Population Control in India - Prologue To The Emergency Period
Population Control in India - Prologue To The Emergency Period
Development Review, Vol. 32, No. 4 (Dec., 2006), pp. 629-667 Published by: Population Council Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20058922 . Accessed: 22/05/2012 23:52
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the one epi Period remains 30 years after the event, the Emergency in India that would in the history of family planning appear to require can go wrong no introduction. that It has become of everything emblematic on "population control" rather than on reproduc in a program premised time-bound tive rights and health. This included targets; a pref performance Some sode erence regard poorest, for methods constituted that minimized the need for sustained for basic medical incentive standards; payments a form of coercion; disincentives of compulsory and official consideration into that achieving and welfare.*1 dis motivation; that, for the very non that punished
law, signaled override individual targets might dignity such policies were little about how and why Yet, even now, we know were out accounts for that first developed. there pointed precedents Early was in these abuses, and Marika Vicziany critiquing particularly persuasive to the Emergency Pe the already pervasive belief that coercion was unique riod.2 Yet these even accounts these and were authors never did not followed up investigate or probe behind the motives as a is remembered Period singular in the ensuing decades. the role of international the poli episode,
enacted
foreign
advisors
the Emergency
from archives and pub *Sources cited in footnotes are primarily of two types: unpublished material lished articles and books. A list of archives consulted and a reference list appear at the end of the article. 1This article describes how "family planning" became a strategy and a slogan to achieve specified popu for Indians, it became synonymous with "population control." For lation targets, which helps explain why, on the other hand, the latter term is pejorative. Nevertheless, it accurately describes India's pro Americans, itwould further confuse the distinction that most people in the field gram in the 1950s and 1960s. Avoiding now strive to uphold. 2 Gwatkin, "Coercion in a soft state," Part I, 1982; "Political will and family planning," 1979; Vicziany, Part II, 1982-83.
POPULATION
AND
DEVELOPMENT
REVIEW
32(4):
629-667
(DECEMBER
2006)
629
Population
Control
in
India
domestic crisis dominated country's political by a few all Indira and Sanjay Gandhi.3 new archives?most With the opening of important those of notably, United Nations the World the Ford Inter the Bank, Foundation, agencies, national Planned Parenthood the and India's Federation, Council, Population Ministry and Family Welfare?a of Health to different has begun picture a The very richness of these materials definitive account, precludes since they reveal the need for both a wide-angle lens and a long especially historical in show 1950s the and increas how, 1960s, perspective. They emerge. ingly coercive in India with explicit of clinics States paign health consequences policies with grievous the full cognizance of foreign consultants, recommendation. Coercion was countenanced were not undertaken at their and often
and their clients, but between countries, especially could use food aid as leverage. This practice led to a disastrous to induce 29 million women in 1965-67 to accept intrauterine devices the focus back in time shows
the (IUDs). Shifting to a the Emergency Period had key policies thought distinguish long gesta the advice and support Indians received from popula tion, during which tion control proponents abroad played a crucial role. Working together, they in making succeeded India an example of a worldwide population emergency traceptive
requiring ever-more extreme measures.
makes
of this history is already known from the public record, which the misplaced focus on the Emergency Period all the more striking. account But the present the evidence from recently highlights emerging To explain archives. how and why made opened policymakers particular Some decisions, historians and reliable consider than what confidential communications for public to be more re vealing consumption.4 In this case, most participants in the decisionmaking process were prepared to support policies to abuse because that reducing susceptible they believed alleviate But the archives show that both poverty. population growth would is said and written
3 Even while citing Gwatkin's insists the Emergency research, Oscar Harkavy of the Ford Foundation Period was "a unique phase of the Indian program," at the same time criticizing India's use of targets and in their development: incentives without any role for outside consultants acknowledging Curbing Population Council's position was always "absolute Growth, 1995, pp. 157-158. Sheldon Segal claims that the Population use to and unalterable the of coercion"?even "the of coercion" created opposition perception by incentive He regrets that Indira and Sanjay Gandhi did not heed such advice: Under the payments was unacceptable. Banyan Tree, 2003, p. xxvii. 4 As the distinguished historian Marc Trachtenberg writes, "the documentary record?the body of ma terial generated at the time and kept under wraps for many years?is far and away the best source there is. Yes, that entered the public record at the is, the sort of material you sometimes need to read the open sources?that someone said in public as representative time?but of his or her real you can't be too quick to take what thinking. Everyone knows that people tend to express themselves more freely in private, and everyone knows why. When speaking in public, people tend to concern themselves more with how other people will react. They know what constitutes acceptable public discourse and what is expected of them. Being familiar with the conventions of their own political culture, they know they cannot be too frank.... The real thinking is more likely to be revealed by what people say in private, as recorded in documents they believe will not become In such a politically publicly available for many years": The Craft of International History, 2006, pp. 153-154. this distinction between charged field as family planning, "acceptable public discourse" and "real thinking" is likely to be especially pronounced.
Matthew
Connelly
631 there was concern a persistent about preserv differential fertility?whether by reducing or between different communities religious also
and
elsewhere
to establish motive with certainty, come same and archives and other historians away with dif may go to the sometimes like any kind of research, Historical ferent conclusions. research, ac While the call for verification. that present findings surprising produces serve as an invitation evi for more count may not be definitive, it should about the international debate dence-based population origins of coercive Of course, later it is difficult control than we have had until now.5
5 A fuller version of my argument, including the Emergency Period itself, will appear as part of a history to be published by Harvard University Press. of the rise and demise of the population control movement 6 Raina, Planning Family in India, 1990, pp. 12-79, passim. 7 Ambirajan, "Malthusian population century," 1976; theory and Indian famine policy in the nineteenth "Mrs. Annie Besant's appeal," 1879. 1998, pp. 684-686; Caldwell, "Malthus and the less developed world," 8 Stoddard, The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy, 1920; East, Mankind at the Crossroads, 1923, pp. 88-90; Wright, Population, 1923, p. 66; Ross, Standing Room Only?, 1927, pp. 295-296. to Edith How-Martyn, 19 December 9 Marjorie Martin of the International Planned 1933, Archives Parenthood Federation, London (hereafter IPPF), series B, reel 214, frame 424.
632 were vocal proponents upper-caste tial fertility would increase the relative Muslim communities.10 The Congress Party, which the Emergency evinced Period, before In 1940 Independence. sioned Bengali Muslim a report Brahman from dominated concern its National most
Population
Control
in
India
Hindus
concerned
of lower-caste until
politics
the end of
a working group under Radhakamal on record for his concern about already
of the "gradual predominance of the inferior so fertility. Warning cial strata," the report urged removing barriers to intermarriage among up as directing at the rest of the birth control propaganda per castes as well to prevent of the racial makeup." "deterioration The report esti population that 8 million insane and feeble-minded people were
mated
"at large and more and subnormals"?indeed, abnormals producing reproducing rapidly than normal from the United States and Europe, parents. Citing precedents the authors called for "selectively courts, including Nazi eugenic sterilising the entire group of hereditary defectives."11 The National ter Jawaharlal
was chaired by future prime minis Committee Planning even while Nehru. He had long favored birth control, point out other like that also reduce measures, nutrition, ing improving might that population control could not, by itself, cure fertility. Nehru emphasized a set His committee of recommendations that em poverty.12 finally passed phasized broad-based that economic "measures acknowledged and population backed fertility as "the basic solution." But it also progress for the improvement of the quality of the are necessary." excessive It pressure population
limiting limitation, and, as part of a "eu cheaper contraceptives, to removal of barriers inter-caste genic programme," marriage along with sterilization of epileptics and the insane.13 Following tinued Independence, and after the 1951 census showed con
a decade of war, and sectarian famine, growth despite population to convene called for the new Planning Commission another strife, Nehru committee. Their recommended both limitation report population fertility for the sake of mothers' and children's health and to stabilize population "consistent sterilization and with and the requirements contraception that where feasible suggested reasons as well.14 cial and economic when It called for free economy." on medical recommended grounds, these methods should be adopted for so were still concerned about popu of national
Officials
10 Ahluwalia, 53-55. See also "Controlling births, policing sexualities," 2000, pp. 37-38, 41-43, 46-47, 1989. "Embattled advocates," Ramusack, 11Mukherjee, Population, 1947, pp. 64-67, 87-88. 12 IPPF, The Third International Conference on Planned Parenthood, 1952, pp. 143-145. 13Mukherjee, 134-135. Population, 1947, pp. 129-131, 14 Raina, Population Policy, 1988, pp. 5-7; and "Recommendations of the Committee...on Population 14 April 1951, reprinted as appendix A2 in Gupta, Sinha, and Bardhan, Evolu Growth and Family Planning," tion of Family Welfare Programme in India, Vol. 1, 1992.
Matthew
Connelly
633
India invited the first field study by the UN Popula "quality." When was whether it tion Commission, ascertaining people were charged with exist be their families and "whether fertility differentials already planning lation tween dian different family social and economic planning advice to obtain groups."15 India was also the first country In from the World Health Organization.
continued representatives tional forums, although Catholic for the following such missions India's In the government 1930s Gandhi was
to press for family planning aid in interna countries blocked any more and Communist decade.16
grounds?most accepted
disciples, Nayar, leading the Ministry Rajkumari to take on a an institution that was overstretched and reluctant of Health, a rear-guard new mandate. 15 years, they waged action against For almost on the other hand, at the Planning birth control.17 Officials Commission, Amrit Kaur and Sushila took turns were powerful first five-year and development should analysis the tion, intimate age and persistent advocates, "to promote plan 1951-56 of the national inform in their urging "family limitation" of the people the health and welfare and data collection Continuous economy."
a family planning to implement program. on moral out had contraception against spoken he S?nger?although during a famous debate with slow In the 1950s and 1960s two of his
connection called
structure,
"in view of the authors advised, policy, population sex composi exists between the numbers, which of the health and general and mental quality physical for state-funded of people." was research But Kaur centers continued to develop "birth to insist that
among
support, nongovernmental in family interest sustaining New York-based Population 1952 meeting John D. Rockefeller to bring population Rockefeller
no possibility of a to in crucial role organizations play was most the the important Among planning. out of a Council. The organization developed and with came inWilliamsburg, 3rd organized Virginia and academic scientists, administrators, own history, to the Population for Council's population it possible 'to improve the qual to for individuals everywhere was
demographers, together activists. According "the reason to care about lives, to help make
ity of people's
15May 1951, UNESCO Archives, Paris, 312 A 06(45) 54; "Docu 15 Alva Myrdal to Director-General, ment Presented to the Regional Committee for South-East Asia at Its Fourth Session," 28 November 1951, World Health Organization, Official Records, no. 40 (Geneva, 1952), pp. 135-136. 16World Health Organization, "Pilot Study on the Voluntary Limitation of Families in India," Official Records, no. 42 (Geneva, 1952), p. 140. 17 Douglas Ensminger Oral History, 1November 1971, Part Bl, Ford Foundation Archives, New York, NY (hereafter FFA). 18 "Recommendations of the Committee Appointed of the Plan by the Panel of Health Programmes 1951 Appendix V to "Report of the Family Planning Third Five Year Plan Committee," ning Commission," Documentation National Institute of Health and Family Welfare, Centre, New Delhi (hereafter NIHFW), De pository, 204 IND. 19 Quoted in S. Chandrasekhar, for India: A Plea for Family Planning," 30 "Demographic Disarmament November 1951, Planning Commission Archives, New Delhi.
634
Population
Control
in
India
their full potential.'"20 But in the verbatim develop transcript participants reasons to care about population, offered many different economic including but also geopolitics, and eugenics.21 conservation, development, in attendance, The demographers Frank Notestein, including Kingsley Irene Taueber, and Warren had that Davis, Thompson, long been concerned rapid population countries. The of poor growth would impede the economic development of the Cold War with intensification the "loss" of China and
in Korea made even more the ongoing conflict this worry acute.22 When their and of at the action, many making points proposing participants an as India was used because it the Williamsburg example, undoubtedly still uncommitted in the struggle between the su was for es it to whether feasible asked, instance, perpowers. They produce in such women and doses whether Indian trogen large numbers, enough could be "inoculated" against pregnancy.23 largest, poorest country The most off the record conservationists dustrial sensitive and and accusing like William each debates?with participants going of "being provocative"?came when that "in Vogt and Fairfield Osborn suggested be withheld" from poor, agrarian countries.24 other contentious
should development had been national director of the Planned Fed Parenthood Vogt appointed a eration of America after to Road Survival. book, (PPFA) writing best-selling It opposed "subsidize the unchecked foreign aid and even trade that might
of India." Instead, he called for "sterilization bonuses." "Since such spawning a bonus would to the world's "it shiftless," appeal primarily Vogt wrote, a would have selective favorable The influence."25 of idea probably paying incentives lowing Warren to encourage decades. Weaver considered lower fertility would frequently recur over the fol
other along with most too about the participants pessimistic to for out lift of But he prospects development growing populations poverty. also suggested that foreign aid would Indians "nigger rich." Weaver only make "a man who elaborated: finds out that he has a little income.?And what Foundation to be the conservationists at that moment does he do? Well, he just stops working four days or a week, to bring to India." and he just sits there. I do not think that iswhat we want
20 "About the Population Council," ?http://www.popcouncil.org/about/history.html? (accessed 21 June is from a speech Rockefeller 2006). The quotation gave 22 years later at the Bucharest World Population Con ference. At the time, Population Council president Bernard Berelson viewed the speech as a repudiation of the Council's work: Critchlow, Intended Consequences, 1999, pp. 185-186. The speech is reprinted in "Population 1978. growth: The role of the developed world," on Population Problems," 20-22 June 1952, Rockefeller 21 "National Academy of Sciences: Conference Archive Center, Tarrytown, NY (hereafter RAC), RG 5, John D. Rockefeller 3rd Papers, series 1, sub-series 5, are from this transcript. A summary account box 85, folders 720-723. The following account and quotations is reprinted in "On the origins of the Population 1977. Council," 22 Szreter, "The idea of demographic transition and the study of fertility change," 1993. 23 "National Academy of Sciences: Conference on Population Problems," Evening Session, 20 June 1952. on Population 24 "National Academy of Sciences: Conference Problems," Morning Session, 21 June 1952, pp. 17, 24. to 25 Vogt, Road Survival, 1948, pp. xvi, 14, 48, 77, 257, 280-283.
of the Rockefeller
Matthew
Connelly
said, "but I guess it's all right at patrons.26 only white at but they did not represent this Indians meeting, onto the sub their prejudices themselves. Instead, participants projected as they speculated about its future. The only one who had actu continent "I hesitate to use the moment." this language," The Williamsburg were represented Inn admitted on India, Kingsley research Davis, ally published earlier. Consequently, for the first time six months only one who to understand garding race"?as it. Bronk health, natural sion, he obstacle the and dent level these fell back relations on his between had visited the was Weaver country not the
"the potential of Sciences, described Detlev Bronk, head of the National Academy to and of interaction the improving public diverging fertility pointed it possible "making be able conditions said that of to the achievement intelligence for individuals to survive." the to survive, Summarizing of the defined of the world Frederick that one who the would not under
in American of divisions society experience re rich and poor countries, particularly of the human of the genetic quality degradation
"there was
first day's discus fact that a very great where as being desirable is these controls future presi the "preserve and high fertil
of high mortality of the human a potential "a of human mind...I It also certain mean, quality ity. required and rephrasing the average." above of intelligence Repeating considerably to a point of Warren about the of compete with danger having Thompson's freedom
an apocalyptic "this Osborn picture: painted populations, rapidly growing most of free who the little group of three or four hundred people, produce who have the low birth dom of the human mind, may be engulfed?and rate, whom and Who these be engulfed rate?may are conceptions largely alien."27 or were four hundred these "three this death by a great mass of people to
to dis It is difficult people"? was to people cern whether like those present the threat Osborn perceived at the Williamsburg Some of those in Inn or to national elites worldwide. considered the Middle that throughout the room, such as Irene Taeuber, is at stake." In groups the population that these elites understood 1954, January prob some may But at Williamsburg lem "not as a theory but as a nightmare."28 that elite societies?distinguished felt that the danger was have by condi East and Asia "the political she observed survival of westernized
on Population Problems," Morning 26 "National Academy of Sciences: Conference Session, 21 June see Harr and Johnson, The failed effort to desegregate Colonial Williamsburg 1952, pp. 56-57. On Rockefeller's of the Population This was an ongoing source of controversy at meetings Rockefeller Century, 1988, pp. 494-495. in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. See van der of America, most recently at the May 1951 meeting Association Tak, Demographic Destinies, 1991, pp. 38, 55. on Population 27 "National Academy of Sciences: Conference Session, 21 June Problems," Morning 1952, pp. 7-9, 68-69. 16 January 1954, 28 "Excerpt from remarks by Dr. Irene Taeuber regarding her trip to the Orient," RAC, Population Council Papers, RG IV3B4.2, General File Series, box 1, folder 3.
Population
Control
in
India
"freedom of the human fertility and low mortality permitting be engulfed a lower "level of intelli mind"?would by those peoples with and no elite to speak of. Even discussions the quality about of gence" America's to On back India. the of afternoon the population kept coming second day the economist Isador Lubin tried to explain
as to why
why:
that almost
At
luncheon
today
I raised
the
question
it was
every
body who
that makes
talked about
And
India. What
unconsciously
is there about
we are
India
scared,
so acute?
I think
that iswhere
the ferment
is
greatest.
India easier solutions in, he said, promising advance. "If that part of the world technological accepts on us will be such that of life then the pressure political philosophy am talking about the have less time and less men and less interest?I filtering await civilization?to do these things that we that "the advanced countries, are being made, are beginning of the rest of the world are talking about."29 Simi the places where the scien to be leveled down by the at low for sheer subsistence,
were
demands
levels of living." Thus, "Western Civilization" its technocratic elites along with would be dragged down through to emergency of energies the diversion aid, or even to self-defense, before most of the world's could be raised population to the point where they could stand on their own.30 Conference elites had to want that Asian participants agreed popula tion control for themselves. Even Vogt understood to im that appearing a backlash. "It is commonly said in the Orient that pose it risked provoking we want to cut their population because we are afraid of them," he noted. health can be sold on "But the program of the other children....There on that basis." Notestein to influence opinion international the basis will thought of the mother's trouble that "there health into and the be no getting foreign is a considerable op
to channel such perhaps directly, He therefore lo agencies." through urged training cal scholars and setting up research while "some that of centers, admitting the research, of course, would be pretty bad."31 The Population Council's first major program was to provide fellowships, and policy, of which went to Indians and Americans.32 And the first time the Coun
most
of Sciences:
Conference
on Population
Problems,"
Afternoon
Session,
21 June
on Population 30 "National Academy of Sciences: Conference Problems," Afternoon Session, 21 June 1952, p. 76. on Population Problems," Afternoon 31 "National Academy of Sciences: Conference Session, 21 June 1952, pp. 103-104; Morning Session, 21 June 1952, p. 21 ff. 32 Caldwell and Caldwell, Limiting Population Growth and the Ford Foundation Contribution, 1986, p. 44.
Matthew
Connelly
637 but Rockefeller?a Ford Foundation from anyone grant research center used it to create the first UN population serve a political as much as a sci regional centers would were
to "combine the qualities of scientist, pio a as salesman," meeting Ford-sponsored agreed.34 They diplomat, to contribute to the understanding not expected of population prob less in Europe or North America. lems outside their particular regions, much function. Directors In its first three years, the Council among fertility to the American social grants for studies of twins provided direct con classes, and also made for more continue that would Society
Eugenics in 1959, shortly before Notestein to succeeded of the Council, he wrote that "all of us were convinced the presidency that, so far as the western issues were the important world was concerned, likely two decades.35 Indeed, than quantitative."36 and others in the Population to be did relatively they never Council consider quali
to compared in research support eugenic quantitative not no It like is have because would had India? part they places willing Pascal Whelpton, discovered ners, as a Council representative, during a 1954 in poor countries issues? And why unimportant visit. India's first official research and program included studies as well of differential caste, class, groups, fertility religious ment tests appropriate of intelligence for each one. One to gather data about the present learned, was Whelpton a program to reduce fertility tion, and determine whether size in much desirable greater degree among groups of the population."37 the more desirable between as the develop of the "main goals," quality of popula "will reduce family than among the less
in differential researchers were not entirely uninterested fer access in countries. that education and poor tility They speculated promoting to paid work, for women, reduce preferred especially might family size.38 in Europe States had long worried and the United that educated Eugenists were not contributing to the gene pool. In 1957 Osborn and employed women American
33 Frederick Osborn application to Ford Foundation, 10 February 1954, FFA, 1953 Grant Files, PA 54 20, The Population Council. 34 Bernard Berelson, of Discussions of Informal Consultative "Summary Report Group," 18-19 April 1953, FFA, 1953 General Correspondence, C-1165A, "Population." 35 "Proposed Establishment of Population Council," 20 November 1952; and Frederick Osborn, "Popula tion Council: Philosophy of the Rational Control of Family Life," 9 June 1954, RAC, RG 5, John D. Rockefeller 3rd Papers, series 1, sub-series 5, box 82, folders 683-684. On the persistence of eugenics in the Population Coun cil see also Mesner, "Engineering global population," 2001, and Ramsden, "Between quality and quantity," 2001. 36 Frank Notestein to Caryl Haskins, 17 April 1959, RAC, Population Council Papers, RG IV3B4.2, General File Series, box 34, folder 489. on the Quality Aspects of Population," 37 "Minutes of aMeeting of the Subcommittee 13March 1954, RAC, Population Council Papers, RG IV3B4.2, General File Series, box 32, folder 470. 38 Balfour et al., Public Health and Demography in the Far East, 1950, pp. 83, 116; Frank Notestein, "Gaps in the Existing knowledge of the Relationships Between Population Trends and Economic and Social Condi Rel tions," circa June 1954, UNESCO Archives, Paris, 312 A 06(45) 54; "Conference on Study of Motivation evant to Fertility Control," 29 May 1959, RAC, RG 5, John D. Rockefeller 3rd Papers, series 1, sub-series 5, box 82, folder 680.
638 observed children that "those who more than have have
Population
Control
in
India
socio present some considered a prob in fertility."39 Ironically, what was seen as an opportu lem affecting the "quality" of Western populations to of "Third World" reduce the nity quantity peoples. in One can ask why the Population Council had different priorities economic differentials different without that its leaders had good countries intentions. doubting was For Notestein, of differential the danger whereas unproven, fertility in places He like India were the effects of a poor environment palpable. enhance the health and productiv believed that controlling fertility would ity of both poor people sensitive Osborn were preserve white when advising searchers and and poor countries. Moreover, both Notestein to the charge was to that family planning intended own For in the Council's that reason, work and supremacy.
have more only a grade school education .the socially handicapped gone to high school.. their share of children." He asked whether the direct action to "reduce or reverse
consider more
re with Third World others, they urged close cooperation on or a primary not economic factors, emphasis geopolitics to was led World Bank It their for that the advice, instance, give eugenics. J. Coale and Edgar M. Hoover research to Ansley its first grant for population and for their seminal Income Countries. study, Population The book made Growth India and Economic a case in Low Development of how study feeding, hous could prevent the capital ac and it had a major
a fast-growing population ing, and educating for industrial cumulation necessary development, in Delhi.40 influence Yet Notestein was also concerned since about lation growth. Thus, as "worse than useless," and the situation have was differed aid would basis resort from Notestein he considered economic
the geopolitical aspects of popu met needs that minimal policies the base populations," While Davis explosions."41 that expanding on food the would
they were
"expanding
the effect
of charity." Leaders of impoverished, to blackmail, if some industrial especially of war.42 Population ful hordes" with weapons viewed foreign increasingly countries control fertility.
part, poor
power supplied these "youth control proponents, for their to aid as providing demand that leverage
of Ad Hoc 39 "Concluding Statement by Chairman," 4 April 1957, and Frederick Osborn to members 15 April 1957, RAC, Population Council Papers, Record Group IV3B4.2, General File Series, box 2, committee, folders 12-13. 40 Richard Demuth to Robert Garner, 26 October 1953, World Bank Group Archives, Washington, DC, and Studies, box 35, "Population," vol. 1; Coale and Hoover, General Files?Projects Central Files 1947-1968, Population Growth and Economic Development in Low-Income Countries, 1958. 41 Notestein, and food supplies, 1953, pp. 24-25. "The economics of population 42 Kingsley Davis, "World Population Trends and American Policy," November 1956, RAC, Rockefeller Brothers Fund, RG V4C, Special Studies Project, box 21, folder 237.
Matthew
Connelly
639 dismissed the "humanitarian aspects of birth completely to win Foremost the Cold War. it simply as a weapon Dixie who founder the of Moore, Cup Corporation, Hugh
Some control,"
observers
among over 1.5 million that coined the term "Popu copies of a pamphlet produced out in major advertisements lation Bomb." He took newspapers, full-page Bun endorsed and his views were by establishment figures like Ellsworth ker, soon to become Council's ambassador demographic Population its first fellows, at least in part, While "should there tional he was to India.43 Dudley division and who in a 1989 interview Kirk, who recruited headed and selected
the
advocate
for "the supremacy Kirk emphasized the organization, control as a humanitarian gesture too many motives Arabs."45 created which tensions was
that he was motivated, of Western civilization."44 that the Council and not because Interna
in the new
of the leading Committee, composed States of itsmem from the and United birth control activists Europe. Many to be "obsessed" with the Americans bers considered "attacking population and especially that plained emphasizing American spire potential problems, Dutch were those of coloured health maternal contributors. people."46 Margaret S?nger com not in and sex education would she grew worried next international that if the
In 1951
to host the Committee's permitted meeting, At control would from the this critical agenda. juncture, population drop be the ideal site for such a meeting, she decided that India would actually even though was not even its newly established Family Planning Association amember on her hosts of the International count could Committee.47 S?nger to pack the meeting, for travel grants. Those who a series aside from those few foreign participants she selected
disagreed with Sanger's priorities but came to Delhi anyway of messages from Indian leaders pleading the case for family was This belied the that impression just a planning.48 planned parenthood to insecure for Americans down dark-skinned way poor, wealthy, keep head of the Swedish delegation, that the influential Elise people?something heard For her, the most had long suspected. Ottesen-Jensen, message persuasive was that delivered a Dr. noted vice Radhakrishnan, by Sarvepalli philosopher,
dations, 43 See Critchlow, Intended Consequences, 1999, pp. 30-33; Sharpless, "Population science, private foun and development aid," 1997, pp. 191-193. 44 Jean van der Tak interview with Kirk, 29 April 1989, Population Association of America Archives, Silver Spring, MD, Box 4A, folder 65. 45 Frederick Osborn, "Notes on Ad Hoc Meeting," 7 March 1956, RAC, Population Council Papers, RG IV3B4.2, General File Series, box 1, folder 7. 46 Suitters, Be Brave and Angry, 1973, p. 42. 47 "Draft Reply to Mrs. Sanger's letter," 9 January 1950, IPPF, series B, reel 117, frames 1208-1210; 25 January 1951, IPPF, series B, reel 717, frames 1643-1644; Houghton to S?nger, S?nger to Vera Houghton, 11 June 1951, IPPF, series B, reel 717, frames 1625-1627. 48 One of them, the governor of Uttar Pradesh, declared it "essential that decrepit, diseased, infirm and incurable adults should be prevented, from adding an unhealthy and infirm by enforced surgical treatment, element in our national composition": IPPF, The Third International Conference, 1952, pp. 2-4.
640 and
Population
Control
in
India
president, onstrated
of India. He patiently future president and thoughtfully dem was a the cause of planned crucial theater in the parenthood a for human for women's and children's health, rights, a safeguard how of the welfare on self with Gandhi's state, consistent teaching of God's wish that people use their intelligence to
and a fulfillment
was so impressed that she quoted from suffering. Ottesen-Jensen the speech for years afterward and reprinted it in full in her autobiography.49 and like-minded was a While for Ottesen-Jensen activists family planning to and their way empower improve general welfare, people support permit ted S?nger and her allies to draw up plans for an international federation that would make controlling population growth a top priority.
Increasingly
coercive
measures:
International
origins
Even and
and intellectual
justifications
in November after the incorporation of the Population Council 1952 Planned the founding Parenthood of the International Federation three weeks could not really get moving with later, a family planning movement out the official backing of at least one government. Field workers and funds one made December for field experiments free and a field of operations, preferably of local officials. On 7 the through backing to this final element fell into place, when Nehru presented were useless without accessible the world's that would first explicit
follow, but birth rates to "a level consistent with the require only for reducing ments of national At the same time, it acknowledged that fam economy." was the of "main individual welfare, improvement ily planning's appeal" called it be part of the public health program. While the plan urged provision of birth control advice in hospitals and health a year?an it allocated annual centers, rupees, or $480,000 just 6.5 million million in of dollars.50 $3.3 today's budget and therefore recommended that had reported than a year earlier, Notestein that India was moving a "remarkable" toward family planning policy with speed. In fact, the pro than the one the Con gram that was finally presented was far less ambitious More back in 1947.51 Nevertheless, the long-anticipated gress Party had proposed news to convince D. John Rockefeller influenced" 3rd, helping "profoundly to and him to fund the Population another Council with $100,000, pledge a the five centers of demographic within $1.3 million year. Up to this point,
in IPPF, The Third International Conference, 49 Radhakrishnan, "Inaugural Address," Linder, Crusader for Sex Education, 1996, pp. 177, 185. 50 Srinivasan, Regulating Reproduction in India's Population, 1995, pp. 30-32. on family limitation," 51 Notestein, 1951, p. 254. "Policy of the Indian government 1952, pp. 10-13;
1952, the first five-year included plan, which parliament of limitation. population policy The plan did not specify targets, unlike many
Matthew
Connelly
641 States had a combined were annual of only budget to award also encouraged for population research.53 of a million dollars
the Foundation's $600,000, set aside The Rockefeller Foundation between 1953 and 1956 for a single All along, demographers for support from foundations. be the first country to achieve control diffusion of fertility benefit of, the urban-industrial
project in Punjab.54 family planning as they appealed to India's pointed leadership to Davis proclaimed that "India had a chance revolution in human population prior a return planned to, and for the on investment, 1956 India had spent rupees, or about life?the
amajor
in a peasant
transition"?quite the size of its family planning budget.55 By considering 1.5 million of the small sum allocated: only a fraction $110,000 therefore a year.56 exceeded International monies financial
much while
of it supported
demographers to take a greater interest, role," encouraging governments they used India to prime the pumps of foundation support.58 to rural development still gave priority and rapid Nehru's government and Nehru himself that food produc industrialization, optimism professed tion could the small keep sums pace with allocated no matter how rapid.59 Even growth, population went to family planning unused officials because states would decided whether and how receive and attached the national onerous
for population assistance control own India's government, expended by though in Princeton and New York.57 Ironically, researchers to play a "pump-priming had urged the foundations
at the Ministry of Health them. They made the approval conditions, But some
cumbersome process a problem to plague that would continue Indian officials, such as V. T. Krishnamachari viewed limitation increasingly population for raising standards of living. They as the "low-level equilibrium
to be known
feared
52 Caldwell and Caldwell, Limiting Population Growth, 1986, p. 25; Harr and Johnson, The Rockefeller to the Trustees," February 1953, FFA, 1953 General Cor Conscience, 1991, pp. 40-41; "Population Presentation C-1165A, respondence, "Population." 53 "Research and Training in the Field of Population," 19 February 1954, FFA, 1953 Grant Files, PA 54-20, The Population Council. 54 "Grant in Aid to Harvard University," 27 October 1953, and subsequent grants in RAC, Rockefeller RG 1.2, Projects, 200 United States, Harvard University?Indian box 45, Foundation, 1953-1955, Population folder 369. 55 Quoted in Hodgson, "Demography as social science and policy science," 1983, pp. 19-20. 56 Srinivasan, Regulating Reproduction, 1995, pp. 31-32. 57 Docket Item, "The Population Council," 22 March 1957, FFA, 1953 Grant Files, PA 54-20, "The Population Council." 58 Waldemar memorandum of conversation, Nielsen-Pascal 28 January 1953, FFA, 1953 Whelpton, General Correspondence, C-1165A, "Population." 14 January 1955, IPPF, series B, frame 1879; Nehru to Chief Ministers, 59 Nehru to Julian Huxley, 28 1959, in Parthasarathi May (ed.), Jawaharlal Nehru Letters to Chief Ministers 1947-1964, vol. 5, 1989, pp. 256 257. 60 Ministry of Health circular to all state governments, 27 February 1954, in Gupta, Sinha, and Bardhan, Evolution of Family Welfare Programme, Vol. 1, 1992, appendix A4. 61 India, Planning Commission, Second Five Year Plan, 1956, pp. 7, 21-22; Caldwell and Caldwell, Limit "A theory of the low-level equilibrium ing Population Growth, 1986, p. 29; Nelson, trap," 1956.
Population
Control
in
India
in India, Douglas office worked with these Ensminger, to persuade Nehru and Rajkumari Kaur to give population control to invite Notestein and Leona Baumgartner, higher priority. Kaur agreed commissioner of the New York City Department to spend several of Health, officials months With Central sometimes in India in 1955 and help its second five-year Board Planning a new program.62 develop in 1956 the government plan over presided by the minister established a
and of health, A new director himself. of family planning, Lieuten by Nehru ant Colonel B. L. Raina of the Army Medical Corps, took charge of the pro and Council's the Sheldon gram, Population Segal served as his advisor on methods. While control was still a tiny part of the contraceptive population an annual an al allocation of 10 million rupees plan budget, represented Family most fivefold increase.63 of Health the Ministry assisted Raina in his running battles with Ensminger to see that more was actually of the budgeted money for its part, cited its influence in India when Council, for another called in Ford support.65 $1 million to pro for establishing 2,500 clinics nationwide 1959 for low-income clients. By Raina had a staff
free contraceptives of 20 and was in boards and full-time directors family planning subsidizing most ur of India's states. Together 473 had 202 rural established and they a nationwide cam ban clinics. At the same time, they launched publicity a almost half million and broadcasting hundreds of posters paign, printing a year radio programs radio stations produced
ture every two weeks.66
in multiple a family
languages. planning
each
of India's
26
dialogue,
or fea
on paper, but what happened on the ground impressive was another 82 percent of India's population story. In rural areas, where a clinic usually meant was that just one additional worker lived, opening was center. center health hired at an already overburdened Each primary All this seemed for serving a population responsible averaging of training?and sometimes than two months to motivation from expected provide everything clients while also officials sufficient numbers supplying with degrees stressed "infinite them. Because in health qualities 66,000 none people. With no more were at all?workers
to education, their screening to it proved recruit impossible care or social work to serve in rather than professional cre
personal patience."67
including
62 Ensminger Oral History, FFA, B.l. 63 Gupta, Sinha, and Bardhan, Evolution of Family Welfare Programme, vol. 1, 1992, pp. 54-55, 98-99; 18 January 2005. Sheldon Segal interview, 64 Ensminger Oral History, 1November 1971, FFA, Bl. 65 Frederick Osborn grant application, 25 January 1957, FFA, 1953 Grant Files, PA 54-20, The Popula tion Council. 204 IND. 66 "Report of the Family Planning Third Five Year Plan Committee," NIHFW, Depository, in India: A Review of the Progress in Family Planning Programme, April 1956 67 "Family Planning November 1958," NIHFW, 204/83 IND; Gupta, Sinha, and Bardhan, Evolution of Family Welfare Programme, vol. 1, 1992, p. 71.
Matthew
Connelly
643
to lose patience, and some concluded that began In the 1959 R. solution. provided only long-term Gopalaswami, to pay people chief secretary resolved 30 rupees of Madras, ($6.30 in 1959 to to 15 and sterilization pay "motivators" rupees for each dollars) undergo Officials themselves sterilization to the clinic door. These were not insignificant sums, they delivered was a that national less than $70 per capita gross year. considering product He declared would that only sterilization work for "the large mass of the person people who will not space as a result of Governmental or limit their number their pregnancies except In February 1959 the Central Fam action."68
to follow Gopalaswami's Board decided lead, strengthening ily Planning the staff at 3,000 hospitals to enable and maternity homes them to con more duct sterilization free of charge while low operations compensating income patients for travel expenses and lost wages. Public-sector employ ees who underwent were a week's sterilization offered vacation.69 incen offering In a survey at the time among government conducted and officials, academics, activists, in family planning, medical workers involved 15 percent only supported started tives for sterilization out concerns. sterilization. But a "striking majority" on called for research compulsory the "qualitative of population and sterility under aspects [a] family plan In 1958 the Indian Council for Child Welfare resolved ning programme."70 no "where con exists for the of children from that, away provision rearing disturbances, tagion, and grave emotional steps should be taken to encour of cases such as cretins, mongols, those suffering from seri age sterilization ous mental or nervous and those disorders from serious suffering communicable such as leprosy, tuberculosis diseases etc."71 these developments. Incen closely monitored discussed the organization inside since it was founded.72 While wanted birth control?and such surveys suggested people data would more be used to persuade to it? many governments provide tive been actual use. "Respondents to interviews they had failed to predict typically favor small families," Notestein and J.Mayone out to a Ford Stycos pointed on in motivation in "while other contexts 1959, sponsored meeting they indicate their desire for large families."73 The Population had payments Council It is not clear whether and others Gopalaswami or Malthusian of eugenic
68 "Introduction to the Memorandum on Administrative of Family Planning Policy," Implementation in IPPF, The Sixth International Conference on Planned Parenthood, 1959, p. 288. 69 "Agenda for the Sixth Meeting of the Central Family Planning Board," 1 February 1959, IPPF, series B, reel 156, frames 1805-1811; Gupta, Sinha, and Bardhan, Evolution of Family Welfare Programme, vol. 2, 1992, p. 4. 70 "Report of the Family Planning Third Five Year Plan Committee," appendix III, as cited in note 66. 71 "Family Planning in India: A Review of the Progress," as cited in note 67. 72 "National Academy on Population Problems," 20-22 June 1952; "Implica of Sciences: Conference tions of Population Council Papers, RG IV3B4.2, General File Policies," 29 February 1956, RAC, Population Series, box 1, folder 6. 73 "Conference on Study of Motivation to Fertility Control," 29 May 1959, RAC, RG 5, John Relevant D. Rockefeller 3rd Papers, series 1, sub-series 5, box 82, folder 680.
644 The Members Council was no had less ambivalent just affirmed are ultimate
Population
Control
in
India
of the board
their
to this challenge. in its response and belief that "individual in all matters in India pertaining to the
and decisions family choices size of families." But they also worried have become argued correlation so pressing for investment with
that problems "population as to require heroic measures."74 W. Parker Mauldin a negative in education, citing research indicating But economist the Enke, just back from Stephen fertility. basis for a policy." and "a questionable the correlation weak aid that would enable India that to offer much "under no Coale warned larger pay circumstances
Ansley now be offered by outside inducements should money groups." Notestein, must be motivation that "the economic believed of the Council, president subtle and indirect He too was include and might about "dubious 'some the effectiveness forms of price and tax discrimi of a 'direct bribe.'"
for sterilization.
nation.'" Some
"to show that if a family foregoes be possible that itmight suggested afford a radio."75 child itmight another the role of "outside The sensitivity groups," especially surrounding to boost motivation, made member intended it came to measures when ship associations teers, the PPFA's lation like the IPPF all the more Frances of volun important. Gatherings "are these than better out, [Popu Ferguson pointed of all for they are full of actual representatives Council control staff criticized activists and what chose they not called the "femi up re to follow
a relationship that might and employment education with search suggesting did not use contraception.77 have revealed why more women They also failed IPPF in affiliates of a the see between to rather striking correlation strength for population and official backing like India and Pakistan places of India's Family Planning Association, The president Lady Dhanvanthi had been to of of the was Bank the married India, Rau, governor a now was of the Central member and the early planning, Family not only to press for a more in a position Board. She was therefore Association that the Family Planning but also to ensure program, control. Rama privy Planning vigorous received to
or nonex with weak a portion of the board's budget.78 Countries growing received and like istent voluntary associations, Population Kenya, Egypt to follow their advice. Thus, public-private but declined Council missions move of the family planning crucial in the development networks proved
on Program and Succession," 9 January 1959, RAC, RG5, John D. Rocke 74 "Report of the Committee feller 3rd Papers, series 1, sub-series 5, box 82, folder 680. 29 May 1959, as cited in note 73. 75 "Conference on Study of Motivation," 7 March 76 Frederick Osborn, "Notes on Ad Hoc Meeting," 1956, RAC, Population Council Papers, RG IV3B4.2, General File Series, box 1, folder 7. 29 May 1959, as cited in note 73; Chesler, Woman of Valor, 77 "Conference on Study of Motivation," 1992, p. 451. 78 "Family Planning in India: A Review of the Progress," as cited in note 67.
Matthew
Connelly
ment
within
countries became
mutually dependent, organizations toward control and goals also grew alike, tending of reproductive rights and health. promotion In 1960 Indian officials elevated the family of planned very a increase for sixfold number based centre development."79 in funding and The
intertwined, of populations
to "the program planning third five-year plan provided a fivefold increase in the projected
of clinics. But there was also a shift to an "extension approach," on the idea that waiting to come to clinics would not yield for people as a strategy the approach the forces of results. Raina defined "whereby can and town was di be mobilized." Thus, every village group pressure rected a family planning committee, an of "honorarium" 4,000 rupees paid their group."80 family norm among of the new dramatic The most example to form state of Maharashtra. a five-week and (~$800) "natural leaders" group to develop the "small
were
in the first appeared approach cam "intensive During Family Planning in 1960 more in camps de vasectomized than 10,000 men were to create a carnival-like and maximize group pressure. atmosphere was for other states.81 Sterilizing men rather than up as a model a because the op could surgeon competent perform preferred in ten or fifteen minutes But the drive to under local anesthetic. held cost made and sterile it difficult instruments.82 to maintain In 1962, as were of them males) sterilized to use to the of units reach mobile encourage began for tuberculosis, illness.83 leprosy, and mental
fertility rapidly and at minimal standards, screening including medical Indians 158,000 (more than 70 percent
percent by lation program with aimed at reducing population history with cooperation nongovernmental alone employed for International liament, ally with hundreds
to the goal of reducing the birth rate by 40 a popu had since wartime government Japan pursued was the first in specific demographic goals, and this committed growth. All of this was The Ford in the than done in close organizations. even of staff in India, more Foundation
Anticipating Development. objections were not actu in the fiction that its consultants Ford participated In within the worked side by side fact, government." "working they or Indian officials, for five more.84 years By 1966, Ford had typically
79 India, Planning Commission, Third Five Year Plan, 1961, pp. 25, 72. 80 Raina, "Family Planning Program: Report for 1962-63," 1962, pp. 7, 46, NIHFW, 204/83 RAI; Cen tral Bureau of Health Intelligence, Annual Report of the Directorate General: 1962, 1962, p. 151. 81 Central Bureau of Health Intelligence, Annual Report of the Directorate General: 1960, 1960, p. 181; Raina, "Family Planning Program: Report for 1962-63," pp. 33-34, as cited in note 80. 82 "Population Control and Family Planning: Report of the Indian Parliamentary and Scientific Com mittee," 1963, Planning Commission Archives, New Delhi. 83 Gupta, Sinha, and Bardhan, Evolution of Family Welfare Programme, vol. 2, 1992, p. 6. 84 Ensminger Oral History, FFA, B.l; A.38.
Population
Control
in
India
them ing opportunities, giving for their part, competed for fellowships. Even before matters dian officials, a senior Ministry reached this point, of External Affairs official noted that were with the and power of they "watching penetration anxiety increasing foundations
spheres."86
India's program.85 These con advising Ford projects and identify new fund their Indian colleagues. In leverage with
like
the
Ford,
Rockefeller,
and Nuffield
in governmental
sometimes the penetration seemed Yet, from the NGOs' point of view, to be coming from the other direction. The Population for Council, instance, able to override its recommendations found that Indian officials were and see to it that Ministry ning?the were to seniority.87 The Health awarded fellowships according also won all Ford consultants in family plan the right to approve a to at first time the foundation such agreed procedure?and to strengthen to divert Ford money efforts. The local public health Douglas to defend and propelling had to choose consultants in pressing that preventing money to more who spent Ensminger, Nayar's health sides who was incensed that when some of his funds the In position care. Rather intensive in a war worked direct could births on family planning than penetrating
tempted Ford representative, consultants began should dian Ford be used government consultants Of the most trol. He GNP the
for maternal
a more
program, family planning Indian bureaucrats.88 among in India, approach increase Enke was Stephen con to population India's
foreign
vigorous calculated
for a more
the health,
per capita and welfare of education, same at while time the investments, in the proceeds. Since children were
to have a negative economic Ford should help value, he thought to for sterilization?a small fortune India pay young parents $250 agreeing at the time. Raina at said he was much shocked" the idea. The Ford "very soon landed on the desk but one of Enke's studies Foundation demurred, of Robert President vored Komer, who would shortly become national security had advisor to fa Johnson.89 Eisenhower and John F. Kennedy to make it a part privately
of US foreign aid, control but declined population a not even meet it firestorm. Johnson would would political fearing spark 3rd to discuss the topic. A close Johnson with John D. Rockefeller aide, Jack
85 Minkler, advisors in India," 1977, p. 413. "Consultants or colleagues: The role of US population to file, 1 July 1958, National Archives of India, 86 Ensminger Oral History, FFA, A.38; Naid minute New Delhi (hereafter NAI), Ministry of External Affairs, American Division, File no. 67(4)-AMS/58. 19 October 87 "Agenda, Meeting of Board of Trustees," Council Papers, RG 1960, RAC, Population IV3B4.2, General File Series, box 36, folder 507. "From Population Control to Reproductive 88 Radhika Ramasubban and Bhanwar Singh Rishyasringa, Health and Sexual Rights: Fifty Years of the Ford Foundation Program in India," 2001, unpublished manu script in FFA," pp. 22-24; Ensminger Oral History, FFA, B.l; A.38. 16 April 1964, NIHFW, 89 "Proceedings of the First International Conference on Voluntary Sterilization," 247 INT.
Matthew
Connelly
647 "not a matter Johnson had that the President wants to vis
that it was Valenti, explained at touch this But time."90 ibly US aid seemed
to achieve. In 1965, on were war. the brink of Neither ents, country supported US policy toward to expect American China and Vietnam, con aid would yet both seemed tinue indefinitely. India had just requested 14 million tons of grain.91 another Komer passed Enke's study on toMcGeorge "Here's a little flank Bundy. attack
grown dissatisfied with how little India and Pakistan, its two largest recipi
dollar the
LBJ's defenses," that I think might "It's a hard he wrote. just penetrate and cents argument for taking a more serious view of birth control in a negative value to an individual countries]." Assigning to argue that paying people to undergo would vasectomy were per capita GNP than if the same money impact boosting in industry took his or infrastructure?250 case
have
times as great.92 to the president, re that Enke's arguing search had "immense for and other India, Pakistan, significance" recipients of US aid. "The process of getting to the stage of self-sus these countries and thus reducing the longer term foreign aid burden on us? taining growth, could be greatly He did not mention foreshortened."93 Enke's proposal to use money as an incentive to undergo for poor people He sterilization. sug Komer then as an incentive instead "using our foreign aid more to major efforts gested in this field by the less developed countries themselves."94 Two months later Johnson declared that less than five dollars publicly a was in invested control worth hundred dollars directly invested population in economic basis the for this growth.95 Without necessarily understanding had signed off on the idea that children in poor coun claim, the president tries could sonally supply, A men" be a net approving in a policy he now insisted on per liability. Even more important, new a month's to India, typically food shipment every as "the short leash."96 that came to be known
of issues divided the United States and India. But "wise large number like Dean Acheson advised that India could not be starved Johnson on issues like Kashmir, into submission or nuclear weap the Vietnam War,
90 McGeorge 1965, and Valenti to Johnson, 9 March 1965, Lyndon Bundy to Jack Valenti, 7 March Johnson Library, Austin, TX (hereafter LBJ Library), LBJ Papers, Welfare, EX WE 11/22/1963, box 1. 91 Brands, The Wages of Glob alism, 1995, pp. 131-133; Hammond, LBJ and the Presidential Management of Foreign Relations, 1992, pp. 63-67, 73-74. 92 Robert Komer to McGeorge Bundy, 27 April 1965, and Stephen Enke, "Lower Birth Rates?Some Economic Aspects," 12 February 1965, LBJ Library, LBJ Papers, National Security File, Files of Robert W. Komer, box 48, Population Control 1965-March 1966. 93 Robert Komer to Johnson, 27 April 1965, LBJ Library, LBJ Papers, National Security File, Files of Robert W. Komer, box 48, Population Control 1965-March 1966, emphasis in the original. 94 Robert Komer to Johnson, 27 April 1965, in Patterson, Duncan, and Yee (eds.), Foreign Relations of the United States, 1997, pp. 95-96. 95 "Address in San Francisco at the 20th Anniversary Commemorative Session of the United Nations," 25 June 1965, The American Presidency Project ?http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=27054? (accessed 15 October 2006). 96 Brands, The Wages of Glob alism, 1995, pp. 133-134; Hammond, LBJ and the Presidential Management of Foreign Relations, 1992, p. 74. Neither of these accounts notes India's population policies as a factor in the ensuing negotiations. Baines
Population
Control
in
India
The right direction. an economic India to develop the idea of "self help," program compelling control.97 reduce its need for US aid, and that included population that would of donors, of a "consortium" States was only one member The United and the Ford Foundation. the World the United Bank, Nations, including In 1965 dations another the on what latter three had family planning. is wrong with a diagnosis!"98 recommended of Health medical teams working "Much time the program," had Officials after the
States should use its leverage only in the United a push in the ran parallel, but where Delhi needed to focus on therefore and his advisors began president
recommen in India preparing and one is spent telling visitors one Ford consultant observed.
"Everyone of the changes cause the Ministry ning services and hiring Herculean nurse ners. fore
has
beyond
to implement all hardly begun not least be last major evaluation, was resisting the idea of extending family plan clinics. Even with total unity of purpose, merely
areas was a to reach the remotest training enough personnel the plan called for training 49,000 task. For instance, auxiliary cor midwives cutting already by 1967.99 Some state programs were two days of training be received In Kerala, for instance, physicians started performing sterilizations.100 such A "substantial as pain, weight of percentage" or less change,
they
complications in a follow-up study.101 the third the end of people had re five-year plan, in 1966, 42,000 By in family planning, ceived some kind of training 7,000 including physicians. areas were woefully under But this was still far short of the goal, and many in Delhi could do little if officials India's federal structure, staffed.102 Given for a did not share their goals. Although state health departments responsible in staff in the was than 300 times that 1957, family planning larger budget to "sink in the murky seemed Delhi had grown hardly at all. New personnel of."103 The entire waters should long ago have been disposed of papers which ening office was service. No weighed down however by the bureaucratic traditions of the Indian civil small, was answered quickly.104 The World Bank request, on the team asked for many program while they were reports family planning a to was one.105 unable Raina in India. Commissioner single produce
LBJ and the Presidential Management of Foreign Relations, 1992, pp. 74-75. 97 Hammond, 98 Reuben Hill, "Comments on Programs in India," 18 October 1965, FFA, Report Number 003684. 99 Gupta, Sinha, and Bardhan, Evolution of Family Welfare Programme, vol. 2, 1992, p. 8. Teams and the Panel of 100 "Evaluation of the Family Planning Programme, Reports of Assessment 06/213.8/IND. 25 June 1965, NIHFW, Depository, Consultants," in India Under the Guidance of the Demographic 101 "Report on Demographic Training and Research of External Affairs, U.I. Section, file no. UI/ 1965, NAI, Ministry n.d., but circa March Advisory Committee," 3532-01/65. 102 Gupta, Sinha, and Bardhan, Evolution of Family Welfare Programme, vol. 1, 1992, pp. 119-120. Teams," 25 June 1965, as 103 "Evaluation of the Family Planning Programme, Reports of Assessment cited in note 100. 104 Reuben Hill, "Comments on Programs in India," 18 October 1965, as cited in note 98. Council Papers, RG 1965, RAC, Population 105 "Conversation with Sam Keeney [sic]," 16 March box 48. IV3B4.8, Foreign Correspondence,
Matthew
Connelly
for what was wrong with India's diagnosis so were reasons to there choose because program many family planning from. But there was little disagreement these experts about what among should be done. Above within the of all, they advised creating Ministry Everyone Health and an independent center that would and staff control budgets power on concentrate For Bank commit the World solely family planning. and Conrad Taeuber?that meant tee?Sheldon reliev Segal, Sam Keeny,
of responsibility of family planning for maternal and child ing the director even access care to all while his health facilities. health, ensuring Family had to be his "unconditional first priority."106 The UN team agreed, planning since much "the programme may and neglected needed otherwise maternal be used in some included States Leona and child health services." to expand Itwas the led
Colville Deverell and by IPPF Director-General the US Agency for International by then with Council's Howard Population Taylor.107
Development,
The expert reports all emphasized the need to abandon the medical model of family planning. India should move out of medical col training programs team advised. Commission leges, a joint Ford Foundation-Planning Every one endorsed the use of camps and mobile clinics. Of course, some methods, like female sterilization, still required physicians, many physicians still worked in hospitals, and hospitals still had to treat sick people. So both the Ford and UN committees called for a "strong policy" to re requiring large hospitals serve beds for sterilization.108 This would "avoid delay and consequently pos sible loss of motivation."109 that in most Indian hospitals mater Considering the only ones nity beds were the scant resources devoted to women, available this would further reduce to their health?notwithstanding the fact that life expectancy than their male counterparts.110 an over-reliance increase on the on any one method in the rate of sterilizations, and all of
they already had lower While they advised against the UN team called for a tenfold the expert foregone committees conclusion, insisted
of the IUD. This was a importance fact that the Population Council was the world and had coordinated with
consultants.111
in reinforcing both of their teams with the The contraceptive too expensive pill seemed
106 "Report to the President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the on India's Economic Development International Development Association Effort, Volume XI: Family Planning," 1October 1965, p. 51, Economic Growth Center, Yale University, New Haven, CT. 107 United Nations Advisory Mission, in India," 20 Febru "Report on the Family Planning Programme ary 1966, pp. 8-9, NIHFW, 204 UNI. 108 "Evaluation of the Family Planning Programme, Reports of Assessment Teams," 25 June 1965, as cited in note 100. 109 "United Nations Family Planning Mission to India: Main Draft Recommendations," n.d., but circa December and Records Centre, New York (hereafter UNARC), S[eries]-0291 1965, United Nations Archives Chef de Cabinet, Unnumbered India Family Planning, Sep. 64-March 1970. files, 1958-1973, [boxl 0009, 110 Committee on the Status of Women in India, Towards Equality, 1974, pp. 16, 317-318. memo 111 Bernard Berelson to files, 14 September Council Papers, Record 1964, RAC, Population Group IV3B4.5, General File Series, box 29, folder 425.
650 and
Population
Control
in
India
on women's too dependent For Alan Guttmacher, motivation. head of was the Population "birth control Council's medical the for committee, pill a not birth control In view of the risks of high for nation." the individual,
he judged that the IUD's side effects mortality, fertility, including maternal were than the fact that it could be promoted in a mass pro less important The Council's lead few Chris with medical gram investigator, personnel.112 that there "was such a feeling of the masses, but something among professional people, rather that you could do to people And this was something So for it it attractive made could do themselves. very people topher Tietze, later recalled not and urgency among had to be done. than something to the doers."113
was in persuading to accept the IUD, instrumental Guttmacher Nayar to overruled she subsequently Health Ministry researchers who wanted as mass For its mission introduction.114 the UN studies before their complete
For should be fully exploited." "a break-through which the IUD was well, re for the Reinforced should be "Initial training that purpose, Programme to the bare minimum, and staff should be sent into the field to gain duced and experience, Bank consultants return advised for further later on."115 Similarly, the World training to organize, that "district staffs should be instructed
a speci team IUCD insertion sortie within carry out, and report on a mobile are available."116 of time whatever facilities short fied, (60 days), using period had not, up until this point, India's Ministry of Health given family workers planning those undergoing expert committees performance sterilization, agreed on targets ostensibly the need or incentive for travel payments, only paying But the and lost wages. for the end
it?namely, fertility, but goal of reducing to the UN estimate. in ten years, according "No 40 million births averting mass program," "has reached its target with Bank team insisted, the World and out defining it in terms of quotas. The targets must be related to money on at in the for which and work the field, manpower they job appointed,
were intended."117
To meet need
these
for promotional
the "emergency also endorsed targets, the committees as the Ford Foundation-Planning Com incentives,"
in Tietze and Lewit (eds.),Intra-Uterine 112 Warren O. Nelson and Alan F. Guttmacher, "Introduction," Contraceptive Devices, 1962, p. 7; see also pp. 122-125. 113 Quoted in Reed, From Private Vice toPublic Virtue, 1978, p. 307. Tietze's "Cooperative Statistical Pro that the "CSP is primarily the IUD's safety, even though he emphasized gram" was often cited as demonstrating in terms of pregnancy and acceptability rates, expulsion rates, and re designed to furnish data on effectiveness moval rates. The CSP, as it is now set up, should not be expected to furnish the required information on [pelvic tumors: Tietze to Sheldon Segal, 16 September 1964, RAC, inflammatory disease] and exfoliative cytology"?i.e., Population Council Papers, RG IV3B4.4b, National Committee on Maternal Health, box 94, folder 1764. 114 Segal, Under the Banyan Tree, 2003, pp. 81-82; Ensminger Oral History, FFA, B.l. in India," 20 Febru 115 United Nations Advisory Mission, "Report on the Family Planning Programme ary 1966, as cited in note 107. and Development," 116 "Report to the President of the International Bank for Reconstruction p. 52, as cited in note 106. and Development," 117 "Report to the President of the International Bank for Reconstruction p. 47, as cited in note 106.
Matthew
Connelly
651 that every "birth averted" it, especially rep considering to the nation."118 The UN mission advised that incentive
mission resented
in order to obtain if necessary, the maxi "be further developed programs team mum Bank from all The World of concerned."119 cooperation degree to have IUDs inserted who for women that two rupees agreed suggested would dhais?midwives?for should be paid to the same amount transport, while an woman for The escorted insertion. every they seem trivial, but at the time two rupees was a decent wage amount might for a day's work, earned less.120 and many people cover meals and
India was already the World aid package.121 the Bank's presi Bank's biggest debtor, and, as leader of the India consortium, would what kind of dent, George D. Woods, play a key role in determining in the future. He was convinced that the IUD had the aid it would receive billion to control excessive potential lem can be attacked without willingness growth essential rate to make population restraints, and "in countries where the prob growth or inhibitions."122 India's reservations strong decisions" to cut its population would be "a very Komer
to accept this advice, which had a compelling incentive officials from the World of USAID, Bank, composed and the Ford Foundation. Together they provided most
"immediate
in half, his personal observed, representative to the aid-giving in the presentation countries."123 element, was as Johnson food Lyndon already "using leverage," as Robert slowly." over Kashmir, rations vulnerability. Daily it out
put it, "by only dribbling to war and Pakistan went nerved cut. by
in Calcutta their had already been now most 40 income million of them low Indians, living "Right people in large cities, are wholly Ambassador upon US foodgrains," dependent Chester Bowles of supply threatened famine.124 reported. Any interruption
118 "Evaluation of the Family Planning Programme, Reports of Assessment Teams," 25 June 1965, as cited in note 100. 119 United Nations Advisory Mission, in India," 20 Febru "Report on the Family Planning Programme ary 1966, as cited in note 107. 120 "Report to the President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development," pp. 49 50, as cited in note 106. 121 Figure from Cargill, "Efforts to influence recipient performance," 1973, p. 94. 122 Shirley Boskey to J. Burke Knapp, 30 August 1966, World Bank Group Archives, Washington, DC, Central Files 1947-1968, and Studies, box 35, "Population," Vol. 3. General Files?Projects 6 August 123 Andr? de Lattre, "Report of Mission," 1965, Columbia University, Rare Books and Manu scripts Library, New York, NY, George D. Woods Papers, box 19. 124 Robert Komer toMcGeorge 13 September 1965, and Chester Bowles to Robert Komer, 21 Bundy, 1965, inMallon and Smith (eds.), Foreign Relations of the United States, 2000, pp. 393, 420. September
652 A more effective population ber of responses that Washington But the other desiderata?devaluing control and
Population
Control
in
India
program was only one of a num the World Bank wanted from India. easing import controls, shift
the rupee,
to agriculture?required from industry ing investment agonizing reappraisal of national and whereas India plans priorities, already accepted reducing A revitalized seemed merely program fertility as integral to its development. the staff and budget of a single ministry. Minister of reshuffling Finance V. T. Krishnamachari, Minister of Agriculture Chidambaram and Minister of Planning all favored a more Asoka Mehta Subramaniam, to involve now gave them lever control policy. pressure population Foreign move to age decisively against Nayar and the Health Ministry. a committee on family planning, The cabinet first created where in and Mehta could iso Krishnamachari, Subramaniam, monthly meetings forceful late Nayar. Planning official Asok Mitra Commission took the lead in spell to em she had do. To meet the World Bank's ing out what targets, Mitra phasized, "the guts of the matter is administration."
Where the Planning Commission should insist would be to hold the Ministry to its proclaimed time and physical targets. To be able to fulfill them, very
large scale expansion of the entire machinery all down the line, an enor
mous
of the base, and real stiffening of the administrative machin widening will be writ must run ery required. The [Family Planning] Commissioner's and all down the line.125 swiftly unimpeded
a few months the ministry had only begun IUD insertions 19.7 1970-71 that million be using would expected by people units and camps would be the mainstay of the program. "It to forge ahead of the [Rural be possible for [the] IUCD campaign This it," Mitra wrote.126 upon depend recommendation for "an immediate
and vigorous" IUD program "without waiting for the necessary and laud able undertaking of developing rural health services."127 Perhaps anticipat some Mitra noted studies had shown that, while ing the consequences, or IUDs would their "With removal, request people spontaneously expel of the programme, the expansion at least, was tion Council, ready. IUDs with inserters.128 20,000 loop these It had rates will already be higher." The Popula sent to India one million
125 Asok Mitra to B. Mukherjee, 22 October 1965, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi, Asok Mitra Papers, National Planning Commission, box 152 (provisional box number). 22 October 1965, as cited in note 125. 126 Asok Mitra to B. Mukherjee, 127 "Report to the President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development," p. 23, as cited in note 106. 22 October 1965, as cited in note 125; "Technical Assistance Authori 128 Asok Mitra to B. Mukherjee, 1965, RAC, Population Council Papers, RG IV3B4.2, General File Series, box 34, folder 490. zation," 10 August
Matthew
Connelly
653 became the that for India's new approach metaphor in Punjab, which rate of had the highest a war considered "on themselves foot they favored the border with IUD insertions Pakistan, in just this one state.129 Mar of the population would be
raged continued, totaling 60,000 also meant tial metaphors sacrificed. As Mehta put that we
war
Officials
across
"the enemy within the growth was It is war and, as in all wars, we can not be gate.... some will get hurt, something will go wrong. What is needed is the choosy, will to wage the war so as to win it."130 the time, most less concerned about the family plan people were than an impending food crisis. "Frankly, what worries me, as ning program a planner," senior State Department official Walt Rostow wrote, "is that a At human good many next harvest." When Agriculture 1.5 million get Freeman Johnson starve in those critical months before the beings may Indira Gandhi became prime minister in January 1966, that Johnson might Secretary Orville Freeman suggested pledge tons of food as a goodwill "to told Komer gesture. The president the new prime minister to Sanger's Indeed, according Indira had asked her father at the time that
to quit giving stuff away."131 to discover would be pleased had a longstanding interest in family planning. notes whether had from her donated her 1935 visit she would ever have to India, been
born had he met S?nger first.132 Gandhi so that it could be in Allahabad home family's ancestral come an Institute for Family Planning. As information she had minister, a to distribute across hundreds of of radios thousands rural pressed plan India to disseminate information. And Gandhi, family planning together Dhanvanthi Rama
Rau of the Family Planning had been Association, women to to IUD insertions.133 The pay pressuring Nayar accept day after sworn into office, the Ministry she was formally of Health was renamed the of a Health and Ministry separate department Family Planning, including its own permanent with of state for family planning. secretary and minister Nevertheless, ington and made Johnson a personal would not relent until Gandhi forceful came to Wash con commitment to a more population
with
129 "Evaluation of the Family Planning Programme, Reports of Assessment Teams," 25 June 1965, as cited in note 100; "Summary Record of the First Meeting of the Central Family Planning Council," 31 Decem ber 1965, attached to "Central Family Planning Council 2nd Meeting Agenda," 27 June 1966, NIHFW, Deposi tory, 204 IND. 130 "The Problem?Some Broad Conclusions," n.d., but circa April 1965, UNARC, S[eries]-0175-[box] 0627-06, Family Planning?India (210-1A). 131 Robert Komer to Johnson, 4 January 1966; Walt Rostow to Johnson, 6 January 1966; Komer to 18 January 1966, all inMallon and Smith (eds.), Foreign Relations of the United States, 2000, pp. 524, Johnson, 541-542. 526-527, 132 "Notes on India," circa December 1935, Margaret S?nger Papers, The Smith College Collections, UPA, reel 70, frames 404-405. 133 Indira Gandhi to Chakravarthi Narasimhan, 13 September 1964 and 4 November 1965, UNARC, India Family Planning, 0009, Chef de Cabinet, Unnumbered files, 1958-1973, S[eries]-0291-[box] Sep. 64 March 1970; Bernard Berelson memo to files, 14 September 1964.
Population
Control
in
India
asking "exploded," "not going to piss away foreign aid in nations where he was they refuse to their own population deal with problems."135 use food as For Komer, who had been the first to suggest that Johnson a labor. "We finally of the culmination visit was Gandhi's year's leverage, have the Indians where to us asking for a new them ever since last April...coming wanted on terms we want." Better the still, "That relationship are with us." Woods Bank Woods and the World you've
the of his advisors, Califano, suggested Joseph to a large food aid package before her arrival, Johnson insisted "Are you out of your fucking mind?"134 Johnson
George tough-minded that "from now on we the clear message be "a great ally" in conveying would advisors In all the papers that Johnson's gave hinge aid to p erfor manee."U6 was control before Gandhi's him to plough arrival, only population through to give But it was always one subject among many. there, and her moves the program There is no counted "more punch" always record of the conversation in her between favor.137 Gandhi and Johnson was
1966. But Johnson of 28 March when they met alone on the morning a to two days he sent satisfied. When message Congress apparently Indian he that "The for aid food it India, approve reported requesting ernment believes that not there can be no effective solution The of the Indian choice is now and births that does population problem a comprehensive tween and humane program brutal curb that is imposed by famine."138 In fact, India would curb population suffer from both include control.
for limiting
famine
Shortly after Gandhi growth. a and recommendations report accepted Nayar in the Ministry under B. Mukerji, secretary permanent of IUD insertions. in the number to reverse a decline reference cases "would to the program's is of utmost
and a brutal
give the foreign-expert reports that formed the basis for these recommendations, were no to ensure was such follow-up. there Instead, physicians provision meet to Cit them. and incentive for IUD insertions payments given quotas the Mukerji Bank experts, ing the World centers. to "forge ahead" of rural health
of Health, intended Itmade only oblique of the follow-up "Systematic complications Yet, as in all of
report called for the IUD program method of the ministry's Indeed,
134 Califano, The Triumph and Tragedy of Lyndon Johnson, 2000, pp. 154-155. 135 Califano, Inside, 2004, pp. 172-173. 136 Robert Komer to Johnson, 21 March and 27 March 1966, LBJ Library, LBJ Papers, National Secu rity File, Files of Robert W. Komer, box 133, "Prime Minister Gandhi Visit Papers," emphasis in original. 1966; 137 John Lewis to Robert Komer, 21 March 1966, and see also Dean Rusk to Johnson, 26 March "Visit of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi of India: Strategy Paper," 21 March 1966, all in LBJ Papers, cited in note 136 30 March to the Congress," 138 "Special Message 1966, The American Presidency Project ?http:// (accessed 15 October 2006). www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=27519?
Matthew
Connelly
655
funding
state them
better care, programs actually discouraged family planning to absorb the cost of treating those with contraindications? of the three rupees they received disease?out inflammatory On the other the Mukerji
insertions.139
to accept
of IUD
and boldness with which proud of the dynamism was a in their pub and it theme favored control, they pursued population a In White House in May interview abroad.140 lic relations work 1966, Indian officials Minister of Planning Mehta regaled Johnson with were more "in 1965 vasectomies there aspirations: their achievements than and in the preceding reached within five the next five
were
to know in the best position Council was that these Population were not As but positively reckless. the main unrealistic, targets merely of IUD programs all over the world, itwas receiving backer and coordinator a Singa In June 1966, for instance, problems. regular reports of mounting exams women in out 20 that discovered pore postpartum project follow-up The a perforated uterus?a rate 15 times than anticipated. The women had access to better care and diagnos higher so investigators were "sure that there must tic procedures be than most, cases in next of other The many perforations undiagnosed programs.142 of 3,400 fitted with IUDs had suffered month had Guttmacher fallen off "rather learned that the rate of IUD itwas insertions shockingly" because of side effects obvious in the United in Hong Kong such as heavy bleed that this was a sys States, Puerto Rico, cir
South Korea, and Pakistan.144 Taiwan, Rather than publicize this finding, the Population Council privately rates they To improve culated it to program administrators. retention gested paid that physicians do a better job educating for follow-up visits rather than just the
139 Mukerji 16 April 1966, and Govind Narain minutes to file, 20 and 21 April Committee Report, of Family Welfare Archives, Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, New Delhi (DFWA). 1966, Department 140 Ministry "A Danger Signal," in RAC, Rockefeller of Health and Family Planning, Pa Foundation Studies in India, box 132, file 1173. pers, RG 1.2, Projects, series 200A, Harvard University?Population 141 Memorandum 4 May of conversation 1966 in Mallon Johnson-Asok and Smith (eds.), Mehta, Foreign Relations of the United States, 2000, pp. 637-638. 142 Adaline Satterthwaite to Christopher Tietze, 21 June 1966, RAC, Population Council Papers, RG on Maternal Health, box 95, folder 1773. Sheldon Segal maintains that one IV3B4.4b, National Committee 18 January 2005 interview. If so, that should have for most of these perforations: physician was responsible underscored the importance of proper training and set off alarm bells about the pace of India's program. Segal's advisory committee expected the program to be "spreading with explosive rapidity": "Report to the President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development," p. 54, as cited in note 106. 143 Alan Guttmacher to Frank Notestein, 26 July 1966, RAC, Population Council Papers, RG IV3B4.4b, National Committee on Maternal Health, box 95, folder 1773. 144 W. Parker Mauldin, "Retention of IUD's," August 1966, RAC, Population Council Papers, as cited in note 143.
Population
Control
in
India
claims such magnificent results is In less fact, the follow-up complete."145 rate of IUD insertions in India had fallen by half since March, from monthly some to In June in Delhi received that 120,000 60,000. reports approximately areas nearly half of all women of prolonged fitted were bleed complaining remarked, it is because amongst women ing, "creating a very bad reaction using mance to decline continued the summer until throughout 50,000 IUD insertions in October the annual The loop." Perfor there were barely to meet the rate required the
1966, one-tenth was actually higher, rate to of sterilizations target. contrary it had begun to level off. India's family planning all expectations, pro though its goals, itwas turning into a fiasco.146 gram was not only failing to meet A few states IUD acceptors, and instead concentrated acceptors per capita. those who than On had the way forward. Punjab had been paying 277 percent of its target for 1965-66. Madras on sterilization, with higher incentive payments for both and motivators the highest performance than any other state?and it achieved 27 October been urging 1966 that the Health it provide it provided all Ministry finally agreed with Rather funds to pay acceptors. states 11 rupees for every IUD seemed to show
pay scale, to 90 ru 30 per vasectomy, and 40 per tubectomy insertion, (later increased states incentives Out of this could whatever sum, pay pees). appeared neces or to to staff, to individuals, freelance "motivators."147 sary, whether Just a few weeks earlier the monsoon rains had failed to arrive Over hard and parts of Uttar Pradesh. Pradesh, Madhya Rajasthan, were now at risk Bihar was particularly of famine. people per in Bihar, 100 million hit?it was
set a nationwide
to severely In moderately affected the third year of drought. areas, annual range from 74 to 112 rupees capita income over the next year would even a modest of receiving cash pay The possibility (that is, $10-$15).148 therefore
ment
had extraordinary importance. no assert as a matter of policy that poor people At point did anyone starve if they did not accept Even when, sterilization. that same would a Peace" act for "Food President Johnson that a month, requiring signed efforts be taken into account before country's family planning in be "freely aid, he insisted programs public that population At the same time, US AID officials were ily undertaken."149 food granting and voluntar told "to exert
"Re to Frank Notestein, 26 July 1966, as cited in note 143; W. Parker Mauldin, 145 Alan Guttmacher of IUD's," August 1966, as cited in note 144. of the Central 146 "Considerations and other Members of Suggestions Made By the State Governments Family Planning Council," attached to "Central Family Planning Council 2nd Meeting Agenda," 27 June 1966, Re 204 IND; "India's Family Planning Programme: A Brief Analysis," Ford Foundation NIHFW, Depository, 291 FOR. port, April 1970, NIHFW, Depository, on Family Planning," 7 June 1966, DFWA; 147 Govind Narain, "Note for the Cabinet Committee to B. P. Patel, 30 March Ramachandran 1-1/71-PLY; Gupta, Sinha, and Bardhan, 1970, DFWA, file number Evolution of Family Welfare Programme, vol. 1, 1992, p. 31. in India," 1990, p. 57. 148 Dr?ze, "Famine prevention 149 "Statement of the President Upon Signing the Food for Peace Act of 1966," 12 November 1966, The American Presidency Project ?http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=28025? (accessed 15 October 2006). tention
Matthew
Connelly
657 and influence" to ensure that, where necessary, gov to "control population increases."150 not to use the word in "incentive"
leverage
was merely the fiction that the payment for travel and public, maintaining no were costs or lost wages when there travel lost In fact, (even wages).151 even were incentive coercive in the best of times, since many payments Indians were always at risk of malnutrition. Now some people in Bihar were on less than 900 calories a day.152 subsisting were after the incentive announced there was payments Immediately a spike in the number of sterilizations and IUD insertions, in particularly the states that had started to go hungry. Bihar, for instance, had previously the lowest rate of sterilization per capita of any state or union territory in India, performing such in 1965. And, with 12,677 just 2,355 procedures 12 percent it had met of its IUD target. But in 1966-67, insertions, only some people with sud eating leaves and bark, a total of 97,409 "acceptors" came next The was even forward. fiscal better: denly year's performance had 78 percent for sterilization incentive 185,605, with opting (and the higher As aMinistry of Health and Family Planning concluded, payment). analysis it was "the famine and drought conditions in various parts of the country like Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Orissa, which attracted of large numbers were towards If it not for these states together with sterilizations." persons Uttar Pradesh, tors." Because agreed there would in the number have been no increase of "accep of them, and because of their plight, an additional 300,000 or sterilization to IUD insertion or 1.8 million in 1966-67,
Indians
altogether.153
who worked in Bihar recall how women in their Corps volunteers IUDs even fitted in with clinics that to lacked villages soap keep hands and instruments sterile. They also witnessed workers who would wipe bloody a cloth after each procedure, IUD inserters on their saris or with then reuse were means on other patients, In families with no other disease. spreading of subsistence, the oldest member to submit to steril would volunteer ization so that the others could eat. In one case, when the volunteers shared their concerns with Ford Foundation told to stay fo consultants, they were the inserter
Peace
cused on meeting led the state in num program targets.154 The physician who ber of sterilizations asserted that "practically all were the result of famine? the twenty-five Even hungry men who needed rupees offered as incentive."
150 Piotrow, World Population Crisis, 1973, pp. 117, 127. 151 R. N. Madhok, "Note for the Committee of Cabinet...Suggestions for Incentives," 15 September 1967, DFWA, file number V 13011/4/75. 152 Dr?ze, "Famine prevention in India," 1990, p. 57. 153 These figures, as well as those forMadhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh, are from the following sources: B. Mukerji, on Family Planning," "Note for the Cabinet Committee 13March 1966, DFWA; G. Ramachandran to B. P. Patel, 30 March, DFWA, file number 1-1/71-PLY; Gupta, Sinha, and Bardhan, Evolution of Family Wel is from Ramachandran to Patel, 30 March 1970. fare Programme, vol. 2, 1992, p. 74. Quotation 154 Personal communication from Mary Chamie, 1April 2005.
Population
Control
in
India
to have an IUD continued ended, many poor women one a remove it.155 midwife inserted for six rupees, then paid rupee to resistance became when undeniable, independent Eventually, popular Commission turned the tools of social and India's own Planning researchers science
on the family planning itself, asking "acceptors" what hap program officials about why they they were "targeted" and questioning pened when in Uttar Pradesh to do it. The interviews Robert Elder conducted felt compelled for a Duke that meeting University dissertation targets meant "constant revealing. He discovered dur the of staff,"especially whipping District magistrates put the whole fortnights." particularly were
ing periodic "family planning state behind these of the weight did not make
to dismiss those who drives, and threatened and revenue collec workers their quota. Block development even tors offered acceptors free fertilizer, and land grants. higher payments, as motivators were made started to bring in the and broken, As promises as staff botched the trained and medical and infirm, operations, poorly aged fell into disrepute.156 program An evaluation by the Indian Planning Commission in and neither Maharashtra. pattern Although Punjab drought, palling. family Punjab, who punish workers of people the number authors dryly noted, recedes."157 With permission the positions for incentive planning like Uttar were often coercive found much state was and the same affected by
whole
ap campaigns revenue to threatened enlisted collectors, Pradesh, to and paid "motivators" according underperformed, "In in. of the this type report's canvassing," they brought between and compulsion "the demarcation persuasion in Maharashtra abolished officials from Delhi, in order to free up more money and educators
sometimes
of field workers
took on for sterilization.158 payments People of all backgrounds set contractors who the role of "motivator," up camps on private including on of This spirit and started leaning their worksites "catching cases" employees. com even among physicians in Punjab, who was reported to have developed each other to win larger peted with 1967 Delhi demanded in May versely, physicians With found who no did not meet incentive shares of the incentive action money.159 Con disciplinary their quota.160 to follow up patients, care was were against government Commission link."161 Elder men,
performed
on 80-year-old
155 Pope, Sahib, 1972, pp. 21-22, 42-44. in a North Indian State, 1972, pp. 21-22, 156 Elder, Development Administration 39, 40, 49, 77-78, 94 118-120. 100, 106-107, 157 "Family Planning Programme, An Evaluation: Punjab," 1971, Planning Commission Archives, New Delhi. 158 "Dept. of F.P.: Govt. of Maharashtra 1967, DFWA, file number V 13011/4/ Proposals," 7 October 1971, 75; Programme Evaluation Organization, "Family Planning Programme, An Evaluation: Maharashtra," Planning Commission Archives, New Delhi. 159 "Family Planning Programme, An Evaluation: Punjab," as cited in note 157. 160 "Statement Showing the Decisions Taken," 15May 1967, DFWA, file number V 13011/4/75. 161 "Family Planning Programme, An Evaluation: Punjab," as cited in note 157.
Matthew
Connelly
659
and some who died from problems, uncomprehending subjects with mental untreated The Maharashtra report found that just 5 per complications.162 were cent of the men and 6 percent of the women visited by subsequently of pain, and 16 complained had sepsis or unhealed wounds. As for the women, 58 per almost percent severe cent experienced IUD 24 after insertion, percent pain pain, and 43 severe had excessive and that iron defi percent bleeding.163 Considering program in India, and would have been still worse ciency was endemic affected the toll the IUD program areas, one can only imagine health of Indian women. Of course, avoid pregnancy, of state-sponsored unfortunate for instance, to use decision monthly launched some with of these or without same men and women in famine took on the staff. More than half of these men
any incentive 1966. It is therefore until all the more family planning InMaharashtra, that they received such a poor first impression. of husbands were their wives' three-quarters initially happy with the IUD. But more fell short, than half new changed their mind.164 When
were "family planning fortnights" to returns. incentives, only bring diminishing People who might willingly to wait. Belying learned have participated all the ur tactics, many of those rewarded for sterilization would gency and high-pressure never have had additional in any event. A study from Uttar Pradesh children performance with higher found falsified that the ages of those undergoing in official records. On-the-spot 50 years vasectomies verification had been showed systematically that almost half
were
old. Some 63 percent were either unmarried, separated, 45 With and older. their distrust aged villagers openly showing or even contempt, as a officials began to see their assignment family planning In Elder's study, 69 percent said that they would take punishment. happily or had wives another told Indira an example its struggle
over
job if itwere offered to them.165 to all of this, in January Oblivious 1967 Lyndon Johnson Gandhi that "We count on the Government of India to become a determined can do for themselves." of what He viewed people famine against "take the lead
into balance."166
as emblematic of a global crisis. He therefore urged her to in inspiring and urging all nations?rich and poor alike?to effort to bring population and food production back join a truly world wide In fact, Gandhi several states, was falling Madras, further Uttar and further behind. By September were calling
including
Pradesh,
and Gujarat,
162 Elder, Development Administration in a North Indian State, 1972, pp. 122-125. 163 "Family Planning Programme, An Evaluation: Maharashtra," as cited in note 158. 164 "Family Planning Programme, An Evaluation: Maharashtra," as cited in note 158. 165 Elder, Development Administration in a North Indian State, 1972, pp. 32, 121, 129; R. N. Madhok, "Note for the Committee of Cabinet...Suggestions for Incentives," 15 September 1967, as cited in note 151; "Family Planning Programme, An Evaluation: Punjab," as cited in note 157. 166 Johnson to Indira Gandhi, 16 January 1967, in Mallon and Smith (eds.), Foreign Relations of the United States, 2000, pp. 808-809.
Population
Control
in
India
to 100 rupees.167 At this time also, incentive payments?up higher of Health and Family in the Ministry recommended Planning a to be sterilized.168 It was transistor radio if they agreed giving people to call state that others would instead for the inevitable punish probably someone not cooperate. At the end of 1966 both Kerala and would to leave had with government Mysore begun denying maternity employees In June 1967 the government of Maharashtra three or more took children. "radical decisions," that India what it admitted were should recommending those who not treatment to those who and maternity benefits only deny free medical a or to third but make steriliza should child, gave birth higher actually To demonstrate its seriousness, tion compulsory. Maharashtra announced to have more elected all state employees who than two that in 14 months children government grants, scholarships, and housing and Uttar Pradesh benefits. loans, and maternity Haryana soon announced In a conference similar measures. introduce they would chief ministers that India's of Indian states, all but two said that they favored sterilization.169 to persuade its finding it impossible to plan, concerns about differential would henceforth be denied
of the
mandatory Now
was government to reproduce itself according population A resurfaced. year earlier a new fertility had
everyone present to participation, but also that they had to try harder.170 This included meeting birth control.171 But the leaders and issuing fatwas endorsing with Muslim concern persisted to seemed and, as the family planning program developed, examined revealed that in every district study, for instance, to sterilization than would be expected submitted In fact, some Muslim leaders en from their share of the population. political to out-reproduce else. It did not help mat their followers everyone couraged over 90 percent of senior family planning least ters that well officials?at find confirmation. Elder's far fewer Muslims those Elder The cabinet blings" might interviewed committee in Uttar Pradesh?were Hindus.172 high-caste on family planning was warned that these "rum Itwas agreed that some into large scale opposition."
group, the Central Family advisory sensitive the of whether Muslims taken up question in the program, and just as quickly dropped it. Virtually no differences that presented impediment agreed religious
among
"snowball
15 for Incentives," "Note for the Committee of Cabinet...Suggestions 167 R. N. Madhok, 1967, as cited in note 151. "Note for the Committee...Pilot 168 R. N. Madhok, Project for Gift of Transistor Radio," 15 1967, DFWA, file number V 13011/4/75. 15 "Note for the Committee of Cabinet...Suggestions for Incentives," 169 R. N. Madhok, 1967; V. P. Naik to Indira Gandhi, 27 June 1967, both in DFWA, file number V 13011/4/75. of the Central Family Planning Council," 27 June 1966, NIHFW, 170 "Summary Proceedings 23 of Mir Mushtaq 171 "Minutes of the Meeting Held Under the Chairmanship Ahmed," 1966, NAI, Ministry of Home Affairs, Delhi Section, file 11/29/68-Delhi. 172 Elder, Development Administration in a North Indian State, 1972, pp. 29-31, 110-116.
Matthew
Connelly
661
minorities
were to of the family planning program seeking to take advantage a were in of the the affairs pre gain country."173 Some officials "larger say with India's "scheduled castes." groups, beginning pared to target particular to which their status Ironically, they could start by stripping them of benefits
an and Uttar Pradesh entitled them. Thus, Maharashtra previously nounced that scholarships would be barred to families with more than three children, except for those awarded on individual merit (rather than caste mem had bership).174 At the grassroots castes. cused on scheduled made level, population In Uttar Pradesh fo programs already found that, while they 41 percent of those constituted it was control
of the population, up 29 percent they an even larger proportion vasectomized. in by of those brought They were revenue collectors and block officials. Typically the most and impoverished were in castes most to scheduled the vulnerable any community, powerless local notables of health intent on achieving targets and reaping the rewards.175 The new and the demographer family planning, Sripati to make for every man with wanted sterilization compulsory children. But since violators would merely have to pay a fine,
minister
would be compulsory could not pay.176 only for those who the rate By the end of 1967 itwas clear that, rather than accelerating, of IUD insertions had entered into a long decline. While the monthly tally of was now too sterilizations had briefly topped 300,000 the it summer, during the cabinet debate falling.177 Yet after a prolonged judged Chandrasekhar's to for sterilization be proposal compulsory impractical. Legislators would never to even and did if to services were it, agree they family planning unequal to adopt more-limited measures the task. Some states continued to penalize such as denying maternity benefits. Officials had to point out large families, castes cause the obvious?that scheduled of would stripping scholarships care and that free medical and maternal leave would hardship withdrawing
harm women and children. Asoka Mehta, now social welfare minister, ad
mitted
of inhumanity in it," but that unrestrained even more be inhumane. "Here we have to wield would population growth knife. It may hurt a little, at a point, the surgeon's for a while, but it will to impart health ere long."178
help
173 K. N. Srivastava, "Note for the Committee of the Cabinet...Critical Analysis of the Family Planning 29 March on Family Planning," of the Cabinet Committee 31 1967; "Minutes of the Meeting Programme," March 1967, both in DFWA, file number 4-4/67-C&C. 174 "Note for the Committee of the Cabinet...Suggestions for Incentives and Disincentives," 2 April 1968, DFWA, file number V 130111 All 5. 175 Elder, Development Administration in a North Indian State, 1972, pp. 141-142. 176 Lelyveld, "India: Is sterilization the answer?," 1967. 177 "India's Family Planning Programme: A Brief Analysis," as cited in note 146. 178 "Meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Family Planning," 25 November 1967, and "Extract from File...of Department 3 November of Social Welfare," and V 1967, both in DFWA, file numbers V 16011/3/82 13011/4/75.
662
Population
Control
in
India
in the Emergency
Period
account of coercive population control must begin and end convincing a recognition were that proponents an unprec in fact dealing with edented situation that posed excruciating dilemmas. Decades later, long af ter it had begun to slow, global population still inspired alarm, as growth to analyze well as a tendency social and political problems in terms complex of "us" and 40 years ago, who suffered investigation Critics "them."179 But if historians must strive lacked to be fair to those who, critical foresight, people as well as an felt a responsibility from their mistakes to act and
also deserve
consideration,
of what went wrong. of population control have often portrayed it as a conspiracy on rest the white elites the A world. of look at the closer perpetrated by case of India reveals a more The archives show that complicated picture. the population control movement focused on India at least partly because Indian elites were concerned about many eager to enlist. They too were differential and reasons albeit for different from fertility population "quality," those of Americans worried about Western Civilization. Both elites pursued as well as qualitative of alleviating quantitative pov goals for the purpose social and and economic were But other motives erty spurring development. over with to "those who papered slogans such as "bringing family planning" it most"?whether need it or not?leaving such ques buried they knew did the planning in family planning, and for whom. the Indian populace showed to use con insufficient motivation and there and officials both abroad worked scientists, activists, traception, to overcome a priority. and make control together opposition population a global population that India exemplified that re They argued emergency When a per The failure of these measures reinforced to neces both and if poor people poor countries, tendency "target" to outright to question But it inspired others sary by resorting compulsion. whether programs family planning try to shape re really could or should behavior to rather than seek redress productive poverty, gender inequality, quired sistent and poor health?not This debate was States as well.180 just in India, but in the United well advanced when the Emergency Period began in extreme measures. tions as who
ensured that this episode would be more and 1975, which closely watched, better remembered, in this article. But the earlier in than the one detailed of international volvement and nongovernmental in advocating agencies and a heavy reliance on methods that did not require targets and incentives
179 The author's own earlier work, alas, provides a case in point: Connelly and the rest against the West?," 1994. to this debate include Davis, "Population 180 The more influential contributions "The tragedy of the commons," 1968; Berelson, 1969; Blake, "Beyond family planning," The Myth of Population Control, 1972. An analysis appears Americans," 1969; Mamdani, tion control is history," 2003, pp. 145-147.
Kennedy,
"Must it be
Matthew
Connelly
663
sustained motivation also help explain why to sup these groups continued even it pressed these policies further.181 After port India's program when the fact, commentators 1971 pre Frank Notestein's grew fond of quoting diction that "efforts at coercion would to be more down the likely bring than the birthrate."182 The many other?more mixed?mes government to India were all but forgotten. Then as sages that foreign advisors delivered on as a the Period domestic and now, crisis focusing Emergency political the international a serves of coercive control ignoring origins population political in this way, it can be blamed on Indira and Sanjay Gandhi, a ever eager to move on. tale for a movement yielding cautionary In fact, while the process has just begun, excavating opened newly of the IPPF, the Population archives the Ford Foundation, and UN Council, has already shown not just how they cooperated in trying to con agencies trol India's population, but how the experience affected each profoundly one of them. Much more work is required before we can recover all of these purpose: at most connections, that family and there are many leads to pursue. But all point to the fact in rich and poor countries shares a common history. as a "fool proof" means like the pill, initially developed of poor
and poor countries, people helped spark a sexual revolution that swept the globe. Fundraising focused on campaigns India subsidized in clinics the States. United family planning Conversely, of these programs deemed to demonstrate them essential their proponents in faith in other countries. But targeting India, good urging family planning and the reaction it provoked, also brought people, a stake into focus population policy whether women, and health The leave wherever empower might in particular, had they were rather than the questions of how control them, and reproductive rights
in defending threatened.183
must not shrink from family planning community it to polemicists who insist that nothing has changed.
181 World Bank president Robert McNamara was "encouraged" by Gandhi's Emergency Period popu lation policy when he visited India in November to effectively 1976, writing that, "At long last India ismoving address its population 1976," inWorld Bank Group Ar problem": "Notes on Visit to India, 6-12 November, Series 05. Contacts chives, 03-04, Office of the President, Records of President McNamara, [Member Coun Nafis Sadik?then chief of the program division of the United Nations tries] files. Box 8, India (1976-1977). Fund for Population Activities that countries which adopted a (UNFPA), and later executive director?thought sterilization should not receive UN funding. But she also believed that "compulsion may policy of compulsory be needed at the expense of human rights," and it could be ethical provided people were given a choice of I. H. Kang to Files, 1 December 1976, World Bank Group Archives, Records of the Health Serv contraceptives: ices Development 5. The World Bank, Sector, Liaison with International and Other Organizations?UNFPA?Vol the UNFPA, the IPPF, and the Swedish International Development Agency, among others, continued funding India's family planning program throughout the Emergency Period. 182 See, for instance, Landman, "Indians repudiate coercion, not family planning," 1977b, p. 5; Landman, "Birth control in India," 1977a, p. 101; Harkavy, "Birthspacing," 1986; Coale, review of Regulating Reproduction in India's Population, 1998, p. 444; Segal, Under the Banyan Tree, 2003, p. xxvii. 183 The influence of the IUD episode in raising these questions was not always but acknowledged, seems evident nonetheless. For instance, in 1971 Julia Henderson of the IPPF suggested that it had 75 clinics "that might be prepared to take on testing of somewhat more risky compounds." Sheldon Segal replied "force that entail substantial medi fully" that the Population Council was "not prepared to push forward on methods risks": on cal Oscar Harkavy, "Informal Notes 24 June 1971, FFA, Bellagio Population Conference Discussion," Number 009549. Report
Population
Control
in
India
some
the history it becomes clear that there were carefully, always as a means individuals who to pro fought to defend family planning and to individual than rather control welfare, dignity population The but current consensus is not, struggle, the fruit of a long therefore, just faddish or politically one that is far from over.
Note
I am grateful comments and critifor helpful from a lively audience when the article was presented at the Population I am Council. cism particularly Sheldon Anupama indebted Segal Rao, as well and to Mary Chamie and as Lant Pritchett,
Susan Watkins.
and
University,
Archives,
University,
Haven,
CT
Archives,
Planned Johnson
Parenthood
Library, Austin,
Archives
(NIHFW)
Nehru Memorial Planning Population Rockefeller Margaret America United and Library, New Delhi New Delhi Archives, NY Silver Spring, MD (RAC) Collections, University (UNARC) Publications of Commission Association Archive Archives,
of America Center,
Tarrytown,
S?nger Papers, The Smith College (UPA) Microfilm Nations Archives Paris Washington, and Records
DC
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