The Sugar Revolution

Author(s): B. W. Higman
Reviewed work(s):
Source: The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 53, No. 2 (May, 2000), pp. 213-236
Published by: Wiley on behalf of the Economic History Society
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Economic History Review, LIII, 2 (2000), pp. 213-236
T h e su g a r revolu tion
By B. W. HIGMAN
Of th e ma ny revolu tions identified by h istoria ns, only one ta kes its
na me from a pa rticu la r commodity.' T h is is th e su g a r revolu tion, a
conca tena tion of events loca ted in th e seventeenth -centu ry Ca ribbea n
with fa r-rea ch ing ra mifica tions for th e Atla ntic world. Unlike th e more
broa dly ba sed revolu tions typica l of economic h istory-th e indu stria l
revolu tion, th e a g ricu ltu ra l revolu tion, th e commercia l revolu tion, th e
price revolu tion-th e su g a r revolu tion points to th e tra nsforma tive power
of a sing le commodity, resu lting in wh a t h a s sometimes been termed
'crop determinism'. Determining influ ences h a ve rea dily been a ttribu ted
to oth er crops-rice, wh ea t, pota toes, for exa mple-bu t none of th ese
h a ve g iven th eir na mes to th e tra nsforma tions with wh ich th ey a re
a ssocia ted.2 Su g a r a lone h a s a ch ieved th a t sta tu s.
T h e six centra l elements of th e su g a r revolu tion a re commonly reg a rded
a s a swift sh ift from diversified a g ricu ltu re to su g a r monocu ltu re, from
produ ction on sma ll fa rms to la rg e pla nta tions, from free to sla ve la bou r,
from spa rse to dense settlement, from wh ite to bla ck popu la tions, a nd
from low to h ig h va lu e per ca pu t ou tpu t. More broa dly, it is cla imed
th a t th e su g a r revolu tion h a d five effects: it g enera ted a ma ssive boost to
th e Atla ntic sla ve tra de, provided th e eng ine for a va riety of tria ng u la r
tra des, a ltered Eu ropea n nu trition a nd consu mption, increa sed Eu ropea n
interest in tropica l colonies, a nd, more contentiou sly, contribu ted vita lly
to th e indu stria l revolu tion. Not a ll a ccou nts of th e su g a r revolu tion
inclu de ea ch of th ese fea tu res. Like most of th e revolu tions of economic
h istory, th e su g a r revolu tion concept h a s developed a nd diffu sed, tending
to ta ke on new elements a nd expa nding cla ims ma de for its sig nifica nce.
T h ese cla ims h a ve entered th e ma instrea m of long -ru n g loba l economic
h istory a nd development economics.3
Genera lly, h istoria ns concede th a t th e idea of revolu tion h a s served a
u sefu l role in th e writing of h istory, g iving sh a pe a nd pu rpose to th e
tra jectory of oth erwise sea mless, continu ou s pa tterns. Indeed, th e emerg -
ence of h istory a s a n a ca demic discipline a nd th e modern u ndersta nding
I
I th a nk Sta nley Eng erma n, Howa rd Joh nson, a nd Ba rry Smith for comments on dra fts of th is
a rticle, Greg ory Bowen for resea rch a ssista nce, a nd Ira Berlin, Pieter Emmer, Jock Ga llowa y, Rich a rd
Grove, Fra nklin Knig h t, Brij La l, a nd Ra lph Sh lomowitz for h elpfu l su g g estions.
2 Scott, 'Defining th e bou nda ries', p. 72; Ea rle, 'Sta ple interpreta tion'; Berlin a nd Morg a n, Cu lti-
va tion a nd cu ltu re, pp. 4-5; Sa la ma n, History a nd socia l influ ence, pp. 220, 333, 601; Bra y, Rice
economies, p. xiv; Scobie, Revolu tion on th e Pa mpa s, pp. ix, 4-8. For eccentric references to rice,
toba cco, cotton, a nd brea dfru it revolu tions, most of th em spa wned by th e g reen revolu tion, see
Abdu l Ha meed et a l., Rice revolu tion; Wenka m, Micronesia , p. 11; Berlin, Ma ny th ou sa nds g one,
pp. 108-9, 142, 342-3.
3
La ndes, Wea lth a nd poverty, pp. 113-22. Cf. Ca nna dine, 'Present a nd th e pa st'; Colema n, Myth ;
Overton, Ag ricu ltu ra l revolu tion.
C Economic History Society 2000. Pu blish ed by Bla ckwell Pu blish ers, 108 Cowley Roa d, Oxford OX4 iJF, UK a nd 350 Ma in Street, Ma lden,
MA 02148, USA.
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214 B. W. HIGMAN
of revolu tion a s dra ma tic socia l a nd economic ch a ng e occu rred simu l-
ta neou sly, a bou t th e time of th e French Revolu tion. Wh en th e g rea t
tra nsforma tion a ttribu ted to su g a r occu rred, h owever, in th e middle of
th e seventeenth centu ry, revolu tion wa s still th ou g h t of in cla ssica l terms
a s sig na lling recu rrence or restora tion, a cyclica l retu rn to a n ea rlier sta ble
sta te. T h ese a lterna tive models rema in embedded in th e deba te in th e
litera tu re a nd in broa der a na lyses of continu ity a nd discontinu ity. Dis-
continu ity ma y be conceived a s a pu nctu a tion of secu la r pa tterns of
evolu tiona ry ch a ng e or a s someth ing more profou nd, ina u g u ra ting a
completely new order. It is th e second formu la tion-th e dra ma tic version
of revolu tion-th a t h a s concerned modern h istoria ns a nd it is qu estions
reg a rding th e indica tors a nd mea su rements a pplica ble to th e proper
a ttribu tion of revolu tiona ry sta tu s th a t h a ve fu elled th e most vig orou s
deba te over th e rea lity of, for exa mple, th e indu stria l a nd a g ricu ltu ra l
revolu tions. However mu ch h istoria ns ma y h a ve come to recog nize th e
diminish ing u tility of a pplying th e term to pa rticu la r pla ces, periods, a nd
events, revolu tion rema ins firmly esta blish ed a s a key concept.4
I
T h e su g a r revolu tion concept h a s its orig ins in th e litera tu re of French
a nd Eng lish coloniza tion. In French , th e first identified u se of th e term
occu rred in Ga ston-Ma rtin's Histoire de l'escla va g e da ns les colonies fra n-
,a ises of 1948, wh ere it wa s expressed a s 'la revolu tion de la ca nne'. In
Eng lish , th e ea rliest known u se occu rred in 1956 in A sh ort h istory of th e
West Indies by Pa rry a nd Sh erlock, wh o titled th eir fifth ch a pter 'T h e
su g a r revolu tion'.5 Ga ston-Ma rtin loca ted th e orig ins of th e revolu tion in
Gu a delou pe c. 1650-70, Pa rry a nd Sh erlock in Ba rba dos c. 1645-60.
T h ese pa ra llel a ccou nts ou tlined th e initia l colonia l settlement of th e
ea stern Ca ribbea n by wh ite sma llh olders a nd indentu red la bou rers cu ltiv-
a ting toba cco, g ing er, indig o, a nd cotton; th e repla cement of th ese crops
a nd people by su g a r a nd ensla ved Africa ns; th e a ma lg a ma tion of sma ll-
h olding s into la rg e pla nta tions; th e g rea t a nd su dden wea lth of th e new
pla nter cla ss; th e emig ra tion of wh ites; a nd th e consequ ent ch a ng es in
socia l stru ctu re a nd politica l org a niza tion. All of th ese a spects of th e
su g a r revolu tion were interpreted a s ou tcomes deriving directly from th e
biolog ica l a nd a g ricu ltu ra l requ irements of th e su g a rca ne a nd th e pro-
du ction fu nction of su g a r ma king .
Contempora ry observers, from th e 1650s, were a wa re of a t lea st some
of th ese ch a ng es ta king pla ce a rou nd th em, bu t th e a ssocia tion with
'revolu tion' emerg ed only g ra du a lly a long with th e esta blish ment of a
sch ola rly litera tu re of Eu ropea n imperia lism in th e Ca ribbea n. Sa tinea u
in 1928 referred to 'u ne revolu tion economiqu e et socia le' in describing
th e tra nsforma tion of Gu a delou pe c. 1665. He g a ve su g a r a nd th e su g a r
4 Ba ker, Inventing th e French Revolu tion, pp. 203-23; Ritter, Dictiona ry, pp. 388-91; Gersch enkron,
Continu ity, pp. 11-39; Rosser, Ca ta stroph e to ch a os; Wrig ley, Continu ity, pp. 8-9.
5 Ga ston-Ma rtin, Histoire de l'escla va g e, p. 19; Pa rry a nd Sh erlock, Sh ort h istory, p. 63.
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T HE SUGAR REVOLUT ION 215
isla nds sig nifica nt roles in French colonia l h istory a nd in th e Atla ntic
economy, yet tempered th e revolu tiona ry ch a ra cter of th e tra nsforma tion
by su g g esting th e ch a ng e wa s a leng th y process.6 Contempora ry British
h istoria ns emph a sized th e speed a nd intensity of ch a ng e in Ba rba dos a nd
th e Leewa rd Isla nds compa red with th e 'more g ra du a l' tra nsforma tion of
th e French colonies, yet proved relu cta nt to a pply th e word revolu tion
to eith er ca se.7 T h e first writer known to do so in Eng lish wa s Ma cInnes,
wh o in 1935 ca lled th e events in th e British West India n colonies 'a n
a g ra ria n revolu tion'. T h is wa s someth ing big g er th a n th e su g a r revolu tion,
ta king in th e sou th ern continenta l colonies a s well a s th e West Indies,
toba cco a s well a s su g a r, a nd rea ch ing into 'th e Africa n tra de' a nd 'th e
g rea t colonia l tra de' of th e British . Severa l oth er writers offered versions
of 'revolu tion' in th is period, g iving th e idea of socia l revolu tion pa rticu la r
releva nce, th ou g h often th e concept a s well a s th e term rema ined su b-
merg ed.8 T h u s th e eventu a l a ssocia tion of su g a r with th e notion of
dra ma tic tra nsforma tion a nd discontinu ity, a s occu rred in th e constru ction
of th e 'su g a r revolu tion', wa s indeed a sig nifica nt moment.
Modifica tions of th e orig ina l su g a r revolu tion concept a nd term h a ve
ta ken severa l forms. In 1961 La sserre disting u ish ed th e 'revolu tion su cri-
ere' of th e seventeenth centu ry from a 'revolu tion indu strielle' of th e
nineteenth centu ry wh ich involved ch a ng es in tech nolog y a nd org a niza tion
interna l to th e su g a r indu stry. Fu rth er, La sserre divided th is indu stria l
revolu tion into two sta g es: th e first (in th e 1840s) sa w th e esta blish ment
of centra l mills, a nd th e second (1875-1900) th e emerg ence of la tifu ndia .
T h is wa s a distinction with a pplica tion in th e British a s well a s th e
French West Indies, a nd ca me a lso to be u sed for Cu ba to wh ich a fu ll-
sca le su g a r revolu tion wa s first a ttribu ted by Knig h t in 1970.9
T h e ea rly 1970s witnessed a su dden increa se in monog ra ph s directly
concerned with th e su g a r revolu tion of th e seventeenth centu ry, nota bly
th ree works by America n h istoria ns on th e Eng lish West Indies. In No
pea ce beyond th e line (1972), Bridenba u g h a nd Bridenba u g h ma de la rg e
cla ims for th e 'a g ricu ltu ra l a nd indu stria l mira cle' th a t beg a n in th e
Eng lish a nd French West Indies in th e 1640s, a ch a ng e th a t 'completely
tra nsformed th eir society a nd economy'. T h e tra nsfer of su g a r from Bra zil
to th e West Indies requ ired th e tra nspla nta tion of 'a n entire cu ltu re',
th ey sa id, a nd 'few enterprises in th e h istory of a g ricu ltu re in modern
times a pproa ch th is in ing enu ity, completeness, a nd in u ltima te economic
consequ ences'. T h e introdu ction of th e 'su g a r complex' beca me 'a centra l
concern in th e economic h istory of th e seventeenth centu ry'. Bridenba u g h
a nd Bridenba u g h twice referred to th is tra nsforma tion a s a 'socia l revol-
u tion' a nd twice a s a n 'ecolog ica l revolu tion'. T h ey sa w th e sh ift from
'incipient ru ra l societies of wh ite, Eng lish -spea king Eu ropea ns' to th e
sla ve pla nta tion a nd a n Africa n popu la tion a s 'th e most th orou g h g oing
6
Sa tinea u , Histoire de la Gu a delou pe, pp. 112-13; Ma y, Histoire 9conomiqu e, pp. 206-20, 268.
7 Ha rlow, History of Ba rba dos, pp. 43-4, 292-328; Newton, Eu ropea n na tions, pp. 197-9.
8 Ma cInnes, Introdu ction, pp. 70-8; Willia ms, Ca pita lism a nd sla very, pp. 23-6; Deerr, History of
su g a r, I, p. 160.
9 La sserre, Gu a delou pe, I, pp. 276, 290, 343, 390-1, 401; Knig h t, Sla ve society, ch . 2.
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216 B. W. HIGMAN
socia l revolu tion in th e h istory of th e New World'. Bu ilding on th e work
of Wa tts, th ey sa w 'a n ecolog ica l revolu tion of a th orou g h ly wa stefu l
kind' th a t ma tch ed th e 'h u ma n tra g edy' of th e socia l revolu tion. However,
Bridenba u g h a nd Bridenba u g h u sed th e term su g a r revolu tion only once
a nd th en in a na rrow a nd restrictive sense: 'Of fa r g rea ter import th a n
th e "su g a r revolu tion" in th e long perspective of h istory, a s well a s in
th e yea rs 1650 to 1690, wa s th e ra dica l ch a ng e in th e personnel a nd in
th e na tu re of th e inh a bita nts of th e Eng lish West Indies.'"0 Here, th e
socia l revolu tion of ea rlier writers seems someh ow to be disconnected
from th e determina tive role of su g a r, in spite of th e la rg e cla ims ma de
by th ese a u th ors for th e g loba l sig nifica nce of th e events.
Du nn's Su g a r a nd sla ves (1972) simila rly employed th e 'su g a r revol-
u tion' term ju st once. T h e switch from toba cco to su g a r, h e sa id,
'ma de th e Ba rba dos pla nters rich overnig h t'. T h e pla nters a ma lg a ma ted
properties a nd, with th e h elp of th e Du tch , ma stered th e tech nolog y of
su g a r ma king , imported ensla ved Africa ns, a nd entered Eu ropea n ma rkets.
According to Du nn:
At first th e Ca ribbea n su g a r revolu tion wa s pretty well confined to Ba rba dos;
produ ction in th e Leewa rds, Ma rtiniqu e, a nd Gu a delou pe did not become
sig nifica nt u ntil th e 1670s. Noneth eless, su g a r did h a ve a tru ly revolu tiona ry
impa ct u pon th e Eu ropea n pa ttern of coloniza tion in th e Indies. All of th e
Eng lish a nd French isla nds inexora bly followed th e Ba rba dia n exa mple, ch a ng -
ing from Eu ropea n pea sa nt societies into sla ve-ba sed pla nta tion societies.1"
Fu rth er, th e su g a r revolu tion brou g h t th e West India n colonies u nder
merca ntilist 'su rveilla nce' a nd ma de th em objects of Eu ropea n conflict.
Bu t Du nn more frequ ently referred to a 'su g a r boom' a nd, a lth ou g h h e
pla ced mu ch emph a sis on th e 'su g a r a nd sla very system', h is a na lysis
ma de rela tively little u se of th e su g a r revolu tion concept.12 In th e sa me
yea r a s th e Bridenba u g h s a nd Du nn (1972), Kea g y wrote th a t 'A socia l
revolu tion wa s coincidenta l with th e su g a r revolu tion' a nd, in a n a lterna -
tive formu la tion, 'th e introdu ction of su g a r ca ne crea ted a socia l revol-
u tion'; Lowenth a l sa id 'Su g a r brou g h t a socia l a s well a s a n a g ricu ltu ra l
revolu tion.'"3
Sh erida n's Su g a r a nd sla very (1974) g a ve g rea ter prominence to th e
concept. Ba sed on a London doctora l th esis of 1951 su pervised by F. J.
Fish er, Sh erida n u sed 'T h e su g a r revolu tion' a s a su bh ea ding in two of
h is ch a pters. In th e first, on Ba rba dos, h e u sed th e term severa l times,
to dra w a ttention to th e isla nd's 'nu merou s popu la tion of yeomen fa rmers
a t th e beg inning of th e su g a r revolu tion', th e initia l increa se in indentu red
a s well a s sla ve la bou r, th e 're-emig ra tion' of wh ites, th e 'drift towa rd
monocu ltu re', a nd th e consolida tion of la nd th a t 'proceeded ru th lessly a s
10
Bridenba u g h a nd Bridenba u g h , No pea ce beyond th e line, pp. 9-10, 68-9, 82, 86-7, 265, 276,
348, 413; Wa tts, Ma n's influ ence.
' Du nn, Su g a r a nd sla ves, pp. 19-20.
"lIbid., pp. 62, 66-7, 90, 116, 151, 187-8, 334.
13 Kea g y, 'Poor wh ites', pp. 15, 25; Lowenth a l, West India n societies, p. 27. Also in 1972, Cu rtin,
'Atla ntic sla ve tra de', p. 250.
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T HE SUGAR REVOLUT ION 217
th e su g a r revolu tion g a ined momentu m'. T h u s, for Sh erida n, th e su g a r
revolu tion wa s essentia lly economic ra th er th a n socia l.'4 His a na lysis
a dded a new dimension, emph a sizing ch a ng es in a g ricu ltu ra l tech niqu es
th a t responded to th e initia l environmenta l depreda tions of th e su g a r
revolu tion. Here Sh erida n su pported th e interpreta tion of Wa tts wh o
a rg u ed th a t th e 'ca ne h ole a g ricu ltu re' of Ba rba dos wa s a ra tiona l response
to th e ca ta stroph ic soil loss wh ich followed th e destru ction of forest a nd
th e ru sh to be rich . Bu t su ch 'h ig h fa rming ' wa s a long er-term conse-
qu ence of th e su g a r revolu tion ra th er th a n a n immedia te fea tu re. Indeed,
it wa s one of th e wa ys in wh ich Ba rba dos qu ite qu ickly beca me a n
exceptiona l su g a r colony. La ter, in 1984, Sh erida n noted th a t th e Briden-
ba u g h s a nd Du nn sh owed 'h ow th e su g a r revolu tion tra nsformed th e
a g ricu ltu ra l economy a nd effected a th orou g h g oing socia l revolu tion'.15
T h ese th ree h istories of th e Eng lish West Indies rema in th e principa l
g enera l a ccou nts of th e colonies in th e seventeenth a nd eig h teenth cen-
tu ries a nd th e most deta iled interpreta tions of th e su g a r revolu tion. T h ere
a re no equ iva lent volu mes for th e French territories, th ou g h th e concept
ma kes reg u la r a ppea ra nces. Price, in h is Fra nce a nd th e Ch esa pea ke (1973),
sa w 'a silent revolu tion' in th e yea rs 1640-70 in Gu a delou pe, Ma rtiniqu e,
a nd St Ch ristoph er, ma rked by a 'g ra du a l' retrea t from toba cco a nd 'th e
inexora ble a dva nce of su g a r'. For Price, th e 'socia l mea ning ' of th e
tra nsition to su g a r wa s to be fou nd in th e repla cement of th e wh ite
pea sa ntry by la rg e sla ve pla nta tions.16 In th e cou rse of a moneta ry h istory
of Gu a delou pe pu blish ed in 1979, Bu ffon rema rked: 'La revolu tion de
la ca nne 'a la fin du XVIIe siecle a tra nsformed la vie economiqu e et
socia le des miles; les colons, ru ins pa r la crise du ta ba c, doivent vendre
leu rs terres a u x h a bita nts su criers; l'escla va g e a ppa ra ft comme le seu l
mode ra tionnel d'exploita tion.' More interesting ly, elsewh ere in th a t work
h e referred to 'la premiere revolu tion su criere' a nd, following th e lea d of
La sserre, disting u ish ed it from 'la revolu tion indu strielle' of th e nineteenth
centu ry. T h e first wa s th a t of th e seventeenth centu ry, ma rked by th e
forma tion of pla nta tions ('h a bita tions'), th e decline of 'les petites propri-
etes ru ra les', a nd 'le recou rs systema tiqu e 'a la ma in-d'oeu vre servile'. T h e
'revolu tion indu strielle' wa s divided into two sta g es, th u s contribu ting to
th e emerg ing idea of ph a ses in th e evolu tion of th e su g a r indu stry a nd
th e possibility of mu ltiple su g a r revolu tions.17
T h e notion of mu ltiple su g a r revolu tions wa s closely a ssocia ted with
th e a pplica tion of th e idea to oth er times a nd pla ces, nota bly Cu ba in
th e nineteenth centu ry. Perh a ps th e first to do th is fu lly wa s th e Ja ma ica n
h istoria n Knig h t in h is Sla ve society in Cu ba du ring th e nineteenth centu ry
(1970). Knig h t pla ced Cu ba a t th e end of a n extended diffu sion of su g a r
14
Sh erida n, Su g a r a nd sla very, pp. 128-34, 141-3, 395. A su mma ry of th ese a rg u ments a ppea red
in idema Development, pp. 27-33, a nd la ter refinements in idem, 'Domestic economy', pp. 46-53.
15 Sh erida n, Su g a r a nd sla very, pp. 140-1; idem, 'Domestic economy', pp. 48-9; Wa tts, 'Orig ins'.
Cf. Du nn, Su g a r a nd sla ves, p. 90.
16 Price, Fra nce a nd th e Ch esa pea ke, I, pp. 75-7.
17 Bu ffon, Monna ie et credit, pp. 19, 42, 262-3; La sserre, Gu a delou pe, I, pp. 352-6, 391. Cf. Ga ston-
Ma rtin, Histoire de l'escla va g e, pp. 23-4.
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218 B. W. HIGMAN
a nd th e pla nta tion, beg inning with Cypru s in th e middle of th e fifteenth
centu ry, sa ying th a t 'it wa s only wh en most oth er societies were tu rning
a wa y from sla very a s a n economic system a nd a form of la bor org a niza tion
th a t th e Cu ba ns beca me involved in th e a g ricu ltu ra l revolu tion th a t h a d
entered th e Ca ribbea n Sea in th e ea rly seventeenth centu ry.' T h e 'su g a r
revolu tion' of th e ea stern Ca ribbea n provided th e model for Cu ba in
severa l respects: dependence on toba cco in th e 'prepla nta tion era ', 'a
revolu tion in la ndh olding ' pa tterns a nd tenu re, clea ra nce of h a rdwood
forest, new meth ods of org a nizing sla ve la bou r, a va st increa se in th e
sla ve tra de, a demog ra ph ic sh ift, a nd ch a ng es in interna tiona l commercia l
a nd politica l rela tionsh ips. Between 1763 a nd 1838 Cu ba experienced
'revolu tiona ry ch a ng es' th a t tra nsformed th e isla nd from 'a n u nder-
popu la ted, u nderdeveloped settlement of sma ll towns, ca ttle ra nch es, a nd
toba cco fa rms to a commu nity of la rg er su g a r a nd coffee pla nta tions'.
Knig h t titled th e second ch a pter of h is book 'T h e su g a r revolu tion of
th e nineteenth centu ry' a nd in it concentra ted on ch a ng es in milling
tech nolog y, most of wh ich occu rred a fter 1838. Here h e introdu ced th e
notion of sta g es in th e tra nsforma tion: 'In th e initia l sta g es before 1838
increa sed produ ction depended on th e prolifera tion of sma ll u nits.' T h e
la ter sta g es relied on th e intensive u se of stea m power in mills a nd
ra ilwa ys, th ou g h , sa id Knig h t, 'th e a doption of stea m did not by itself
crea te a fu ll-sca le revolu tion with in th e Cu ba n su g a r indu stry."' Like
La sserre a nd Bu ffon, Knig h t termed th is second sta g e of tra nsforma tion
'th e indu stria l revolu tion' in th e Cu ba n su g a r indu stry.19
In Cu ba , th en, th e su g a r revolu tion cou ld be seen a s h a ving two sta g es
occu rring with in a centu ry, wh erea s th e two revolu tions a ttribu ted to th e
French West Indies were sepa ra ted by 200 yea rs. However, in 1977
Knig h t a rg u ed th a t th e 'extensive a nd interrela ted ch a ng es in th e
demog ra ph y, la ndh olding a nd occu pa tiona l divisions' of th a t period
sh ou ld properly be ca lled 'th e first su g a r revolu tion, to disting u ish it from
th e second revolu tion wh ich took pla ce principa lly in Oriente in th e
period 1905-1924'.20 T h is second revolu tion wa s th e period in wh ich
US corpora tions pu sh ed immense su g a r pla nta tions into th e ea stern end
of Cu ba , eng rossing sma ller u nits. Hoernel a rg u ed a long simila r lines:
'T h e su g a r revolu tion ca me la te to Cu ba a nd even la ter to Oriente.'
Oriente's 'revolu tion in su g a r' wa s 'a u niqu e socia l tra nsforma tion'. It
mea nt, sa id Hoernel, 'revolu tiona ry ch a ng e a s a resu lt not only of foreig n
influ ence bu t a lso of foreig n control a nd desig n ca lcu la ted to produ ce
both moderniza tion a nd "America niza tion"'I.21
In 1978 Knig h t pu blish ed a reg iona l h istory, th e index to wh ich listed
'su g a r revolu tions' th ou g h th e text u sed only th e sing u la r form: 'Seen in
th e conventiona l terms of th e su g a r revolu tion, it is qu ite clea r th a t
th e Eng lish Ca ribbea n isla nds tended to experience th e first wa ve of
18
Knig h t, Sla ve society, pp. xviii, 3-17, 31, 194.
'9 Ibid., p. 38; Mintz in Gu erra y Sa nch ez, Su g a r a nd society, p. xxviii. See a lso T h oma s, Cu ba ,
p. 115.
20
Knig h t, 'Orig ins', p. 234, n. 8.
21
Hoernel, 'Su g a r a nd socia l ch a ng e', pp. 215, 217, 236.
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T HE SUGAR REVOLUT ION 219
intensifica tion, followed closely by th e French , with th e Spa nish colonies
bela tedly pa rticipa ting .'22 Bu t, u ntil 1978, no su g a r revolu tion h a d been
a ttribu ted to Pu erto Rico or th e Dominica n Repu blic. Historia ns of Cu ba
were equ a lly relu cta nt to u se th e term, th ou g h th ey recog nized th e
'profou nd ch a ng e' a ssocia ted with th e tra nsforma tion resu lting from su g a r,
beg inning with th e 'boom' of th e la te eig h teenth centu ry a nd th e 'long
su g a r org y' wh ich followed. Not only did th e Eng lish 'su g a r isla nds'
provide a model for Cu ba , bu t th e occu pa tion of Ha va na by th e Eng lish
in 1762-3 su pplied a n immedia te stimu lu s to th e emerg ence of a ca pita list
su g a r economy.23 Cu ba n pla nters th en tra velled to Ba rba dos a nd Ja ma ica
to observe th e pla nta tion system a nd su g a r tech nolog ies. British ma ch ines
were imported in qu a ntity. In th ese wa ys, th e British were seen to pla y
a role equ iva lent to th a t of th e Du tch in th e seventeenth centu ry.
Simila rly, it wa s from th e su bject litera tu re of th e British West Indies
th a t th e concept of th e su g a r revolu tion entered Cu ba n th ou g h t.24
II
In th e pa st 25 yea rs, th e su g a r revolu tion h a s become a commonpla ce
of Ca ribbea n h istory writing a nd development economics a nd been a ssimi-
la ted to a la rg er litera tu re.25 In some ca ses th e term is g iven ca pita l
letters or pla ced in inverted comma s, bu t it h a s clea rly become a u sefu l
sh orth a nd for a complex process, rea dily recog nized in contexts ou tside
pa rticu la r isla nd h istories. T h e term is never a ttribu ted to a pa rticu la r
sou rce, th ou g h th e idea s of oth er writers ma y be criticized explicitly, a nd
even wh en th e term is missing th e concept is u biqu itou s.
With in th e Ca ribbea n, territoria l contenders for th e su g a r revolu tion
h a ve not ch a ng ed sig nifica ntly. In 1984 Sca ra no a pplied th e term to
Pu erto Rico, a ppa rently for th e first time, bu t h is emph a sis wa s somewh a t
different from th a t of Knig h t's a na lysis of Cu ba a nd from work on th e
su g a r revolu tion of th e seventeenth centu ry. Sca ra no's u se of th e term
wa s socia l ra th er th a n indu stria l: 'th e su g a r revolu tion of th e nineteenth
centu ry led sla veowners to exercise stricter controls over th eir ch a ttel, to
limit opportu nities for ma nu mission, a nd to import su ch ma ssive nu mbers
of Africa ns a s to completely u pset th e cu ltu ra l config u ra tion of th e su bject
cla ss.'26 Pu erto Rico wa s a la tecomer, bu t th e tra nsforma tion eng endered
by su g a r in th e ea rly nineteenth centu ry, in some reg ions of th e isla nd,
22Knig h t, Ca ribbea n (1978), p. 87. In th e second edition (1990), p. 114, th e text is a mended to
'su g a r revolu tions' bu t su g a r is missing from th e index.
23
Moreno Fra g ina ls, Su g a rmill, pp. 18-28; idem, Ing enio, I, pp. 15-17, 68, 72, 96.
24
Gu erra y Sa nch ez, Su g a r a nd society, pp. 1-5.
25
Akenson, If th e Irish , pp. 71, 141; Blra ld, Histoire economiqu e, p. 26; Ku pperma n, Providence
Isla nd, p. 112; Beckles, History, pp. 20-3; Abenon, Gu a delou pe, I, pp. 195-211, II, p. 16; Da vis,
Sla very, pp. 58-72; Henry, Periph era l ca pita lism, p. 21; McCu sker, Essa ys, p. 311; McCu sker a nd
Mena rd, Economy, p. 156; Stein, French sla ve tra de, p. 7; Wa lvin, Fru its of empire, p. 136; Fog el,
With ou t consent, pp. 18-29; Brenner, Merch a nts a nd revolu tion, pp. 159-66; Eng erma n a nd Ga llma n,
eds., Ca mbridg e economic h istory of th e US, I; Knig h t, ed., Genera l h istory of th e Ca ribbea n, III; Ca nny,
ed., Oxford h istory of th e British empire, I, p. 226; Hou ston, 'Colonies, enterprises, a nd wea lth ',
pp. 164-70.
26
Sca ra no, Su g a r a nd sla very, p. 164. Cf. Ra mos Ma ttei, Ha cienda a zu ca rera , pp. 37-9.
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220 B. W. HIGMAN
ma tch ed th e consequ ences observed two centu ries ea rlier. In 1993, h ow-
ever, Ma rtinez-Ferna ndez a rg u ed th a t, compa red with Cu ba , Pu erto
Rico's expa nsion wa s sh orter (confined to th e 1820s a nd 1830s), more
loca lized, a nd less fa r-rea ch ing , so th a t 'If Cu ba 's su g a r boom wa s a
revolu tion, Pu erto Rico's wa s a revolt.'27 Ea rlier, in 1985, Moreno Fra g in-
a ls contended th a t a lth ou g h Cu ba a nd Pu erto Rico experienced a n
'indu stria l revolu tion in th e su g a r indu stry' th is 'wa s not a ccompa nied
by a complementa ry a g ricu ltu ra l revolu tion'. It wa s a tra nsforma tion
la rg ely interna l to th e indu stry, with less fa r-rea ch ing consequ ences th a n
th e su g a r revolu tion of th e seventeenth centu ry.28 Historia ns of th e
Dominica n Repu blic rea dily a g ree th a t between 1875 a nd 1920 th e su g a r
pla nta tions of th e sou th ern zone experienced 'revolu tiona ry ch a ng es' a nd
'a virtu a l a g ra ria n revolu tion', 'moderniza tion', a nd a 'su g a r boom', a nd
th a t ch a ng es in mill tech nolog y exh ibited 'typica l elements of th e Indu s-
tria l Revolu tion'.29 Bu t th e Dominica n Repu blic rema ins with ou t a certi-
fied su g a r revolu tion.
T h e su g a r revolu tion h a s a lso fou nd a pla ce in g enera l h istories of
su g a r. T h u s Ga llowa y's T h e su g a r ca ne indu stry (1989) both u ses th e term
explicitly a nd employs th e concept broa dly in wa ys th a t were u nknown
to Deerr's History of su g a r 40 yea rs ea rlier. Alth ou g h th e term itself
a ppea rs only once in Ga llowa y's book, th e concept is ever-present a nd
ma de to pla y a n importa nt role in a ttempts to u ndersta nd th e modem
world economy.30 Often th e model provided by th e su g a r revolu tion h a s
been expa nded to encompa ss th e 'pla nta tion revolu tion' a s defined by
Sh erida n in th e la te 1960s, a nd u sed to expla in th e su bordina tion of
periph ery to metropolis a s well a s th e impossibility of long -term economic
development in pla nta tion economies.31
Oth er writers h a ve pla ced th e su g a r revolu tion of th e seventeenth
centu ry in th e context of a long er pa ttern of evolu tion a nd diffu sion.
T h u s Cra ton, in 1984, a rg u ed th a t New World pla nta tions differed from
th eir Mediterra nea n precu rsors only in 'sca le a nd intensity'. In h is view,
'th e su g a r revolu tion' (th e pla nta tion system esta blish ed in Ba rba dos
between 1640 a nd 1660) represented no 'critica l revolu tiona ry wa tersh ed',
a nd indeed 'wa s no revolu tion a t a ll'.32 T h is wa s a n interpreta tion bu ilding
on ea rlier work by Verlinden wh o contended th a t most tech niqu es of
coloniza tion developed in th e Atla ntic, inclu ding th e su g a r pla nta tion,
h a d th eir u ltima te orig ins in th e ea stern Mediterra nea n in th e la ter middle
a g es.33 On th e oth er h a nd, stu dies of su g a r in fifteenth -centu ry Ma deira ,
by Ra u , conclu ded th a t, a lth ou g h th e isla nd's coloniza tion, deforesta tion,
27
Ma rtinez-Fernmndez, 'Sweet a nd th e bitter', p. 59.
28
Moreno Fra g ina ls, 'Pla nta tions', p. 5.
29
Brya n, 'Qu estion of la bor', pp. 235-6; Del Ca stillo, 'Forma tion', p. 216; Ba u d, 'Orig ins', pp. 140-
2; Moreno Fra g ina ls, 'Pla nta tions', p. 14.
30
Ga llowa y, Su g a r ca ne indu stry, p. 115; Deerr, History of su g a r; Mintz, Sweetness a nd power, pp. 36-
65; Meinig , Sh a ping , I, pp. 164-8; Sca mmell, First imperia l a g e, pp. 44, 124-31.
31
Sh erida n, 'Pla nta tion revolu tion'; Sta vria nos, Globa l rift, pp. 88-90.
32
Cra ton, 'Historica l roots', pp. 215-17.
33Verlinden, 'T ra nsfer', pp. 18-32. See a lso Bra u del, M&diterra nee, p. 123; Wa llerstein, Modem
world-system, p. 88; Ga llowa y, 'Mediterra nea n su g a r indu stry'; Da vis, Sla very, pp. 58-63.
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T HE SUGAR REVOLUT ION 221
a nd development of su g a r a s a n export economy with in a period of ju st
30 yea rs wa s 'a tru ly extra ordina ry ph enomenon', it wa s ba sed on sma ll-
sca le produ ction u nits a nd limited sla very, a nd th u s 'still fa r from th e
g rea t su g a r-ca ne pla nta tions of fu tu re Bra zil, with th eir sla very institu tions
a nd th eir g rea t mill a nd pla nta tion owners'.34 A simila r ca se wa s a rg u ed
in 1987 by Ferna tndez-Armesto wh o termed Ma deira 's rise to prosperity
'specta cu la r'. Su g a r took over th e isla nd in a s little a s a deca de. In th e
Ca pe Verde Isla nds, in th e 1460s, 'a new model wa s introdu ced: th e
sla ve-ba sed pla nta tion economy, u nprecedented in Eu ropea n experience
since th e a ncient la tifu ndia .' On th e oth er h a nd, Ferna indez-Armesto
a rg u ed th a t a lth ou g h sla ve la bou r wa s u sed in th e first su g a r mills of th e
Ca na ry Isla nds, th e ca ne la nd wa s worked by sh a recroppers.35
In th e most complete long -term stu dy, T h e rise a nd fa ll of th e pla nta tion
complex (1990), tra cing th e diffu sion from th e Mediterra nea n to th e
America s, Cu rtin conclu ded th a t th e seventeenth -centu ry su g a r revolu tion
wa s indeed a revolu tion, th ou g h 'th a t pa rticu la r su g a r revolu tion of th e
seventeenth centu ry wa s only one a mong ma ny'. T h u s for Cu rtin th e
movement of th e complex from Ma deira to Bra zil wa s a 'su g a r revolu tion',
a s were ea ch of th e su bsequ ent movements with in th e Ca ribbea n, a nd
beyond to Ma u ritiu s, Na ta l, Fiji, a nd Ha wa ii. At th e sa me time, Cu rtin
g a ve a specia l pla ce to th e su g a r revolu tion of th e ea stern Ca ribbea n,
a rg u ing th a t wh ile it followed th e 'institu tiona l a nd economic pa tterns'
esta blish ed in Bra zil, 'th is new version of th e pla nta tion complex wa s more
specia lized, more dependent on networks of ma ritime, intercontinenta l
commu nica tion.
'36
Ba rba dos, sa id Green in 1988, 'sta g ed th e first West India n su g a r
revolu tion'.37 Ga llowa y's a ccou nt simila rly pla ced Ba rba dos a t th e core
of th is 'socia l a nd economic revolu tion', bu t like Knig h t h e a rg u ed for a
sequ entia l sprea d in wh ich 'th e su g a r revolu tion took h old in one colony
a fter th e oth er', increa sing densities a nd sh ifting th e demog ra ph ic ba la nce
towa rds ensla ved Africa ns. Pu sh ing th e process ba ck in time, Ga llowa y
a rg u ed th a t th e esta blish ment of th e su g a r indu stry in th e Mediterra nea n
a rou nd 900 wa s pa rt of a n 'Ara b a g ricu ltu ra l revolu tion' bu t h e did not
term th ose events a su g a r revolu tion.38 Simila rly, h is a ccou nt of th e
sprea d of su g a r th rou g h th e Atla ntic isla nds of Ma deira , th e Azores, th e
Ca na ries, a nd Sdo T ome sa w th e emerg ence of a n a g ricu ltu ra l system
increa sing ly like th e colonia l su g a r pla nta tion of tropica l America , bu t
still prototypica l. Even Bra zil, in th e la te sixteenth a nd ea rly seventeenth
centu ries, la cked th e fu ll pa cka g e of ch a ra cteristics necessa ry for a su g a r
revolu tion, a nd no h istoria n, it seems, h a s a pplied th e term, th ou g h su g a r
is seen a s determina tive of th e socia l a nd economic life of Perna mbu co
a nd Ba h ia .39
34
Ra u , 'Settlement of Ma deira ', p. 6.
35 Femdindez-Armesto, Before Colu mbu s, pp. 198-200.
36 Cu rtin, Rise a nd fa ll, p. 73.
3 Green, 'Su pply versu s dema nd', p. 414.
38 Ga llowa y, Su g a r ca ne indu stry, pp. 33, 46, 80-2, 115.
39 Ibid., pp. 70-8; Sch wa rtz, Su g a r pla nta tions, pp. 15-26; idem, 'Colonia l Bra zil', pp. 423-53.
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222 B. W. HIGMAN
T h ere h a s been a simila r relu cta nce to a pply th e term to th e tech nolog i-
ca l a nd org a niza tiona l ch a ng es th a t tra nsformed th e su g a r indu stry in th e
'long ' nineteenth centu ry, th e period of La sserre's 'revolu tion indu strielle'.
Between 1790 a nd 1914, a rg u es Ga llowa y: 'T h e g ra du a l evolu tion th a t
h a d ch a ra cterized th e indu stry over th e centu ries from g a rden cu ltiva tion
in th e Leva nt to th e la rg e pla nta tions of th e West Indies g a ve wa y to a
pa ce a nd scope of ch a ng e th a t wa s revolu tiona ry in compa rison.'40 In
spite of th is dra ma tic 'brea k with th e pa st', it wa s to th e period before
1790 th a t Ga llowa y a pplied th e term su g a r revolu tion. Sch na kenbou rg
a rg u ed th a t in th e 1840s th e pla nters of th e French West Indies intro-
du ced 'u ne verita ble revolu tion indu strielle', combining modern tech -
nolog y formerly u sed in th e beet su g a r indu stry a nd th e centra liza tion of
ma nu fa ctu re for neig h bou ring pla nta tions in 'u sines centra les'. Simila rly,
h e described extremely ra pid ch a ng e in Gu a delou pe in th e second h a lf
of th e nineteenth centu ry, tech nolog ica l ch a ng es wh ich repla ced th e
'preindu strielle' system, a nd compa red th e new tech nolog ies with th e
indu stria l revolu tion in French textiles.41 However revolu tiona ry th ese
ch a ng es mig h t h a ve been, th ey tend to be considered interna l to th e
su g a r indu stry, with na rrower implica tions th a n th e su g a r revolu tion
of th e seventeenth centu ry.42 T h ey were g loba l ch a ng es la cking g loba l
consequ ences. T h u s th e 'su g a rca ne revolu tion' th a t Ra ndh a wa identifies
in Ja va in th e 1890s a nd in India in th e ea rly twentieth centu ry wa s
merely 'a revolu tion in th e meth od of ca ne improvement'. As Lewis
observed, su g a r wa s 'T h e only tropica l crop to experience a scientific
revolu tion' before 1914.43 All of th ese ch a ng es were eng rossed by th e
la rg er notion of moderniza tion. For exa mple, a lth ou g h La rkin's stu dy of
th e crea tion of 'su g a r society' in th e Ph ilippines in th e yea rs 1836-1920
recog nized 'th e u niversa l determinism of su g a r in societa l development',
h e did not ca ll th e resu lta nt 'tra nsforma tion' of la nd, society, a nd polity
a su g a r revolu tion.44 T itle to th e su g a r revolu tion rema ins firmly loca ted
in th e seventeenth -centu ry West Indies.
III
Mintz, in 1964, described th e pla nta tion a s a tru ly New World crea tion:
'from th e perspective of post-Roma n Eu ropea n h istory, th e pla nta tion
wa s a n a bsolu tely u nprecedented socia l, economic, a nd politica l insti-
tu tion, a nd by no mea ns simply a n innova tion in th e org a niza tion of
a g ricu ltu re.'45 From th e 1940s, French writers h a d emph a sized th e du a l
a g ricu ltu ra l a nd indu stria l a spects of th e tra nsforma tion wrou g h t by su g a r,
a nd referred to th e su g a r complex a s a n 'a g ricu ltu re-indu strie'. In 1985
40
Ga llowa y, Su g a r ca ne indu stry, p. 123.
41
Sch na kenbou rg , Histoire, pp. 201, 205; idem, 'Dispa rition', pp. 257-9, 291-2.
42
Bea ch ey, British West Indies su g a r indu stry; Heitma nn, Moderniza tion.
43
Ra ndh a wa , History of a g ricu ltu re in India , III, pp. 329-30; Lewis, T ropica l development, p. 19;
Ga llowa y, Su g a r ca ne indu stry, p. 194.
44
La rkin, Su g a r, pp. 2-6, 46, 167.
45 Mintz in Gu erra y Sa nch ez, Su g a r a nd society, p. xiv. See a lso Sh erida n, Development, p. 55.
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T HE SUGAR REVOLUT ION 223
Mintz a dva nced th e 'h eretica l' view th a t th e su g a r pla nta tion wa s 'prob-
a bly th e closest th ing to indu stry th a t wa s typica l of th e seventeenth
centu ry'.46 Pu tting qu a ntita tive va lu e on th is a rg u ment, Fog el emph a sized
th e sca le of ca pita l investment in su g a r pla nta tion la nd a nd ma ch inery
wh ich crea ted enterprises not ma tch ed in th e US u ntil a fter 1810.
Eig h teenth -centu ry su g a r pla nta tions, cla ims Fog el, 'were th e la rg est pri-
va tely owned enterprises of th e a g e a nd th eir owners were a mong th e
rich est of a ll men'. Su g a r pla nta tions a lso u sed 'some of th e most
a dva nced tech nolog y of th eir a g e', inclu ding 'a new indu stria l la bor
discipline', th is more th a n a centu ry ea rlier th a n in th e fa ctories of Brita in
a nd New Eng la nd.47 Pa qu ette a nd Eng erma n in 1996 a rg u ed th a t in th e
period 1650-1750 su g a r pla nta tions involved 'a soph istica ted integ ra tion
of produ ction a nd processing a nd a n intensive u se of th e fa ctors of
produ ction' th a t crea ted 'some of th e most a dva nced economic enterprises
in th e world'.48 Bla ckbu rn, in 1997, fu rth er emph a sized th e 'modernity' of
th e pla nta tion, seeing th e 'milita ry revolu tion' of 1560-1660 a s su pplying a
model for th e
pla nta tion
a nd th e
'pla nta tion
revolu tion'.49
T ra ditiona lly, th e su g a r revolu tion h a s not been a ssocia ted with sig nifi-
ca nt tech nolog ica l innova tion. T h u s Ra tekin in 1954 a rg u ed th a t th e
su g a r mills esta blish ed in Espa fiola in th e ea rly sixteenth centu ry h a rked
ba ck to th ose of tenth -centu ry Eg ypt.50 Sh erida n in 1960 cla imed th a t,
compa red with th e indu stria l revolu tions of th e nineteenth a nd twentieth
centu ries, tech nolog ies of su g a r cu ltiva tion a nd ma nu fa ctu re ch a ng ed little
before 1800. 'With slig h t modifica tion', h e sa id, 'th e system of Eng lish
a g ricu ltu re wh ich wa s tra nspla nted in th e tropics du ring th e seventeenth
centu ry persisted for nea rly two centu ries.'5' T h is notion of tech nolog ica l
sta g na tion wa s long a ttribu ted to th e ba ckwa rdness of th e pla nters a s a
cla ss a nd th e wa ys in wh ich sla very inh ibited innova tion. T h e constru ction
of th e pla nters a s economic ra tiona lists, a development pa ra llel to th e
a ccepta nce of th e neu tra lizing su g a r revolu tion concept, necessa rily ca st
dou bt on th e entire pa cka g e of idea s linked with ba ckwa rdness a nd
decline a nd fa ll.52 T h u s recent sch ola rsh ip h a s qu estioned th e u nderlying
a ssu mptions, providing evidence of experiment, invention, a nd th e a dop-
tion of new tech nolog ies, from th e tech niqu es of cu ltiva tion to mill
ma ch inery. Most of th is resea rch rela tes to periods ou tside th e u su a l
timing of th e su g a r revolu tion, bu t some of it does su g g est a very ea rly
46
Ma g a lh a es Godinh o, 'Indu strie et commerce', p. 543; Mintz, Sweetness a nd power, p. 48.
47
Fog el, With ou t consent, pp. 23-6.
48
Pa qu ette a nd Eng erma n, eds., Lesser Antilles, p. 6.
49
Bla ckbu rn, Ma king of New World sla very, pp. 229-31, 242, 335, 419, 511, 589; Pa rker, Milita ry
revolu tion, p. 1.
50
Ra tekin, 'Ea rly su g a r indu stry', pp. 4-7.
51
Sh erida n, 'Sa mu el Ma rtin', p. 126.
52
Mintz in Gu erra y Sinch ez, Su g a r a nd society, p. xxi; Edel, 'Bra zilia n su g a r cycle', p. 31; Ba tie,
'Wh y su g a r?', pp. 17-27; Meriva le, Lectu res; Willia ms, Ca pita lism a nd sla very; Gra y, History of a g ricu l-
tu re, I, pp. 437, 444-5.
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224 B. W. HIGMAN
willing ness to experiment, a dopt, a nd a da pt, pa rticu la rly in milling tech -
nolog y.53
Ba rba dos reta ins its pla ce a s th e a rch etype of th e su g a r revolu tion a nd
h a s been th e focu s of th e most soph istica ted tech nica l stu dies. Most of
th is work h a s been concerned with th e tra nsition from wh ite indentu red
to bla ck ensla ved la bou r. Economic a nd cou nterfa ctu a l modelling h a s
been a pplied to th e la bou r qu estion in severa l stu dies, ma ny of th em
compa ring th e experience of th e su g a r colonies with th a t of th e toba cco
colonies of th e ma inla nd. An u nea sy consensu s h a s emerg ed th a t th e
su g a r pla nters' sh ift to sla ve la bou r wa s th e produ ct of ra tiona l ma rket
ch oice. Wh a t is most importa nt for present pu rposes is th a t th ese a na lyses
a re explicitly set in th e context of th e 'su g a r revolu tion' wh ile rejecting
th e deterministic a nd ra cia l interpreta tions of ea rlier sch ola rs.54 However,
clima te a nd ra ce h a ve proven h a rd to sh a ke off, resu rfa cing a s perceptions
a nd a ttitu des or a s a ctive biolog ica l a g ents. For exa mple, Eltis h a s a rg u ed
th e importa nce of non-economic fa ctors in th e ch oice of ensla ved Africa ns
over indentu red wh ites, a ch oice ensu red by th e fa ct th a t 'th e su g a r
revolu tion proceeded too qu ickly to a llow Eu ropea ns to a dju st perceptions
of insiders a nd ou tsiders'.55
Arch iva l resea rch on sou rces of ca pita l for th e su g a r revolu tion h a s
been ca rried ou t for Ja ma ica by Za h edieh a nd for Cu ba by Knig h t. T h eir
finding s a re simila r, sh owing th a t interna l sou rces were more importa nt
th a n metropolita n, su pporting th e a rg u ment of Pa res a g a inst Ada m
Smith .56 Contribu ting to th is interpreta tion, Emmer h a s qu estioned th e
long h eld view th a t th e Du tch 'ca ta lyzed th e su g a r revolu tion in th e
Lesser Antilles if th ey did not orig ina te it', bu t reg retta bly, existing
a rch iva l evidence is insu fficient to ena ble ca lcu la tion of th e volu me of
investment a nd tra de. Emmer dou bts th a t th e Du tch offered g enerou s
credit, a fter th eir experience in Bra zil, a nd, in a ny ca se, 'severa l of th e
wea lth y pla nters in th e Ca ribbea n th emselves cou ld h a ve fina nced th eir
pu rch a ses of sla ves a nd equ ipment'.57 Efforts to estima te wea lth a nd
income flows g enera ted by th e su g a r revolu tion h a ve been few a nd
inh ibited by empirica l deficiencies. Only Eltis's estima tes of tota l a nd per
ca pu t produ ct for Ba rba dos in th e 1660s fa ll with in a n a ccepted period
of th e su g a r revolu tion; oth er stu dies g enera lly rela te to la ter yea rs. It is
importa nt to note, h owever, th a t Eltis does confirm th e 'extra ordina rily
h ig h incomes' of th e pla nters of Ba rba dos. Even if sla ves a nd serva nts
a re inclu ded, per ca pu t incomes were h ig h by compa rison with th e North
America n colonies or th e Eng lish h omela nd. T h e strong performa nce of
th e Ca ribbea n su g a r colonies before 1700 ma de th em 'fa r more sig nifica nt
53
Ga llowa y, 'T ra dition a nd innova tion'; idem, Su g a r ca ne indu stry; Ormrod, 'Evolu tion of soil
ma na g ement'; Sa tch ell, 'Ea rly u se of stea m power'; McCu sker, Essa ys, p. 324; Da niels, 'Ag ro-
indu stries'; Da niels a nd Da niels, 'Orig in'.
54 Vig nols, 'Qu estion ma l posee'; T h ompson, 'Clima tic th eory'; Ga lenson, Wh ite servitu de, pp. 149-
51; Beckles, Wh ite servitu de; Beckles a nd Downes, 'Economics of tra nsition', pp. 226-30; Green,
'Su pply versu s dema nd', pp. 403-6; Bea n a nd T h oma s, 'Adoption', pp. 377-98.
55
Eltis, 'Eu ropea ns', p. 1422; Coelh o a nd McGu ire, 'Africa n a nd Eu ropea n'.
56 Za h edieh , 'T ra de'; Knig h t, 'Orig ins'; Pa res, Merch a nts a nd pla nters, p. 50.
57
Emmer, '"Jesu s Ch rist"', pp. 211-12.
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T HE SUGAR REVOLUT ION 225
th a n a ny oth er reg ion of th e America s', a nd Eltis conclu des th a t 'in its
ca pa city to g enera te h ig h -va lu e exports rela tive to both its ph ysica l a nd
demog ra ph ic size, Ba rba dos wa s a new ph enomenon in th e Atla ntic
world. '58
Stu dies of ch a ng es in la nd tenu re a nd distribu tion ba sed on intensive
work in a rch ives rema in ra re, th ou g h th e pa ttern in Ba rba dos before a nd
a fter th e su g a r revolu tion h a s become better u nderstood, a s h a s th e
distribu tion a nd sca le of sla veownersh ip. T h e a ppa rent impa ct of th e
su g a r revolu tion is modera ted, sh owing th a t la rg e h olding s existed before
su g a r a nd th a t sma llh olding s su rvived th e sprea d of monocu ltu re in ma ny
isla nd nich es. According to Sh erida n, th e notion 'th a t th e big pla nters
bou g h t u p a ll th e la nd in th e su g a r colonies is a myth '.59 Demog ra ph ic
stu dies h a ve a lso become increa sing ly refined, th ou g h h a mpered by da ta
deficiencies for th e centra l yea rs of th e su g a r revolu tion.60 T h e tra nsform-
a tion of environment a nd la ndsca pe h a s been tra ced by Wa tts, sh owing
th a t deforesta tion a nd specta cu la r erosion followed th e pa th of th e su g a r
revolu tion, crea ting a sig nifica nt ecolog ica l discontinu ity.6' T h e politica l
emph a sis of ea rlier writers h a s a lso been revisited. Cra ton, for exa mple,
a rg u ed in 1995 th a t th e introdu ction of su g a r to Ba rba dos initia ted a
complex 'socioeconomic a nd th erefore politica l revolu tion'.62
IV
T h e su g a r revolu tion h a s been g iven a la rg e role in th e commercia l
revolu tion a nd Eng lish imperia l expa nsion in th e seventeenth centu ry.63
T h e sig nifica nce of su g a r in Eng lish tra de h a s long been a cknowledg ed.
Za h edieh , for exa mple, sta ted th a t 'su g a r qu ickly beca me Eng la nd's
lea ding colonia l import a nd, from its first a rriva l on th e ma rket in th e
1640s, yielded a fa r h ig h er a nd stea dier profit th a n a ny oth er America n
ca sh crop'. In th e period 1600-1800, a rg u ed Fog el, sla ve-produ ced su g a r
wa s 'th e sing le most importa nt of th e interna tiona lly tra ded commodities,
dwa rfing in va lu e th e tra de in g ra in, mea t, fish , toba cco, ca ttle, spices,
cloth , or meta ls'.64 According to McFa rla ne: 'T h e sh ift towa rds su g a r
tra nsformed Eng la nd's rela tions both with its Ca ribbea n colonies a nd
with its colonia l settlements a s a wh ole, forg ing economic links wh ich
tu rned th e sca ttered America n territories into a n interconnected system
wh ich more properly resembled a n empire.' T h e West Indies were essen-
tia l to th e economic development of th e non-pla nta tion colonies north of
Virg inia , a nd th e isla nds served a s a spring boa rd for th e sprea d of sla very
58
Eltis, 'T ota l produ ct', pp. 334-7; Sh erida n, 'Wea lth '; Wa rd, 'Profita bility'.
59
Sh erida n, 'Domestic economy', p. 51. See a lso Pa res, Merch a nts a nd pla nters, pp. 18-19, 66
n. 35; Niddrie, 'Attempt'; Innes, 'Pre-su g a r era '; Ca mpbell, 'Aspects'.
60Beckles, Wh ite servitu de, pp. 13-23, 125-34; Pu ckrein, Little Eng la nd, pp. 65-7, 147-59.
61
Wa tts, Ma n's influ ence; idem, West Indies, pp. 228-31; Rich a rdson, Ca ribbea n, p. 30.
62
Cra ton, 'Property a nd propriety', pp. 503, 507. See a lso Brenner, Merch a nts a nd revolu tion,
pp. 165-6.
63
Moreno Fra g ina ls, 'Pla nta tions', p. 9, refers to a 'commercia l revolu tion', c. 1870-1900, a nd
'wh a t ca n be ca lled th e revolu tion of th e su g a r tra de'.
64
Za h edieh , 'T ra de', p. 206; Fog el, With ou t consent, pp. 21-2; Fa rnie, 'Commercia l empire', p. 210.
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226 B. W. HIGMAN
in th e Sou th . T h e Ba rba dos 'su g a r revolu tion', contended McFa rla ne,
'crea ted a n a rch etype' for th e development of a la rg er British West India n
economy, 'bou nd to Eng la nd a nd th e North America n colonies by th e
circu its of a n increa sing ly soph istica ted system of tra nsa tla ntic a nd inter-
colonia l tra de'. 65 More broa dly, th e su g a r revolu tion wa s a powerfu l
impetu s to th e development of 'tria ng u la r a nd mu ltila tera l tra des' th a t
involved Africa th rou g h th e sla ve tra de, a nd Irela nd th rou g h tra de in
provisions a nd livestock.66
T h e impa ct on Africa 's economic stru ctu re a nd tra de is compa ra ble.
For exa mple, in 1993 Sea ring a rg u ed th a t th e Atla ntic economy rea ch ed
into th e Seneg a l in th e la te seventeenth centu ry, exposing it for th e first
time to a n externa l dyna mic. T h is dyna mic h a d its sou rce in th e pla n-
ta tions of th e America s: 'T h e su g a r revolu tion drove th e wh eels of
merca ntilist ca pita lism like a mig h ty wind, propelling sh ips a nd ca rg oes
of tra de g oods to th e sh ores of West Africa , wh ere th e Atla ntic world
pu rch a sed th e sla ves wh ose swea t a nd blood fed th e eng ines of economic
g rowth .'67 Ea rlier, Fra nk a rg u ed th a t a n importa nt, 'perh a ps th e ma jor,
contribu tion to th e eig h teenth -centu ry commercia l revolu tion ca me from
th e su g a r revolu tion a nd th e a ssocia ted sla ve a nd tria ng u la r tra de'.68
T h ese a re a rg u ments bu ilding on th e work of Willia ms, Pa res, a nd
Sh erida n, bu t now firmly loca ted with in Eu ropea n a nd Atla ntic economic
h istory a nd explicitly linked to th e consequ ences of th e su g a r revolu tion.
Recent stu dies of th e h istory of su g a r h a ve introdu ced new elements,
pa rticu la rly th e neg a tive consequ ences for consu mers, ma king su g a r a
dou ble disa ster ra th er th a n a n entrepreneu ria l a ch ievement. Su g a r is now
seen a s a n a ddictive su bsta nce, nu tritiona lly su perflu ou s, th e sou rce of
tooth deca y, obesity, a nd ca rdiova scu la r problems, a commodity ba rely
prefera ble to th e toba cco it often repla ced. T h e su g a r revolu tion h a s
come to be pla ced a t th e symbolic centre of th e 'consu mer revolu tion'
a nd a t th e h ea rt of Eu ropea n dieta ry tra nsforma tion a ssocia ted with th e
indu stria l revolu tion. From a lu xu ry g ood, su g a r beca me a commodity
of common consu mption, a nd in th is wa y, a rg u ed Mintz, su g a r 'epitom-
ized th e tra nsition from one kind of society to a noth er'. Fu rth er:
T h e first sweetened cu p of h ot tea to be dru nk by a n Eng lish worker wa s a
sig nifica nt h istorica l event, beca u se it prefig u red th e tra nsforma tion of a n
entire society, a tota l rema king of its economic a nd socia l ba sis. We mu st
stru g g le to u ndersta nd fu lly th e consequ ences of th a t a nd kindred events, for
u pon th em wa s erected a n entirely different conception of th e rela tionsh ip
65
McFa rla ne, British in th e America s, pp. 129-32. See a lso Holmes, Ma king of a g rea t power,
pp. 64-5; Sh erida n, Development, p. 70.
66 Cla y, Economic expa nsion, II, pp. 168-78; Solow, 'Ca pita lism a nd sla very', pp. 730-1; T ru xes,
Irish -America n tra de, pp. 13-19.
67
Sea ring , West Africa n sla very, p. 27.
68
Fra nk, World a ccu mu la tion, p. 120.
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T HE SUGAR REVOLUT ION 227
between produ cers a nd consu mers, of th e mea ning of work, of th e definition
of
self,
of th e na tu re of
th ing s.69
T h e fu ll sig nifica nce of th is event comes into clea rer focu s th rou g h
compa rison with th e h istory of su g a r in Ch ina . T h ere, a lth ou g h su g a rca ne
produ cts were u sed from a ncient times, su g a r never beca me a food of
common consu mption. Fu rth er, a lth ou g h Ch ina wa s th e site of fu nda men-
ta l innova tion in su g a r cu ltiva tion a nd ma nu fa ctu re, su g a rca ne wa s never
a monocu ltu re nor wa s it produ ced on pla nta tions or by sla ves. In Ch ina ,
su g a r never beca me th e centre of a dieta ry or socia l revolu tion.70
V
T h e su g a r revolu tion concept h a s now been tried a nd tested for h a lf a
centu ry. Ha s it su ccessfu lly su rvived th a t testing a nd does it rema in a
u sefu l wa y of u ndersta nding th e events it a ttempts to compreh end? Wa s
th e su g a r revolu tion a fu nda menta l h istorica l discontinu ity? T h e term h a s
been broa dly a ccepted a nd u sers h a ve ra rely qu estioned its va lidity or
been explicitly critica l. Sometimes it h a s been employed merely a s a
dra ma tic device, bu t, a s th e term h a s moved from a g enera l to a more
specia lized litera tu re, it h a s been requ ired to ca rry corresponding ly g rea ter
a na lytica l weig h t.
In order to a ttempt a critiqu e of th e su g a r revolu tion concept, it is
necessa ry to consider first th e precision of its definition. T h ree distinct
u ses a re identifia ble in th e litera tu re. First, th e su g a r revolu tion is some-
times ta ken to mea n prima rily a sh ift to su g a r produ ction from oth er
economic a ctivities (typica lly toba cco g rowing ). T h is u sa g e, wh ich is
rela tively recent, ma kes oth er events (su ch a s ch a ng es in la nd a nd la bou r)
'consequ ences' of th e su g a r revolu tion or coincidenta l constitu ents.71
Secondly, some writers h a ve emph a sized th e socia l a spects of th e tra n-
sition: th e sh ift from wh ite indentu red to bla ck sla ve la bou r a nd th e
emig ra tion of th e wh ite yeoma nry. T h is wa s th e form in wh ich th e su g a r
revolu tion concept wa s born, th e socia l revolu tion of Ga ston-Ma rtin a nd
of Pa rry a nd Sh erlock. Both of th ese mea ning s focu s firmly on events in
th e Ca ribbea n. T h e th ird definition is mu ch more wide ra ng ing ,
encompa ssing ch a ng es in economy, demog ra ph y, society, a nd politics,
not merely in th e Ca ribbea n bu t th rou g h ou t th e Atla ntic' world, a nd
crea ting models of modernity. T h is la st definition h a s a ttra cted a g rowing
ba nd of a dvoca tes.
Alth ou g h th ese th ree definitions a re rea dily disting u ish a ble, th ey fre-
qu ently intersect a nd writers seem not a lwa ys to be a wa re th a t th ey a re
69
Mintz, Sweetness a nd power, p. 214. See a lso T h oma s a nd Bea n, 'Fish ers of men', p. 914;
Crosby, Ecolog ica l imperia lism, pp. 77-8; Hobh ou se, Seeds, pp. xiv, 58-66; Au sten a nd Smith , 'Priva te
tooth deca y'; Za h edieh , 'London', p. 243; Wa lvin, Fru its of empire, p. 125; McKendrick et a l., Birth
of a consu mer society; Komlos, 'New World's contribu tion', pp. 71-3.
70 Da niels, 'Ag ro-indu stries', pp. 79, 87, 93; Ma zu mda r, Su g a r a nd society in Ch ina , pp. 1-4, 138-
60, 171, 193-4, 421 n. 2, 498 n. 37.
71 Kea g y, 'Poor wh ites', p. 15; Ga lenson, T ra ders, pp. 7-43; Green, 'Ca ribbea n h istoriog ra ph y',
pp. 513-14; Hoyos, Ba rba dos, pp. 32-46.
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228 B. W. HIGMAN
ta lking a bou t different th ing s. T h is is not a n u nu su a l situ a tion. T h e
sh ifting mea ning of th e su g a r revolu tion h a s pa ra llels in, for exa mple, th e
su bject litera tu re of th e indu stria l revolu tion a nd th e a g ricu ltu ra l
revolu tion.72 It rema ins a n importa nt issu e, h owever, beca u se it a ffects
expla na tion a nd interpreta tion. Wh erea s most writers see su g a r a s determi-
na tive, a nd th e sh ift to su g a r a s th e ca u se of th e sh ift to sla ve la bou r,
some ma ke th e sh ift to sla very a necessa ry condition of th e sh ift to
su g a r.73 T h e sa me a pplies to th e ca u sa l rela tions between su g a r a nd th e
pla nta tion, a nd h ence th e crea tion of wh a t Sh erida n termed th e pla nta tion
revolu tion. Wh a t is a t sta ke h ere is th e determina tive sta tu s of su g a r, a s
pla nt, commodity, a nd symbol. If su g a r wa s not tru ly determina tive, it
mig h t be better to ca ll th e su g a r revolu tion someth ing else-perh a ps
Sh erida n's pla nta tion revolu tion, or a socia l or economic or indu stria l
revolu tion-or to dismiss it a s a myth . Most of th e revolu tions in th e
su bject litera tu re h a ve come to be termed myth s a nd inventions, a t one
time or a noth er, bu t th e su rvivors a ppea r rema rka bly resilient.
It is tru e th a t th e processing of su g a rca ne mu st ta ke pla ce qu ickly a fter
its h a rvest, prefera bly with in a da y or two, a nd th a t economies of sca le
ma ke th e ca pita l equ ipment of fa ctories a costly investment. T h ese fa cts
a re ba sic to th e notion th a t su g a r cou ld be produ ced profita bly in th e
seventeenth centu ry only on la rg e pla nta tions.74 Da vis, for exa mple,
a rg u ed in 1973 th a t th is ou tcome wa s determined by 'a simple fa ct of
tech nolog y'. Fu rth er, h e sa id, to produ ce su g a r on a n efficient sca le, th e
pla nta tion 'requ ired a la rg e concentra tion of fixed-ca pita l, a nd th e owner
of th e ca pita l wa nted a completely su bordina ted a nd rig idly disciplined
la bou r force'. T h e resu lt wa s th a t 'su g a r tra nsformed society in every
a rea it tou ch ed, beca u se of th e economies of sca le th a t la rg e produ ctive
u nits offered'.75 However, both modern a nd h istorica l experience sh ow
th a t su g a r ca n in fa ct be produ ced profita bly by a ra ng e of systems.
Sma ll fa rmers ca n a nd do cu ltiva te ca ne a nd sell to la rg e centra l mills,
th e mill being owned by th e fa rmers th emselves th rou g h co-opera tive
a rra ng ements or by independent corpora tions or th e sta te. Someth ing
like th is seemed a possible ou tcome in seventeenth -centu ry Ba rba dos a nd
th e Leewa rd Isla nds. Cru sh ing mills a nd boiling equ ipment cou ld be
ma de mobile, a s in sou th ern Ch ina .76 Wh a t prevented th is form of
development wa s not so mu ch a ny tech nolog ica l requ irements of su g a r
bu t ra th er th e desire of individu a ls to ta ke a ll of th e profits by owning
72
Flinn, Orig ins, pp. 1-3; Ca nna dine, 'Present a nd th e pa st'; Colema n, Myth ; T emin, 'T wo views';
Overton, Ag ricu ltu ra l revolu tion; idem, 'Re-esta blish ing '; Kerridg e, Ag ricu ltu ra l revolu tion; Ch a mbers
a nd Ming a y, Ag ricu ltu ra l revolu tion, pp. v-vi.
73 Green, 'Ca ribbea n h istoriog ra ph y', pp. 513-14; idem, 'Su pply versu s dema nd', p. 418; Briden-
ba u g h a nd Bridenba u g h , No pea ce beyond th e line, p. 57.
74
Ea rle, 'Sta ple interpreta tion'.
75
Da vis, Rise of th e Atla ntic economies, p. 257.
76 Pa res, West-India fortu ne, pp. 103-4; Da vies, North Atla ntic world, p. 187; Sh lomowitz, 'Pla n-
ta tions'; Ru th enberg , Fa rming systems, pp. 206-10; Attwood, Ra ising ca ne, pp. 214, 291; Cu sh ner,
Lords of th e la nd, pp. 58-80; Boxer, Du tch in Bra zil, pp. 140-2; Ra u , 'Settlement'; Green, 'Su pply
versu s dema nd', p. 417; Gu erra y Sa nch ez, Su g a r a nd society, p. 78; Emmer, ' "Jesu s Ch rist" ',
p. 212; Scott, 'Defining th e bou nda ries', pp. 71-2; Goldth orpe, 'Definition'; Da niels, 'Ag ro-indu s-
tries', p. 246; Ma zu mda r, Su g a r a nd society in Ch ina , pp. 324-6.
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T HE SUGAR REVOLUT ION 229
a ll of th e ca pita l a ssets, inclu ding la nd a nd la bou r, a n ou tcome ma de
possible by th e incipient pre-su g a r concentra tion of la nd h olding , th e
existence of a n ensla ved popu la tion, a nd th e mora l a ccepta bility to th e
colonia l sta te of th e sta tu s of th e ensla ved.
Anoth er a lterna tive meth od of org a nizing su g a r produ ction wa s th e
lea sing of pla nta tion la nd to tena nts, a s occu rred ea rly in Bra zil a nd la ter
in Cu ba a nd some British Ca ribbea n colonies, th rou g h systems of ca ne
fa rming . Indeed, it is th e 'incomplete' ch a ra cter of th e Bra zilia n tra nsition
to su g a r th a t prevents th e a pplica tion of th e su g a r revolu tion concept
to its experience before 1650.77 Wh a t occu rred in Ba rba dos wa s tru ly
revolu tiona ry beca u se it took th e Bra zilia n a nd Atla ntic isla nd models
a nd tra nsformed th e prototype into a pu re form. T h is tra nsforma tion wa s
not determined simply by th e crop su g a r, th e sma llness of th e isla nds of
th e ea stern Ca ribbea n, or th e need for intensive cu ltiva tion tech niqu es,
bu t depended on a set of socia l a ssu mptions th a t mu st be qu estioned.
Wa s a ny oth er crop ca pa ble of providing th e fou nda tion for su ch a ra dica l
tra nsforma tion in th e seventeenth centu ry? Indig o is often mentioned in
terms of its dema nds on ca pita l for complex processing pla nts, a nd
toba cco su pported sla very a nd th e pla nta tion system in Providence Isla nd
a nd in Virg inia , a s did rice in Sou th Ca rolina , yet th e su bject litera tu re
conta ins no 'indig o revolu tion' a nd (with th e recent exception of Berlin)
no 'toba cco revolu tion' or 'rice revolu tion'.78 It wa s su g a r a bove a ll th a t
ma de va st profits for its ca pita lists, consu med enormou s nu mbers of
ensla ved people, crea ted pla nta tion economies a nd sla ve societies, a nd
sh a ped th e modern world in wa ys oth er crops a nd commodities cou ld
ba rely a pproa ch . Approxima tely two-th irds of a ll th e people ca rried in
th e sla ve tra de- from Africa to th e New World went to su g a r colonies.79
It did not h a ve to be th a t wa y. Su g a r mig h t h a ve been mu ch less
prominent on th e world sta g e, produ ced by th e mu ch la mented yeoma nry,
with different consequ ences. Bu t su g a r ma de possible th e g rea t tra nsform-
a tion, a disa strou s development from so ma ny points of view, a nd on
th ese g rou nds deserves to be a ssocia ted with th e revolu tion it eng endered.
T o th is extent, th e su g a r revolu tion rema ins a va lid term. T o th e extent
th a t it a ttribu tes a determina tive role to th e crop a nd directs a ttention
a wa y from h u ma n a g ency, it redu ces th e mora l responsibility of th e
a ctors a nd crea tes a neu tra lized concept for h istorica l a na lysis. T h e su g a r
revolu tion did not need to be recrea ted in ea ch new loca tion; once th e
model wa s firmly esta blish ed it sprea d na tu ra lly, th e tech nolog ica l a nd
environmenta l requ irements of th e crop reprodu cing fa milia r socia l a nd
economic consequ ences wh erever th e pla nta tion wa s imprinted on th e
la ndsca pe.80
"
Sch wa rtz, Su g a r pla nta tions, pp. 295-312; Boxer, Du tch in Bra zil, pp. 140-4.
78
Pa res, West-India fortu ne, p. 15; Da vis, Rise of th e Atla ntic economies, p. 260; Solow, ed., Sla very,
p. 28; Ku likoff, T oba cco a nd sla ves, pp. 37-8; Sca mmell, First imperia l a g e, pp. 124-5; Ku pperma n,
Providence Isla nd, pp. 175-80; Berlin, Ma ny th ou sa nds g one, pp. 109, 142.
79 Fog el a nd Eng erma n, T ime on th e cross, p. 16; Berlin a nd Morg a n, eds., Cu ltiva tion a nd
cu ltu re, p. 7.
80
Ga llowa y, 'T ra dition a nd innova tion'.
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230 B. W. HIGMAN
One of th e few critics of th e concept, Da vies, a rg u ed in 1974 th a t th e
su g a r revolu tion model 'h a s th e virtu e of simplicity to recommend it bu t
like most models is a better serva nt th a n ma ster'. His first criticism wa s
th a t 'th e "su g a r revolu tion" nea rly everywh ere wa s a ma tter not of yea rs
bu t deca des or scores of yea rs'.8' Only in Ba rba dos, a rg u ed Da vies, wa s
th e su g a r revolu tion tru ly present, th e a g ricu ltu ra l a nd demog ra ph ic sh ift
occu rring th ere between 1645 a nd 1660. Oth er modern sch ola rs h a ve
offered slig h tly different ch ronolog ies for th e su g a r revolu tion in Ba rba dos,
bu t a lmost a ll a g ree with Da vies in seeing th e tra nsition a s a bru pt a nd
ra dica l ra th er th a n g ra du a l. Perh a ps th e lea st ra pid su g a r revolu tion is
a ttribu ted to Cu ba , occu pying th e period 1762-1838 or even 1750-1850.
T h is contra st with Ba rba dos h elps to expla in wh y th e su g a r revolu tion
concept wa s not qu ickly a pplied to Cu ba , bu t h istoria ns g enera lly a ppea r
u ntrou bled by th e notion th a t th e su g a r revolu tion mig h t extend over
deca des or even more th a n 50 yea rs in pa rticu la r ca ses. Simila rly, th ey
seem comforta ble with th e notion th a t th e dra ma tic ch a ng es in Ba rba dos
in th e middle of th e seventeenth centu ry depended on a long h istory of
g ra du a l development a nd innova tion. By compa rison with typica l a g ricu l-
tu ra l a nd indu stria l revolu tions, th e su g a r revolu tion wa s indeed a bru pt.
Da vies's conditions a re u nu su a lly dema nding .82
Differences in timing a nd intensity, a nd in th e a bru ptness of th e
discontinu ity, a re neg otia ted th rou g h th e notion of mu ltiple revolu tions.
Problems of periodiza tion a re a ccommoda ted by dividing th e process into
ph a ses or sta g es, a nd by identifying sequ ences, su ch a s Knig h t's first a nd
second su g a r revolu tions in Cu ba . T h is solu tion pa ra llels wa ys in wh ich
h istoria ns h a ve dea lt with va ria tions in th e speed a nd timing of a g ricu ltu ra l
a nd indu stria l revolu tions. Certa inly, th e idea of mu ltiple su g a r revol-
u tions, occu rring in different pla ces over severa l centu ries bu t sh a ring th e
sa me essentia l ch a ra cteristics, h a s not worried h istoria ns, a nd indeed it
contribu tes to th e g enera lizing a ttra ction of th e concept.83 It a lso contrib-
u tes to th e determina tive role a ttribu ted to su g a r. Ca u tion is a ppropria te
h ere, h owever, beca u se it is more convincing to a rg u e th a t th e initia l
exa mple of Ba rba dos provided a model ra th er th a n th a t su g a r requ ired
th e sa me ou tcome in every pla ce. Da vies's notion th a t, to be deserving
of th e title, th e su g a r revolu tion h a d to occu r in th e seventeenth centu ry,
seems u nh elpfu l, a s is th e idea th a t every ca se ;requ ired a 'pre-su g a r'
toba cco period a nd th e displa cement of a la rg e wh ite la bou r force.84 On
th e oth er h a nd, th e idea a dva nced by some writers th a t th e su g a r revol-
u tion sprea d th rou g h ou t th e Ca ribbea n, to every British a nd French
colony, is clea rly incorrect.85 In severa l sig nifica nt territories, su ch a s th e
Dominica n Repu blic a nd th e British Windwa rd Isla nds, su g a r's triu mph
81
Da vies, North Atla ntic world, p. 180. Cf. idem, Roya l Africa n Compa ny, pp. 14-15.
82
Pu ckrein, Little Eng la nd, p. 71; Pa res, West-India fortu ne, p. 14; Emmer,
'
"Jesu s Ch rist" ', p. 212;
Akenson, If th e Irish , p. 141; McCu sker, Essa ys, p. 311; Mokyr, Lever of rich es, pp. 42, 59; Cra fts,
British economic g rowth , p. 6; Wrig ley, Continu ity, pp. 8-12.
83
Ga lenson, T ra ders, p. 7. Cf. De Vries, 'Indu stria l revolu tion'.
84
Da vies, North Atla ntic world, pp. 180-9.
85
Du nn, Su g a r a nd sla ves, pp. 19-20.
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T HE SUGAR REVOLUT ION 231
wa s never complete a nd th ese a rea s a re not reg a rded a s h a ving u nderg one
su g a r revolu tions even th ou g h th eir economies a nd societies h a ve been
tou ch ed, h ea vily, by th e crop. T h e 'non-su g a r' territories of th e Ca ribbea n
a re often termed 'ma rg ina l' a nd th e economic h istory of th e non-su g a r
sector h a s emerg ed a s a sig nifica nt ca teg ory of stu dy. It h a s been sh own
th a t th e non-su g a r domestic economy su rvived th e su g a r revolu tion rela -
tively well, even in Ba rba dos.86 Bu t th e role of su g a r rema ins secu re,
constitu ting th e sta nda rd a g a inst wh ich oth er economic a ctivities a re
mea su red, in th e sa me wa y a s th e pre-su g a r period identifies th e preh istory
of th e Ca ribbea n economy. T h u s th e su g a r revolu tion constitu tes th e
defining moment of th e reg ion's economic a nd socia l h istory, a h istory
commonly ch a ra cterized by th e synerg y of su g a r a nd sla very.
Is th e sca le a nd scope of th e su g a r revolu tion su fficiently g rea t to merit
th e a ttention of h istoria ns of reg ions oth er th a n th e Ca ribbea n a nd
periods oth er th a n th e seventeenth centu ry? T h e sma llness of th e isla nds
wh ich were th e initia l sites of th e su g a r revolu tion is often emph a sized
a nd sometimes mea su red a g a inst th e Isle of Wig h t wh ich is slig h tly
sma ller th a n Ba rba dos.87 T h is is a compa rison of little merit from a
Ca ribbea n perspective (wh ere Ba rba dos h a s long been known a s 'Little
Eng la nd'), or from a French or Spa nish point of view, bu t it sh ou ld not
in a ny ca se be reg a rded a s a disqu a lifica tion. Indeed, th e sma llness of
th e isla nds of th e ea stern Ca ribbea n wa s g rea tly to th eir a dva nta g e,
redu cing th e costs of tra nsport a nd providing a ccess to Eu ropea n, Africa n,
a nd North America n ma rkets, a s well a s fa cilita ting defence a nd interna l
secu rity.88 In th e Grea ter Antilles, su g a r sprea d into th e h interla nd more
slowly th a n it developed a long th e coa sts. Both isla ndness a nd sma llness
contribu ted to th e su ccess of th e su g a r revolu tion a nd to its initia l
loca tion. T h e Ba rba dos su g a r revolu tion a ltered th e ou tpu t of su g a r
su fficiently to a ffect th e lu xu ry ma rket, wh ile in th e eig h teenth centu ry
th e mu ch g rea ter produ ction possibilities of StDoming u e a nd Ja ma ica
sh ifted consu mption towa rds a ma ss ma rket, a nd th e Cu ba n su g a r revol-
u tion of th e nineteenth centu ry a dded so mu ch to th e ma rket th a t
prices colla psed.
T h e revolu tiona ry sta tu s of th e tra nsition to su g a r is to be ju dg ed in
terms of its stru ctu ra l sig nifica nce a s mu ch a s its immedia te impa ct on
ou tpu t a nd consu mption. For th e interna l h istories of th e Ca ribbea n
territories, th e socia l a nd economic tra nsforma tion consequ ent on th e
sh ift to su g a r wa s indeed ra dica l a nd fu nda menta l. Knig h t h a s a rg u ed
th e ca se for Cu ba : 'T h e h istorica l importa nce of th e su g a r revolu tion la y
in its a ll-perva ding effect on th e stru ctu re of Cu ba n society a nd econ-
omy.'89 In th is wa y th e su g a r revolu tion is linked to th a t oth er ba sic
bu ilding -block of th e su bject litera tu re of th e America s, th e concept of
86
Sh erida n, 'Domestic economy', p. 51; Sh eph erd, 'Livestock a nd su g a r'; Eltis, 'T ota l produ ct',
p. 334; Pa rry, 'Pla nta tion a nd provision g rou nd'.
87 Meriva le, Lectu res, p. 79; Leroy-Bea u lieu , Colonisa tion, I, p. 116; Hig h a m, Development, p. xiv;
Pa res, West-India fortu ne, p. 14; Hobh ou se, Seeds, p. 59.
88 Pu ckrein, Little Eng la nd; Sh erida n, Su g a r a nd sla very, pp. 124-8.
89
Knig h t, Sla ve society, p. 45.
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232 B. W. HIGMAN
'sla ve society', in wh ich th e institu tion of sla very is a s determina tive a
force a s su g a r. In th e la rg er h istory of th e Atla ntic economy, th e su g a r
revolu tion ma rks a g enu ine h istorica l discontinu ity, th e sig nifica nce of
wh ich rema ins to be fu lly explored a nd interpreted.
Au stra lia n Na tiona l University
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