System Dynamics And Control With Bon

Graph Modeling
This textbook treats system dynamics from a bond graph perspective. It
guides students from the process of modeling using bond graphs,
through dynamic systems analysis in the time and frequency domains, to
classical and state-space controller desi

Author: Javier Kypuros

ISBN: 9781482208566
Category: Electricity
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.
unlooked for by them as it asked us no long time before we took the
place, without any loss to us, and put those we found in it to the
sword.’ Shane O’Neill’s castle of Edenduffcarrick was afterwards
taken by Chichester, which afforded a means of victualling the
Blackwater fort by way of Lough Neagh. Shane MacBrian and the
other O’Neills of his sept then went to Dublin and submitted, giving
sufficient hostages for their good behaviour.[277]
By the death of his elder brothers, Donnell and
Alaster, James MacSorley had become chief of the Disaster at
Carrickfergus.
Irish MacDonnells. Though unable to speak the
Lowland tongue, he had lately been knighted by James VI. and
received with much distinction at court, where his liberality and fine
manners made him a favourite, and at his departure he was thought
worthy of a salute from Edinburgh Castle. He and his brother Randal
soon aroused suspicion at Carrickfergus. They demolished their
castles at Glenarm and Red Bay, and concentrated their strength at
Dunluce, which they armed with three guns taken from the Spanish
Armada. These pieces they refused to surrender at Chichester’s
demand, and there were also suspicious dealings with Tyrone,
whose daughter Randal afterwards married. The governor invited
the MacDonnells to a parley, and they appeared with 600 men about
four miles from the town. The immediate complaint was that they
had been plundering in Island Magee. Chichester went to meet
them, but his men had scarcely recovered from a long march two
nights before, and much of their powder was still damp. A council of
war was held, at which Moses Hill, lieutenant of horse and founder
of the Downshire family, offered to surprise the MacDonnells in their
camp if the governor could wait till night. This was agreed to, but
rasher counsels ultimately prevailed. Captain Merriman, who was
said to have captured 50,000 head of MacDonnell cattle in his time,
thought it a shame to be braved by such beggars; others thought so
too, and Chichester gave way willingly enough. As the English
advanced the Scots retreated, but soon turned on their pursuers,
whose ranks were not well kept and whose muskets were almost
useless. Horse and foot were driven back pell-mell towards the
town, and Chichester was killed by a shot in the head, after being
wounded in the shoulder and in the leg. Maunsell and other officers
also fell, and only two seem to have escaped unwounded. About 180
men were killed out of a force which probably did not exceed 300.
Some saved their lives by swimming over into Island Magee, while
Captain Constable and others were taken prisoners. The survivors
from the battle and the officers who had remained in reserve named
Egerton their governor and expected an attack, but MacDonnell
chose rather to appear as an aggrieved man who had fought in self-
defence. The check to the Government was a severe one, and
Tyrone was greatly strengthened by it.[278]
The Irish Council made Sir Thomas Norris sole Lord
Justice, very much against his will. He had Lords Justices
appointed.
succeeded his brother as Lord President of
Munster, and left Captain Thornton there to do the
work, and to draw most of the salary. This Ormonde General.
Lord

temporary arrangement was altered by the Queen,

who appointed Archbishop Loftus and Chief Justice Gardiner Lords
Justices, gave the supreme military command to Ormonde, with the
title of Lieutenant-General, and ordered Norris back to his own
province. The appointment of Ormonde involved fresh negotiations,
and Tyrone was more likely to agree with him than with any English
Deputy. ‘You now,’ the Queen wrote to her general, ‘represent our
own person, and have to do with inferior people and base rebels, to
whose submission if we in substance shall be content to
condescend, we will look to have the same implored in such
reverend form as becometh our vassals and such heinous offenders
to use, with bended knees and hearts humbled; not as if one prince
did treat with another upon even terms of honour or advantage, in
using words of peace or war, but of rebellion in them, and mercy in
us; for rather than ever it shall appear to the world that in any such
sort we will give way to any of their pride, we will cast off either
sense or feeling of pity or compassion, and upon what price soever
prosecute them to the last hour.’[279]
Tyrone himself sought an interview with Ormonde,
and submitted humbly enough to him at Dundalk. Ormonde’s futile
negotiations with
‘I do,’ he said, ‘here acknowledge, upon the knees Tyrone,
of my heart, that I am sorry for this my late relapse
and defection.’ He begged a truce for two months, and undertook
not to prevent the Blackwater fort from being victualled in the
meantime. In the negotiations which followed, ‘free liberty of
conscience for all the inhabitants of Ireland’ was demanded by
Tyrone; but while placing this claim in the forefront, he never really
insisted upon it, and no doubt its main object was to make an
impression abroad. In 1591 he had taken care to be married to
Mabel Bagenal by a Protestant bishop, ‘according her Majesty’s laws,’
and he now undertook not to correspond with Spain or any foreign
nation. Another promise was to victual the garrison at Blackwater,
and he did actually furnish forty beeves, ten of which were rejected
by the inexorable Williams, though the leanest beef was probably
better than the horseflesh upon which he and his brave men had
lately lived. In the end Tyrone refused to give up his eldest son, or
any hostage; but he agreed to accept a sheriff provided a gentleman
of the country was appointed, to maintain and victual Blackwater
fort, to renounce the name of O’Neill, to renew his submission to
Ormonde in some public place, and to pay a fine of 500 cows. On
receipt of his pardon, he further agreed to disperse all his forces,
and send Scots or other hired strangers out of the realm.
These terms were accepted, and a pardon passed
under the great seal of Ireland; but the result was who despises a
pardon.
only a truce, and open hostilities were resumed
within two months. At the very moment that the pardon was given,
Tyrone was encouraging his confederates to believe in an imminent
Spanish invasion of Munster, and it is evident that he had never
intended to yield upon any essential point.[280]
Munster had lately been pretty quiet, but there
were not wanting signs of the tremendous storm Munster
brigandage, 1597.
which was soon to burst over it. The MacSheehys,
the remnant of the Desmond gallowglasses, Florence
MacCarthy.
‘preyed, spoiled, and murdered’ over eighty English
families. Of three brothers, one was sentenced ‘to have his arms and
thighs broken with a sledge, and hang in chains, so was he executed
without the north gate of Cork;’ the second was killed by an Irish
kerne, and the third fell by an English hand when Spenser’s house at
Kilcolman was sacked. Donnell MacCarthy saved himself by coming
under protection and behaving well for a time. His father, the wicked
Earl of Clancare, died late in 1596, and Sir Thomas Norris advised
that some small property should be assigned to ‘his base son of best
reputation,’ while Florence might be given the bulk of the remote
and barren heritage of McCarthy More. Florence and Donell both
went to plead their own causes in London, while the widowed
countess complained that she and her daughter were ‘prisoners
there for their diet.’ The poor lady begged for her thirds,
‘notwithstanding any wrangling between my son-in-law, Nicholas
Browne, Donell MacCarthy, and the rest.’ She gained her cause, and
Donell was given some lands which his father had conveyed to him.
Ormonde thought the presence of Florence important for the peace
of Munster, and asked Cecil not to detain him, while Florence himself
begged the Secretary to let him serve her Majesty in Ireland, instead
of keeping him in London at her cost. When the news of the
outbreak arrived, he received 100l. for his journey to Ireland, but he
lingered in the hope of getting all the late Earl’s estate, and Essex
had left Ireland before his return.[281]

FOOTNOTES:
[267] Sir T. Wilkes to Sir Robert Sidney, Jan. 17, 1597; Rowland
Whyte to same, Feb. 21, March 4, April 13, in Sidney Papers, vol.
ii.; Motley’s United Netherlands, ch. ix. The explosion of powder
was on March 13, and is recorded by the Four Masters and in
Russell’s Journal.
[268] Rowland Whyte to Sir R. Sidney in Sidney Papers, May 4,
1597; Lord Burgh to Cecil, April 26 and May 4, MSS. Hatfield, and
to Burghley, May 23. R. O. Burgh left London May 3, and reached
Dublin on the 15th. He suffered from a wound or hurt received in
Holland in 1595, see his letter to Essex of Aug. 27, and that year
in Birch’s Memoirs, i. 285.
[269] Russell’s Journal in Carew, May 1597; Chamberlain’s
Letters, June 11; Burgh to Cecil, May 24 and June 12; Norris to
Cecil, May 24 and June 10; Russell to the Privy Council, June 25,
MS. Hatfield.
[270] Captain Richard Turner (sergeant-major) to Essex, June 14;
Lord Burgh to Cecil, received July 28. Several other letters are
printed in the Hist. MSS., Ireland, part iv. 1, appx. 12.
[271] Essex to the Queen (July) in Calendar of S. P. Domestic;
Cecil to Burgh (end of July); Tyrone to the King of Spain (not
before August) 1597, in Carew, No. 275.
[272] Four Masters, 1597; Clifford to Burgh, Aug. 9. This Lord
Inchiquin (Murrogh, 4th Baron) served in Perrott’s Parliament.
[273] Four Masters, 1597; O’Sullivan Bere; Clifford to Burgh, Aug.
9; Sir Calisthenes Brooke to Cecil, Aug. 13. As was more fully
proved in 1689, the possessors of Enniskillen and of the Erne
from Belleek to Ballyshannon, about four miles, held the keys of
the partition between Ulster and Connaught.
[274] Tyrone to Burgh, Aug. 10, 1597, and the answer, Aug. 16.
[275] Lord Burgh’s will, Oct. 12, 1597; Sir H. Bagenal to the
Queen, to Burghley, and to Cecil, Oct. 13; Rowland Whyte to Sir
R. Sidney, Feb. 1, 1598, in Sidney Papers; Frances Lady Burgh to
Cecil, Jan. 1599 (one of several), Hatfield. For the assault and
relief of the fort see Fenton to Cecil, Oct. 5, 1597; Captain
Williams to the Privy Council, Nov. 1; the Four Masters; Moryson.
Burgh died Oct. 13, a wrong date being usually given; he had no
recent wound apparently.
[276] Sir John Norris to the Privy Council and to Cecil, June 10,
1597; to Burghley, June 2; to Cecil, July 20; O’Sullivan Bere, tom.
iii. lib. iii. cap. 10. The Queen’s letter of Sept. 22 to Lady Norris,
which begins ‘My own crow,’ has been printed by Fuller, Lloyd,
and others. Norris died before Sept. 9, on which day the
Presidency of Munster was placed in commission. In an undated
letter at Hatfield, which evidently belongs to the early part of
1597, Norris begs leave for ‘this spring’ before it is too late. His
lungs were affected, besides the trouble from his wounded leg.
[277] Services of Sir John Chichester and the garrison of
Carrickfergus, Sept. 16, 1597.
[278] Egerton, North, Charles Maunsell, and Merriman to Lord
Justice Norris, Nov. 6, 1597, enclosing Lieutenant Harte’s account,
who was present. Other accounts are collected in the Ulster
Journal of Archæology, vol. v. pp. 188 sqq. See also Gregory’s
Western Highlands, chap. vi., where James MacSorley is called
‘Dunluce,’ as if that had been a Scotch lairdship. Chichester’s
overthrow was on Nov. 4.
[279] Sir T. Norris to Cecil, Oct. 31, 1597. For the terms on which
Ormonde and the Lords Justices were appointed see Liber
Munerum Publicorum, part ii. p. 5. The Queen to Ormonde, Dec.
29, in Carew.
[280] Submission to Ormonde, Dec. 22, 1597; the Queen to
Ormonde, Dec. 29; Heads of agreement submitted at Dundalk,
March 15, 1598, all in Carew; Fenton to Cecil, April 20. The
course of the negotiations may be traced clearly in Moryson,
under the year 1597-8. The abortive pardon was dated April 11.
[281] Florence MacCarthy’s Life, chap. viii. Honora Lady Clancare
and Florence MacCarthy to Cecil, July 29 and Aug. 8, 1598, MSS.
Hatfield.
 CHAPTER XLVII.
GENERAL RISING UNDER TYRONE, 1598-1599.
While Ormonde was trying to make peace with
Tyrone, Francis Bacon was encouraging Essex to Bacon and Essex.
occupy himself with Irish affairs, in which he had
an hereditary interest. Honour, he argued, was to Bacon’s advice.
be got by succeeding where so many had failed,
and the lion’s share would fall to him who had made choice of
successful agents. Neither Fitzwilliam nor Norris had been the Earl’s
friends, and Russell had been a lukewarm one; whereas Ormonde
and Sir Conyers Clifford were well disposed, and there was no
danger in supporting them for the time. Popular opinion declared
that Irish affairs had been neglected, and the mere appearance of
care in that direction would win credit. Sir William Russell, Sir
Richard Bingham, the Earl of Thomond, and Mr. Wilbraham, the Irish
Solicitor-General, were all at hand, and the necessary information
might be had from them. And then we have this truly Baconian
passage: ‘If your lordship doubt to put your sickle into another’s
harvest; first, time brings it to you in Mr. Secretary’s absence; next,
being mixed with matter of war, it is fittest for you; and lastly, I
know your lordship will carry it with that modesty and respect
towards aged dignity, and that good correspondence towards my
dear kinsman and your good friend now abroad, as no
inconvenience may grow that way.’ In Cecil’s absence Essex played
the part of secretary, while Raleigh and Russell, Sir Richard Bingham,
Sir Robert Sidney, and Sir Christopher Blount were all mentioned as
possible viceroys; but none of them were willing to go. Bacon’s
further advice was asked, and his idea was to temporise with
Tyrone, strengthening the garrisons and placing confidence in
Ormonde, while taking steps to remedy the real abuses from which
Ireland suffered. ‘And,’ he says, ‘but that your lordship is too easy to
pass in such cases from dissimulation to verity, I think if your
lordship lent your reputation in this case—that is, to pretend that if
peace go not on, and the Queen mean not to make a defensive war
as in times past, but a full reconquest of those parts of the country,
you would accept the charge—I think it would help to settle Tyrone
in his seeking accord, and win you a great deal of honour
gratis.’[282]
The fort at the Blackwater was but a ditch intended
to shelter 100 men. Lord Burgh had left 300 men The Blackwater
fort beleaguered.
there, and sickness was the natural consequence of
this overcrowding. The time expired on June 7, and on the 9th the
solitary stronghold was again surrounded, Tyrone swearing that he
would never leave it untaken. But Williams was such a soldier as
neither numbers, nor threats, nor want of support could daunt. An
escalade was again attempted, with ladders made to hold five men
abreast; but the two field-pieces were loaded with musket bullets
and swept the trench. The captain vowed that he would blow all into
the air sooner than surrender, and his courage communicated itself
to his men. All who could stand at all fought bravely, and the corpses
of the assailants were piled up so as to fill the ditch. No further
assault was made; but victuals were scarce, and the soldiers, who
did not disdain the very grass upon the ramparts, subsisted mainly
upon the flesh of horses captured in several sallies. Seventeen or
eighteen mares, the captain told one of Fenton’s spies, would last for
a month at least, and he would hold out till the middle of August. ‘I
protest to God,’ Ormonde wrote to Cecil, ‘the state of the scurvy fort
of Blackwater, which cannot be long held, doth more touch my heart
than all the spoils that ever were made by traitors on mine own
lands. The fort was always falling, and never victualled but once (by
myself) without an army, to her Majesty’s exceeding charges.’[283]
Honour might require that an army should be sent,
and yet there can be little doubt that Ormonde was Preparations for
relief of the fort.
right from a military point of view. One isolated fort
could be of little use, and it was even now in
Tyrone’s tactics.
contemplation to revive the settlement at Derry.
About 1,000 seasoned soldiers from the Netherlands were placed
under the command of Sir Samuel Bagenal, a like number of recruits
were added, and the whole force was held in readiness for an
expedition into Ulster. But the plan of surrounding Tyrone, which had
been so often urged upon the English Government, was not destined
to be carried out for some years to come. In the meantime it was
decided that Captain Williams should be relieved. The forces actually
available at this time did not much exceed 7,000 men, and of these
somewhat more than a third were of Irish birth. About a third only
were English, and rather less than a third were natives of the Pale,
with English names, but with many Irish habits. The numbers which
Tyrone could gather round him were at least equal to all the Queen’s
army in Ireland, and only a very strong body of men could hope to
succeed now that the rebel chief had had time to interpose all sorts
of obstacles. Earthworks had been thrown up between Armagh and
the Blackwater, trees had been felled and branches intertwined
across the roads, and holes had been dug in all the fords. Of the
three Lords Justices, the churchman and the lawyer were opposed to
the attempt altogether, believing that it was better to defend the
Pale and withdraw the Blackwater garrison while easy terms could
still be had. Others of the Council agreed with them, but Ormonde
was supreme in military matters, and Sir Henry Bagenal was at hand
to urge him that the relief of the fort concerned her Majesty’s
honour. Failing to dissuade him from the enterprise, the others
pressed him to take the command in person, and, if he had done so,
the result might have been very different. But Desmond’s conqueror
was now sixty-six years old, and he preferred to serve against the
Kavanaghs nearer home. He remembered that the safety of Leinster
had been especially entrusted to him, and Bagenal, whose town of
Newry lay near the scene of action, and who was as bitter as ever
against his brother-in-law, was most anxious to be employed.[284]
Four thousand foot and 320 horse with four field-
pieces marched out of Dundalk under Marshal Battle of the
Yellow Ford.
Bagenal’s command. Many of them were veterans Complete defeat
who had seen continental war, but from the first ill- of the troops.
fortune attended them. The officers seem to have
had but little confidence in their general, and the Death of Bagenal.
simple soldier is quick to take the cue from his
immediate chief. Strict orders were given that no one should stay
behind, but the young gentlemen who served as volunteers lingered
in the town, and some of them were killed by the Irish horse while
crossing the difficult ground between Dundalk and Newry. The main
body reached Armagh without fighting, and as they approached
could plainly see the enemy encamped between the town and the
river. After his arrival Bagenal called a meeting of officers and told
them that he intended to avoid the direct road, which was strongly
held, and to march a mile or two to the right. By so doing he hoped
to keep on hard ground. One bog had indeed to be passed, and his
plan was to skirmish there while a passage for the guns was made
with sticks and boughs. Early next morning the army marched
accordingly in six divisions, with intervals of at least 600 yards, and
the Irish skirmishers then began to harass them before they had
gone half a mile. The little river Callan was passed at a point where
there is now a bridge and a beetling mill, but which was then a ford,
with a yellow bottom and yellow banks. From this point the column
was fully exposed, the O’Donnells drawing round their right flank
while the O’Neills pressed them on the left. Tyrone was protected by
a bog, over which his men moved with the agility begotten by long
practice, and O’Donnell’s sharp-shooters took advantage of the
juniper bushes which then studded the hills on the right. The Irish
outnumbered the relieving force by at least two to one, and their
loose formation gave them an advantage over the closely packed
English battalions. The vanguard nevertheless struggled through the
bog until they came to a ditch a mile long, five feet deep, four feet
wide, and surmounted by a thorny hedge. This they carried with a
rush, but not being properly supported they were beaten back, and
the Marshal coming himself to the rescue was shot through the
brain. The centre were delayed by the largest piece of artillery,
which stuck fast while the O’Donnells easily picked off the draught-
oxen. The usual confusion which follows the death of a general was
increased by the explosion of two barrels of powder, from one of
which a private soldier was rashly replenishing his horn. Colonel
Cosby, who commanded the third battalion, hurried to the front, but
it was then too late. He was taken prisoner, and his regiment shared
the fate of the first two. The rear half of the army had enough to do
to maintain itself against O’Donnell, Maguire, and James MacSorley,
but preserved its formation, and, covered by Captain Montague’s
horse, made a pretty orderly retreat to Armagh. ‘I protest,’ said a
young Irish officer afterwards distinguished in these wars, ‘our loss
was only for the great distance that was betwixt us in our march, for
when the vanguard was charged they were within sight of our
battle, and yet not rescued until they were overthrown. The
explosion, and the delay about the gun, did the rest.’[285]
Between killed, wounded, and missing the losses
did not fall far short of 2,000. Not less than twenty- Results of the
defeat.
four officers fell, the gun which caused delay by
sticking in the mud, was abandoned to the victors, many colours
were taken, and nearly all the new levies threw away their arms.
Several hundred Irish soldiers deserted, and with them two English
recruits, who called next morning to their comrades that Tyrone
would give them all twenty shillings bounty to join him. Among the
captains killed was Maelmore O’Reilly, Sir John’s son, who was
known as ‘the handsome,’ and who fought with distinguished
bravery. The survivors gathered in the church at Armagh, but it
seemed doubtful whether they could maintain themselves there. A
great part of the provisions, the conveyance of which to the
Blackwater was the object of the expedition, had fallen into the
hands of the enemy, and the remaining supplies would scarcely
suffice for ten days. The Irish soldiers continued to desert steadily,
and the disheartened remnant of the foot dared not attempt to
reach Newry without help, but it was known that Maguire and
O’Donnell were also short of provisions, and at last it was decided
that the horse should break through the victorious Irish who
swarmed round the camp. Montague performed this service
successfully, though not without loss, during the night which
followed the battle. Terence O’Hanlon pursued him closely, and it has
been particularly recorded that Captain Romney was surprised and
killed while smoking a pipe of tobacco by the roadside.[286]
This disastrous battle was fought on August 14,
and on the 16th Montague told the story in Dublin. Panic in Dublin.
Ormonde was away, and the other Lords Justices
were panic-stricken. They wrote a humble letter to
Tyrone, begging him not to attack the defeated The fort
evacuated.
troops ‘in cold blood.’ ‘You may,’ they added, ‘move
her Majesty to know a favourable conceit of you by using favour to
these men; and besides, your ancient adversary, the Marshal, being
now taken away, we hope you will cease all further revenge towards
the rest, against whom you can ground no cause of sting against
yourself.’ This missive never reached Tyrone, and the Queen said it
was stayed by accident, though the Lords Justices declared they had
revoked it. ‘The like,’ Elizabeth declared, ‘was never read, either in
form or substance, for baseness.’ And, as it turned out, Tyrone was
not unwilling to make a bridge for his defeated enemy. He thought
their supply of provisions greater than it was, and he feared that
troops might land at Lough Foyle, while Armagh was still held. His
own army, he said, was costing him 500l. a day. These reasons were
not known till later, but the terms dictated by them were gladly
accepted. Captain Williams and his heroic band were allowed to
leave the Blackwater, the officers retaining their rapiers and horses,
but without colours, drums, or firearms. The whole army then
marched unmolested to Newry with their wounded and baggage.
Ormonde was able to report that the loss in killed was not so great
as at first reported, but might easily have been greater ‘if God had
not letted it; for their disorder was such as the like hath not been
among men of any understanding, dividing the army into six bodies,
marching so far asunder as one of them could not second nor help
th’other till those in the vanguard were overthrown. Sure the devil
bewitched them! that none of them did prevent this gross error.’[287]
The Irish leaders are said to have harangued their
men before the fight upon its special importance, The Irish army
disperses.
and many writers have blamed Tyrone for not
advancing straight upon Dublin. But Celtic armies, though they have
often won battles, have never known how to press a victory home.
Owen Roe O’Neill, Montrose, and Dundee were all subject to the
same disability; and Tyrone probably did as much as he could. ‘The
chiefs of Ulster,’ say the annalists, ‘returned to their respective
homes in joy and exultation, though they had lost many men.’ Dublin
was in no danger, nor any of the principal towns; but the country
was everywhere in a flame. O’Donnell had most of Connaught at his
mercy, though Sir Conyers Clifford could hold his own at Athlone and
maintain garrisons at Tulsk, Boyle, and Roscommon. Tibbot ne Long,
who headed such of the lower Burkes as remained loyal, was forced
to take refuge in one of the boats from which he derived his name,
and MacWilliam had Mayo at his mercy. With 2,000 foot and 200
horse and accompanied by O’Dogherty, who was sent by O’Donnell
to help him, he swept all the cattle, even from the furthest shores of
Clew Bay. The Earl of Thomond was in England, and his brother
Teig, who dubbed himself the O’Brien, overran Clare, though a
younger brother Donnell remained loyal and opposed him
strenuously. To hold all Connaught and Clare, Clifford had but 120
English soldiers, and had but very little effective help except from
Clanricarde, who offered to supply 500 cows for 500l. As times
stood, this was thought a very honourable offer, but O’Donnell had
no difficulty in driving off 4,000 head from those who hesitated to
submit.[288]
In the Pale and in the midland counties things were
little better than in Connaught. The Lords Justices General attack on
English settlers.
discovered a plot to surprise Dublin Castle, and
hanged some of the conspirators, but Friar Nangle and other priests
who were implicated escaped their vigilance. Croghane Castle, near
Philipstown, was surprised by the O’Connors, who scaled the walls,
killed Captain Gifford and his men, and wounded his wife in several
places. The English proprietor, Sir Thomas Moore, seems to have
been absent, but the Irish carried off Lady Moore and left her in a
bog, where she died of cold. Alexander Cosby, the chief of the
Queen’s County settlers, had been killed in 1597, and his widow was
fortunately in Dublin, but Stradbally fell into the hands of the
O’Mores. James FitzPiers, the sheriff of Kildare, was a Geraldine, and
being threatened with the pains of hell by Tyrone, he surrendered
Athy to Owen MacRory O’More. Captain Tyrrell, who was Tyrone’s
best partisan leader, went where he pleased; and it was evident that
nothing less than the extirpation of the English settlers was
intended.[289]
Of many partial attempts at recolonisation the
greatest was that on the forfeited Desmond Rebellion in
Munster.
estates, and the storm was not long in reaching
Munster. Piers Lacy, of Bruff in Limerick, who had
already once been pardoned, went to Owen The Sugane Earl.
MacRory, informed him that all the Geraldines were ready to rise and
make James Fitzthomas Earl, and that the MacCarthies would also
choose a chief. Tyrone’s leave was first asked and was readily given,
for the idea of a new Desmond rebellion was already in his mind.
Some months before he had spread a report that the attainted Earl’s
son had escaped from the Tower with the Lieutenant’s daughter, that
he had been warmly welcomed in Spain, and that he might soon be
expected in Munster with large forces. At Michaelmas accordingly
Owen MacRory, Tyrrell, and Redmond Burke, Sir John Shamrock’s
eldest son, led 1,400 men to the Abbey of Owny in Limerick, but
made no advance while Norris was at Kilmallock. As soon as he
withdrew they divided into several companies, and destroyed all that
was English, and only what was English. They burned Sir Henry
Ughtred’s castle at Mayne near Rathkeale, which he had not
attempted to defend. Cahir MacHugh O’Byrne joined O’More at
Ballingarry with some of his men, and there they waited until James
Fitzthomas had overcome his natural hesitation. Stimulated by the
threat of preferring his younger brother, he came in with twenty
gentlemen, and assumed the title of Earl as of O’Neill’s gift. The
plunder collected by this time was so great that a cow was publicly
sold in the camp for sixpence, a brood mare for threepence, and a
prime hog for a penny.[290]
From Golden on the Suir Ormonde wrote to warn
this new Desmond of his danger, and summoned Ormonde’s
warning
him to his presence under safe-conduct. ‘We need disregarded.
not,’ he said, ‘put you in mind of the late overthrow
of the Earl your uncle, who was plagued, with his partakers, by fire,
sword, and famine; and be assured, if you proceed in any traitorous
actions, you will have the like end. What Her Majesty’s forces have
done against the King of Spain, and is able to do against any other
enemy, the world hath seen, to Her Highness’s immortal fame, by
which you may judge what she is able to do against you, or any
other that shall become traitors.’ But the Geraldine had made up his
mind and refused to go. Practically, he complained that the State
had held out hopes of the Desmond succession to him, and that he
had served against his uncle on that account. A pension of a mark a
day from the Queen had been paid for one year only. Others had
grievances as well as himself, and indeed it was not hard to find
cases of injustice. ‘To be brief with your lordship,’ he concluded,
‘Englishmen were not contented to have our lands and livings, but
unmercifully to seek our lives by false and sinister means under
colour of law; and as for my part I will prevent it the best I can.’[291]
Rightly or wrongly, the last Earl of Desmond had
been held legitimate, and the first marriage of his The Munster
settlement
father with Joan Roche treated as null and void. destroyed.
The boy in the Tower was therefore the only
claimant whom the Government could recognise, Spenser.
and the sons of Sir Thomas Roe Fitzgerald were
excluded. But the Geraldines accepted the new creation at O’Neill’s
hands, and the Queen’s adherents in Ireland could for the time do
no more than nickname him the Sugane or straw-rope Earl. The
English settlement of Munster melted away like the unsubstantial
fabric of a vision. ‘The undertakers,’ to use Ormonde’s words, ‘three
or four excepted, most shamefully forsook all their castles and
dwelling-places before any rebel came in sight of them, and left their
castles with their munitions, stuff, and cattle to the traitors, and no
manner of resistance made.... Which put the traitors in such pride,
and so much discouraged the rest of the subjects as most of them
went presently to the towns.’ But all the settlers were not fortunate
enough to reach these cities of refuge, and numerous outrages were
committed. English children were taken from their nurses’ breasts
and dashed against walls. An Englishman’s heart was plucked out in
his wife’s presence, and she was forced to lend her apron to wipe
the murderer’s fingers. Of the English fugitives who flocked into
Youghal, some had lost their tongues and noses, and some had their
throats cut, though they still lived. Irish tenants and servants, but
yesterday fed in the settlers’ houses, were now conspicuous by their
cruelty. Among those who escaped to England were Edmund
Spenser and his wife, but one of their children perished in the
flames. The poet lost all his property, and of his life’s work in Ireland
only his books remain.[292]
At Tallow, in Raleigh’s seignory, there were 60 good
houses and 120 able men, of whom 30 were Raleigh.
musketeers; but they all ran away, and the rebels
burned the rising town to the ground. The destruction of his
improvements at this time may account for the small price which
Raleigh’s property fetched in the next reign. Among castles in the
county of Cork which were abandoned without resistance by the
undertakers or their agents, were Tracton, Carrigrohan, and two
others belonging to Sir Warham St. Leger; Castlemagner in Sir
William Becher’s seignory; and Derryvillane in Mr. Arthur Hyde’s. In
Limerick, besides Mayne the rebels took Pallaskenry and another
house from Sir Henry Ughtred, Newcastle, and two more from Sir
William Courtenay; Tarbet and another from Justice Golde; Foynes,
Shanet, and Corgrage from Sir William Trenchard, and Flemingstown
from Mr. Mainwaring. The Abbey of Adare, which was leased to
George Thornton, was also left undefended. Castle Island was taken
from Sir William Herbert, and Tralee from Sir Edward Denny; and in
Kerry generally all the English settlers fled.
Mr. Wayman, a great sheepmaster, left twenty well-
armed men at Doneraile, but they ran away and Norris.
were all killed on the way to Cork. Norris’s English
sheep were stolen from Mallow; his park wall was broken down, and
his deer let loose. Many settlers fled with their clothes only, and
being stripped of these they died of cold on the mountains. The
churches and other vacant places in Cork were filled with starving
wretches. Youghal was full of them too, and so closely pressed that
men scarcely dared to put their heads outside the gates. The most
fortunate of the settlers were those who reached Waterford and got
a passage to England. Here and there alliances among the Irish
saved individual colonists from utter destruction.
Thus Oliver Stephenson, born of an Irish mother, was protected by
his relations. He was summoned before the Sugane Earl, who
ordered him to show cause why he should not surrender his castle of
Dunmoylan, near Foynes, to Ulick Wall, who claimed it as his ancient
inheritance. He was, he says, respited till May and ordered to give it
up then, ‘if my prince be not able to overcome their power.’
Stephenson begged Norris not to construe his shift as treason, and
promised in the meantime to get all the information possible from
his maternal relations. Stephenson saved himself, and was
afterwards trusted by Lord President Carew.[293]
Arthur Hyde was in England when the rebellion
broke out, but his wife and children were at his Hyde.
castle of Carriganeady, or Castle Hyde, on the
Blackwater. On the day that Owen MacRory and the Barkley.
rest entered Munster, the country people rose
‘instantly before noon,’ and began plundering all round. Hyde’s own
cattle and those of his English tenants were taken at once, but his
wife and children escaped to Cork with Lord Barry’s help, and his
eighteen men held the castle for three weeks. Hyde landed at
Youghal, but could do nothing, and his garrison, seeing that there
was no chance of relief, yielded on promise of life and wearing
apparel. They were stripped naked, but not killed, by Lord Roche’s
tenants before they had gone a mile. The Sugane, who was present
in person with an overwhelming force, appointed Piers Lacy
seneschal of Imokilly, and the castle was surrendered to an Irishman
who claimed it. Forty persons depending on Hyde were left destitute,
and he sought to form a company. Sixty-four muskets and other
arms, with much ammunition, had been provided, and it is probable
that things would have gone differently had Hyde been himself at
home. A more successful defence was that of Askeaton, by Captain
Francis Barkley. The revolt was sudden and unexpected, and he had
only the provisions suitable to a gentleman’s house in those days.
On October 6, more than 500 English of all sorts—men, women, and
children—accustomed to a decent life and nearly all householders,
flocked into Askeaton at nine in the evening. The panic was so
sudden that they came almost empty-handed. ‘I protest unto your
lordships a spectacle of greatest pity and commiseration that ever
my eye beheld, and a most notable example of human frailty.’ An
English barque lay in the Shannon, and Barkley was fortunate
enough to get rid of some useless mouths that way. Others were
conveyed to Limerick, where the mayor and citizens used them well.
By Ormonde’s advice 120 able men were retained. With soldiers who
knew the country, and who burned for revenge, this brave captain
announced that he would hold out till death. Corn and beef were still
to be had, and he only asked for the means to keep his men
together. Askeaton did not fall.[294]
The White Knight, Patrick Condon, Lord Barry’s
brother John, and Lord Roche’s son David, quickly The native gentry
make terms with
came to terms with the rebels, and Norris believed Tyrone.
that the rest would follow from love or fear. Lord
Barry, indeed, held out bravely; but most of his Religious
neighbours had no choice, for the Government animosity.
could do nothing to protect them. The Lord
President could not trust his Irish troops, and had Why the
to retire from Kilmallock without fighting. Four days settlement failed.
later, after effecting a junction with Ormonde, he
was able to victual the little garrison town, but had to fall back again
immediately to Mallow. Tyrone had warned his friends not to fight a
pitched battle, but only to skirmish on difficult ground. After several
days’ desultory warfare in the woods about Mallow, Ormonde was
recalled to the defence of Kilkenny and Tipperary, and Norris went
back to Cork, leaving the rebels to do as they pleased. An English
prisoner with Desmond could report but one family of his
countrymen spared. A priest told the new-made Earl that they were
Catholics, and proclamation was made that they were not to be hurt.
They were robbed of all, but carried their lives to Cork. After
Ormonde’s departure Owen MacRory went back to Leinster with
Cahir MacHugh. He had been ten days in Munster, and left all the
other counties at the Sugane’s mercy. The Queen was much
chagrined, and blamed both Norris and Ormonde for not giving more
effective support to the undertakers. But it does not appear that
they were to blame, for the revolt was extremely sudden, and the
settlement had not been so managed as to afford the means of
resistance. ‘For whereas,’ says Moryson, ‘they should have built
castles and brought over colonies of English, and have admitted no
Irish tenant, but only English, these and like covenants were in no
part performed by them. Of whom the men of best quality never
came over, but made profit of the land; others brought no more
English than their own families, and all entertained Irish servants
and tenants, which were now the first to betray them. If the
covenants had been kept by them, they of themselves might have
made 2,000 able men, whereas the Lord President could not find
above 200 of English birth among them when the rebels first entered
the province. Neither did these gentle undertakers make any
resistance to the rebels, but left their dwellings and fled to walled
towns; yea, when there was such danger in flight as greater could
not have been in defending their own, whereof many of them had
woeful experience, being surprised with their wives and children in
flight.’ So much for the weak defence, as well-informed Englishmen
understood it. The causes of the outbreak, as seen from a Protestant
and English point of view, are told by Chief Justice Saxey. Seminaries
and Jesuits haunted the towns, of which the mayors were recusants,
though shielded by being joined in the commission; the judges of
assize were also recusants for the most part, and in charging grand
juries they never spoke against foreign power, nor to advance the
Queen’s supremacy; the English tenants were too scattered, owing
to the undertakers’ slackness; and, lastly, the late exaction of cess,
instead of the customary composition, had bred discontent.
O’Sullivan, as usual, makes the contest one between Catholics and
royalists, and the annalists, who were more emphatically Irish than
Catholic, make it a war of races only. ‘In the course of seventeen
days,’ they say, ‘the Irish left not, within the length and breadth of
the country of the Geraldines, from Dunqueen to the Suir, which the
Saxons had well cultivated and filled with habitations and various
wealth, a single son of a Saxon whom they did not either kill or
expel.’[295]
Of three branches of the Butler family ennobled by
the Tudor monarchs, two were in open rebellion. Rebellion in
Leinster and
Mountgarret was a young man, and was married to Tipperary.
Tyrone’s eldest daughter. He now sent to Ulster for
3,000 auxiliaries, and invited his father-in-law to The Jesuit Archer.
spend Christmas with him at Kilkenny. In the
meantime he allied himself with the Kavanaghs, and took the
sacrament with Donnell Spaniagh at Ballyragget. Lord Cahir was
married to Mountgarret’s sister, and followed his lead. He refused to
go to Ormonde when summoned, who says he was ‘bewitched (a
fool he always was before) by his wife, Dr. Creagh, and Father
Archer.’ Two loyal neighbours went to Cahir under safe-conduct, but
the poor man was not allowed to see them privately. Dr. Creagh,
papal bishop of Cork, and the Jesuit Archer were both present, and
the peer confessed that he must be ruled by them. Creagh abused
one of the visitors for not saluting him, and Archer disarmed him for
fear he might hurt the bishop. The two churchmen declared that all
the abbey lands should be disgorged, and that all Catholics should
make open profession, ‘or be called heretics and schismatics like
you.’ They insisted upon three points: the full restoration of the
Catholic Church, the restoration of their lands to all Catholics, and a
native Catholic prince sworn to maintain all these things. Gough told
them that their ideas were ridiculous, and that they could not tell
what his religion was because that was shut up in his own breast.
He told Cahir that he was sorry to see him so ‘bogged,’ and unable
to speak or call his soul his own; after which, he and his friend were
not sorry to get away safe.[296]
‘I pray God,’ said Ormonde, ‘I may live to see the
utter destruction of those wicked and unnatural Weakness of the
Government.
traitors, upon all whom, by fire, sword, or any
other extremity, there cannot light too great a plague.’ He pursued
Owen MacRory and Redmond Burke, with a mixed multitude of
Fitzpatricks, O’Carrolls, O’Kennedys, and O’Ryans, into the woods of
the north-west of Tipperary, and captured 100 horses laden with the
spoils of the Munster undertakers. But not very much could be done,
and he complained bitterly that he was badly supported by the Lords
Justices. An archbishop and a chief justice, both old men, were not
the Government suited to a great crisis, and matters of such vital
importance as the victualling of Maryborough were left almost to
chance. Ormonde relieved the place with 300 cows collected by
himself, but not without hard fighting, and the annalists oddly
remark that he ‘lost more than the value of the provisions, in men,
horses, and arms.’ The conduct of the war in Leinster was entrusted
to Sir Richard Bingham, whose prophecies had been completely
fulfilled, and who was appointed Marshal in Bagenal’s place. Norris
was to remain in Munster, Clifford in Connaught, Sir Samuel Bagenal
on the borders of Ulster, and Ormonde in Dublin to control the
military arrangements. To hold the towns and to temporise was all
that the Queen required until a new viceroy could be had. Bingham
had been often consulted of late, and much was expected from his
unrivalled knowledge of Ireland; but he was past seventy, and worn
out with more than fifty years’ service by sea and land. He died soon
after his return to Ireland, and Ormonde was left to his own devices.
Before the end of the year it was known that the government would
be entrusted to Essex.[297]
After the victory at the Yellow Ford, O’Donnell
remained for more than six months at Ballymote. O’Donnell in
Clare, 1599.
His inactivity, say the annalists with unconscious
irony, was caused solely by the fact that there was
no part of Connaught left for him to plunder, How mortgages
were redeemed.
except Clare. The Earl of Thomond had spent the
year 1598 in England, where he made a very good impression, and
on his return remained with Ormonde, at and about Kilkenny. Of his
two brothers, Donnell, the younger, represented him in Clare, while
Teig led the opposition and made friends with Tyrone’s adherents in
Tipperary. Accompanied by Maguire, O’Donnell entered Clare,
thoroughly plundered the baronies of Burren, Inchiquin, and
Corcomroe, and returned unscathed to Mayo. Ennistymon, which
was part of the territory ravaged, belonged at the time to Sir Tirlogh
O’Brien, who was ‘a sheltering fence and a lighting hill to the
Queen’s people,’ and who co-operated with the force sent into Clare
by Sir Conyers Clifford. Teig, after some skirmishing, thought it
prudent to submit, and sessions were successfully held at Ennis.
Thomond then returned to his own country and proceeded to
chastise Teig MacMahon, who had lately wounded and imprisoned
his brother Donnell. MacMahon had taken an English ship which was
in difficulties on the coast, but ‘found the profit very trivial and the
punishment severe,’ and he had also seized his castle of Dunbeg,
which was in pledge to a Limerick merchant, but without paying the
mortgagee. Carrigaholt was taken, and all MacMahon’s cattle driven
away. Cannon were brought from Limerick against Dunbeg, but the
garrison did not wait to be fired at, ‘and the protection they obtained
lasted only while they were led to the gallows, from which they were
hanged in couples, face to face.’ Thomond then went northwards,
and restored to his friends the castle from which O’Donnell had
expelled them.[298]
During the early months of 1599 Tyrone’s
illegitimate son Con was preparing his way in Tyrone’s rule in
Munster.
Munster. The Earl blamed him severely for
imprisoning and robbing Archbishop Magrath, of whose re-
conversion he had hopes, since his liberty could not be restrained
nor his temporalities touched without direct authority from Rome.
‘But if,’ he added, ‘the covetousness of this world caused him to
remain on this way that he is upon, how did his correcting touch
you? Withal I have the witness of my own priest upon him, that he
promised to return from that way, saving only that he could not but
take order for his children first, seeing he got them, and also that he
is friend and ally unto us.’ Con tried to extort ransom from the astute
Miler, who promised to befriend him as far as possible without
‘hurting his privilege in her Majesty’s laws,’ but Tyrone sent
peremptory orders that he should be released without any
conditions. In the almost complete paralysis of authority, most of the
Munster gentry made terms with Con and the new Earl of Desmond.
Lord Barry and Lord Roche between them might bring 100 men to
the Queen, but they had no allies worth mentioning. Norris had
about 2,000 men, but the general falling away was such that he
could do very little. At the end of March he left Cork with eighteen
companies of foot and three troops of horse. Lady Roche, a sister of
James Fitzmaurice, was ready to come out of Castletown to meet
him, but Tyrone’s Ulster mercenaries would not allow her. The
capture of Carriglea castle was the only real success, and the Lord
President returned on the ninth day, the rebels skirmishing with him
to the outskirts of Cork. The rebels in Tipperary and the adjoining
parts of Leinster assembled ‘before an idol in Ormonde called the
Holy Cross, where again they solemnly swore not to abandon nor
forsake one another.’ Everyone saw that a system of garrisons was
the only way to break down the confederacy, but this policy was not
showy enough to please the new Lord Lieutenant.’[299]

FOOTNOTES:
[282] Letter of advice to the Earl of Essex, to take upon him the
care of Irish causes, when Mr. Secretary Cecil was in France
(February to April, 1598), and a second letter from Bacon a little
later, both printed by Spedding, vol. ii. pp. 94-1_0. There are
many significant passages in Rowland Whyte’s letters in Sidney
Papers, vol. ii. pp. 82-97. Essex was busy with Ireland before
Cecil’s departure and before Bacon’s first letter, for Whyte wrote
on Jan. 19: ‘Yesterday in the afternoon I went to the Court to
attend my Lord of Essex, and he no sooner began to hearken
unto me, but in comes my Lord of Thomond, in post from Ireland,
and then was I commanded to take some other time.’ And see