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PSIR Compass 40 Years PYQ (Sample-01)

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
607 views3 pages

PSIR Compass 40 Years PYQ (Sample-01)

Uploaded by

Rushikesh
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd

T.

me/PSIRCompass PSIR Compass- Redefining Benchmarks

2024: Paper 1A
{Sample 1 of 40 Years PYQ Series}

1. Write approximately 150 words on each one of the following: (10×5=50)

a) Behavioural Approach to Political Science.

Answer: The behavioural approach emerged in mid-20th century as a reaction against traditional,
speculative political theory. It sought to make Political Science a value-neutral, empirical, and scientific
discipline, emphasizing observable behaviour of political actors rather than normative prescriptions.

Scholars like Charles Merriam and David Easton promoted systematic methods, inspired from
psychology and sociology, and relying on quantification, verification, and regularities. This
“behavioural revolution” enriched studies of electoral behaviour, pressure groups, and comparative
politics, making political analysis more empirical and relevant.

However, critics like Leo Strauss argued that behaviouralism, by ignoring values, reduced politics to mere
facts, risking irrelevance. This discontent led Easton himself to call for post-behaviouralism, stressing
“relevance” and re-linking empirical inquiry with concerns of justice, liberty, and equality.

Thus, behaviouralism professionalized Political Science with scientific tools, but its limits revealed that
politics cannot be divorced from values, making its contribution both transformative and incomplete.
(Word Count : 145)

b) Pluralist Theory of State. Comment.

Answer: The pluralist theory of state arose as a liberal response to monistic sovereignty, redefining the
state as one association among many in society.

Pluralist thinkers like Harold Laski and Robert M. MacIver argued that individuals pursue diverse
interests through multiple associations—religious, economic, cultural—many of which predate or exist
independently of the state.

Pluralists also emphasized that the state is not a supreme Leviathan but rather a coordinator and arbiter,
harmonizing competing group claims. Laski proposed that authority should be federal rather than
hierarchical, preventing the concentration of power. MacIver similarly viewed the state as deriving
authority from society, intervening only when conflicts among associations threaten the common good.

However, critics argue that excessive pluralism risks empowering dominant interest groups at the expense
of weaker voices, undermining equality.

Thus, while pluralism democratised conceptions of power, the state still bears ultimate responsibility for
ensuring justice and common interest. (Word Count : 146)
T.me/PSIRCompass PSIR Compass- Redefining Benchmarks

c) Locke’s views on Revolution.

Answer: John Locke, the liberal social contract theorist. For him, government was a trust, and breach of
this trust justified resistance and even revolution.

Locke argued that the state is created through a social contract where individuals consent to the
government’s authority in exchange for protection of their rights. This consent is conditional; if the
government acts against the common interest, becomes tyrannical, or breaches the trust of the people,
the contract is broken.

Under such circumstances, the people have a moral right to revolt and establish a new government that
will uphold their rights. Through this Locke’s theory of revolution legitimizes political resistance against
unjust rulers and supported limited government by consent forms which forms the basis of his political
philosophy.

Thus, revolution is justified as a last resort to restore the natural rights and freedoms that government
must guarantee. Locke’s ideas therefore significantly influenced liberal democratic theory and practices
worldwide.

(Word Count : 151)

d) Decline of Liberalism.

Answer: Liberalism, the most enduring modern ideology, has historically adapted from classical to
welfare to neo-liberal phases. Centred on individual liberty and market primacy, it today faces a deep
structural crisis.

The dominance of neo-liberalism since the 1980s widened global inequalities, empowered corporate
elites, and generated environmental stress. Rising inequality, documented by Thomas Piketty, weakens the
legitimacy of the liberal order. The COVID-19 pandemic further exposed limits of market-fundamentalism,
as fragile health systems and uneven vaccine access undermined liberal claims of universality.

Moreover, unilateral tariffs by countries, and protectionist measures worldwide, contradict the liberal
promise of free trade. Simultaneously, the rise of populist nationalism and authoritarianism erodes
liberal democratic norms. Postmodernists and feminists also critique liberalism for privileging abstract
individualism while ignoring structural exclusions.

However, liberalism is not obsolete but stands in decline; its survival depends on reconciling liberty with
equality, and adapting to global crises. (Word Count : 145)

e) Linkage between Power and Hegemony.


T.me/PSIRCompass PSIR Compass- Redefining Benchmarks

Answer: Power is a central concept in political theory. As Robert Dahl defined, it is the ability of an
individual to make another act against its will. However, scholars argue that the most enduring power is
exercised less through coercion and more through the creation of consent i.e Hegemony

Antonio Gramsci’s theory of hegemony explains this unique form of domination. He distinguished
between political society (state, coercive apparatus) and civil society (schools, media, religion), arguing that
the ruling class secures obedience by projecting its worldview as “common sense.” Thus, hegemony
represents a blend of consent and coercion, ensuring that subordinates internalize and even participate in
their own subordination.

Therefore, dominance is sustained not only by controlling material resources as suggested by Marx,
but also by shaping values and ideas as highlighted by Gramsci and Foucault. Yet, as Gramsci and
later Foucault himself noted, hegemony is contested—civil society provides space for counter-hegemony,
making power both resilient and vulnerable. (Word Count : 157)

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