INTRODUCTION

Introduction
Stuart Half

The chapters in this volume all deal, in different ways, with the question of
representation. This is one of the central practices which produce culture
and a key 'moment' in what has been called the 'circuit of culture' (see du
Gay, Hall et al., 1997*). But what does representation have to do with
'culture': what is the connection between them? To put it simply, culture is
about 'shared meanings'. Now, language is the privileged medium in
which we 'make sense' of things, in which meaning is produced and
exchanged. Meanings can only be shared through our common access to
language. So language is central to meaning and culture and has always
been regarded as the key repository of cultural values and meanings.

representation

The circuit of consumption --, r I production I:

culture
��;

But how does language construct meanings? How does it sustain the
dialogue between participants which enables them to build up a culture of
shared understandings and so interpret the world in roughly the same ways?
Language is able to do this because it operates as a representational system.
In language, we use signs and symbols - whether they are sounds, writ.t en
words, electronically produced images, musical notes, even objects - to
stand for or represent to other people our concepts, ideas and feelings.
Language is one of the 'media' through which thoughts, ideas and feelings
are represented in a culture. Representation through language is therefore
central to the processes by which meaning is produced. This is the basic,
underlying idea which underpins all six chapters in this book. Each chapter
examines 'the production and circulation of meaning through language' in
different ways, in relation to different examples, different areas of social

* A rcforoncc in bold indicalus another buok, or anuth •r cha])ll!r in another lmok. in the scrlcs.
2 REPRESENTATION: CULTURAL REPRESENTATIONS AND SIGNIFYING PRACTICES

practice. Together, these chapters push forward and develop our

understanding of how representation actually works.
'Culture' is one of the most difficult concepts in the human and social
sciences and there are many different ways of defining it. In more traditional
definitions of the term, culture is said to embody the 'best that has been
thought and said' in a society. It is the sum of the great ideas, as represented in
the classic works of literature, painting, music and philosophy the 'high
culture' of an age. Belonging to the same frame of reference, but more 'modern'
in its associations, is the use of 'culture' to refer to the widely distributed
forms of popular music, publishing, art, design and literature, or the activities
of leisure time and entertainment, which make up the everyday lives of the
majority of'ordinary people' -what is called the 'mass culture' or the 'popular
culture' of an age. High culture versus popular culture was, for many years,
the classic way of framing the deb�te about culture - the terms carrying a
powerfully evaluative charge (roughly. high - good; popular= debased). In
recent years, and in a more 'social science' context, the word 'culture' is used
to refer to whatever is distinctive about the 'way of life' of a people,
community, nation or social group. This has come to be known as the
'anthropological' definition. Alternatively, the word can be used to describe
the 'shared values' of a group or of society which is like the anthropological
definition, only with a more sociological emphasis. You will find traces of all
these meanings somewhere in this book. However, as its title suggests,
'culture' is usually being used in these chapters in a somewhat different,
more specialized way.
What has come to be called the 'cultural turn' in the social and human
sciences, especially in cultural studies and the sociology of culture, has
tended to emphasize the importance of meaning to the definition of culture.
Culture, it is argued, is not so much a set of things - novels and paintings or
TV programmes and comics - as a process, a set of practices. Primarily,
culture is concerned with the production and the exchange of meanings - the
'giving and taking of meaning' - between the members of a society or group.
To say that two people belong to the same culture is to say that they interpret
the world in roughly the same ways and can express themselves, their
thoughts and feelings about the world, in ways which will be understood by
each other. Thus culture depends on its participants interpreting
meaningfully what is happening around them, and 'making sense' of the
world, in broadly similar ways.
This focus on 'shared meanings' may sometimes make culture sound too
· unitary and too cognitive. In any culture, there is al ways a great diversity of
meanings about any topic, and more than one way of interpreting or
representing it. Also, culture is about feelings. attachments and emotions as
well as concepts and ideas. The expression on my face 'says something' about
who I am (identity) and what I am feeling (emotions) and what group I feel I
belong to (attachment), which can be 'read' and understood by other people,
even if I didn't intend deliberately to communicate anything as formal as 'a
 INTRODUCTION 3

message', and even if the other person couldn't give a very logical account of
how s/he came to understand what I was 'saying'. Above all, cultural
meanings are not only 'in the head'. They organize and regulate social
practices, influence our conduct and consequently have real, practical effects.
The emphasis on cultural practices is important. It is participants in a culture
who give meaning to people, objects and events. Things 'in themselves'
rarely if ever have any one, single, fixed and unchanging meaning. Even
something as obvious as a stone can be a stone, a boundary marker or a piece
of sculpture, depending on what it means that is, within a certain context of
use, within what the philosophers call different 'language games' (i.e. the
language of boundaries, the language of sculpture, and so on). It is by our use
of things, and what we say, think and feel about them - how we represent
them - that we give them a meaning. In part, we give objects, people and
events meaning by the frameworks of interpretation which we bring to them.
In part, we give things meaning by how we use them, or integrate them into
our everyday practices. It is our use of a pile of bricks and mortar which
makes it a 'house'; and what we feel, think or say about it that makes a 'house'
a 'home'. In part, we give things meaning by how we represent them - the
words we use about them, the stories we tell about them, the images of them
we produce, the emotions we associate with them, the ways we classify and
conceptualize them, the values we place on them. Culture, we may say, is
involved in all those practices which are not simply genetically programmed
into us - like the jerk of the knee when tapped but which carry meaning
and value for us, which need to be meaningfully interpreted by others, or
which depend on meaning for their effective operation. Culture, in this sense,
permeates all of society. It is what distinguishes the 'human' element in social
life from what is simply biologically driven. Its study underlines the crucial
role of the symbolic domain at the very heart of social life.
Where is meaning produced? Our 'circuit of culture' suggests that, in fact,
meanings are produced at several different sites and circulated through
several different processes or practices (the cultural circuit]. Meaning is what
gives us a sense of our own identity, of who we are and with whom we
'belong' - so it is tied up with questions of how culture is used to mark out
and maintain identity within and difference between groups (which is the
main focus of Woodward, ed., 1997). Meaning is constantly being produced
and exchanged in every personal and social interaction in which we take
part. In a sense, this is the most privileged, though often the most neglected,
site of culture and meaning. It is also produced in a variety of different
media; especially, these days, in the modern mass media, the means of global
communication, by complex technologies, which circulate meanings between
different cultures on a scale and with a speed hitherto unknown in history.
(This is the focus of du Gay, ed., 1997 .) Meaning is also produced whenever
we express ourselves in, make use of, consume or appropriate cultural
'things'; that is, when we incorporate them in different ways into the everyday
rituals and practices of daily life and in this way give them value or
r
4 REPRESENTATION CULTURAL REPRESENTATIONS AND SIGNIFYING PRACTICES

significance. Or when we weave narratives, stories - and fantasies around

them. (This is the focus of Mackay, ed., 1997.) Meanings also regulate and
organize our conduct and practices - they help to set the rules, norms and
conventions by which social life is ordered and governed. They are also,
therefore, what those who wish to govern and regulate the conduct and ideas
of others seek to structure and shape. (This is the focus of Thompson, ed.,
1997 .) In other words, the question of meaning arises in relation to all the
different moments or practices in our 'cultural circuit' - in the construction
of identity and the marking of difference, in production and consumption, as
well as in the regulation of social conduct. However, in all these instances,
and at all these different institutional sites, one of the privileged 'media'
through which meaning is produced and circulated is language.
So, in this book, where we take up in depth the first element in our 'circuit of
culture', we start with this question of meaning, language and representation.
Members of the same culture must share sets of concepts, images and ideas
which enable them to think and feel about the world, and thus to interpret
the world, in roughly similar ways. They must share, broadly speaking, the
same 'cultural codes'. In this sense, thinking and feeling are themselves
'systems of representation', in which our concepts, images and emotions
'stand for' or represent, in our mental life, things which are or may be 'out
there' in the world. Similarly, in order to communicate these meanings to
other people, the participants to any meaningful exchange must also be able
to use the same linguistic codes - they must, in a very broad sense, 'speak the
same language'. This does not mean that they must all, literally, speak
German or French or Chinese. Nor does it mean that they understand
perfectly what anyone who speaks the same language is saying. We mean
'language' here in a much wider sense. Our partners must speak enough of
the same language to be able to 'translate' what 'you' say into what T
understand, and vice versa. They must also be able to read visual images in
roughly similar ways. They must be familiar with broadly the same ways of
producing sounds to make what they would both recognize as 'music'. They
must all interpret body language and facial expressions in broadly similar
ways. And they must know how to translate their feelings and ideas into
these various languages. Meaning is a dialogue - always only partially
understood, always an unequal exchange.
Why do we refer to all these different ways of producing and communicating
meaning as 'languages' or as 'working like languages'? How do languages
work? The simple answer is that languages work through representation.
They are 'systems of representation'. Essentially, we can say that all these
practices 'work like languages', not because they are all written or spoken
(they are not), but because they all use some element to stand for or represent
what we want to say, to express or communicate a thought, concept, idea or
feeling. Spoken language uses sounds, written language uses words, musical
language uses notes on a scale, the 'language of the body' uses physical
gesture, the fashion industry uses items of clothing, the language of facial
expression uses ways of arranging one's features, television uses digitally or
 INTRODUCTION 5

electronically produced dots on a screen, traffic lights use red, green and amber
- to 'say something\ These elements - sounds, words, notes, gestures·f
expressions, clothes - are part of our natural and material world; but their :
importance for language is not what they are but what they do, their function:·
They construct meaning and transmit it. They signify. They don't have any ',
clear meaning in themselves. Rather, they are the vehicles or media which
carry meaning because they operate as symbols, which sta�_d jo� or represent - -
(i.e. symbolize) the meanings we wish to communicate�·To use anotlier
metaphor, they functi�n'a·s signs. Signs ·st��d- for or represent our concepts,
ideas and feelings in such a way as to enable others to 'read', decode or
interpret their meaning in roughly the same way that we do.
Language, in this sense, is a signifying practice. Any representational system
which functions in this way can be thought of as working, broadly speaking,
according to the principles of representation through language. Thus
photography is a representational system, using images on light-sensitive
paper to communicate photographic meaning about a particular person, event
or scene. Exhibition or display in a museum or gallery can also be thought of as
'like a language', since it uses objects on display to produce certain meanings
about the subject-matter of the exhibition. Music is 'like a language' in so far as
it uses musical notes to communicate feelings and ideas, even if these are very
abstract, and do not refer in any obvious way to the 'real world'. (Music has
been called 'the most noise conveying the least information'.) But turning up
at football matches with banners and slogans, with faces and bodies painted in
certain colours or inscribed with certain symbols, can also be thought of as
'like a language' - in so far as it is a symbolic practice which gives meaning or
expression to the idea of belonging to a national culture, or identification with
one's local community. It is part of the language of national identity, a
discourse of national belongingness. Representation, here, is closely tied up
with both identity and knowledge. Indeed, it is difficult to know what 'being
English', or indeed French, German, South African or Japanese, means outside
of all the ways in which our ideas and images of national identity or national
cultures have been represented. Without these 'signifying' systems, we could
not take on such identities (or indeed reject them) and consequently could not
build up or sustain that common 'life-world' which we call a culture.
So it is through culture and language in this sense that the production and
circulation of meaning takes place. The conventional view used to be that
'things' exist in the material and natural world; that their material or natural
characteristics are what determines or constitutes them; and that they have a
perfectly clear meaning, outside of how they are represented. Representation,
in this view, is a process of secondary importance, which enters into the field
only after things have been fully formed and their meaning constituted. But
since the 'cultural turn' in the human and social sciences, meaning is.£hought
to be produced- constructed- rather than simply 'found'. Consequently, in
what has come to be called a 'social constructionist approach', representation is
conceived as entering into the very constitution of things; and thus culture
6 REPRESENTATION CULTURAL REPRESENTATIONS ANO SIGNIFYING PRACTICES

is conceptualized as a primary or 'constitutive' process, as important as the

economic or material 'base' in shaping social subjects and historical events -
not merely a reflection of the world after the event.
'Language' therefore provides one general model of how culture and
representation work, especially in what has come to be known as the semiotic
approach - semiotics being the study or 'science of signs' and their general
role as vehicles of meaning in culture. In more recent years, this
preoccupation with meaning has taken a different turn, being more concerned,
not with the detail of how 'language' works, but with the broader role of
discourse in culture. Discourses are ways of referring to or constructing
knowledge about a particular topic of practice: a cluster (or formation) of
ideas, images and practices, which provide ways of talking about, forms of
knowledge and conduct associated with, a particular topic, social activity or
institutional site in society. These discursive formations, as they are known,
define what is and is not appropriate in our formulation of, and our practices
in relation to, a particular subject or site of social activity; what knowledge is
considered useful, relevant and 'true' in that context; and what sorts of
persons or 'subjects' embody its characteristics. 'Discursive' has become the
general term used to refer to any approach in which meaning, representation
and culture are considered to be constitutive.
There are some similarities, but also some major differences, between the
semiotic and the discursive approaches, which are developed in the chapters
which follow. One important difference is that the semiotic approach is
concerned with the how of representation, with how language produces
meaning - what has been called its 'poetics'; whereas the discursive approach
is more concerned with the effects and consequences of representation - its
'politics'. It examines not only how language and representation produce
meaning, but how the knowledge which a particular discourse produces
connects with power, regulates conduct, makes up or constructs identities
and subjectivities, and defines the way certain things are represented, thought
about, practised and studied. The emphasis in the discursive approach is
always on the historical specificity of a particular form or
'regime' of representation: not on 'language' as a general concern, but on
specific languages or meanings, and how they are deployed at particular
times, in particular places. It points us towards greater historical specificity -
the way representational practices operate in concrete historical situations, in
actual practice.
The general use oflanguage and discourse as models of how culture, meaning
and representation work, and the 'discursive turn' in the social and cultural
sciences which has followed, is one of the most significant shifts of direction
in our knowledge of society which has occurred in recent years. The
discussion around these two versions of 'constructionism' - the semiotic and
discursive approaches - is threaded through and developed in the six
chapters which follow. The 'discursive turn' has not, of course, gone
uncontested. You will find questions raised about this approach and critiques
offered, as well as different variants of the position explored, by the different
 INTRODUCTION 7

authors in this volume. Elsewhere in this series (in Mackay, ed., 1997, for
example) alternative approaches are explored, which adopt a more 'creative',
expressive or performative approach to meaning, questioning, for example,
whether it makes sense to think of music as 'working like a language'.
However, by and large, with some variations, the chapters in this book adopt
a broadly 'constructionist' approach to representation and meaning.
In Chapter 1 on 'The work of representation', Stuart Hall fills out in greater
depth the theoretical argument about meaning, language and representation
briefly summarized here. What do we mean by saying that 'meaning is
produced through language'? Using a range of examples - which it is
important to work through for yourself the chapter takes us through the
argument of exactly what this entails. Do things - objects, people, events in
the world - carry their own, one, true meaning, fixed like number plates on
their backs, which it is the task of language to reflect accurately? Or are
meanings constantly shifting as we move from one cultu re to another, one
language to another, one historical context, one community, group or sub­
culture, to another? Is it through our systems of representation, rather than
'in the world', that meaning is fixed? It is clear that representation is neither
as simple nor transparent a practice as it first appears and that, in order to
unpack the idea, we need to do some work on a range of examples, and bring
to bear certain concepts and theories, in order to explore and clarify its
complexities.
The question 'Does visual language reflect a truth about the world which
is already there or does it produce meanings about the worldthrough
representing it?' - forms the basis of Chapter 2, 'Representing the social:
France and Frenchness in post-war humanist photography' by Peter
Hamilton. Hamilton examines the work of a group of documentary
photographers in France in the fifteen years following World War II, all of
whom, he argues, adopted the representational approach, subject-matter,
values and aesthetic forms of a particular practice - what he calls the
'humanist paradigm' - in French photography. This distinctive body of work
produced a very specific image and definition of 'what it meant to be French'
in this period, and thus helped to give a particular meaning to the idea of
belonging to French culture and to 'Frenchness' as a national identity. What,
then, is the status, the 'truth-claims', which these documentary photographic
images are making? What are they 'documenting'? Are they to be judged by
the authenticity of their representation or by the depth and subtlety of the
feelings which the photographers put into their images? Do they reflect 'the
truth' about French society at that time - or was there more than one kind of
truth, more than one kind of 'Frenchness', depending on how it was
represented? How did the image of France which emerges from this work
relate to the rapid social changes sweeping through France in that period and
to our (very different?) image of 'Frenchness' today?
Chapter 3, 'The poetics and the politics of exhibiting other cultures' by
Henrietta Lidchi, takes up some of the same questions about representation,
but in relation to a different subject-matter and a different set of signifying
8 REPRESENTATION: CULTURAL REPRESENTATIONS AND SIGNIFYING PRACTICES

practices. Whereas Chapter 2 deals with the practice of photography- the

production of meaning through images - Chapter 3 deals with exhibition -
the production of meaning through the display of objects and artefacts from
'other cultures' within the context of the modern museum. Here, the elements
exhibited are often 'things' rather than 'words or images' and the signifying
practice involved is that of arrangement and display within a physical space,
rather than layout on the page of an illustrated magazine or journal.
Nevertheless, as this chapter argues, exhibition too is a 'system' or
'practice of representation' - and therefore works 'like a language'. Every
choice to show this rather than that, to show this in relation to that, to say
this about that is a choice about how to represent 'other cultures'; and each
choice has consequences both for what meanings are produced and for how
meaning is produced. Henrietta Lidchi shows how those meanings are
inevitably implicated in relations of power- especially between those who
are doing the exhibiting and those who are being exhibited.
The introduction of questions of power into the argument about representation
is one of the ways in which the book consistently seeks to probe, expand and
complexify our understanding of the process of representation. In Chapter 4,
'The spectacle of the "Other'", Stuart Hall takes up this thflllle of 'representing
difference' from Chapter 3, but now in the context of more contemporary
popular cultural forms (news photos, advertising, film and popular
illustration). It looks at how 'racial', ethnic and sexual difference has been
'represented' in a range of visual examples across a number of historical
archives. Central questions about how 'difference' is represented as 'Other',
and the essentializing of 'difference' through stereotyping are addressed.
However, as the argument develops, the chapter takes up the wider
question-of how signifying practices actually structure the way we 'look' -
how different modes of 'looking' are being inscribed by these representational
practices; and how violence, fantasy and 'desire' also play into
representational practices, making them much more complex and their
meanings more ambivalent. The chapter ends by considering some counter­
strategies in the 'politics of representation' - the way meaning can be
struggled over, and whether a particular regime of representation can be
challenged, contested and transformed.
The question of how the spectator or the consumer is drawn into and
implicated by certain practices of representation returns in Sean Nixon's
Chapter 5, 'Exhibiting masculinity', on the construction of new gendered
identities in contemporary advertising, magazines and consumer industries
addressed especially to men. Nixon asks whether representational practices
in the media in recent years, have been constructing new 'masculine
identities'. Are the different languages of consumer culture, retailing and
display developing new 'subject-positions', with which young men are
increasingly invited to identify? And, if so, what do these images tell us about
how the meanings of masculinity are shifting in late-modern visual culture?
'Masculinity', Nixon argues, far from being fixed and given biologically,
accretes a variety of different meanings different ways of 'being'
 INTRODUCTION 9

or 'becoming masculine' - in different historical contexts. To address these

questions, Nixon not only expands and applies some of the theoretical
perspectives from earlier chapters, but adds new ones, including a
psychoanalytically informed cultural analysis and film theory.
In the final Chapter 6, 'Genre and gender: the case of soap opera', Christine
Gledhill takes us into the rich, narrative world of popular culture and its
genres, with an examination of how representation is working in television
soap opera. These are enormously popular sources of fictional narrative in
modern life, circulating meanings throughout popular culture and
increasingly worldwide - which have been traditionally defined as
'feminine' in their appeal, reference and mode of operation. Gledhill unpacks
the way this gendered identification of a TV genre has been constructed. She
considers how and why such a 'space of representation' should have opened
up within popular culture; how genre and gender elements interact in the
narrative structures and representational forms; and how these popular forms
have been ideologically shaped and inflected. She examines how the
meanings circulated in soap operas - so frequently dismissed as stereotypical
and manufactured - nevertheless enter into the discursive arena where the
meaning of masculine and feminine identifications are being contested and
transformed.
The book uses a wide range of examples from different cultural media and
discourses, mainly concentrating on visual language. These examples are a
key part of your work on the book- they are not simply 'illustrative'.
Representation can only be properly analysed in relation to the actual
concrete forms which meaning assumes, in the concrete practices of
signifying, 'reading' and interpretation; and these require analysis of the
actual signs, symbols, figures, images, narratives, words and sounds - the
material forms - in which symbolic meaning is circulated. The examples
provide an opportunity to practise these skills of analysis and to apply them
to many other similar instances which surround us in daily cultural life.
It is worth emphasizing that there is no single or 'correct' answer to the
question, 'What does this image mean?' or 'What is this ad saying?' Since
there is no law which can guarantee that things will have 'one, true meaning',
or that meanings won't change over time, work in this area in bound to be
interpretative - a debate between, not who is 'right' and who is 'wrong', but
between equally plausible, though sometimes competing and contested,
meanings and interpretations. The best way to 'settle' such contested
readings is to look again at the concrete example and to try to justify one's
'reading' in detail in relation to the actual practices and forms of signification
used, and what meanings they seem to you to be producing.
One soon discovers that meaning is not straightforward or transparent, and
does not survive intact the passage through representation. It is a slippery
customer, changing and shifting with context, usage and historical
circumstances. It is therefore never finally fixed. It is always putting off or
'deferring' its rendezvous with Absolute Truth. It is always being negotiated
IO REPRESENTATION: CULTU�t REPRESENTATIONS AND SIGNIFYING PRACTICES

and inflected, to resonate with new situations. It is often contested, and

sometimes bitterly fought over. There are always different circuits of meaning
circulating in any culture at the same time, overlapping discursive
formations, from which we draw to create meaning or to express what we
think.

Moreover, we do not have a straightforward, rational or instrumental

relationship to meanings. They mobilize powerful feelings and emotions, of
both a positive and negative kind.We feel their contradictory pull, their
ambivalence. They sometimes call our very identities into question. We
struggle over them because they matter and these are contests from which
serious consequences can flow. They define what is 'normal', who belongs - and
therefore, who is excluded. They are deeply inscribed in relations of
power. Think of how profoundly our lives are shaped, depending on which
meanings of male/female, black/white, rich/poor, gay/straight, young/old,
citizen/alien, are in play in which circumstances. Meanings are often
organized into sharply opposed binaries or opposites. However, these
binaries are constantly being undermined, as representations interact with one
another, substituting for each other, displacing one another along an
unending chain. Our material interests and our bodies can be called to
account, and differently implicated, depending on how meaning is given and
taken, constructed and interpreted in different situations. But equally
engaged are our fears and fantasies, the sentiments of desire and revulsion, of
ambivalence and aggression. The more we look into this process of
representation, the more complex it becomes to describe adequately or
explain -which is why the various chapters enlist a variety of theories and
concepts, to help us unlock its secrets.

The embodying of concepts, ideas and emotions in a symbolic form which can
be transmitted and meaningfully interpreted is what we mean by
'the practices of representation'. Meaning must enter the domain of these
practices, if it is to circulate effectively within a culture. And it cannot be
considered to have completed its ·passage' around the cultural circuit until it
has been 'decoded' or intelligibly received at another point in the chain.
Language, then, is the property of neither the sender nor the receiver of
meanings. It is the shared cultural 'space' in which the production of
meaning through language -that is, representation -takes place. The
receiver of messages and meanings is not a passive screen on which the
original meaning is accurately and transparently projected. The 'taking of
meaning' is as much a signifying practice as the 'putting into meaning'.
Speaker and hearer or writer and reader are active participants in a process
which -since they often exchange roles -is always double-sided, always
interactive. Representation functions less like the model of a one-way
transmitter and more like the model of a dialogue -it is, as they say, dialogic.
What sustains this 'dialogue' is the presence of shared cultural codes, which
cannot guarantee that meanings will remain stable forever -though
attempting to fix meaning is exactly why power intervenes in discourse. But,
even when power is circulating through meaning and knowledge, the codes
 INTRODUCTION I I

only work if they are to some degree shared, at least to the extent that they
make effective 'translation' between 'speakers' possible. We should perhaps
learn to think of meaning less in terms of 'accuracy' and 'truth' and more in
terms of effective exchange - a process of translation, which facilitates
cultural communication while always recognizing the persistence of
difference and power between different 'speakers' within the same
cultural circuit.

References
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DU GAY, P., HALL, s., JANES, L., MACKAY, H. and Ni:.GLS, K. (1997) Doing Cultural
Studies: the story of the Sony Walkman, London, Sage/The Open University
(Book 1 in this series).
HAL., s. (ed.) (1977) Representation: cultural representations and signifying
practices, London, Sage/The Open University (Book 2 in this series).
MACKAY, H. (ed.) (1997) Consumption and Everyday Life, London, Sage/The
Open University (Book 5 in this series).
rHOMPSON, K. (ed.) (1997) Media and Cultural Regulation, London, Sage/The
Open University (Book 6 in this series).
WOODWARD, K. (ed.) (1997) Identity and Difference, London, Sage/The Open
University (Book 3 in this series).