congress held
in Madras in 1908.
Viscount Morley, the liberal disciple of Gladstone, became
Secretary of state for India in 1908. He fascinated and
hypnotized the mild and timid Gopal krishna Gokhale by
holding out the prospect of a large measure of self-Government
for Indians in the near future. Through the good oflBces of
Gokhale, Morley succeeded in isolating the Indian Nationalists,
and in keeping the Moderates politically contented and
complacent. The Government of India came down with a
heavy hand on the Nationalist stalwarts.
India’s national struggle instead of surging forward with
an added momentum suffered a set-back at Surat, and in
consequence a temporary decline in its vigour followed.

8
 A SECOND FRONT AGAINS NATIONALIST INDIA

Earl Minto, who succeeded Curzon to the Viceroyalty was

a subtler and more secretive Machiavelli of imperialism than
the latter. Curzon was an extrovert; pompous, vain he loved
to hear his own oratory. Minto was an introvert, and
preferred to keep his counsels to himself, and indulged in
back-stair intrigues. Curzon had attempted to break up the
already strongly united and well-consolidated Bengali Hindu
nationalism. It proved a hard nut to crack. Minto focussed
his attention on the consolidating, but not yet consolidated
Indian nationalism. He would drive a wedge between
the two major communities of India, and thereby
check the growth and development of an emerging Indian
nationalism.
Curzon had done his worst in trying to detach the Muslims
of Bengal from the Hindus, and set the former agninst the
latter. His devilish game did not succeed too well, but it
did not also fail altogether. In April and May, 1906 in
Mymenshingh, where the Muslims were in majority, there
were communal riots in which the Hindus suffered grievously.
Communal riots on a bigger scale recurrrd in 1907 at Comilla,
and at Jamalpur in the District of Mymensingh. Mullahs
went about preaching a revival of Islam, and proclaiming:
that the British Government was on their side. They went
about telling people that no penalty would be exacted for
disobeying Hindu authorities, for the looting of Hindu shops,
or the abduction of Hindu women. A notorious Red Pamphlet,
circulated everywhere, preached the boycott of Hindu shops,
products of Hindu industry, and the opening of Muslim
schools. It proclaimed the Hindus have robbed us of our
welath, honour, and glory of Islam. They spread the Swadeshi
net to take our lives. Lowest of all is he who cries Bande
Mataram with the Hindus.
 A SECOND FRONT AGAINST NATIONALIST INDIA 115

Now to the machinations of Minto. Col. Dunlop Smith,

Private Secretary to Viceroy Minto and Archbold, Principal
Aligarh Muslim College were directed to work together, and
instruct Muslim leaders to take certain steps for their political
well-bing. The Muslim leaders should lead a dcputaMon to
the Viceroy and submit to him a memorandum asking for
recognition of the rights and interests of the Muslim
community. They should demand that the Muslims should
have reserved separate representation in the legislatures and
other public bodies. The Viceroy’s emissaries-Col. Dunlop
Smith and Principal Archbold carefully tutored and groomed
the Muslim leaders as to what to do and what to pray for.
Accordingly, on the 1st of October, 1906 a Muslim
delegation waited on the Viceroy at Simla. Moulana
Mohamd AH once described it as a **Command perfomance.'’
The delegation consisted of 35 members and was led by H.H.
the Aga Khan. He has himself stated that the objective of the
delegation was to obtain independent political recognition
from the British government that the muslims were a nation
within a nation.
The delegation in the memorandum submitted to the
Viceroy prayed for (1) election of Muslims to the provincial
councials through separate Muslim electorates, and in numbers
not in proportion to their population, but in accordance to
their political importance ;
(2) election of Muslims to the Imperial Legislative Council
through separate electorates in suflBcient numbers so that
Muslims may not be an ineffective minority.
Other demands of the delegation were that there should be
a Muslim on the Viceroy’s Executive Council; a Muslim
University should be estabished ; the competitive examination
should be discontinued, and a Muslim quota should be reserved
in the I.C.S.; in every High Court there should be Muslim
Judges.
 116 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

In his reply Minto addressed the delegates as *‘the

descendants of a conquering and ruling race,” and promised
Government would consider their demands with utmost
sympathy. Secretary of State Morley once said, “Minto had
started the Moslem hare in 1906.” But he. nonetheless,
accepted the principle that the Mohammedan community was
entitled to a separate representation on the council of the
governor-general, and the provincial legislatures commensurate
with its numbers and political and historical importance.
It is a pity the Congress and national leaders hardly took
any notice at the time of this portentous and sinister event.
Shortly after-wards another development occurred which was
also ominous in significance. The Muhammadan Educational
conference met at Dacca in December, 1906. Nawab
Salimulla of Dacca invited the Muslim leaders assembled
there to a meeting. They met under the Chairmanship of
Nawab Waker-ul-Mulk, who in an Urdu speech called for the
organization of the Muslims of India in a separate political
body. Salimulla, thereupon, proposed the formation of the
new body ; Hakim Amjmal Khan seconded it. The new
organization was given the name of the All India Muslim
League. Its objects were defined as follows :
(1) promotion of feelings of loyalty to the British
Government {
(2) protection and advancement of the political rights and
interests of the Muslims of India ;
(3) prevention of the rise of hostility to other communities.
Morley welcomed the formation of the Muslim League as a
“native opposition to the Congress.”
While moving for the second reading of the Indian councils
Bill in the House of Lords Morley made the following
observation:
“Let us not forget that the differences between
Mohammedanism and Hinduism is not a mere difference of
 A SECOND FRONT AGAINST NATIONAUST INDIA 117

articles of religous faith and dogma. It is a difference in life,

in tradition, in history, in all the social things as well as
articles of belief that canstitute a community.”
In the future one will hear all the points mentioned by
Morley in the above statement from the lips of Qaid-e-Azam
Mohammed Ali Jinnah times without number. Morley spoke
about the factors as constituting a community, Jinnah insisted
they consituted a nation. But Morley had also declared that
the inhabitants of India constituted nations, and not a nation.
As sops to the Moderates Morley appointed in 1907 Sir
K. G. Gupta and Syed Hussain Bilgrami to the Council of
India London. In 1909 Sir S.P. Sinha (afterwards Baron Sinha
of Raipnr) was appointed to the Governor-General’s Executive
Council as Law Member.
Then came the much-heralded Indian Councils Act,
1909, otherwise known as the Morley Minto Reforms. It
provided :
(1) Indians were to be appointed to the India Council,
London ; there was to be an Indian in the Viceroy’s Executive
council, and the provincial Executive councils.
(2) The Imperieal Legislative council was expanded-the
maximum number of additional members being raised from
16 to 60, of whom not more than 28 could be officials. It
provided for the first time for the entry of elected representa¬
tives into the imperial Legislature.
(3) The Provincial Legislative Councils were also expanded.
The maximum number of additional members of the Legislative
Councils of the Punjab and Burma was fixed at 30, and for
the other provinces at 50. The principle of election was
frankly accepted. While in the Tmperial Legislative Council
a standing official majority was maintained, in the Provincial
councils non-officials (elected and nominated) constituted the
majority. Only Bengal secured elected majority in her
Legislative council.
 118 REVOLT OP 1905 IN BENGAL

(4) Power was given to non-official members to move

resolutions on public questions. This ajSbrded them an
opportunity for criticising the measures and policy of the
Government, though without exercising any control over
them. Indeed, Morley was careful to tell the House of Lords
that he was not inaugurating parliamentary institution in any
sense in India.
(5) The most sinister and pernicious feature of the Act,
however, was the introduction of the principle of separate
electorates for Muslim and non-Muslims. Seats were reserved
for Mohammedans in the Provincial Legislatures.
Weightage was also granted to the Muslim community in
allocating to them the quota of reserved seats. Election
to the reserved seats were to be through separate communal
electorates. The Muslms were given weightage in the central
legislature also.
In fact, the Morley-Minto reforms embodied all the
demands pul forward by the Aga Khan delegation before
Viceroy Minto on the 1st of October. 1906. What momentous
effect this feature ot Indian councils Act, 1909 was to have on
the future course of events in India will be clear from
the following extract from the Memoirs of H. H. the Aga
Khan :
“Lord Mintons acceptance of our demands was the founda¬
tion of all future constitutional proposals for India by
successive British Governments, and its final inevitable
consequence was the partition of India and the emergence of
Pakistan.”
Earl Minto had succeeded in obstructing and checking the
growth of a strong Indian nationalism politically uniting the
Hindus and Muslims of India. It was a striking triumph of
that Machiavelli of Imperialism.
So subtly had Minto and Morley carried out their sinister
design that the Moderate leaders of the Congress, assembled
 |A second front against nationalist INDIA 119

in the annual session at Madras in 1908, without caring to

probe into the provisions of the Bill “sang paeans of
praise for the bill, and shouted hallelujahs for its
author.’*
Better sense dawned on the Congress leaders at the Lahore
session in 1909. The Congress deemed it its duty to place its
strong disapproval of the creation of seprate electorates on
the basis of religion ; regretted the excessive and unfairly
preponderant share of representation given to the Muslims ;
unjust, invidious and humiliating distinction made between
the Muslims and nonmuslims in the matter of elections,
franchise, and the qualification of candidates, and deplored
the general distrust shown towards the educted classes.
The Revolt of 1905 in Bengal, thus, set the pattern for
t!ie future political struggle in India. The nationalists will
grow more and more determined to throw off the British yoke.
Tlie Briiish imperialists will not only resist such attempts
themselves, but will increasingly use the Muslims of India as
a second front against the nationalists.
The scant attention paid at the time to the Satanic move of
the British imperialist Machiavelli, Earl Minto by India’s
National leaders including Lokmanya Tilak betray their
political immaturity, and lack of political foresight. How
much superior to them was Mahatma Gandhi in
political acumen and sagaeity was demonstrated by
his prompt and powerfull reaction to the inclusion
of separate electorates for Scheduled Caste Hindus
in Ramsay Macdonald’s Communal Award. He realised at
once the catastrophic import of this new thrust of the
imperialist poniard of Divide et Impera. It aimed at the
splitting up and debilitating politically the great Hindu
community of India which was carrying on the fight against
British imperialism. Mahatma Gandhi staked his own life
in a supreme bid to get this particular provision of the
120 RHVOU OF 1905 IN BENGAL

Macdonald Award annulled. He went on his historic Fast

unto Death over this issue. So priceless was Mahatma’s life
considered by all sections of Hindus then that they all agreed
to a Formula—the Poona Pact—which averted the creation
of separate electorates for the Scheduled castes.
What a cruel irony of history is it that after Mabatmaji
had brought Swaraj to the people of India, as he had often
promised his life was deemed so redundant, and even a
liability to the nation by a very small section of the Hindus,
and he was assassinated by a young Chitpavan Brahmin from
Poona, one of the eternal votaries of Hindu Pat Padshahi;
Tragically enough, the earlier Congress leaders even
endorsed Earl Minto’s sinister design by accepting separate
electorates for Muslims as one of the terms of the Lucknow
Pact of 1916.
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BURST IN BENGAL.

Ackroyd Aurobinda Ghosh was born in England on

August 15, 1872. The first seven years of his life he spent
in his motherland, but remained ignorant of his mother-
tongue, Bengali. His father, Dr. Krishna Dayal Ghosh,
I. M. S. sent him to Darjeeling to study in a school
meant for European children only. Dr K. D. Ghosh wanted
his son to be educated in an English environment. The
next twelve years of Aurobinda’s life were spent in England
studying at ST. Paul's school in Londan, and in Cambridge.
As an adult Aurobinda set foot on Indian soil in 1893,
after accepting service under the Gaekwad of Baroda. From
1893 to 1905 he stayed in that Marathi State with occasional
short trips to Bengal. In 1901 he married Mrialini, daughter
of Bhupal Chandra Bose.
When Aurobinda returned to his motherland in 1893 he
was hardly a Bengali, or Indian. He could neither speak
nor write his mother-tongue. Naturally, all the initial
Indian influences that worked on him were predominantly
Marathi. In his mental and spiritual outlook Aurobinda Ghosh
became more a Marathi than a Bengali.
Aurobinda's extraordinary intellectual calibre enabled
him to study and quickly grasp the Indian political situation.
Within a few months of his arrival in Baroda he wrote that
series of brilliant political essays, under the caption New
Lamps for old in the English Bombay Weekly-Indu Prukash.
In those writings, while he sharply denounced the policy
of political mendicancy followed by the old Congress leaders,
he extolled Lokmanya Tilak as the only worthy leader of his
people. He had come under the magic spell of the Lion of
Poona. Indeed, all his writings during his brief but stormy
political adventure testify unmistakably that Aurobinda was
122 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

an admiring and faithful disciple of the-Lokmanya. Apart

from the mighty infiunce of Tilak, Aurobinda, as he himself
admits, was initiated into the secret armed revolutionary
cult by Thakur Saheb of Poona, a noble of Udaipur State,
domiciled in Poona, in 1902. Thakur Saheb, like Tilak had
an abiding influence on political Aurabinda Ghosh. Lastly,
as to yc^a and spiritualism, which absorbed the last and
lasting phase of Sri Aurobinda,s life, that also came from a
Marathi. Aurobinda and his younger brother, Barindra,
kumar Ghosh w^re initiated into the mysteries of Yoga by the
Marathi, Vaskar Lele.
There were other influences working on the mind of Sri.
Aurobinda. One Jatindra Nath Banerjee, hailing from Village
Channa in the District of Burdwan, Bengal had assumed the
name of Jatinder Upadhay, which seemed to convey the
impression that he was a man from Uttar Pradesh, and not a
Bengali, travelled to distant Baroda, and managed to enter
into the military service of the Baroda State. He became
one of the body guards of the Gaekwad. Jatindranath, a
man of formidable physical stature and strength, had done
all this because he believed in ousting the British from
India through armed conflict. Naturally, as brother Bengalis
living and serving together in distant Baroda, Aurobinda and
Jatindra came close and influenced eacli other. Invited by the
Gaekwad to deliver a series of lectures. Sister Nivedita went
to Baroda. She had long discussions there ith Sri Aurobinda
on the political situation in India, and particularly in Bengal.
The upshot of it all was that Sri Aurobinda decided to
start organising a secret revolutionary group in Bengal. As a
preliminary move Aurobinda sent in 1902 Jatindra Nath
Banerjee to Bengal with a letter of introduction to Saral-
adevi Chaudhurani Jatindra was to contact like-minded people
and explore the possibilities of forming a secret revolutionary
society in Bengal.
 Bombs and bullets burst in bengal 123

Luckily for Jatindra, he found a precursor in Barrister

P. Mitter ( Pramatha Nath Mitra ). Due to social torture
over his son’s going overseas Pramatha Nath’s father
was goaded to becom a convert to Christianity. P. Mitter's
home was in Naihati, which was in close proximity to the
ancestral residence of the great Bankim Chandra in kanthal-
para. P. Mitter often visited Bankim’s kanthaipara home
and held long discussions with the mighty thinker and
litterateur. Mitter became an ardent admirer and follower
of Bankim. P. Mittter’s heart was aflame with patriotic
fire, and a resolve to break the shackles of slavery to foreign
rule. He wanted, first, that the youth of the land should
grow bold and and strong through Gymnastics and athletics
like sword and lathi-play, boxing, and jiu-jitsu. His programme
was, therefore, to start a network of Gymnasiums over the
whole of Bengal, and organize groups of youngmen round
these physical culture centres. P. Mitters’ idea, perhaps,,
was to develop in future revolutionary groups out of these
Gymnasiums. But what is called revolutionary action was not
yet on the card of Barrister P. Mitter. But there can be no
doubt that P. Mitter’s bent of mind was towards secret armed
strike against the British.
Be that as it may, Barrister P. Mittir or Mitter Saheb l.ss he
was popularly called, founded the first revolutionary secret
society in Bengal on the 24th March, 1903. Satish Chandra
Bose, who was the right hand of P. Mitter in Calcutta
started a Gymnasium in Madan Mitter Lane. P. Mitter
named the secret society as ^‘Anushilan Samity” from Bankim
Chandra Chatterjee’s famous essay entitled “Anushilan
Tattwa”. In 1906 P. Mitter also organized a branch of the
Anushilan Samity at Dacca under Pulin Das. Das opened
branches of the Samity all over East Bengal, and so far as the
number of members was concerned Anushilan Samity grew
up to be the largest revolutionary group in Bengal. But that
 124 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

primacy was only quantitative and not qualitative. Dacca

became later the headquarters of the Anushilan Samity.
Barrister P. Mitter asked his group of young men to
cooperte fully with the Baroda party. Aurobindas group
used at first to be referred to as the Baroda party, or the
Baroda group. Jatin Banerjee succeeded quickly in gathering
a small number of young recruits, and started an “Akhra,
or Gymnasium at 102 upper circular Road. The routine
followed here was the same as was done in the Madan Mitter
Lane Gymnasium run by Satish Bose under the direction of
Barrister P. Mitter. Youngmen were tramed in riding, lathi
and sword play and other gymnastics. Physical and moral
culture of the youth was the objective aimed at. Hurling of
bombs and bullets against Britishers was not yet under
contemplation.
A few month’s after Jatindra Banerjee's arrival, Sri Auro-
binda Ghosh, accompanied by his younger brother Barmdra
Kumar Ghosh, came from Baroda on a short visit to Bengal
P. Mitter’s group and the Baroda group ostensibly coalesced
And a joint revolutionary committee was formed with Barrister
P. Mttter as the president, Sri Aurobinda Ghosh and C. R.
Das, Bai^t^Law (afterwards Deshbandhu Chitta Raqjan) as
Vice-presidents, and Surendranath Tagore as Treasurer.
JIatiikdra NM Baneijee was pot in charge of the training
of ydimg leeniits.
shnttlUtoeoosly a strong revolmionaiy centre was
mogditk riMi loWttHf &0dtttpttr. Anrobisda and Barindra

aiMt ^ sona of Ablioya

)Mib imuim df Mki i Haldarsda Bose,
lattendrafllath ant^ Satyendraneth, togstler with Hem Oumdra
Das formed a local revolutionary Junta. Mainly through the
efforts of Satyendranath young boys of the Town like
Khudiram Bose, Jog Jiban Ghosh and a few others were
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BURST IN BENGAL 125

recruited into the secret society. If Dacca, after Calcutta,,

became the most important centre of P. Mitter^s Anushiian.
Samity, Midnapur, next to Calcutta, was the most important
branch of the Aurobinda group. Indeed, it was this Midnapur
centre which actually established in Bengal the only ^‘Bhowani
Mandir” envisaged by Aurobinda as centres of revolutionary
activities. A. Bhowan Mandir ran for a short duration at a place
called Fulkusma on the border-line between the Bankura and
Midnapur districts. The British authorities later underlineed<
this importance of Midnapur by instituting simultaneously
the Midnapur Bomb Conspiracy case (Emperor Vs. Jog Jiban
Ghosh and others) as a twin of the more famous Alipore
Bomb conspiracy case (EmperorVs. Barindra Kumar Ghosh and
and others). Two of the first four martyrs of Bengal were
from Mipnapur.
Aurobinda returned to Baroda, but Barindra Kumar
Stayed on in the Upper Circular Road Akhra. Jatind-
ranath Banerjee had founded the Akhra and had been
running the show there. But Barindra Kumar soon began to
exercise his prerogative of fraternity to the leader. Banerjee
was a military man and ruled the roost with a heavy hand
and acted as a rough drill-sergeant. Jatindra Banerjee was
expelled from the party and the Upper Circular Road Akhra
broke up. In India public affairs and interests are not kept
apart from private matters and personal considerations. As
a result both in pre-independence and post independence India
wives, children and brothers of important political leaders have
very often proved to be trouble-shooters, and a positive
nuisance in the public life of the country, particularly so are
the sons of Ministers.
Thoe was a brief reconciliation with Jatin Banerjee, but
he wai expelled from the party a second time by the
president, Barrister P. Mitter. In disgust he left politics and
turned a Sanyasi taking the name of Niralamba Swami. Thus
126 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BEN4AL

disappeared into spirtual mysticusm the first revolutionary

emissary in Bengal of Sri Aurobinda Ghosh. A few years later
the leader himself would traverse the path taken by Jatin
Banerjee.
Barindra Kumar started a new Akhra on Grey Street,
but that dit not prosper, and Barindra Kumar in a huff went
back to Baroda. He, however, came back to Bengal towards
the end of 1904, and resumed his work of revolutionary
organization.
Things began to hum really when Sri Aurobinda Ghosh
came over from Baroda, accompanied by Cham Dutt I.C.S.,
brother-in-law of Raja Subodh Mallik to settle down and
work in Calcutta in 1905, This event marked the beginning
of revolutionary activities in Bengal. This was the nativity
of revolutionary Bengal.
Like Minerva from Jupiter’s head, revolutionary Bengal
sprang out of the brain of Sri Aurobinda Ghosh. His was
the concept, his the ideology, his the initiative and lead which
ushered forth revolutionary Bengal that contributed such a
glorious and ever-memorable chapter to the history India's
struggle for independence. Aurobinda threw himself into the
task with fierce intellectual energy and vigour. On the 26th
Decmber, 1905 was held a largely attended meeting of the
revolutionaries of Bengal. Among the important decisions
arrived at this meeting were the launching of revolutionary
action, establishing “Bhowani Mandirs” at some places, and
the starting of a weekly as the organ of the revolutionaries.
During a previous visit to Calcutta, Aurobinda had
written anonymously a ramphlet No Compromise, which was
widely distributed throughout Bengal. This was the first
anonymous revolutionary pamphlet to appear in Bengal. In
stirring language it exposed the iniquities of foreign rule, and
excited anti British sentiment in the heart of the people. Then
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BURST IN BENGAL 127

followed a series of manifestoes in English and Bengali under

the caption of Sonar Bangla.
Bhowani Mandir, (The Temple of Bhowani) written by
Sri Aurobinda himself and published in 1905 set out the aims
and objects of the revolutionaries. It openly preached the
gospel of force as the only method and means for achieving
national emancipation. Bhowani Mandir became the Bible of
of Bengal revolutionaries.
In March, 1906 came out the celebrated mouthpiece of the
revolutionary group-“Jugantar.’* Aurobinda hurled sharpened
intellectual darts at British imperialism through the columns
of the English “Bande Mataram", while Bipin Chandra Pal
poured vitriol through his writings in New India “Nothing
raised the revolutionary tempo in Bengal higher than the
reasoned fire and eloquence of Bipin Chandra PaPs tongue and
pen. His impassioned advocacy of Boycott of British goods,
and passive resistance to arbitarary British measures and laws
roused popular indignation to fever pitch. For a time he
became the idol of the youth of Bengal. While Aurobinda
and Bipin chandra impressed and inspired the elite and the
highly educated, it was “Jugantar”, and above all “Sandhya’*
which moved the mind and heart of the common man.
Two remarkable revolutionany compilations deserve special
mention. One a collection of some important articles
printed in the Jugantar, and entitled “Mukti Kon Pathe”—
which is the path to Freedom—was the boldest and the clearest
in its exposition of revohutionary doctrines and methods. “It
pointed out that not much muscles was required to shoot
Europeans, that arms could be acquired through firm
determination and that weapons could be prepared clandestinely
in some secret places. Indians could be sent to foreign
countries to learn the art of making weapons. The assistance
of Indian soldiers must be obtained. They should be made to
realise the misery and wretchedness of the country. The
 128 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

heroism of Shivaji must be extolled. As long as revolutionary

work remained in infancy, expense could be met by subscrip-
tsons. But as work advanced money must be exacted from
Society by the application of force.”
(K. C. Ghosh—Roll of Honour)
The other ^Bartaman Rananiti”—(Modern Technique of
Warfare) taught the methods of guerrilla warfare against the
enemy.
It cannot be denied that there is mnch truth in the claim
that it was the revolutionary youth of Bengal who spear-headed
the Anti partition and Swadeshi movement.
But conversely, in has also to be admitted that the political
ferment in Bengal created by that movement helped greatly the
propagation of revolutionary ideas, and the organization of
secret revolutionary soceeties.
In Central Calcutta an important , revolutionary group was
formed under the name of the Atmonnati Samity. The
leading sprit of this group was Indranath Nandy. His father
was a member of the Indian Medical Servic. Other revolu¬
tionary groups like the Suhrid Samity of Mymensingh, the
Pabna group etc. cte. came into existence.
The initiation of recruits into secret societies was done
through a solemn religious ceremony. The initiate had to
repeat a Mantra in Sanskrit touching the Gita and a sword
with his hand. Of course, he had also to take a solemn vow.
The things emphasized in this vow were usually.
(a) Renouncing everything in the world to dedicate his
life exclusively to the liberation of the motherland.
(b) To observe strictest silence and secrecy about the
ah'airs of the society ;
(c) To observe party discipline, and render unquestioning
obedience to the orders of the the leader, or leaders of the
groups.
Let us have a brief glance at some of the prominent figures
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BURST IN BENGAL 129

among these revolutionary pioneers of Bengal. They were

striking and remarkable personalities. Quite apart from
being romantic revolutionries many of them were men of
parts. It seems the supreme revolutionary junta consisted of
Sri Aurobinda Ghosh, Raja Subodh Mallik, and Cham Dutt
I. C. S. We have already spoken a lot about the first two ;
the third was the mystery man of the circle. Little is known
about him. He was a Bombay I.C.S., and quite a linguist.
There are several Bengali publications to his credit. He
passed his last years at Santiniketan and Pondicherry
But Charu Dutt must have been an extraordinary figure
to have held both a position in the highest echelon of
the British bureaucracy, and also to have occupied a top place
in the revolutionary hierarchy. Very close to the junta was
Sister Nivedita (Margaret Noble), once again the nihilist, free
from spiritual hypnosis, after the passing away of her great
Master. She was tireless in her efforts to propagate revolu¬
tionary ideas among the youth of Bengal, to encourage them
in bolding steadfast to their ideal, and to organize new
revolutionary cells. For instance, she visited the town of
Midnapur to open an Akhra, or gymnasium, which was really
intended to develop into a revolutionary centre. She s^yed
there a whole week lecturing to young men and students of
the town. Although she was very active on the revolutionary
fringe, Sister Nivedita did not actually step into the ring.
Three young enthusiasts Barindra Kumar Ghosh, Bhupendra-
nath Dutt, and Abinash Chandra Bhattacharya who got fed up
with mere gymnastic exereises and wanted to go in for the
real revolutionary stuff-started the weekly Jugantar. But
three senior members were in charge of supervision of the
publication—Sri Aurobinda Ghosh, Sakharam Ganesh
Dueskar, and Abinash Chandra Chakravarti, Sakharam
Ganesh Deuskae, the Marathi Brahmin, domiciled in Bihar,
who lived his life in Calcutta as a distinguished Bengali
9
 130 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

journalist, was also the author of the famous publication

‘^Desher Katha” (story of the Land). He was an inde-fatigable
revolutionary worker, who instructed young recruits in
politics, history and other branches of knowledge. Abinash
Chandra Chakravarti was senior to the others in age, but he
was a determined and dedicated revolutionary. He was a
zemindar of Pabna and became also a Munsiff (a judicial
officer of the Government). But he lost hfs service on the
Police report that where-ever this Munsiff had been posted he
started there a revolutionary cell. He even defrayed for a
time the expenses incurred in running the Jugantar by selling
some of his ancestral Properties. Debabrata Basu (after wards
Swami Prajnanand) was an important member of the group.
He was an erudite scholar and a store-house of information.
He was an ideologist of the group. His thesis was that in
India with her ancient tradition revolution could be preached
only through the garb of religion.
Unfortunately, strict adherence to truth and fact in talk
and conversarion was not a ‘must’ wUh him. Upendranath
Bandopadfaay who dressed as a Sanyasi was a real humourist
and a good writer of Bengali prose. But it has to be admitted
that Sri Aurobinda Ghosh was more a man of ideas and letters
than of action. What is called revolutionary action and
organization was left in younger hands. Among these Barindra
Kumar Ghosh was certainly the central figure. His enthu¬
siasm and presence was almost ubiquitous. He was encouraging
the young science student, Ullaskar Dutta to prapare bombs ;
he was one of the founders of weekly Jugantar ; the famous
Muraripukur Garden headquarters of the revolutionaries was
his creation, It is no wonder that the Alipore trial made him
the hero of this fascinating and romantic Drama of Bengal’s
first revolutionary outburst. Be it also noted that tongues of
fire could always shoot out of the pen of Barindra Kumar
Ghosh. Though not so young, Hem Chandra Das (Kanungo)
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BURST IN BENGAL 131

of Midnapur was a very active and remarkable person liity.

He had gone to France and learnt there the science and
technology of preparing explosives. He was the one real
trained expfosives expert of the group. To raise funds for
his foreign trip he had sold out some of his ancestral estates.
He had then a family consisting of his wife, a son and a dau¬
ghter. Hem Chandra Das was also a very good painter.
Satyendra Nath Bose was another enthusiastic activist, but
his field of work lay mostly in the town of Midnapur. The
young student from Chandernagore Kanai Lai Dutta proved
in the end to have been a most determined activist. Ullaskar
Dutta was noteworthy for his fiery zeal.
Jogendra Nath Vidyabhusan. a Deputy Magistrate like
Bankim Chandra Chatterjee wrote in Bengali the lives of
Mazzini and Garibaldi and spoke to the youth of Bengal to
emulate the lives of the Italian leaders.
He also acted as a link-man and mediator between revolu¬
tionary groups. Mention should also be made of a strange
character who apeared in Calcutta at the time. Tahalram
Gangaram was a man from Dera Ismail Khan in the North
West Frontier Province. He went to England to compete
for the I. C. S.. but was unsuccessful in the examination.
He used to deliver fiery, often abusive anti-Brttish speeches
in the parks and squares of Calcutta. Students flocked to
hear bis harangues. Tahalram even composed a National
Anthem in English.
It is noteworty that not a single Muslim was a member
of this secret revolutionary society. Indeed, there never was
a Muslim in the original Marathi and Bengali revolutionary
groups.
The revolutionary centre at Muraripukur Garden, in the
Manicktala area of Calcutta was opened in 1907. Premises
number 32 Muraripukur Girden Lane was the property of
Dr. K.D. Ghosh, father of Barindra Kumar. Barindra
132 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

through a document got it transferred to the secret revolu¬

tionary society. Muraripukur Garden, thus, became the
celebrated headquarters of the group.
All the revolutionaries of Bengal assembled at two
conferences presided over by Barrister P, Mitter>one in
December, 1905, and the other in December, 1906 at the time
of holding of the annual session of the Indian National
Congress in Calcutta in that year. The second was held at
the residence of Raja Subodh Mallik on Wellington Square.
That notwithstanding, the Baroda group, or the Aurobinda
group, after the appearance of their weekly journal
Jugantar, came to be known as the Jugantar group after the
paper. Those working under the direct control and guidance
of Barrister P. Mitter were named the Anushilan Samity.
Practically the two groups parted company and their
programme of action also differed.
Revolutionary Action :
It would seem that the supreme revolutionary junta of
the Jugantar group selected the two lieutenant Governors
of East Bengal and Assam, and Bengal-Bamfylde Fuller
and Sir Andrew Fraser respectively as the first targets of
armed assault. Apart from their importace as the Executive
heads of the two provinces, both bad become personally
obnoxious to the Bengal extremists, Fuller because of his
harsh measures against the Swadeshi movement in East
Bengal, and Fraser for his ardent support to Cuizon’s scheme
for partitioning Bengal.
Sir Bamfylde Fuller got priority as the object of their
attack. An elaborate and long-persisted-in plan to murder
him was pursued through the middle of 1906. Hem Chandra
Das (Kanungo) of Midnapur was selected for the job, and
was sent to Shillong from Calcutta to dispatch Fuller. Hem
Chandra carried bombs and two revolvers as his weapons.
He was to proceed under the advice and guidance of Barindra.
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BURST IN BENGAL 133

Kumar Ghosh. Hem Chandra Das himself has given a vivid

and detailed story of this farcically futile attempt in his book-
Banglay Biplab Prachesta (Attempt at Revolution in Bengal)
written in Bengali. Barindra Kumar and Hem Chandra first
chased Fuller in Shillong and Gauhati in Assam, but Fuller
eluded their reach. Then the two would be assailants followed
him to Barisal. Fuller never came within their range. The
revolutionaries next waited for Fuller at Rangpur, where
the Lieut-Governor was expected shortly. Here Barindra and
Hem Chandra were joined by two others both of whom
would come into limelight subsequently. These two were
Prafulla Chaki of Bogra-Rangpur, destined to be Bengal's
first revolutionary martyr, and Narendra Goswami destined
to be killed later as the infamous approver of the Alipore
Bomb Conspiracy case.
But the vigil of the revolutionaries at Rangpur was in vain.
Fuller never came to Rangpur He, instead, resigned, his
job and proceeded towards England via Goalundo. Hem
‘Chandra and Parfulls Chaki rushed foward to Goalundo, but
could not overtake Fuller. They, however, anticipated him
at Naihati station, a few miles north of Calcutta. The two
decided that as soon as Fuller’s special train would leave
Naihati station they wonld jump into the Train and shoot
Fuller. They were totally foiled and befooled when the
Lieut-governor’s special, instead of going on towards Sealdha
station, proceeded in the reverse direction to cross the Ganges
and reach Howrah station via Bandel. From Howrah Fuller
Proceeded straight to Bombay, and then sailed away to
England.
The revolutionaries chased Sir Bamfylde Fuller through
Assam and East Bengal, but in the words of Hem chandra
himself, ‘‘the bombs and bullets never left our hands. They
remained intact with us.** What a farce and fiasco \
The revolutionaries had no better luck with the
 134 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

Lientgovernor of Bengal, Sir Andraw Fraser, who, it seems, had

a charmed life, like that of the well-known Commissioner of
Police, Calcutta, Sir Charles Tegart. In October and Novem¬
ber, 1907 attempts were made to blow up Sir Andrew Frasers
special train by placing a bomb prepared by Ullaskar Dutt
under the rails near Chandernagore. But nothing serious
happened to the Lient-govemor’s special. A more serious
attempt at wrecking Fraser’s train by placing explosives under
the railwaytrack occurred at Narayangarh in the district of
Midnapur -on the 6th December, 1907. Barindra Kumar
Ghosh, Bibhuti Bhusan Sarkar and a few other revolution¬
aries were involved in this attempt. The explosion caused a
hole five feet deep and five feet wide, but the Lieunt-govarnor's
train passed on unhindered.
This unsuccessful attempt had, however, a bizarre reper¬
cussion, which threw a lurid light on the character of the
British Indian police, and the justice administered in British
Indian law-courts. The government declared a reward of
rupees one thousand and the Bengal Nagpur Railway a reward
of rupees five thousand to be paid to those who would help in
bringing the culprits of this outrage to book. The police
people in their greed to pocket this prize-money arrested a
gang of innocent Nagpuri Labourers who had been working
on the railway lines near the site of the explosion. Through
brutal torture the police made the unfortunate workers falsely
to confess they had placed the mine under the railway track.
The court held the labourers to be guilty of the crime, and
sentenced them to transportation. Later, when some of the
accused in the Alipore Bomb conspiracy case confessed that
they were responsible for the Narayangarh train outrage,
the judgement of the court against the Nagpuri workers had
to be quatthed, and the poor innocent men were at last set free.
What a horible rascality on the part of the British Indian^
police, and what base bias of British Indian courts to rely
 BO&fBS AND BULLETS BURST IN BENGAL 135

blindly on police information and evidence does this inci¬

dent betray { But this was no exceptional occurrence. It
only holds up to the mirror the general trend of activities
of the British Indian police, and of the verdicts of British
Indian law-courts in what may be called political cases,
incidentally, the confessions made by Barindra Kumar Ghosh
and others in the Alipore Bomb conspiracy case have been
adversely criticised by some. But the confessions did one
good thing, at least. The poor innocent Nagpuri workers
were set at liberty as a result of those confessions.
There was another attempt to wreck the train of Sir
Andrew Fraser in March, 1908. Fraser had a miraculous
escape in the last and final attempt on his life. On the 7 th of
November, 1908, as Fraser was coming out of a meeting held
in the Overtoun Hall of the college Street branch of the
Y.M.C.A. Jiten Roychowdhury, a revolutionary youth tried
to shoot at him point blank. But the trigger of his revolver
din not work. Jiten was arrested on the spot, and later
sentenced to ten year’s. rigorous impirsonment. In all
the previous attempts on Fraser the revolutonaries relied
on explosives, which repeatedly proved ineffective. In the
last attempt they depended on bullets, which also turned
out to be ineffective, because the revolver itself was defective.
Meanwhile, other sporadic actions by revolutionaries had
continued, On the 23rd December, 1907, Mr Allen, former
District Magistrate of Dacca was shot at by Sisir Guha in
broad day light at Goalundo station. Allen was seriously
injured, but recovered through excellent medical treatment.
An infructuous attempt was made on a missionary by name
Hickenbotham at Kusthia in the Nadia district reportedly
by a young man named Baldev Roy. The Mayor of French
Chanderns^ore Monsieur Tardeville, unlike his predecessors,
was banning public meetings, and trying to check smuggling
of arms through Chandernagore. Angered over these
136 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

activities of his, the revolutionaries on the 11th April, 1908

hurled a bomb into his house with no damage done.
In February, 1908 a tragic accident cost the life of a
young revolutionary named Prafulla Chandra Chakravarty.
A bomb was prepared from Ullaskar Dutt’s formula. A small
hill called Dighiria at Deogarh in Bihar was selected for
testing the bomb. Prafulla was asked to throw it on the
hillside. When the bomb exploded its splinters injured
Prafulla’s brain seriously. He soon succumbed to his injuries.
A precious life was, thus, lost through a most unfortunate
accident.
The supreme revolutionary junta consisting of Sri
Aurobinda Ghosh, Raja Subodh Mallik, and Cham Dutt
I.C.S. now fixed on kingsford, the notorious Presidency
Magistrate of Calcutta as the next target of revolutionary
vengeance.
iCingsford was Calcutta's Presidency Magistrate from
August 1904 to March, 1908, when he was transferred to
Muzafiarpore in Bihar as District Judge. Kingsford had
tried almost all the important political cases-the cases of
Jugantar, Banda Mataram, Sandhya and others. He was a
most harsh and convicting judge swayed by racial prejudice
and political vindictivenese. One particular incident had
roused terrible popular hatred against kingsford. Bipin
Chandra Pal was then the hero and idol of the students
and youth of Bengal. At the hearing of the Bande Mataram
case, in connexion with which Bipin Chandra was sentenced
to six months imprisonment, huge crowds used to gather in
the Presidency Magistrate’s court. People used to be lathi-
charged by the police on the plea of controlling the crowds.
On August 26, 1907 a white skinned inspector, named E.B.
Huey went berserk and started showering kicks and blows
at random on the crowd. Sushil Sen a lad of fiftteen could
brook it no longer and strack a mighty blow at Huey. Sushil
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BURST IN BENGAL 137

^as arrested on the spot. Next day Kingsford sentenced

Susbil to a punishment of fifteen lashes. The sentence was
carried out mercilessly. Kavybisharad of the Hitavadi wrote
a famous song on the event. It began :
“Bet mere Ki Ma Bholavi,
Ami Ki Mar Teman Chhele”.
Will you make me forget my mother by caning,
Am I such a son of my Mother ?
Indeed, even the Rowlatt comittee had to record this
concerning the judicial misdeeds of Kingsford.
“We must congratulate Mr. Kingsford for his escaping
from the aim of Khudiram Bose. Mr Kingsfords* doings as
Presidency Magistrate of Calcutta were both outrageous and
Satanic.” The epithet of “Kasai Kazi” (Butcher Judge) given
to him by Brahmabandhab Upadhdy of Saudhya was most
appropriate and Kingsford fully deserved to be killed as a
rabid dog.
First, what is called a book-bomb was sent to Kingsford
through a bearer to his Tollygunge residence. The pages of
the middle portion of a thick volume were cut away, and
in the hollow thus created a bomb with a spring was so
placed that it would explode as soon as the book was opened.
But Mr. Kingsford did not open the book ; he simply took
It from the j^and of the bearer and deposited it in his book¬
shelf. He thought that somebody who had bon owed this
book from him had returned it. When one of the accused
in the Alipore Bomb conspiracy case subsequently revealed
in his confession the story of the dispatch of the book-bomb,
the police went to the residence of Kingsford at Muzaflarpore,
fished out the book and destroyed the bomb. This book-
bomb was undoubtedly the work of Hem Chandra Das of
Midnapur.
Kingsford was transferred to Muzafifarpore. It was decided
to send two revolutionaries to kill kingsford there. The two
 138 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

selected for the job should be unknown to each other, and

should be introduced to each other not by their real name,
but by fictitious aliases. Barindra Kumar Ghosh selected
Prafulla Chaki of Bogra-Rangpur and he was to assume the
name of Dinesh Chandra Roy. The other was the choice
of Hem Chandra Das and Satyendra Nath Bose of Midnapur.
His name was Khudiram Bose, but he was to assume the
name of Durgadas Sen.
Of Prafulla Chaki, alias Dinesh Chandra Roy we have
already seen a lot in connexion with the plot to kill Sir
Bamfyide Fuller. When Barindra Kumar was staying at
Rangpur awaiting Fuller’s arrival there, Prafulla was
iniroduced to him by the local revolutionaries. Barindra
Kumar was impressed by the courage and bearing of
Prafulla, whom he at once made the associate of Hem Chandra
Das in the last phase of Fuller murder plan.
Prafulla Chaki was a daring and intrepid youth eager to
plunge into revolutionary action. He was born on the 10th
December, 1888 in village Behar in the district of Bogra.
His parents were Rajnarain Chaki and Swarnamayee Devi.
Prafulla lost his father when he was aged only two. He had
his education first near Jiis native place, and then in the
town of Rangpur. He had taken a very active and prominent
part in the Swadeshi movement in Rangpur before he met
Barindra Kumar Ghosh.
The ancestral home of Khudiram Bose was in village
Mahubani under police station Kespur in the district of
Midnapur. His father Trailakyanath Bose was a Tehsildar
of the Narajole Raj Estate. Khudiram was born on 3rd
December, 1889 in the Habibpur area of the town of Midapur.
At the age of six Khudiram lost both his father, and mother,
Luxmipriya Devi. He was brought up under the care of his
eldest sister after the death of his parents. Khudiram had
a strong and supple body. He was a handsome boy with
 BOMBS and bullets BURST IN BENGAL 139

curly bair and fine features. He was recruited into the

revolutionary group by Satyendranath Bose, and soon became
tiie most active political worker in the town of Midnapur.
He was arrested, but finally acquitted, for distributing to the
people the revolutionary pamphlet Sonar Bangla. For party
funds he 'even committed a political robbery by snatching
away the mail-bag of a postal runner at Hatgachia near his
ancestral home. On an evening in the third week of April,
1908 Prafulla Chaki and Khudiram entrained for Muzaffar-
pore on their dangerous mission. Prafulla had a revolver
with him. Khudiram carried with him two revolvers, and a
bag containing a powerful bomb prepared jointly by Hem
Chandra Das and Ullaskar Dutt. One cannot but note
regretfully that two young men in their teens were sent to
far away Muzaifarpore on a fearful mission unchaperoned
and without the benefit of a senior guide, and left to
fend for themselves. This was not responsible or thoughtful
leadeiship.
Reaching Muzaflfarpore at the end of the third week of
April, 1908., the two young revolutionaries showed consi¬
derable intalligence and resourcefulness, They secured with
the help of a local gentleman shelter for themselves in a
Dliaramsala (Pilgrims rest house). Through the help of the
same gentleman they secured additional funds for themselves
for, it seems, the Calcutta leaders had not cared to furnish
them with adequaate money, even while sending them on a
job which would cost them their precious lives. Prafulla and
Khudiram carefully watched the places of resort, and the
residence of Kingsford, his daily routine and movements.
Kingsford went to court in the morning, and returned home
in the afternoon. On evenings he would go to the Town club
for a game or cards.
At about 8 P.M. on the 30th April, 1908 Prafulla and
Khudiram awaited their victim under the shadow of a big
140 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

tree in front of Kingsfords’ residence. At about 8<30 P.M.

what appeared to them as kingsfords’ carriage drew near the
gate of his house. Khudiram ran forward and hurled the
bomb at the carriage. The vehicle was shattered to splinters.
That carriage was not kingsford's but that of a local lawyer,
Mr. Kennedy. In the carriage were Mrs and Miss Kennedy.
Mr. and Mrs Kingsford’s carriage, which looked very much
like that of the Kennedys, was coming behind. Fatally
injured, Miss Kennedy died within a few minutes of the
explosion, and Mrs Kennedy a little later. Nothing succeeds
like succes is a common saying. When one contemplates
this tragic incident at Muzaffarpore one is inclined to remark
nothing fails like failure. The two young revolutionaries
carried out thier mission remarkably well. The mistake about
the identity of the carriage at night on an ill-lit road of a
mofussil town was due more to extraordinary circumstantial
factors than any remissness on their part.
Still what a horrible difference did that make ? Instead
of the hated kingsford two innocent ladies lay dead {
Prafulla and Khudiram were strangers in Bihar. The
week they stayed there before the incident was spent in the
town of Muzaffarpore keeping watch on Kingsford. They
had no idea of the topography of the area. There was none
to whom they could turn for help or guidance. They were
left to depend wholly on their own wits-wits of two lads in
their teens. In Calcutta they had been supplied with only a
railway map. Hence, they could proceed only along railway
tracks, and this, as we will see, helped the police to appre¬
hend them quickly and easily.
After hurling the bomb the two ran together for some
distance, and then parted company, each heading for the
railway line at different directions. Prafulla reached Samasti-
pur station on the Bengal and North Western Railway, and
got into an inter class compartment of a train with a ticket
 BOMES AND BULLETS BURST IN BENGAL 141

for Mokameh Ghat. At Samastipnr Sub-inspector of police

Nanda Lai Benerjee entered the same compartment. He waa
also coming from Muzaffarpore on the expiry of his leave.
He had not yet rejoined after leave, and was not on duty.
Immediately after the incident the police by beat of drum
announced that rewards would be paid to those who could
apprehend the culprits of the bomb outrage, or give any
information about them. Ail quarters were alerted. The
District Superintendent of Police sent two Sub-inspectors
with large contingents of constables down the railway line,
one to Bankipore another to Mokameh Ghat with instruc¬
tions to post constables at each station along the route, and
to arrest all suspicions persons. Two constables were, thus,,
posted at the Waini railway station.
Before entraining at Samastipur Prafulla had changed his
clothes, and wore new clothes and shoes. But he had walked
a long distance without food and sleep. His distraught look
excited the suspicion of Sub-inspector Nanda Lai Banerjee,
and the latter tried to be friendly with PrafuLa. Nanda
Lai, however, managed to get down at a way side station, and
wire the District Magistrate of Muzaffarpore for permission
to arrest the suspicious looking Bengali youth. When the
train reached Mokameh Ghat station Nanda Lai received a
message directing him to arrest the suspected person. Parfulla
purchased a ticket for Howrah at Mokameh Ghat. As he
was about to board the Howrah bound train, Prafulla was
arrested by the constables on duty at the platform under
orders of Nanda Lai. Prafulla wrenched himeelf free from
his captors and began to run. But he was soon overtaken
and overpowered. Prafulla even fired a shot at one of the
constables, but missed in his excitement. As Prafulla was
determined not to fall into the clutches of the police, he fired
two shots into his own brain and expired instantaneously.
Thus perished on the evening or 1st May, 1908 the first
 142 REVOLT OF 19Q5 IN BENGAL

revolutionary martyr of Bengal-Prafulla Chandra Chaki

through the unholy zeal to serve his foreign masters of
another Bengali, Nanda Lai Benerjee. One should not forget
the hard and unpleasant fact that if Bengal produced a
galaxy of heroic revolutionary martyrs, she also furnished to
the British Imperial Government some of the vilest and most
venomous members of the British Indian Police. Khudiram
Bose, after his arrest on the same day identified the dead
body of Prafulia as that of his accomplice Dinesh Chandra
Roy, the name by which he knew Prafulia Chaki. The police
cut off the head of Prafulia, and took it down to Calcutta
preserved in spirit for further identification.
Khudiram also on his part, made a dash for the railway
line with a view to entraiaing for Howrah from some station.
On the morning of 1st may, 1908 at about 8 A.M. hs reached
Waini Station. He had traversed Twenty four miles from
Muzafifarpore during the night bare-footed, and was
thoroughly exhausted, hungry, and thirsty. He purchased
fried rice from the bazar by the side of the station and ate
it. Immediately after he was accosted, overpowered, and
arrested by the two constables on duty at the Waini station.
At the time of his arrest Khudiram had in his possession two
revolvers, 37 rounds of ammunition, an Indian railway map,
cuttings from a local time table, and a sum of rupees thirty
in notes and coins.
The words and demeanour of Khudiram at the time of
his arrest, at the time of his statement before the Magistaate,
during his trial in court, at the moment when the verdict or
death was passed on him, and finally when he mounted the
gallows were simple, straight forward, quiet, gentle, and even
cheerful. He unmistakably gave the impression to all con¬
cerned that it was a joy for him to die for his country. Not-
without reason did his trial and execution evoke such deep
emotions in the hearts of his countrymen, not without reason
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BURST IN BENGAL 143

is his dear memory so fondly cherished in every Bengali

home.
In his statement before the Magistrate he said he had
intended to kili kingsrord. He had thrown the bomb at the
carriage believing that kingsrord was in it, and not two
innocent unfortunate ladies.
The Muzaflfarpore Bomb case started before the trying
Magistrate on May 21, 1908, and Khudiram was committed to
the sessions on May 25. The sessions trial lasted from June 8
to June 13, 1908. The simple-hearted unsophisticated
country-lad from Midnapur pleaded guilty to the charges
brought against him. What is the use or telling lies when one
is ready to face death for one's action ? On the last day of
the trial, J une 13, 1908 the sentence of death was passed on
him. When the the judge inquired of him if he had understood
the implication of the sentence passed on him, Khudiram
simply smiled a little and nodded.
An appeal was filed on Khudiram's behalf in the Htgh
Court. But the High Court confirmed the sentences of death
on July 13, 1808.
At 6 A.M. on the 11th August, 1908 Khudiram Bose of
Midnapur walked to the gallows erected in the Muzaffapore
Central Jail calm, qniet, and cheerful as ever. All through this
tragic drama Khudiram had uttered no heroics, betrayed no
excitement or bravado. He remained cool, aloof, unperturbed,
imrufifled, and unconcerned. Khudiram's political Guru
(mentor) another martyr from Midnapur, shahid Satyendranath
Bose-had once asked him, “can you give your life for the
country.” Khudiram had at once replied-yes. He did give
his life for his country, but never gave any indication that in
so doing he was performing a noble, heroic, or extraordinary
deed. He was simply redeeming the pledge given to
Satyendranath. He was really glad he was making good his
promise. Soon the Mentor or Guru himself was to follow his
144 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

follower to the gallows. The only last wish he had expresse<l

was to see his dear Midnapur once.
The repercussions and consequences of the bomb explosion
at Muzaffarpore, and the martyrdom of Khudiram Bose were
widespread and far reaching. No act of the British against an
individual Indian, since the judicial murder of Maharaja Nanda
Kumar, agitated ihe public mind so intensely as the execution
of Khudiram.
The intelligence Branch of the Police had been for sometime
keeping a close watcn on the Murrripukur Garden, and other
resorts of the revolutionaries. They were also shadowing
the movements of the more important and active members of
the group.
On receiving information about the Muzaffarpore bomb
explosion the top police officers met in a conference on the 1st
May, 1908. They decided to carry out simultaneous searches
and raids in the houses occupied by revolutionaries of
Aurobinda group in their two principal centres Calcutta, and
the town of Midnapur. Ofcourse, all revolutionaries found at
the premises raided by the police were to be rounded up.
These police raids continued for two or three days starting
from the down of May 2, 1908.
On the 2nd May, 1908 were arrested the following revolu-r-
tionaries from several places in Calcutta.
Muraripukur Garden:
The biggest haul was in the Muraripukur garden where
fourteen revolutionaries were arrested, and arms, ammunition
and a large amount of revolutionary literature, letters, and
documents were siezed. Those arrested were 1. Barindra
Kumar Ghosh. 2. Bibhuti Bhusan Sarkar, 3. Upendranath
Bandopadhya, 4. Indu Bhusan Roy, 5. Ullaskar Dutt,
6. Nalini Kanta Gupta, 7. Paresh Chandra Manllk, 8. Bijoy
Kumar Nag, 9. Sacnindra Kumar Sen, 10. Sisir Kumar
Ghosh, 11. Narendranath Buxi.
 BOMBS AND BULLDTS BUBST IN BENGAL 145

12. Kunjalal Saha, 13. Puma Chandra Sen, 14. Hemen>

dranath Ghosh. Articles seized by the police were :
Machinery for casting shells of bomos j six or seven revol¬
vers ; guns and rifles ; sticks of dynamite ; electric battery and
fuse ; two English publications on the preparation of explosives,
a long lithographed manuscript dealing with the method of
preparing bombs and their employment; Rules for forming
secret revolutionary societies i and sundry publications, note¬
books, correspondence and papers.
At i34 Harrison Road were arrested two Kaviraj brothers
— 1. Nagendrt Nath Gupta, 2. Dharani Nath Gupta, and 3,
Ashok Nandy. A few boxes containing bombs, and machines
and materials for making explosives were found and seized by
the police here. These were carried by Ullaskar Dutta from 15,
Gopi mohan Dutt Lane, where Hem Chandra Das used to pre¬
pare bombs and mcplosives, and dumped into that house. Apart
from these two sites, the police could discover nothing of
significance in the other places searched by them in Calcutta.
At IS Gopi Mohan Dutt Lane were arrested 1. Kanailal Dutt»
and 2. Nirapada, alias Nirmal Roy.
At 8, Grey Street were arrested I) Sri Aurobinda Ghosh,
2) Abinash Chandra Bhattacharya, and 3) Sailendra Nath
Bose.
At 38/4 Raja Naba Kissen Street was arrested. 1. Hem
Chandra Das.
At early dawn on the 3rd <rf May, 1908 several houses were
searched by the police in the town of Midnapur, the most im¬
portant centre, after Calcutta, of the Jugantar group of revolu¬
tionaries. From Midnapur, we should remember, came shahid
(martyr) Khudiram Bose, Shahid (martyr) Satyendranath Bose,
and Hem Chandra Das ( Kanungo). 1 ) At the house of the
two brothers—Janendranath Bose, and Satyendranath Bose the
police found a gun (for which Janendranath Bose had
license), two kukris. ( short daggers used by N^alis ),
a chopper, 14 lathis (long bamboo sticks), and some
10
 146 BBVOLT OP 1905 IN BENGAL

revolutionary literature. Both the brothers were arrested by

the police. 2) At the house of ihe local lawyer, Upendranath
Ghosh were seized two sworda and a bayonet. Jog Jiban
Ghosh, youngest son of upendranath Ghosh was arrested. 3) At
the house of Sarat Chandra De the poliee found a sword and
arrested him. 4) The house of Pyari Mohon Das was searched
for his son, Santosh kumar Das. But nothing was found there
and no arrest made, as also in the houses of two other lawyees,
Pyari Lai Ghosh, and Sital Chandra Mukhopadhay.
Out of these searches and arrests the Government later
built up the celebrated Alipore Bomb conspiracy case (Emperor
Vs Barindra Kumar Ghosh and others ), and its less important
twin, Midnapur Bomb conspiracy case ( Emperor Vs Jog Jiban
Ghosh, and others).
Bdbre taking up the story of those two conspiracy cases,
with the close of which virtually ended the first round of armed
struggle in Bengal, sponsored and led by Sri Aurobinda Ghosh,
let us touch on a few other significant events.
The foremost among the extremist national leaders of the
time was undoubtedly Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak. His
own temper and temperament, and his duty as the leader of
the people made the Lion of Poona roar out in his Character¬
istic fearless and forthright manner over the Muzaffarpore
explosion and the role of Khudiram and Prafulla in it. In a
series of terse and trenchant articles in the Kesari he expressed
his views on these developments, and the repressive mersures
promulgated by the Government to deal with them.
Lokmanya Tilak was areested in Bombay on June 24, 1908
on a charge of preaching sedition through his article in the
Kesari of the 12th May, 1908 entitled. “The country’s Mis¬
fortune”.
In that article Lokmanya had the courage to say that
Prafulla and Khudiram were not inspired by any selfish desire
for gain or glory. They were goaded by the injustice and
repression of British rulers into such desperate action. He then
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BUBTS IN BENGAL 147

went on to say, “The desire of the people gradually to obtain

the rights of Swarajjya is growing stronger and stronger, and if
they do not get rights by degrees, as desired by them, then some
people, at least, out of the subject population being filled with
indignation or exasperation will not fail to embark upon the
commission of improper horrible deeds recklessly.
“If rulers do not want them they should impose restrictions
upon their own system of administration.’*
“All thoughtful people seem to have formed one opinion
that the bomb party has come into existence in consequence of
the oppression practised by the official class, the harrassment
inflicted by them and their obstinacy in treating public opinion
with recklessness. The boms exploded owing to the official
class having tried the patience of the Bengalees to such a degree
that the heads of the Bengali youths become turned. The
responsibility of this calamity must, therefore, be thrown not
on the political agitation, writings and speeches, but on the
thoughtlessness and obstinacy of the official class.”
Later, after his arrest, one more article, entitled “These
Remendies are not Lasting” appearing in the Kesari on the
9th June, 1908, was made the ground of another charge of
sedition against Tilak, The day before, that is on the 8th June,
1908 were placed on the Statute Book two repressive measures-
The explosive substances Act, and the Newspaper ( Incitement
to offences ) Act ordaining Draconian punishments.
In the article headed, “These Remedies are not Lasting”
Tilak wrote :
“The English have evidently emasculated a whole nation
and reduced it to a state of impotence simply to enable the
lowest of their officials to exercise their high handed sway with
impunity.
He concluded, “The real and lasting means of stopping the
bomb outrage consists in making a beginning to grant the
important rights of Swarajjya to the people. It is not possible
for measures of r^ression to have a lasting effect in the present
148 BSVOLT OF 1905 is BBNOAL

condition of Western sciences and that of the people of India.’^

The trial of Tilak was held in the court of Mr. Justice Davar
of the Bombay High Court with a jury consisting of 7 Euro¬
peans and 2 Indians. Tilak conducted his own defence. In a
marathon address to the jury which took twenty one hours
spread over five days Tilak made a historic defence of the
freedom of the Indian press. It also preached, the gospel of
freedom to those who sought to break the shackles of foreign,
rule. When the jury announced a verdict of guilty, Tilak rose
and uttered these noble and memorable words :
All that I wish to say is this that inspite of the verdict of
the jury I still maintain I am innocent There are higher
powers that rule the destinies of men and nations and 1 think
that it may be the will of Providence that the cause 1 represent
may be benefitted more by my suffering than by my pen and
tongue.”
The savage sentence of transportation for six years was
passed on Lokmanya Tilak on July 22, 1908« after holding him
guilty on two counts. It is an eternal shstme to all Indians that
the judge who imposed such a monstrous sentence on Lokmanya
Tilak was an Indian Parsi. After a brief stay in Ahmedabad
Jail Tilak was transported to Mand^ay Jail in Burma.
Bombay city observed complete strik for six days one for
every of Tiiak’s sentence as a protest against the incarceration
of their beloved and revered leader. Life was paralysed in the
city. Most of the mills could not function as the workers
stayed away. In some places angry crowds of mill hands threw
stones at the police, and indulged in other acts of rowdyism.
Markets and shops closed spontaneously. In course of quelling
the disturbances in the city police and military shot dead thirty
persons and wounded a hundred more India had never
witnessed b^ore such a spectecle of spontaneous mass demons¬
tration against the Government. Lenin characterised these
strikes and riots in Bombay as the first stirrngs of the revolu¬
tionary mass movement in India. Sri Aurobinda Ghosh, an>
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BURST IN BENGAL 149

ardent and admiring political disciple of the Lokmanya paid a

glowing tribute to his leader on the occasion :
“Tilak, wherever you may go, let your body perish with the
canker of your bandage, the lire you have kindled in our hearts
shall never be extinguished.”
Let us now resume the story of revolutionary operations in
Bengal. As long as Sri Aurobinda was in the leadership the
targets of these revolutionary attacks were marked down British
high officials, and one French dignitary. ( the Mayor of
Chandernagore ). But after his arrest, these assults began to
be directed against obnoxious ludians than against Britishers.
Most of these later incidents related either to the Muzafifarpore
bomb explosion, or to the Alipore Bomb conspiracy case.
Between June and December, 1908 bombs were hurled from
suburban stations like Kakinara, Shyamnagar, and Sodepur at
Europeans travelling in railway compartments. Almost all
these attempts were infructuous. Only one European was
seriously injured. A series of unsuccessful attempts were made
on the Government prosecutor in the Alipore Bomb case, Mr
Hume. On the 15th May, 1908 a bomb was hurled into his
carriage when he was driving through Grey street. The second
attempt on him was made at the Howrah railway station, when
several bombs were hurled into his compartment. But Mr
Hume escaped. Two more abortive attempts folllowed, one on
the 10th February, and the last on the 5th April, 1909. Sub¬
inspector Nandalal Banerjee’s turn came on the 9th November,
1908. Nandalal, then on leave, had shown considerable
shrewdness and alacrity in detecting Prafulla Chaki and goading
him to self-immolation. He was duly awarded rupees one
thousand for his loyal enthusiasm by his British masteis. Now
he was to recive his desert at the hands of Prafulla ChakiSy
comrade in-armSi Nandalal, on a vi^it to Calcutta, was staging
at a relative’s house in Serpentine Lane. On the evening of
November 9, 1908 he came out of the house to go to the Post-
office to drop a letter. He had proceeded a little distance on the
 150 REVOLT OP 1905 IS BENGAL

road when he was fired upon and, struck with four bullets.
He died instantaneously. His assailants escaped in the dark,
and the police could never trace them out. Another prominent
and loyal agent of the British Government was Ashutosh
Biswas the Public Prosecutor of Alipore. He had been most
assiduous and unduly zealous in securing the conviction of
political workers hauled up before the courts.
At about 4 P.M. on 10th February, 1909, when Ashutosh
Biswas came out of the court of the Suburban Police Magist¬
rate he was shot from behind and expired. The assailant,
Charu Chandra Basu, was overpowered by the constables on
duty and arrested. Even among revolutionary heroes and
martyrs Charu Chandra Basu is an extraordinary figure. He
was a short, sickly, slender boy in his teens, He was, more-
over, a cripple who was bereft of the palm and fingers of the
right hand from birth.. He held a humble job in a printing
press. He had fired three shots at his victim by pulling the
Trigger by his left hand, the revolver being tightly tied to his
crippled right hand. The police employed infernal methods
of torture on this sickly boy to extract information and confes¬
sion from him. But he only gave out false scents to the police.
He treated the proceedings in the court, and the capital sente^'
nee inflicted on him with utmost unconcern, and showed he was
fully prepared to die on the gallows in the cause of his mother¬
land. Charu Chandra Basu was hanged in he Alipore Central
Jail on the 19th March 1909. He walked to the scaffold with
his usual demeanour of utter indifference. What cool, quiet
and manificent heroism !
When the High Court Appeals relating to the Alipore Bomb
Conspiracy case were in their penultimate stage, a fresh inci
dent occurred. Shamsul Alam, a Deputy Superintendent of
Police, notorious for his extreme zeal in building up prosecu¬
tion against politicals, was, short dead on the afternoon of the
24th January, 1910 in the High Court premises. His assailant,
Birendra Nat Dutta-Gupta a young man in his teens was appro-
 BOMBS AMD BULLETS BURST IN BENGAL 151

bended immediately after the murder. He was sentenced* to

death and was executed on February 21, 1910.
On the basis of the police searches and raids conducted in
Calcutta and the town of Midnapur the Government framed
the twin Alipore Bomb Conspiracy case, and the Midnapur
Bomb conspiracy case. The object of the conspiracies was
alleged to be waging war against the king-Emperor.
In prestige and celebrity the former case far outdistances the
latter. But the Midnapur Bomb Conspiracy case is a most
significant and interesting study. It reveals gruesomely the
Satanic methods and machinations of the British administration
and the vile and venal activities of the British Indian police in.
prosecuting and persecuting political suspects and people in
general.
The villein of the Midnapur Bomb Conspiracy case was
Moulavi Mazharul Huq, the Deputy Superintendent of Police.
He was the same mao who had concocted the false case against
the poor innocent Nagpuri coolies in connexion with the
Narayangarh train-wrecking attempt in order to grab the prize-
money declared by the Government, and the Bengal Nagpur
Railway, Mazharul Huq was actively encouraged aided, and
abetted in his nefarious Venture by Mr. Donald Weston I.C.S.»
the District Magistrate of Midnapur, and other British officials.
stationed there.
As an immediate consequence of the police searches in the
Town of Midnapur on the 3rd May, 1908, referred to before,
Satyendranath Bose, Jog Jiban Ghosh, and Sarat Chandra De
were prosecuted under the Arms Act. Satyendra was Charged
with the offence of going about the streets of Midnapur with he
gun licensed under the name of his brother Janendranath Bose.
The charge against Jog Jiban and Sarat was possession of
swords, and roaming about in the streets of Midnapur, sword
in hand. All the three were convicted—Satyendra to twa
months rigorous imprisonment, and Jog Jiban and Sarat
Chandra to one month’s.
J52 BEVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

But this small beer could not allay the vengeful ire of the
British authorities against he revolutionary Youth, and towns¬
men of Midnapur. The revolutionary importance of the town
of Midnapur in those days will be evident from the facts that
two of the first four martyrs of Bengal—Khudiram Bose, and
Satyendjanath Bose belonged to Midnapur, the only foreign-
trained explosive expert of the revolutionary group—Hem
Chandra Das—came from Midnapur. Purn.-i Chandra Sen
arrested at Muraripukur Garden came from Midnapur. A) 1
classes and sections of the inhabitants of Midnapur town had
most vigorously and zealously parti cipated in the Swadeshi and
Boycott movement The British authorites were, therefore,
determined to teach a lesson to the town of Midnapur. They
decided that their modus operand! for achieving this vendetta
would be to frame a conspiracy case, and net in the ringleaders
among the anti*Government agitators and activists.
The first move of the police was to search a large number
of houses in the town on the 8th July, 1908. In the house of
Pyari Mohan Das in an outer room the police discovered a
round ball among a lot of debris. The police alleged it was a
bomb. It was really a cracker which the police had managed
to plant there through an open window. Santosh Kumar Das,
son of Pyari Mohan Das was arrested, The District Magistrate
Donald Weston and Mazharul Haq had fixed on Sontosh
Kumar Das to be utilized by them as their tool in the contem¬
plated conspiracy case. Pyari Mohan Das was a retired Sub—
registrar Sontosh Kumar Das had been a most active political
worker, but had subsequently joined the police training camp
at Ranchi to be recruited as a police sub-inspector. The pivot
of the prosecution in a conspiracy case is the approver or
approvers, The well—known police procedure in tliis regard
was to induce one of the accused to confess about the guilt of
himself, implicating in his confession his fellow accused. Often
the accused was forced to write out a statement dictated by the
police and sign it as his own confession. The police technique
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BUB8T IN BENGAL 153

in corstraining an accused to confess was double-edged-blandi¬

shments and brutal torture. The accused was, ofcourse, told
he would be released if he confessed and helped the prosecution,
Additional baits and temptations were also held out to him.
He would be sent abroad afterwards at Government expense,
or would be provided with a decent highsalaried job. If such
persuasions failed the police had recouise to the alternative of
inflicting inhuman torture on the accused to force him to
confess. The next step was to force the confessing accused to
depose for the prosecution. If he agreed he would then become
an approver. He would be produced before a magistrate or
court, and granted what was known as king’s pardon, that is,
immunity from penalty for the crime he might have committed
as a quid proquo for his agreeing to help the prosecution by
being a witness for the Crown. The deposition of an appro¬
ver in all cases was simply a repetition before the court of the
story he had been tutored to tell by the police.
Santosh Kumar Das was arrested at early down of 8th July,
1908. That very evening Deputy Superintendent of Police,
Moulavi Mazharul Huq saw Santosh’s mother, Sbrimati
Basanta Kumari and told her she must see Santosh in the Thana
( Police Station ) immediately and tell him to do whatever the
Moulavi asked him to do, otherwise the Government will forfeit
their property, and arrest his old father and two brothers.
Santosh himself would, ofcourse, go to transportation. The old
lady saw Santosh in a police officer’s quarters near the Kotwali
Police station and conveyed to him what the Moulavi had told
her. Santosh only replied she should not have coroe there.
While Moulavi Mazharul Huq was tackling the mother, Donald
Weston, the District Magistrate took on the father, Peary Mohan
Das. Repeatedly he summoned Pyari Mohan to his bungalow and
told him to persuade his son to act as advised by the police,
and then pray for king’s pardon. But Santosh proved a hard
nut to crack.
Santos’s recalcitrance infuriated Weston and in order to
154 REVOLT OE 1905 IK BENGAL

show that he was not holding out empty threats he committed

a brutal and savage act. Weston suddenly ordered the arrest
of the old, infirm and almost blind Pyari Mohan Das. On the
23rd July, 1908 Pyari Mohan Das was arrested in the court
before the very eyes or the weeping son, Santosh. For almost
a week inhuman torture was inflicted on the old and sick Pyari
Mohan in the hajat right in front of his son, Santosh unable to
bear any more the suffering of his father, at last wrote
out and signed a confessional statement dictated by the police
on the 29th July, 1908. The police then turned their attention
to Surendranath Mukherjee, the priest of the Hanumanji Temple
in Mirbazar. Prolonged torture on Surendra at last broke him
down and he recorded a confession dictated to him by the
police on the 15th August, 1908,
The recording of Santosh's confession before a Magistrate
on the 29th July encouraged Donald Weston and Mazhamul-
Huq to conduct a search on the 31st July, 1908, in the house of
late Gangaram Dutt, a rich Zemindar and businessman of the
Town. From the huge record-room of the house was discovered
another so-called bomb, previously placed there by the police.-
A number of people, including the two grandsons of Gangaram
Dutta were arrested in this connexion.
Surendranath Mukhopadhay's confession on the 15th
August, 1908 made Donald Weston and Mazharul Huq feel
greatly reassured and emboldened. They now proceeded to net
in their biggest and richest prey, a pucca titled Raja. On the
28th and 29th August, 1908 were searched the Gope palace, the
Estate House at Colonelgola, and garden house at Abasgarh in
the Town of Midnapur, and the palace at Narajole of Raja
Narendra Lai Khan. The Raja of Narajole was arrested and
taken to the Midnapur central Jail.
The fiendish machinations of Wcston-Moulavi axis suffered
their first jolt on the 31st August, 1908 when both santosh and
Serendra retracted in court their confessions.
On the 7th September. 1908 Moulavi Mazharul Huq filed
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BUKSl IN BENGAL 155

the First Information Rcpoit incriminating 154 ( one luindied

and fifty-four ) residents of the Town. The allegation was that
these persons had met and conspired at 23 different places in
the town and its suburbs to prepare and procure bombs with
which Mr. Donald Weston, the District Magistrate was to be
killed. The First Information Report was being filed under
Sections 4, 5, and 6 of the Indian Explosive Act, 1908.
Who were these 154 persons 7 They included 28 important
zemindars of Midnopur, headed by Raja Narendra Lai Khan
of Narajole ; 17 leading lawyers of the town, headed by Upen-
dranath Maity, leader of the Midnapur Bar, and including Jog
Jiban’s father, Upendranath Ghosh ; 6 medical practitioners of
the Town j 20 prominent merchants ; and 28 students, who had
taken leading roles in the Swadeshi movement, or were the
leaders of the local gymnasiums. Among others who figured
on the Moulavi’s list were the redoubtable editor of Mcdini-
Bandhab Devdas Karan, the revolutionars leader, Janerdranath
Bose, who was a teacher in Midnapur Collegiate School, and
a Muslim music-maestro Tasadduq Khan.
The sites of conspirat-orial meets, mentioned in he F. 1. R.
were no less variegated and breath-taking. These included the
local Estate offices of the Maharja of Mayurbhanj, ( a Native
State) and the Raja of Mahishadal-ihe biggest zemindar of
Midnapur district j the ancestral hous of B. Dey, I. C. S, } and
the houses of two public women of the town kamini and
Rajbala.
The big zemindars and and rich merchants of the town were
lugged in by the police simply with a view to mulcting black¬
mail money out of them.
Actually, however, not more than thirty persons were arics-
ted with only 27 accused, including one absconding. The
stratagem of Weston-Moulavi axis to set up an approver having
failed, the mainstay of theprosecution was a document marked
Exhibit 56. This purported to be a compilation based on her
day-to-day report of police informer-Rakhal Chandra Laha.
156 BBVOLT OP 1905 IN BENGAL

Among the 27 accused standing trial were such persons as

Raja Narendra Lai Khan, Upendranath Maity, and a few young
associates of martyr khudiram Bose, and martyr Satyendra nath
Bose, like Jog Jiban Ghosh, Santosh Kumar Das, and Surendra
oath Mukhopadbay.
The 4th of November, 1908 saw the sensational and
dramatic collapse of the case so sedulously fabricated by
Donald Weston and Moulavi Mazharul Huq. The renowned
Advocate-General of Bengal, S. P. Sinha ( afterwards Baron
Sinha of Raipur ) had come down from Calcutta to take charge
of the prosecution from that day. The king pin of the prosecu¬
tion, Rakhal Chandra Laha was put into the withness-box. But
Rakhal threw a veitable bomb-shell in the court-room. He
deposed as follows—
One night, when he was returning from the house of Abinash
Chandra Mitra a local zemindar and an accused inthecase )
he was arrested by the police for disorderly conduct in a public
place, while drunk. He was taken to the police station and
mercilessly tortured there. On his praying to be spared he
was totld by the police that if he agreed to do and say what
the police asked him to, he would be richly rewarded, otherwise
he would be sent to jail. In self-defence against the ferocious
conduct of the police, and also in ths expectation of getting
reward from the police, he agreed to act as dictated by them.
Then he began to be Tutored by the police as to what he
was to tell about this case. What I was to say about each days
events used to be written down on a slip, and after making me
drink, and holding out other Temptations they would induce
me to sign it.
In this way he was tutored many things concerning the
activities of the accused, and about many meetings and confere¬
nces with a view to repeating them before the court. The
accounts of certain events were recorded in separate slips of
paper and he was asked to get them by heart. He was given
lots of money, and he was told that the Gope palace of the
 BOMBS AND BDLLBT8 BURST IN BENGAL 157

Raja of Narajole would be presented to him as a reward.

But, at last, he was seized with remorse. He realised that
due to bis action many innocent and respectable gentlemen of
the town were suffering and could be sent to jail. Then he
resolved to tell he truth in court. What he was now stating
before the court was the truth. Rakhal also stated that he
had noted at the very bottom of the report that whatever he had
stated in in his signed report were all incorrect.
Rakhal Chandra Laha's written report ( Exhibit—56 ) was
examined in court, and it was found that he had really noted at
the bottom of the report-Exhibit 56-the words “All these are
false”.
The eminent Advocate-General was simply flabbergasted by
this evidence of the principal witness for the prosecution and
prayed for adjournment of the case till the 9th November for
settling his further course of action. On the 9th November,
1908 Advocate general S. P. Sinha withdrew the case against
24 of the accused for want of evidence.
The case proceeded against the three remaining accused-Jog
Jiban Ghosh, Santosh Kumar Das, and Surendranath Mukho-
padhay before the joint Magistrate, Mr C. H. Reed. On the
30th November, 1908 the Magistrate committed all the three
accused to the Sessions.
The sessions trial began on the 20th December, 1908 before
the Sessions Judge, Mr. Smithers. On the 30th January, 1908 the
sessions judge found all the accused guilty. He sentenced Jog
Jiban and Santosh to ten years transportation, and Surendra
to seven years transportation. They appealed to the High Court
against the sentences.
Almost all the contemporary luminaries of the High Court
Criminal Bar appeared on behalf of the appellants. Jog Jiban
was defended by the renowned Advocate Dasarathi Sanyal and
several others ; the leading lawyer on behalf of Santosh was
Sir Ashutosh Chowdhury, Among Surendra’s defenders was
Manmatha Nath Mukhopadhay ( afterwards the famous Justice)
Manmatha Nafli Mukhopadhay.
The appeal was heard by Chief Justice Sir Lawrence Jenkins
158 RBVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

and justice Ashutosh Mukhopadhay. The illustrious Chief

Justice delivered his historic judgement on the 1st June, 1909
acquitting all the three accused. The judgement of the chief
Justice Sir Lawrence Jenkins was illuminating and momentous
in several respects. His observations on Exhibit 56 are an
emphatic castigation of the Government and police for fabri¬
cating a false prosecution against political suspects. He
commented.
"Exhibit 56 cannot be admitted as evidence against the
accused. The only thing that comes out of this document is
the knowledge how the Government got up this case ^ it is the
foundation on which the prosecution built up their case. If
this document has any value that does not go in favour of tlie
prosecution. It destroys their case”.
The learned Chief Justice held that the confessions of
Santosh and Shurendra were not voluntary and could not be
treated as evidence even against them.
The chief justice laid bare the shameless activities and
proceedings of the District Magistrate Donald Weston and
the police in compelling Santose to record his so-called confc-
ssion-really stating what the police had previously dictated t ^
him. He referred to Mazharul Huq’s seeing Santosh’s mothei.
holding out threats to her, and telling her to persuade Santosh
to confess and turn an approver. He referred to Donald
Weston’s sending for Pyaii Mohan Das, father of Santosh, and
telling Pyari to ask Santosh to confess, and become a witness
for the crown. Referring to the actual arrest of Pyari Mohan
Das m the court on the 23rd July, 1908 before the very eyes
of his son, Santosh, the eminent Chief Justics queried :
“But why was Pyari Mohan arrested ? He had not been
arrested on the 8th of July when the bomb was discovered in
his house. The Chief Justice recorded that Weston had admi¬
tted that he was responsible for the arrest of Pyari Mohan, he
had advised the police to arrest him. The great Chief Justice
remarked:
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BUBST IN BENGAL 159

“What else, but putting pressure on Santosh could have

:been the reason for arresting Pyari Mohan ?”
The Midnapur Bomb conspiracy case had two important
offshoots. On the 4th of November, 1908 Rakhal Chandra
Laha-drunkard, paid infoimer of the police did what was for
him a miraculous feat—a performance no less striking than
brigand Ratnakar's turning into the poet of the Ramayan. But
poor Rakhal Chandra Laha had to pay dearly for his noble act
of faith. The fury of the frustrated authorities fell on him.
He was prosecuted for Perjury—giving false evidence. Mr.
Forrester, Sessions. Judge of Midnapur convicted him and
passed on him a vindictive sentence of five years rigorous
imprisonment, and a fine of rupees three thousand. On appeal
the High Court remitted the fine and reduced the imprisonment
to three years. Against his will Rakhal had been drag^d into
a nasty conundrum. He rose to noble height, and extricated
himself from the vicious web. For that he had to rot in
durance vile, while the two real rascals involved in the Dirty
crime—Weston and Mazharul Huq got promotions in their
official careers.
The second was Pyari Mohan Das’s Damage suit against
iDonold Westan for harrassing and humiliating him.
We now came to the far—famed Alipore Bomb conspiracy
case—which ranks as one of the most notable political trials
held during the British regime in India. As the trial procee¬
ded, and even before it had started certain dramatic develop¬
ments occurred.
We have seen, in all, twenty-three persons were arrested
after police searches at several places in Calcutta on the 2nd
May, 1908. A strange and bewildering spectacle was witnessed
at the time of the police raid in the Muraripukur Garden.
Barindra Kumar Ghosh Dramatically announced before the
police party, “my mission is over”, and started “making a clean
breast” before the police of what they had done and what they
.had intended to do. He volunteered to point out to the police
 160 REVOLT OS' 1905 IN BENGAL

the spots where the arms and ammunition were dug into, and
where the papers and documents of the revolutionary secret
society were kept. Barindra Kumar also babbled before the-
police about their activities. Observing the strictest secrecy
about the affairs of the society is one of the cardinal rules of
the code of conduct universally accepted by all secret societies
all the world over. Even Barindra Kumar himself only a week-
before as a revolutionary leader had insisted on maintaining
the strictest secrecy while sending Khudiram and Prafulla to
Muzafiarpore.
He had ensured that Khudiram should not be allowed to
know the real identity and real name of Prafulla Chaki, but
should know him as Dinesh Chandra Roy. Similarly, Prafulla
Chaki should be told that Khudiram’s name was Durgadas Sen.
Such stringent secrecy must be enforced between two revolu¬
tionary comrades proceeding on a joint perilous mission. But
when the police party arrived at the Muraripukur Garden only
a week after, the revolutionary leader completely threw over¬
board the canon about secrecy and became absolutely open-
hearted before the arch-enemies of the entire revolutionary
group. Such contradictory conduct is utterly incomprehensible.
Decency and decorum demand that certain things be better left
unsaid. But one has to mention a very painful and unpleasant
fact as that might furnish a clue to the understanding of the
sudden, unpredictable, and inexplicable twists in the life and
conduct of not only Barindra Kumar Ghosh, but also of his far
more illustrious brother, Sri Aurobinda Ghosh. Their mother,
as also her two sisters were of unsound mind. The two brothers
came out of the womb of a person who was very much unbalan¬
ced mentally.
Barindra Kumar Ghosh next followed up his “making clean-
breast of everything*’ craze by giving a full and detailed confe¬
ssion to the police. Upendra Nath Banerjee, Ullaskar Dutt,.
and later on Hrishikesh Kanjilal also followed Barindra.
Kumar’s example and implicated other revolutionaries in their
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BUAST IN BENGAL 161

statements to the police. Subsequently, they even repeated

their confessions before the trying Magistrate Mr. Barley.
As a result of these confe;Mons and of information obtained
from papers and documents seizee at the Muraripukur Garden
the police traced out and arrested the following nine person in
the second batch.
1. Narendranath Gossain, 2. Hrishidesh Kanjilal,
3. Sudhir Kumar Sarkar of Khulna, 4. Birendranath Ghosh
of Jessore, 5. Krishna Jiban Sanyal of Malda, 6. Balkrishna
Hari Kane of Nagpur, and three brothers from Syltht—7. Hero
Chandra Sen, 8. Birendra Chandra Sen, and 9. Sushil
Kumar Sen.
It is needless to enter into speculations over the inner
working of the mind, and motives of the confessing accused.
Doubtless their motives were mixed—both noble and ignoble.
Implicating other accomplices in one’s confession is univer¬
sally and rightly regarded as a sordid act of betrayal. When
there is a spate of confessions among the accused in a con¬
spiracy case, it inevitably leads to some of them turning an
approver—that is, a witness for the prosecution against his
co-accused in lieu of obtaining King,s pardon for himself.
It happened in this case also.
Among the persons arrested in the second batch was one
Narendranath Goswami, or Gossain. This young man came
from the well-known zemindar frmily ol Seramporc. As usual
with young men of such families Narendra had led a wild
and unsteady life. Whether he himself drifted into the
revolutionary group, or was sent by some designing
Government man is not clear. Naren Gossain soon succum¬
bed to the threats and temptations held out to him by the
police, and agreed to turn an approver. On the 23r June,
1908 Narendra Goswami was produced in the court of thj
triying Magistrate, was granted king’s pardon and went
into the witness-box as a prosecution witness,
11
162 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

On the basis of statements made by Naren Gossain a third

batch of nine persons were arrested by the police. Thay
were : 1. Debabrata Basu, 2. Indranath Napdy, 3. Jatindra
Nath Bandopadnay, 4. Pravas Chandra alias Manik Deb,
S. Bijoy Chandra Bhattacharya, 6. Nikhileswar Roy,
7. Charu Chandra Roy, Lecturer of Dupleix college
(Chandannagare), 8. Hrishidas Das, and 9. Satyendra Nath
Bose, who was brought to the old Alipore Jail ( now known
as Presidency Jail) from the Midnapur Central Jail, where
he was undergoing a sentence of two months under the Arms
Act.
Hem Chandra Das of Midnapur was the one stalwart
among the accused, who was strongly apposed to giving con¬
fessions to the police. The arrival of Satyendranath Bose
from Midnapur greatly strengthened his hands. The two
Midnapur leaders took counsel together and decided that
Narendra Goswami should be killed before he could do further
harm. Indeed, Satyendra felt so keenly about it that be
decided to take upon himself the task of murdering Naren
Gossain in the Jaii.
To dispatch the hated approver Satyendra needed two
things. He must have some weapon wito which to kill Naren
Goswami. Secondly he must have Gossain at close range.
Satyendra was »sick and was lying most of the time in
the jail hospital. There was some discussion among the
accused in the Alipore jaii concerning an attempt at jail-
break by them. Comrades outside were asked to smuggle
revolvers into the jail for this purpose. They were to be
surreptitiously transferred during interview. Satyendra sent
a request to Hem Chandra Das to send to him the first
revolver that arrived in the jail. Accordingly, Hem Chrndra
sent a rhvolver to Satyendra in the hospital through young
Kanailal Dutta of Chandemagore. Kanai, thus, came to know
what was gotng on. He insisted on participating in the
 Bombs and bullets burst in Bengal 163

noble act of removing traitor Naren from the earth. Kanai

complained of severe colic and got into the hospital.
To bring Narendra Goswami to him Satyendra pretended
that he also desired to be a fellow approver of his, and sent
R message to him saying that he wanted to be coached in
in this matter by him. Naren Goswami was accordingly sent
under escort from the European ward where he was kept
to the hospital for talks with Satyan. This hapeened twice.
Two different dates are mentioned by writers on the subject
concerning the murder of Naren Gossain; some say it
happened on the 31st August, 1908, others state it was on
the 1st of September, 1908 Let us accept the latter date in
view of the fact that Hem Chandra Das who himself had
played an important role in this drema mentions distinctly
Monday, Ist September, 1908 as the date of this Occurence
in his Bengali work-Banglay Biplab Prachesta.
Satyen got information that Naren Goswami in his
deposition in court on the 1st September would implicate
several new and important persons in the conspiracy. So
Satyendra and Kanailal resolved to finish Naren Gossain on
the morning of the 1st of September.
Early in the morning Satyen asked for an interview with
Naren Gossain* At about seven in morning Naren came to
the hospital escorted by convict overseer, Higgins. They
went upstairs to the dispensary room to meet Satyen.
Kanailal Dutta also came over there. Higgins was left
waiting in the dispensary, while Stayen Kanai and Naren went
into the verandah for talks. Suddently pistol shots rung
out, and Naren Goswami, hurt in the hand, was heard,
sliouting “save me, save me, they will kill me”. Higgins
pushed Naren into the dispensary and grappled with kanai.
Higgins was injured in the right palm by a bullet from
Kanai's revolver. Naren now began to run downstairs. He
was hotly pursued by kanai and Satyen who were firing at
164 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

their victim. Naren and Higgins ran down a passive. Another

convict overseer, Linton came to their aid. Linton caught
Satyen from behind and he fell to the ground. Linton then
tackled kanai. Kanai Lai fired a last shot at Naren
Gossain, who dropped down dead, and was finally overpowered
by Linton.
After a brief trial the High Court awarded the capital
sentence to both Kanai and Satyen on October 21, 1908.
Kanai Lai Dutt was born in his maternal uncle's place ia
Chandernagore. His ancestral home was at Serampore, but
as his father, Chunilal Dutt was an Accountant in the Marine
Department in Bombay Kanai Lai spent his boyhood in that
city. Shrimati Brajeswari Devi was Kanai Lai’s mother.
Kanai Lai came back to Chandernagore and passed his-
bntrance and First Arts examinations from the Dupleix
College. He appeared in B.A. with Honurs in History.
When his success in that examination was published, he was
prisoner in the Alipore jail, having been arrested from 15,.
Gopi Mohan Dutt Lane on the 2nd May, 1908, While a
student in Dupleix College he came under the influence of
professor Charu Roy and joined the revolutionary group. He
was one of the young men who were learning from Hem
Chandra Das how to prepare explosives. Kanai Lai first
lived in a house at Bhownipore and then shifted to 15, Gopi
Mohan Dutt Lane.
Satyendra nath Bose was the second son of Abhaya
Charan Bose, younger brother of Rishi Rajnarain Bose, and
his successor as Headmaster of the Midnapur, Collegiate
School. He was born on the 30th July, 1882 in the house at
Midnapur, which the grateful citizens of Midnapur had
presented to Rishi Rajnarain in recognition of the latter^s
mamfold activities for the improvement of the moral health
and education of the town. Satyendra passed his Entrance
in 1897 from the Midnapur Collegiate Schoo4 and his First
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BURST IN BENGAL 165

Arts in 1899 from the Midnapur College. He attended B.A.

classes for some time in the City College, Calcutta, but had
to discontinue his studies to attend to his sick mother, Siirimati
Tarasundari Devi. Satyendra himself suffered from chronic
asthma. Still he was the most active spirit of the revolutionry
centre at Midnapur. He did stay for a short time in the
Akhra at 102, Upper Circular Road, but had to go back
to Midnapur as the atmosphere at the Akhra grew
unconginial for him.
Kanai Lai Dutt admitted his guilt and refused the aid of
lawyers. After sentence he declined to send any mercy petition
to the king Emperor. Kanai Lai Dutt heroically mounted the
gallows on the morning of the 10th of November, 1908 in the
Alipore Central Jail (the old one). Moti Lai Roy and other
young men from Chandernagore origanized a funeral
procession with Kanai Lai’s dead body. Milling crowds
thronged both sides of the route from the jail gate to the
Keoratala Burning Ohat in Kalighat, and showered flowers
on he bier. After the cremation a huge crowd sought
frantically to gather a pinch of the ashes of the dead hero.
Satyendra’s execution was delayed for a few days in view
of a mercy petition filed by his mother. He went to his death
calm and serene on themorning of November 21, 1908. The
demonstration over Kanai’s dead body frightened the govern¬
ment, and Satyen was cremated in the jail compound.
All told forty-one persons had been arrested in three
batches, and produced before the trying Magistrate, Mr Barley.
The charge against the accused was one of conspring to wage
war against the king-Emperor. While the case was proceeding
three of the accused departed from this earth-Narendra Nath
Goswami, Kanai Lai Dutt, and Satyendranath Bose. Mr
Barley comitted all the remaining thirty-eight accused to the
sessions in two batches-the firse batch on August 19, 1908, and
the second on 14th September, 1908.
166 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

The sessions trial commenced before Judge Beachcroft on

the 19th October, 1908. Sri Aurotunda Ghosh was defended
first, by the eminent counsel, Byomkesh Chakravorty, and
later by Deshabandhu Chitta Ranjan Das, and other accused by
less important lawyers.
A the opening of the sessions trial the defence lawyers
argued that prosessor Charu Chandra Roy was a French citizen
of Chandernagore, and all his alleged revolutio. ary activities
had taken place on French territory and as such his trial was
beyond the jurisdiction of the court. As to Jatindra Nath
Banerjee, alias Niralamba Swami the defence lawyers argued
that he had left the revolutionary groups long before the
occurence of the incidents coming within the purview of
the alleged conspiracy. The Judge discharged the two
accused, leaving thirty six persons to stand the Sessions'
trial.
As the defence lawyers did not get he opportunity to cross-
examine approver Narendra Nath Goswami the very
damaging statements made by him against Sri Aurobinda
and the other accused were not admissible evidence against
them.
Deshabandhu Chittaranjan poured his whole soul into the
defence of the illustrious accused. The peroration of his
argument in defence of Sri Aurobinda is rightly quoted again
and again as a classic of forensic eloquence.
**My appeal te you, therefore, is that a man like this, who
is being charged with the offence with which he has been
charged stands not only before the bar of this court, but before
the Bar of the High Court of history. My appeal to you is
this : that long after this controversy will be hushed in silence^
long after this turmoil, this agition will have ceased, long
after he is dead and gone he will be looked upon as the poet
of patriotism, as the prophet of nationalism, and a lover of
humanity. Long after he is dead and gone his words will be
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BURST IN BENGAL 167

echoed and re-echoed not only in India, but across distant

seas and lands. Therefore, I say that this man is standing not
only before thh bar of this court, but before the bar of the
High couurt of History.”
On May 6, 1909 Sessions Judge Beachcroft delivered his
judgement. He convicted and sentenced the sollowing nin¬
eteen persons. :
I. Barindra kumar Ghosh, and 2. Ullaskar Dutt—sente-
ced to be hanged; 3. Hem chandra Das, 4. Upendranath
Bandopadhay, 5. Bibhuti Sarkar, 6. Bircndra Sen, 7. Sudhir
Sarkar, 8. Indranath Nandy, 9. Abinash C- andra Bhatta-
charya, 10. Sailendra Bose, 11. Hrishi-kesh kanjilal, and
12. Indu Bhusan Roy- sentenced to transporta-tion for life.
13. Paresh Maulik, 14. Sisir Ghosh, and 15. Nirapads Roy-
sentenced to ten years transporation. 16. Ashok Nandy, 17.
Balkrishna Hari kane, and 18. Sushil Sen-sentenced to seven
years transportarion. 19. Krishna Jiban Sanyal-sentenced to
one year R. I.
The follwing seventeen persons were acquitted
1. Sri Aurobinda Ghosh, 2. Debabrara Basu, 3. Nalini
kante Gupta, 4. Sachindra kumar Sen, 5. kunjalal Saha,
6. Bijoy kumar Nag. 7. Narendra (or Nagendra) kumar
Buxi, 8. Puma Chandaa Sen, 9. Hemendra Nath Ghosh,
10. Birendra Nath Ghosh, 11. Dharani Gupta, 12. Nagen¬
dra Nath Gupta, 13. Hem Chandra Sen. 14. Nikhileswar
Roy, 15. Hrishidas Das 16. Bijoy Bhattacharya, and 17.
Pravas Chandra Dev.
All the accused appealed to the High Court against their
conviction. Ashok Nandy died during the pendency of the
appeal. The appeal was heard by the chief. Justice Sir Lawrence
Jenkins, and Mr. Justice Carnduff. By their judgement deliv¬
ered on the 23rd November, 1909,
The death sentence on 1. Barindra kumar Ghosh, and 2.
Ullaskar Dutt was commuted to one of transportation for life ;
168 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

the sentence of life transportation on 3. Hem chandra Das,

and 4. Upendranath Bandopadhay was confirmed. The
sentence of life ttanaportation on 5. Bibhuti Sarkar,
6. Sudhir Sarkar, 7. Abinas chandra Bhattacharya, 8. Hri
shikesh kanjilal, and 9, Indu Bhusan Roy was reduced to
ten years transportation. The sentence on 10. Paresh Maulik’
11. Sisir Ghosh, and Nirapada Roy was reduced. 13. Balk-
rishna Hari kane was acquitted.
The two judges differed in respect of the five accused—
Indranath Nandy, Sailendra Bose, Biren Sen, Sushil Sen, and
Kaishna Jiban Sanyal. Their appeal was there fore, heard
afresh by a third Justice of the High Ck)urt-Harrington. He
delivered his judgement on the 11th Fhbruary, 1910, confirm
ing the sentence of transportation for life on 14. Sailendranath
Bose, and 15. Birendra Sen, and acqutting 16, Indranath
Nandy, 17. Sushil Sen, and 18. Krishna Jiban Sanyal.
In the finall tally, therefore 14. oft he tried accused
were convicted and 21 were acquitted, one having died in
the meantime. The curtian was, thus, rung down on the most
fascinating drama of Bengal’s inital phase of armed revoluti¬
onary strnggle.

Balance sheet of the First Round of Armed

Renolutionary Struggle in Beng^d
In the British Camp :
Killed-Britishcrs-Nil; Innocent Anglo-Indian ladies -2 (Mrs
and miss Kennedp) ; Indian agents and servants of the
British Govrnment -4 (approver Naren Goswami, Public
Prosecutor Ashu Biswas. Sub-Inspector Nandalal
Banerjee, and D. S. P. Shamsul Alam).
Wouned-Britishers-2 (Allen and a passenger in a
Suburdan railway train).
Futile Attempts on rhe lives of Britishers-4.
(Lient-Goveronr Andew Fraser, Judge KiogsFord,
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BURST IN BENGAL 169

missionary Hickenbotham,and Government prosecutor

Hume) and o i a Franchman (Mayor of Chanderna-
gadr). In the Revolutionary Camp :
KilIed-7 (executed 5-Khudiram Bose, Satyendra Bose, Kanai
Lai Dutt, CharusBose, Biredra Dutta Gupte ; Suicide-1
(Prafulla Chaki); \ccident-l ( PrafulIaChakravarty)
Transportation for Iife-6 ( Barindra Kumar Ghosh,
Ullaskar Dutt. Hem chandra Das, Upendra Nath
Bandopadhay, Sailendra Bose, and Birendra Sen)
Trsnsportion for 10 years-S(Bibhuti Sarkar, Sudhir
Sarkar. Abinash Chandra Bhattacharya, Harishekesh
Kanjilal, and Indu Bhusan Roy).
Sentenced to shorter rerms of imprisonment-3.
(Paresh Maulik, Sisir Ghosh, and Nirapada Roy)-
Taracband’s observations on the revolutionaries of Bengal
and their activities (History of Freedom Movement-Vol 3) are
Pithy and pejorative. Writes he :
‘‘The secret societies collected arms and ammunition and
also manufactured bombs and explosives. They collected
funds for their activities by committing dacoites and plundering
banks, treasuries, post ofSces, and the rich.
The victims of their exploits were largely Indians whom
the terrorists regarded as treacherous enemies of Indm-
Policemen, public prosecutors, approvers, informers, spies,
and others.
The plots to murder Englishmen were rarely successful.”
It must be admitted that Tarachand's statements, as far
as they go, are not factually incorrect. One cannot but feel
sorely disappointed over the repeated, almost invariable
failure of the first batch of Bengal revolutionaries to kill their
British targets. Their appalling ineptitude and inefficiency in
this regard was due to their inexperience, lack of proper
planning and adequate training. It was certainly an
amateurish attempe at armed revolution, “a childs play at
170 revolt of 1905 IN BENGAL

revolution, as Mr. C.R. Das characterised it in course of his

address to the court.
Tarachand also puts his finger rightly on two debatable
aspects of the revolutionary movement in Bengal-committing
of political dacoities, and killing of Indian Events of the
British Government.
But this is taking a very narrow and one-sided view of
the afiair and putting the blind eye to the true importance
and significance of Bengal’s revolutionary struggle. While
committing of political dacoities, and killing of Indians may
be dismissed as of little political effect and value, attempts on
the lives of Britishers, even when unsuccessful, had tremendous
political importance and significance. They checked British
civilians, to some extent at least, from running berserk with
racial hatred and imperialist hauteur.
The revolutionaries could never touch British military
personnel in India. Their racial and imperial savagery and
barbarity continued undiminished, as would be exemplified
later by one British Lieut-General, whose name was Dyer.
Secondly, such attempts on Britshers even when un-
successful-**honest attempts,” as the leader, Sri Aurobinda
Ghosh described them, kindled the fire of courageous
patriotism in the breast of a few, at least, of the youth
of the land.
Above all, these attempts helped to dispel to some extent
the fear of the British which sat like a nightmare on the
chest of every Indian subject and slave. They began the
transformation of the slave mentality of a subject people, to
which Gandhiji so often referred in a later stage of the national
struggle.
When the cumulative effect of such attempts is taken
into account one may claim that every such attempt was a
nail driven into the coffin of the British Indian Empire.
The pioneer revolutioiiaries of Bengal, thrmigh their organ,.
 BOMBS AND BULLETS BURST IN BENGAL 171

Jugantar, and revolutionary pamphlets and tracts, some of

which were written by Sri Aurobinda himself, boldly, frankly,
freely sowed deep and wide the seeds of an armed revolu¬
tionary cult in the hearts of the educated middle class youth
of Bengal. That is why the armed conflict against Britishers
continued for three decades in Bengal, as nowhere els^ in
in India. Indeed, the finest of the Bengal revolutionaries
came in their final hour in the early thirties of the century,
when the rest of India had dropped out of the armed struggle.
That is also one of the main reasons why the non-violent
mass movements sponsored by Mahatma Gandhi never found
powerful response in Bengal, barring the district of Midnapur
and its adjoining pocket of Arambag belonging to the
Hooghly District.
In the district of Midnapur, (the district of Sahid
Khudiram and Sahid Satyendranath) however, the Gandhian
movements were invariably stronger than in any others region
of India.
To pooh-pooh the efforts and contibution of the first
batch of revolutionaries of Bengal in India’s fight for
freedom would be committing a deliberate distortion of
history.
To quote once again the oft-quoted lines of an English
poet :
Say not the struggle naught availeth,
The labour and the wounds are vain ;
The enemy faints not, nor faileth,
And things remain as they have been.
Things did not certainly remain in Bengal, or in India what
they had been before bombs and bullets burst in Bengal.
Finally, as to the historic significance of the Revolt of
1905 in Bengal, a Vinayak Damodar Savarkar would have
hailed it as the Second war of Indian Independence. Indeed, a
small volume, written in Bengali, by Dr Bhupendra Nath Dutt
172 RUVOLl OF 1905 IN BENGAL

is entitled Bharater Dwitiya SwadhinataSangrm (Indians Second

war of Indepence). Even when one refrains from putting for.
ward such a tall claim for it. there is no gainssying that with
the Revolt of 1905 in Bengal commenced in right earnest
India’s stuggle for National Independence.
The Revolr of 1905 in Bengal was the source-spring of
the stream of India’s national struggle for emancipation from
foreign thraldom. As the years rolled by, the stream grew in
volume and dimensions. Till at last in a cresendo of three
successive mighty innundations of mass upsurge covering
the entire subcontinent, first, in 1921, again in 1930, and
finally in 1942-all under the banner of the Indian Natioal
'Congress* and each initiated and led by Mahatma Gandhi, it
swept British Rule out of India.
 BIBLIOGRAPHY.

The materials of this thin volume have been gathrted mostly

from the following publications, to whose authors and publi¬
shers I acknowledge my gratiude.

English.

K. C. Ghosh Roll of Honour

Turachand History of Freedom Movement, Vol-3
N. K. Sinha and History of India, Sixth Edition.
A.C. Banerjee
S. N. Banerjee A Nation in Making
R. C. Muzumdar Raja Ram Mohun
R. P. Masani Dadabhai Naoroji
N. G. Jog Lokmanya Tilak
Hemendra Nath Dasgupta, Deshbandhu Chittaranjan
C. Chakravarti and
D. Bhattacharya Congress in Evolution
Rajendra Prasad Divided India
Bipan Chndra, Amalesh
Tripathy, and Barun De Freedom Struggle
Binoy Jiban Ghosh Murder of British Magistrates
Bengali

OT5i»( 5*S sqff U WPi ®Tir$

wm
W*pr5»n»t
jqawara 'SRics^ ifepi
ws;^ 5i^«i
Isrs csmra fei? Ts
c^5i^ m 5?K»mi ac5^
kot
5rt»fhi 51D5J!?
*TO siT^niwra
^*?[ ^ *fSS '5RIC'5?I
^ j9iT^ ST j^rmi^nra f ^la^rt^
®nic® f^ ^
®tT5P(' *^*i1;?^H ^sr ’^i*^

-sifyiSfsrT^ ^TO’fT^JT?! ^ <rt5iT

^<aTW
JffeSJ Jf^JlSf 5J<»?P?I«|

f^6T5*5
 INDEX

Abala Das 67 Aurobinda Ghosh 12, 14, 26,

Abanindranath Tagore 23, 66 35, 57, 65, 82, 8f-, 87, 93,
Abdul Gaffar 12 95,97, 106, 110, 111, 121,
Abinashchandra Bhatlacharya 122, 124, 125, 129, 130,
90, 129, 130 136, 146, 148, 149, 166
Abinashchandra Mitra 156
Bal Gangadhar Tilak 12, 14,
Abul Kalam Azad 12
15,28, 35, 78, 85, 86,89,
Agakhan 115, 118 97, 106, 107, 112, 119, 121,
Akhara 111, 125, 129 122, 146, 147, H8, 149,
Akshoykumar Dutta 13, 55, 166
56 Baladev Roy 135
Alexander Duff 45, 48 Bamfylde Fullar 75, 81, 132,
All Indian Muslim League 116 133
Allan Octavian Hume 113 Banda Mataram 136
Allen 135 Banga Luxmi Cotton 96
Ambikacharan Mazumdar 76, Bankimchandra Chatterjee 4,
95 5, 13, 26, 27, 28, 59, 65,
Amjmal Khan 116 102, 104, 123, 131
Amobindas 14 Barinkumar Ghosh 90, 122
Anandamohan Bose 67, 80, 81 125, 126, 129, 130, 131,
Andrew Fraser 133, 134, 135
133, 134, 135, 138, 144,
Annie Besant 12
146
Anti-Circular Society 101
Barley 161, 165
Anushilan Samity 123, 124,
Basanta Kumari 153
125, 132
Bentham 3
Archbold 115
Bethune 45
Arya Samaj 98
Bhabanicharan Bandopadhay
Ashok Maurya 6
Ashu Das 95 87, 88
Ashutosh Biswas 150 Bholanath Chandra 35, 78
Aswanikumar Dutta 81,95 Bhubanmohan Basu 67
Atmonnati Samity 128 Bhupalchandra Bose 121
August Comte 3, 41 Bhupendrakumar Dutta 90
Aurangzeb 6 Bhupendranath Bose 76, 84

12
176 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

Bhupendranath Dutta Curzon 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74,:

92, 93, 100, 129, 171 75, 79, 114
BBhupesh Nag 95 Dadabhai Naorji 14, 22, 34 39,.
100, 108,109, no
ibhutibhusan Sarkar 135, 144
Dakshinaranjan Mukhapadhya
Bijoykumar Nag 144
45, 53
Binodini 67
Darakanath Tagore 3, 8, 10,,
Bipinchandra Paul 56, 85, 86
19, 36, 65, 66
88, 89, 92, 93, 95,98, 110,
Dayananda Saraswati 17, 21,.
127, 136
22, 27
Birendranath Dutta 150 Debabrata Basu 130, 162
Birendranath Ghosh 161 Derozio 11, 13, 18, 26, 52,.
Bomkesh Chakraborty 166
53
Brahamabandhab Upadhy 86, Deser Katha 35, 130
88, 93, 94, 137 Devandranath Tagore 13, 23,.
Brodrick 71 52, 55, 66, 102
Brojokrishore Basu 67 Dharaninath Gupta 145
C. N. Davar 38 Digamber Mittra 53
Chaitanya 17, 40 Dinabandhu Mitra 61
Chandrmukhi 67 Dinendranath Tagore 66
Charles Tegart 134 Dinesh Roy 138, 142
Charles Wood 49 Donald Weston 151, 152,154,.
Charu Dutt 126, 129, 136 155
Charuchandra Bose 150 Durgamohan Das 67
Charuchandra Roy 162, 164, Dwarkanath Ganguly 67
166 Dwijendralal Roy 62
Chidambaran Pillai 98, 99, Dewijendranath Tagore 66
100 Edward Hyde 47
Chittaranjan Das 124, 166, Female Juvenial School 45
170 G. C. Agarcar 15
Chittaranjan Guha 83 G. Subramanye Iyer 15
Clive 2 G. V. Joshi 78
Colebrook 50 Gandhiji 92, 95, 101, 119, 120,
Cook 45 170, 171, 172
Cornwallis 43 Ganendranath Tagore 66
 INDEX 177

<}aribaldi 11 Indranath Nandy 128

■Oinseppe Mazzini 4 In^ Prakash 14, 106, 121
Girishchandra Ghosh 61 Indubhusan Roy 144
Gladwin 50 Iswar Gupta 29, 60
Gobindchandra Basak 53 Iswarchandra Vidyasagar 13,
Gopalkrishna Gokhle 14, 104, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 45, 51,
107, 108, 113. 52, 53, 55
‘Gopalrao Deshmukh 78 Iqbal 110
Gopimohan Deb 47 J. Cunningham 5
Gopimohan Tagore 47 J. P. Norman 25
Gourdas Banerjee 72 Jadunath Sircar 16
Gourmohan Auddy 48 Jagamohan Basu 48
Halim Gaznovi 94 Jagannath Tarkapanchanan
Hanendra Ghosh 53 43
Hardinge 21 James Augustus 44
Harishchandra Chatterjee 14 Jarashetji Tata 38, 40
Hemchandra Bandopadhya 61
Janendranath Bose 124
Hemchandra Das (Kanungo)
Jatindramohan Sengupta 12
101, 124, 130, 131, 132,
Jatindranath Banerji 122, 123,
133, 137, 138, 139, 145,
152, 162, 164 124, 125, 166
Hemchandra Sen 161 Jawaharlal Nehru 5, 12
Hemdranath Ghosh 145 Jiban Ghosh 125
'Henry Cotton 108 Jiten Roychowdhury 135
Herbert Spencer 3 Jogendranath Vidyabhusan
Hickenbotham 135 131
Hicki 44 John Clark 45
Hindoo Patriot 14 John Digby 3
Hindu Mela 102 John Sturt Mill 3, 4, 25
Hitavadi 137 Joshua Marshman 44, 45
Hobbes 3 Joykissen Mukherjee 36
Horace Hayman Wilson 50 Joykrishna Sinha 47
Hussain Bilgrami 117 Jugantar 86, 127, 129, 130,
Hutton 50 132, 133, 136
Indian National Congress 7, Jyotirindranath Tagore 13, 66
34, 39, 106, 113 K. C. Ghosh 90
178 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

K. D. Ghosh 26, 29, 131 Lenin 148

K. G. Dasgupta 14, 106 Liakat Hossain 94
K. G. Gupta 117 Linton 164^
Kadambini Bose 67 Long 56
Kalidas 30 Lytton’s 13
Kaliprasanna Kavya-Visarad M. G. Randa 78
14, 90 M. N. Roy 12
Kaliprasanna Sinha 56 Macaklay 47, 48, 49, 72
Kanailal Dutta 145, 162, 163, Macdonald’s Communal
165 Award 119, 120
Kennedy 140 Mackenzie Act 71
Kesari 146, 147 Madam Cama 101
Keshabchandra Sen 22, 23, Madanmohan Malaviya 107
24, 52, 53, Madanmohan Tarkalankar 45,,
Khan Sahib 12 55
Khaparda 97 Madhabchandra Mallick 53
Khudiram Bose 124, 137, 138, Madhusudan Dutta 21, 26, 60
139, 140, 142, 143, 144, Mahabharat 6, 7
145
Mahadeogovinda Ranade 34
Kingsford 136, 137, 139, 140
Mahadev Paranjpe 97
Kitchener 79 Maharashtra Mitra 14
Krishnadayal Ghosh 121 Mahendralal Sarkar 66
Krishnajban Sanayal 161 Manindrachandra Nandy 76
Krishnakumar Mitra 14, 83, Manmothanath Mukhopadhya.
84,95 157
Krishnamohan Banerjee 52, Maratha 7
53 Mazherul Huk 151, 152, 153,.
Krishna Verme 21 154
Kristodas Pal 14 Metcalfe 49
Kunjalal Saha 145 Minto Earl 69, 114, 115, 116„
Lala Hansraj 30 118,119
Lajpat Roy 15, 30, 89, 98, Mirat-UI-Akbar 8
107 Mohammad Ali Jinnah 110„
Lacknow Pact 120 115, 117
Lawrence Jenkins 158 Monomohan Bose 59, 61
 INDEX 179
Monomohan Ghosh 67 Pashupatinath Bose 81
Monoraiyan Guha 83, 95 Phirozeshah Mehta 111, 112
Moonje 97 Profulla Chaki 133, 139, 140,
Morley 113, 116, 118 141, 142, 149
Motilal Ghosh 14, 84
Profullachandra Chakraborty
Motilal Roy 165
136
Mrinalini 121
Mritunjoy Vidyalonkar 25 Praofullachandra Roy 100,
Muhammadbin Tughlaqe 6 138, 139
Muhammadan Educational Pulin Das 95, 123
Conferance 116 Purnachandra Sen 145, 152
Mumbai Vaibhav 14 Pyarichand Mitra 53
Munshi Nobookrishna 2 Pyarimohan Das 152-154
Muraripukur Garden 131, 132 R. C. Dutta 34, 35
Nabagopal Mitra 56, 57, 58, R. P. Masani 108
78 Rabindranath Tagore 5, 57,
Nabinchandra Sen 61 66, 78, 80, 87, 88, 102
Nagendranath Gupta 145
Radhakanta Deb 47, 51
Nalinikanta Gupta 144
Radhakumud Mukherjee 5
Nanak 17
Radhanath Sikdar 53
Nanda Kumar 144
Raghunath Shiromoni 46
Nandalal Banrjec 141, 142,
Roghuram Goswami 37
149
Rajnarain Bose 57, 78, 124,
Narendra Goswami 133, 161-
164
166
Narendralal Khan 154, 156 Rakhalchandra Laha 155-157
Narendranath Buxi 144 Rakhi Bandhan 79
National Flag 100, 101 Ramayana 6
Nimak Mohal 3 Ramgopal Ghosh 45, 52, 53,.
Nirapada Roy 145 54
Nivedita 12, 31, 73, 88, 122, Rami Pandit 24
129 Rarokamal Sen 47
Omi Chand 2 Rammohan Roy 3, 4, 8,.
P. Mitra 65, 89, 123, 125, 133 9, 10, 11, 13, 23, 27, 46,.
Panchanan Karmakar 44 48, 50, 52, 54, 61, 65, 66,
Pareshcbandra Mallik 144 69, 101
180 REVOLT OF 1905 IN BENGAL

Ramkrishna Paramahansa 22, Shamsul Alam 150

51 Shamsundar Chakroborty 111
Ramtanu Lahiry 53, 54 Shibcharan Deb 53
Rangalal Bandopadhay 60, 61 Shivnath Shastri 56, 88
Rashbehari Ghosh 111, 112, Siraj-Ud-Daula 2
113 Slsir Guha 135
Rasikkrishna Mallick 52, 53, Sisir Kumar 14, 144
54 Subhaschandra Bose 12
Rasol Abdul 85, 94 Subodh Mallik 86, 89, 93, 95,
Ripon 13, 70, 73 126, 129, 132, 136
Rowlatt 137 Subramanya Siva 99
S. P. Sinha 117 Sudhi Sarkar 161
SachindraBen 144 Sudharak 14
Sachindraprasad Bose 83, 101 Suhirid Samity 128
Sakharamganesh Deuskar 14, Surendranath Banerjee 11, 12,
35, 129 14, 56, 69, 77, 78, 79, 81,
Sailendranath Bose 145 84, 85, 88, 92, 95, 99,
Salimuillah 75, 116 100, 101, 107, 109, no,
Samachar Darpan 25, 45 111, 112
Sambhunatb Mukhrjee 35 Surendranath Mukherjee 154,
Sandha 88, 127, 136, 137 157
Sanjibchandra Chatterjee 103 Surendranath Tagore 66, 124
Sanjivani 14, 83, 100 Sushil Sen 82, 136
Sanvad Kaumudi 8 Swamakumari Devi 14
Sarala Das 67 Swamaprava Bosu 67
Saraladevi Chaudhurani 14, Tahalaram Gangaram 131
66, 122 Tarachand Chakraborti 53, 54
Satis Chatterjee 95 Taraknatii Das 98
Satischandra Bose 123, 124, Tarasundari Devi 165
131, 139 Taradeville 135
Satyendranath Bose 111, 124, TattwabodhM Patrika 13
143, 145, 151, 164, 165 Tejchadra 47
Satyendranath Tagore 59, 66 Thakur Sahab 122
102 Thomas Woodford 3
Sayed Ahmed 104 Thuggies 33
 INDEX 181

Trailakyanath Bose 138 Vivekanand 22, 28, 31, 52,

Tribune 15 87, 90
Tufat-Ul-Muwahidin 27 Voltaire 4
Ullaskar Dutta 130, 131, 134, Waker-Ul-Mulk 116
136, 144, 145 Warren Hastings 43, 44
Upendranath Bandopadhay
Will Durant 96
130, 144
William Bentink 19, 49
Varahamihir 30
William Carey 44
Vinayak Damodar Savarkar William Jones 43, 50
31,171
Winfred 50
Vishna Shastri 28 World Socialist Conference 101
Line Correct Reading Misprinted

19 freighters freigners
8 underdogs undergos
11 Brahmins Brshiman
8th from 1835 1836
bottom
7 multitude multitue
16 by way of protest by way protest