THE ANGLO INDIAN COMMUNITY IN KERALA

Thesis submitted to the University of Kerala for

the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
in History






By

K. V. THOMASKUTTY

Principal
St.Johns College, Anchal







KERALA UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
THIRUVANANTHAPURAM

September 2012



1


DR. T. JAMAL MOHAMMED Charitham, Kariavattom
Thiruvananthapuram






CERTIFICATE


Certified that the thesis entitled THE ANGLO INDIAN
COMMUNITY IN KERALA submitted for the award of the Degree
of Doctor of Philosophy of University of Kerala is a record of bonafied
research work carried out by K. V. THOMASKUTTY under my
supervision. No part of the thesis has been submitted for any degree
before.



Thiruvananthapuram DR. T. JAMAL MOHAMMED
07.09.2012 Supervising Teacher








2

K.V.THOMASKUTTY
Principal
St. Johns College, Anchal













DECLARATION


I, K. V. THOMASKUTTY, do hereby declare that this thesis
entitled THE ANGLO INDIAN COMMUNITY IN KERALA has
not previously formed the basis for the award of any degree, diploma,
associateship, fellowship or other similar title or recognition





Thiruvananthapuram K. V. THOMASKUTTY

07.09.2012









3


CONTENTS




Pages

PREFACE i - v

LIST OF PLATES v


CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1 - 7

CHAPTER II HISTORICAL EVOLUTION AND EXPANSION
OF ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY IN KERALA 8 - 37

CHAPTER III SOCIO-CULTURAL TRAITS, PATTERNS,
LIFESTYLE AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF
ANGLO-INDIANS IN INDIA 38 - 69

CHAPTER IV ANGLO-INDIANS OF KERALA,
A CASE OF COCHIN SETTLEMENT 70- 94

CHAPTER V THE CHANGING STATUS OF THE ANGLO-
INDIANS IN THE POST INDEPENDENT ERA- 95 - 128
A CONSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS

CHAPTER VI THE PEAGEANTRY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN
INSTITUTIONS AND STRUGGLE FOR EXISTANCE 129-154


CHAPTER VII CONCLUSION 155-164

APPENDICES 165-197

GLOSSARY 198-200

BIBLIOGRAPHY 201 209

4
PREFACE
The European domination in India lead to the evolving of a new biological
hybrid ethnic group called the Eurasians later came to be known as
Anglo-Indians. Over a period of time they became a noticeable minority
in India having distinct characteristics of their own. A small minority
living in the mainstream of the society holding English as their mother
tongue and following western style of life is a unique feature exclusively
of Anglo-Indian. Their devotion, love of music, art, costume, cuisine and
gender equality has some striking differences from the traditional Indian
society. Despite constitutional protection, reservations and nominations
facilities they doomed to their privacy and the general public in Kerala
maintained a false impression about their origin, social life and
organisation. Historical background, socio-cultural patterns,
resemblance to European life and the complexities coiled the community
which face the threat of extinction aroused the curiosity to go deep in to
their life in its totality. No serious study has been made on the Socio-
economic traits and cultural heredity of the Anglo-Indian Community in
Kerala.



5

The study is based on an exhaustive examination of authoritative
sources, primary as well as secondary. A good deal of materials for the
study have been collected from Central Archives and Directorate of State
Archives, Thiruvananthapuram, Archives of Kerala Legislative Assembly
and office of the Anglo-Indian Association in Cochin. The reports of
various commissions and committees appointed by Government of Kerala
from time to time, Cover files, confidential files and various Department
Files available in the State Archives have been consulted. Materials such
as the Proceedings of the Kerala Legislative Assembly, Various Acts and
Proclamations were also used for the study.

Apart from the literary sources stated above, non- literary sources
such as interview with Anglo-Indians also provided ample amount of data
for this research work. In interviewing the Anglos certain criteria had to
be accepted since indiscriminate interview could not be resorted to. A
representative character was adopted. People from different walks of life
had to be selected for the purpose. The matter collected from the
interviews was corroborated with the information gathered from the
written documents.
6

Secondary sources like Manuals, Gazetteers, Research papers,
Newspapers, Journals and published works relevant to the present study
were obtained from different institutions such as Kerala University Library,
Libraries of the Department of History, Department of Politics and
Department of Sociology of the University of Kerala and State Central
Library, Thiruvananthapuram. I am obliged to the librarians of all these
libraries for their pleasant support.
It gives me immense pleasure to express my thanks to a great number of
people whose invaluable contributions has made this thesis possible.
Words wont suffice to express my gratitude and indebtedness to my
guide, Dr. T.Jamal Mohammed, formerly professor in History and Principal,
Mannania College of Arts and science, Pangode, Trivandrum, for the
unflinching encouragement, scholarly help and timely advice given by him
throughout my research work. From the depth of my heart, I record my
sincere thanks and obligations to him for his valuable guidance at all stages
of my research.
I am also obliged to Most Rev. Dr. Samuel Mar Irenios, Auxiliary
Bishop of the Major Archdiocese of Thiruvananthapuram for the constant
encouragement and support. Thanks are also due to Dr. Suresh
7
Jnaneswaran, Head of the Department of History and Dean, faculty of Social
Science, University of Kerala for his timely help.
Thanks area also due to the librarians and staff of Kerala University
Library, departments of History, Sociology and Politics for their support. I
also gratefully remember all the staff at the various Archives and
Association offices.
I am thankful to my colleagues and friends especially Dr. K.Alexander,
Divya, Resmi and also Meera and Sreenidhi of the Department of law for
their generous support and assistance.
A host of Anglo-Indian friends generously helped me in this research.
Anglo-Indian Association Manjanakad president Mr. Andrew Rodrigues,
Mrs. Grace Rodrigues, Mrs. Hyasinth, Mr. Jenson DCosta, Mr. Dexter
DCruz, Mr. Lester Concesso, Mr.Kevin Rozario and the Anglo-Indian
community in Manjanakad, Vypeen, Fort Cochin, Kollam, Thankassery and
Alleppey. Thanks are also due to Fr. Rijo Mynattiparampil, Asst. Vicar, St.
Marys Church Njarakkal, Fr. Joseph Sugun Leons Kollam, Msgr. Ferdinand
Kayavil Kollam for their unconditional support and timely assistance. My
time spent with the Vypeen Anglo-Indian community is something
unforgettable. They have given me easy access to their community, provided
8
all the official and private documents and people available for interviews and
interaction.
I would like to thank my wife Annie and my children Bro. George
Thomas, Dr, Joseph Thomas and Jobin Thomas for their support and
forbearance during the entire research period. My brother Msgr. Johnson
Varughese kaimalayil, has been a constant source of inspiration and
encouragement. I acknowledge my debt of gratitude.
Last, but not the least, I sincerely express my gratitude to Soumya,
who is more than a daughter to me, supported me all throughout my
research and took much pain in getting things done. I thank God the
Almighty, and His eternal Word together with the Holy Spirit for all that I
am and for helping me complete this thesis.






9
Plate I Vasco da Gama, the first Portuguese Navigator to India
Plate II Memoirs of Vasco da Gama at Kappadu, Calicut
Plate III Vasco da Gama Church, Fort Cochin
Plate IV Our Lady of Hope Church, Vypeen built in 1606
Plate V St. Angelo Fort, Kannur
Plate VI Part of Emmanuel Fort, CochinPlate
Plate VII The malabar House of Fort Cochin, a perfect specimen of Anglo-Indian
Architecture
Plate VIII Interior of an Anglo-Indian House
Plate IX Gate of an Anglo-Indian House with the Peculiar House Name
Plate X Interior of an Anglo-Indian House in the Heritage area, Fort Cochin
Plate XI A Unique Anglo-Indian Custom
Plate XII A typical Anglo-Indian Costume
Plate XIII An exclusive Anglo-Indian Gathering
Plate XIV Thiruvathira performed by the Anglo-Indians during their Onam Celebrations
Plate XV Anglo-Indian members of Indian Hockey Team - 1928 Summer Olympics
Plate XVI An art form in Anglo-Indian Style
Plate XVII Princes Street of Fort Cochin
Plate XVIII Berger Street of Fort Cochin
Plate XIX Old Street of Fort Cochin
Plate XX Anglo-Indian Association office, Ernakulam
Plate XXI Infant Jesus Church Ernakulam


10
Chapter II
HISTORICAL EVOLUTION AND EXPANSION OF
ANGLO INDIAN COMMUNITY IN KERALA
The Anglo-Indian communities are the Indo-European minority
community of India whose evolution, expansion, and socio positioning are
inseparably collaborative contained by the politico, ethnic and cultural
problematic of the European colonization in India.
1
Anglo Indians have
historically endured a disturbed and non assimilative position in India.
2

Since the commencement of their evolution as a group in India, the Anglo
Indians were largely sidelined by native Indians who made no distinction
between them and the British imperialists. Even though India is the
homeland of the Anglo-Indian community and also being constitutionally
documented as one among Indias six minority groups, they continue to
occupy a controversial position within the discourse of Indian national
identity and thus has historically been regarded as un-homed in India, the
land which paradoxically constitutes the communitys historical recollection
most importantly, the domain of their collective memory.
3

Historical Background
The evolution of Anglo-Indians can be traced back to the time of
European expedition to the unknown East. The 16
th
century CE, after a
11
millennium in the dark ages, a handful of courageous and determined
explorers, driven by a thirst of power, glory and wealth, sailed from Europe
to conquer this unknown land.
4
The first Europeans who succeeded in this
endeavour were the Portuguese by the arrival of Vasco-da-Gama at the
coast of Malabar in 1498
5
, followed by the Dutch, French and finally the
British. The continued stay of European men in this sub continent paved
the way for politically justified relations with the native women and this
union resulted in the birth of a novel community, previously known as
Eurasians and later Anglo-Indians.
6

The historical evolution of Anglo-Indians as a social group started in
India with the arrival of Portuguese and its establishment as a colonial
power.
7
The beginning of this was the successful expedition of the well-
known sailor Vasco-da-Gama, who started his voyage from Lisbon on 8
th
of
July 1498. The manuals and naval records suggest that his expedition
lasted around eight months and it came to an end at the port named
Kappadu near Calicut on 18
th
of May 1498.
8
This was the actual foundation
of both European colonization and the evolution of Anglo-Indians as a
hybrid community in India.
9

Gamas request for the permission to leave a repository behind him in
charge of the merchandise he could not sell was dealt with a disappointing
report by the Zamorin asking for taxes in return.
10
Thus the willingness for a
12
political discourse and magnanimity of Zamorin of Calicut short lived. Gama
broke up his relation with the Zamorin and sailed to Cannanore. There he
managed to form a trade agreement with the Kolathiri. In 1499 Gama
reached back Lisbon with fleets of ships crammed with spice.
11

The next move from the Portuguese emperor was little systematic and
eventually after six months, Gama under the patronage of King Henry had
sent around 1500 men in 33 ships to India under Captain Pedro Alvarez
Cabral, out of which only 6 could reach the shore. Cabral could make good
relationship with the Zamorin.
12

The second attempt under Gama succeeded in finding a storehouse at
Calicut. The acceptance that Portuguese got here envied the Arabs who were
enjoying the monopoly of trade in Calicut. Competition in trade and
consequent conflicts between them finally made Cabral leave Calicut early.
13

He left the shore after destructing some Arab ships and moved to Cochin. In
24 December 1500 Cabral reached Cochin where he got a warm welcome.
The then king of Cochin Unnirama Thirumulppadu permitted him to
establish a trading station there and left some of his men to take care of it.
Later Cochin became an important centre of the Anglo-Indians.
14
This is
marked as a major event in the history of Anglo-Indians.
15

13
Before leaving, Cabral abandoned some men from the team. But the
King of Kannur was generous in accepting them and making arrangements
for their stay and survival here. Thus Portuguese culture and life style
sprouted in Cochin and Kannur. After Cabral, Joao-da-Nova and followed by
Vasco-da-Gama made their visit to India. Nova couldnt make any trade
agreements, but Gamas activities were a clear reflection of the colonisation
plans of the Portuguese.
16

The very next year Gama anchored at Anchidweep at Kannur and
visited the native ruler. On his way to Calicut, Gama wrecked a ship
carrying Muslim Hajjis, as a warning to the Muslim traders in hindering
their growth in Calicut.
17
The Portuguese noticed earlier that it was the
Zamorin who makes their establishment in Kerala tough, and wanted the
Zamorin to push out all the Muslim merchants from Calicut. As expected,
the Zamorin denied Gamas wish and as revenge Gama attacked Calicut and
moved to Cochin.
18

An agreemenst was signed by Vasco-da-Gama with the ruler of
Cochin.
19
The provisions of the agreement favours that, the people should
sell spices and other things to the Portuguese in the price which has
decided by the King and Portuguese.
20
Gama got the right to build barracks
for the Portuguese forces. This was another mile stone in the establishment
14
of Anglo-Indians in Kerala
21
. Before going back to Portuguese Gama came to
Kannur and left 200 men there in purpose.
This new group joined with the already established people who were
abandoned by Cabral and together these groups mingled with the natives
and sprinkled their Portuguese culture. Gama left some of his men in
Cochin too. The Zamorin who had rivalry with Gama asked the King of
Cochin to confer them to him. The King denied this and the Zamorin
attacked Cochin to get them. The Portuguese force was so weak in resisting
the Zamorin and finally they accepted the defeat.
22

This war started by Zamorin catalysed the expansion of Anglo-Indians
in Kerala. On 2
nd
September 1503, a huge Portuguese force reached Cochin
under Francisco Albuquerque to help the King of Cochin and placed him
back to his position. In return, as a token of gratitude the king provided
adequate space for the building of a Portuguese Fort
23
. On 27
th
September
1503, they started the building of a fort in the name of Dom Manuel which
subsequently developed as a Portuguese settlement. The Anglo-Indian
development fortified in connection with the Manuel fort. Albuquerque
formed a strong force for the fort and gave all the responsibilities for
maintaining the force to Duarte Pacheco.
24

15
The Portuguese force led by Duarte Pacheco, a Portuguese Naval
admiral, conquered the Zamorin at Kodungallore and started to make a fort
there in 1504. After the native chief of Kodungallore took refuge under the
Portuguese, the Anglo-Indians started spreading towards north from
Cochin. The King Manuel of Portugal had decided to keep a permanent force
in Kerala to save the Portuguese interests and towards the same he sent
Fransisco Almeda to Cochin as his representative to look after the fort who
later became the first viceroy of Portuguese. This moulded Cochin a
Portuguese settlement in Kerala.
25

Almeda gave remarkable contributions in the spreading of the Anglo-
Indian community. Their growth in Malabar area was accelerated in
connection with the building and strengthening of St. Angelo Fort and other
Forts in Kannur and Calicut. After Almeda, Alfonso de Albuquerque took
charge of viceroy who aimed the widening of Portuguese empire in India.
26

Under his leadership the Portuguese attacked the Zamorin, but couldnt
conquer him; instead they could make him sign in an accord.
27
According to
this agreement they got right to build a fort at Calicut and buy spices at the
same price that they got from Cochin. But the continuous attack from the
Arabs forced them to give up the fort. This necessitated a major structural
change and the Portuguese shifted their capital from Cochin to Goa.
28

16
However, the change in Portuguese capital never affected the spreading
of Anglo-Indians in Kerala. After Albuquerque, Loposores took charge as the
viceroy. He tried to convert Kollam as their centre. They were able to build a
fort at Tangassery, named Fort Thomas and eventually Tangassery became
a major Portuguese settlement in Kerala.
29
In the meantime Kunjali
Marakkar, a close aide of the Zamorin became a major threat for their
domination in the Indian Ocean.
30
Nuno da Kunha built a fort at Chaliyam
in 1531 and regained their supremacy over Indian Ocean, which was
attacked and ruined the Zamorin in 1571. But the hostility between the
Kunjali and Zamorin opened a new relationship with the Portuguese. This
gave a more assured life to the Portuguese descendants. Zamorin gave
permission to build a factory at Ponnani in 1584. Portuguese and Zamorin
attacked the Kunjali fort and caught KunjaliIV and assassinated him at Goa
in1600 and brought his head to Kannur which was kept for display in a
public place, an act worsened their image among the common people.
31
The
Portuguese established factories and settlements in Cochin, Palliport,
Kannur, Calicut, Chaliyam, Purakkad, Kayamkulam and Quilon to carry on
trade in pepper, spices and other articles.
32
They also built forts in most of
these places like Fort Immanuel in Cochin, Fort Thomas in Tangasseri
(Quilon) and Fort St. Angelo in Kannur in order to protect their factories.
The origin and growth of the Anglo-Indian community starts around these
17
forts and military centers.
33
The Portuguese men who came here with the
force at the beginning of the invasion were mostly unmarried. The need for a
female partner for the Portuguese soldiers and the traders was inexorably
felt. This made the government who had spent huge amount of money for
their wellbeing in India to bring Portuguese women here. Later they found
this as not economic and decided to legalize the relationship between the
Portuguese men and native women, which in reality had started even long
back. In the initial stages, such intermarriages were permitted for men of
good character only and there were only some 100 marriages were recorded
in 1600.
34

Origin and expansion of Anglo-Indians
Historically the origin of the Anglo-Indian community dates back to
many centuries to the earliest years of contact between Europe and India,
precisely a period of four centuries to the time when Vasco da Gama, the
Portuguese Navigator, landed at Calicut on the West Malabar Coast of India
in May, 1498. Within two years of 1500 there was at Diu a Portuguese
Governor the great Alfonso d Albuquerque.
35
As a means of establishing the
Portuguese authority in India he encouraged his countrymen to marry
Indian women.
36
He did not however give permission to marry except to men
of approved character. The women whom they married were the daughters
of the principal men of the land. But nevertheless, the Portuguese failed to
18
establish themselves permanently in India and one of the vital causes of the
Portuguese failure was the arrival of the Dutch and the English in the
opening years of the 17th century. The offspring of these mixed marriages
between the Portuguese and Indians were known as Luso-Indians. When
the Portuguese, under pressure, abandoned their Indian possessions the
Luso-Indians rapidly sank in the social scale and within a space of two
centuries the majorities of them had reverted to Indian stocks, and are
known today as Goanese, a very common community in Goa, Bombay and
the West Coast. But in the larger cities of India like Calcutta, Bombay and
Madras, the better type of Luso-Indians retained their European
characteristics and many of them ultimately amalgamated with the newly
born mixed community, the Anglo-Indians.
37

The birth of the Anglo-Indian community in contradistinction to the
Luso-Indian community dates back to the year 1600 when Queen Elizabeth
granted a Charter to the East India Company to initiate trading operations
with India. The English at first merely visited Indian ports as traders. By
1612 a factory had been established at Surat and another in Madras in
1639. Bombay was a centre for trade purposes in 1668. In 1698 the East
India Company purchased the Zemindary of three villages, one of which was
called Calicutta, from which Calcutta derived its name. Very soon it was
crucial to construct fortifications and employ soldiers to defend the factories
19
against attacks from the Mahrattas and other marauders of those early
days. Thus there gradually grew up colonies of English men only in all the
trading factories along the shores of India, for the East India Company had
forbidden women from accompanying their men folk to India.
38

Owing to the fact that the English missed the companionship of their
women, and suffered from the monotony and tedium of life in a strange and
tropical land, many of them formed alliances with the Luso-Indian and
Indian women.
39
Moreover the English discovered that the offspring of mixed
marriages, the Anglo-Indians, were of great service to them in many ways.
40

The Court of Directors of the East India Company on 8th April, 1687, thus
addressed their President at Madras: The marriage of our soldiers to the
native women of Fort St. George is a matter of such consequence to
posterity that we shall be content to encourage it with some expense, and
have been thinking for the future to appoint a pagoda of Rs. 5 to be paid to
the mother of any child that shall hereafter be born of any such future
marriage, upon the day the child is christened, if you think this small
encouragement will increase the number of such marriages.
41
The offer of
the Directors was accepted and put into effect so that the British in this way
became officially responsible for the birth of the Anglo-Indian Community.
Gradually however, as the numbers of Anglo-Indians increased, the practice
of Britishers marrying Indian women fell into disrespect, because the
20
necessity for it had disappeared.
42
The new arrival could always wed a girl of
mixed parentage, and it became customary for him to do so.
43

From the earliest times the Anglo-Indian community stood for the
cause of England. They enlarged the inadequate forces of the East India
Company; they spilt their blood on many a battlefield, they rendered
estimable services in scrutinizing and bringing information of the enemy. In
the early days Anglo-Indians were not branded with the mark of inferiority
44
.
If their fathers could afford it, they were sent to England for their education,
and returned to India in the covenanted services of the Company. Those
who were not lucky enough to be sent to England were given the best
education obtainable in India and occupied the majority of the positions in
the uncovenanted Civil service, and in the warrant ranks of the Companys
army. They fought under Clive at Arcot. They perished in the Black Hole of
Calcutta. They were to be found in the front line of battle at Plassey.
45
These
were the years of their prosperity, their quiet days. The days of chaos and
hardship were fast approaching.
46

The days of prosperity of the Anglo-Indian community may roughly
extend from 1600 to 1785. On the 14th of March, 1786, the first of three
repressive orders was promulgated against the community. By the first
order of March 1786 the wards of the upper orphanage school at Calcutta,
21
recently established under the auspices of the East India Company for the
orphans of British Military officers, were prohibited from going on to
England to complete their education, and thus qualifying for the covenanted
services.
47
A second order passed in April 1791 stated that no person the
son of a native Indian shall henceforth be appointed by the court in
employment in the Civil and Military forces of the Company. The third
Resolution passed in 1795 stated that all not come dowm from European
parents on both sides were disqualified for service in the army except as
fifers, drummers, bandsmen, and farriers. These repressive measures were
due partly to a fear of mutinies such as had occurred in the English force
under Clive in Bengal in 1776 and in the Madras army which revolted and
imprisoned Lord Pigott, Governor of Madras, in the same year; partly to a
panic in India and England caused by thinking the possibilities of a
rebellion in India led by the now numerous Anglo-Indians.
48
This experience
had happened about this time to the Spaniards in San Domingo; and partly
to a desire on the part of shareholders of the East India Company for the
support with regard to filling appointments in India which up to now was in
the hands of the Indian Government, for the shareholders saw in the
Companys service attractive careers for their sons and other near relatives.
Thus Anglo-Indians had been deprived of every honorable career in the
military forces and the door was closed against them with regard to civil
22
appointments.
49
Thus within the brief period of 10 years lying between 1786
and 1795, by the standing orders of the great East India Company, Anglo-
Indians had been reduced to the status of a outlawed and down-trodden
race.
50
Immediate action was taken in order to give effect to these
regulations, and these conditions with slight variations were in force till the
outbreak of the Mutiny in 1857.
51
Anglo-Indians in every branch of the army
were discharged from the service without any compunction as to their
future. Owing to the fact that hence forth they were regarded more like
Englishmen, they had been debarred from acquiring land or residing further
than 10 miles from the nearest Presidency town or Companys settlement.
52

Hence they could not turn to agriculture or trade. Thrown out of the
soldiering, the only profession to which they had been reared, there was
nothing for them to do but transfer their services to Indian chiefs, and they
were received with open arms. Others of them formed their own groups of
irregular infantry and cavalry; while hundreds of Anglo-Indian warriors won
their spurs in the ranks of armies not belonging to the East India
Company.
53

The East India Company had hardly cast Anglo-Indians out of its army,
when it found itself beset by foes. The Marquis of Wellesley had arrived in
India in 1798 and had introduced his Subsidiary System which initiated
the Mysore and Mahratta wars. At this time to the English in Europe were
23
at death-grips with the French and Napoleon in the Revolutionary Wars and
could send very little help to India. So A Proclamation was issued
summoning all British and Anglo-Indian men and officers who were serving
with the Mahratta army under Perron and in other Indian States, to return
to the Companys forces. The Proclamation concluded with a warning that
those who failed to rejoin the British ranks would be treated as traitors.
There was no need for the threat. The Anglo-Indians heard the Call of the
Blood and absolutely conformed. The war against the Maharattas was
concluded abruptly and inconclusively. The Court of Directors had grown
weary of Wellesleys ceaseless and costly campaigns, and recalled him. A
Non-Intervention policy was once again adopted and expenditure on the
military side reduced.
54

During the first half of the 19th century (1800-1850) the Anglo-Indian
community made the first serious attempts to provide for the education of
their children.
55
Being shut out from the army they realized that a good
education was needed for the various callings in civil life. In response to this
urge, and with the help of influential men and societies La Martiniere
College was established in 1836, St. Xaviers College in 1834, and many
other institutions too numerous to mention. The spirit of self-help of this
period is worth bearing in mind.
56
In spite of improved educational facilities
the prospects of the community during the first half of the 19th century
24
were none too rosy. In fact for many the future was black. The political,
social and economic, disabilities of their community was freely discussed in
every Anglo-Indian home and ultimately it was resolved that a petition
should be presented to the British Parliament on their behalf.
57
A suitable
document was drawn and J.W. Ricketts was unanimously elected agent to
present it to the Houses of Parliament. Ricketts arrived in London with this
precious Document on 27th December 1829 and it was at length duly
presented to Parliament. Owing to the political upheavals in England about
this time the petition did not produce the results which were expected of it.
The struggle for Catholic Emancipation and the Reform bill of 1832 was in
progress. The people in England had too many of their own problems to
cope with to find time for the petition of the Anglo-Indians. The communal
activities of the Anglo-Indians about the period 1820-1830 had a local but
nevertheless important result. It called for the sympathy and good-will of
influential friends in the country, who gave their moral support to the
aspirations and reasonable demands of a patient and enduring section of
the British inhabitants.
58

In 1833 the Charter of the East India Company was renewed.
Influenced no doubt somewhat by the Anglo-Indians petition, Section 87 of
the said Act stated that No native of the said territories, nor any natural
born subject of His Majesty resident therein, shall, by reason of his religion,
25
place of birth, descent, colour, or any of them, be disabled from holding any
place, office, or employment under the said Company.
59
In theory all posts
were thrown open to people of any race in India, but in practice only the
subordinate trades were bestowed upon Indians and Anglo-Indians, since
higher services could be filled only by recruitment in England.
60
Fortunately
for Anglo-Indians, about this same time (1833), English took the place of
Persian as the official language of the Courts and Government offices.
61
In
future English was to be the only medium of correspondence in commercial
houses. English being their mother-tongue, the Anglo-Indians had an
advantage in this direction and very soon many of the community found
employment under Government and in commercial firms as clerks, though
in subordinate positions. This advantage, however, was only temporary
because Lord Bentinck, who was Governor-General from 1828 to 1836, with
the cooperation of Lord Macaulay who drew up his famous Minute on
Education in 1835, determined that the linguistic disadvantage of Indians
should be removed, and accordingly instruction in English was ordered to
be imparted in Indian schools.
62

Fortune once again came to the rescue of Anglo-Indians for soon new
avenues of employment were opening up for them. In 1825 the first railway
had run in England.
63
In 1845 the East India Railway was projected in
India.
64
Simultaneously railway schemes were set on foot in Madras and
26
Bombay. The first train in India ran from Bombay to Thana in 1853. In
1851 the Telegraph system was inaugurated.
65

Anglo-Indians found ample employment on the railways, and in the
telegraph and custom services. These departments needed men of
adventurous stock who were willing to endure the hardships, risks, and
perils of pioneers. The Anglo-Indians had in them the spirit of their
forefathers and placed in navigation Companies with captains, second
officers, engineers and mechanics. From them were recruited telegraph
operators, artisans and electricians. They supplied the railways with station
staffs, engine-drivers, permanent way-inspectors, guards, auditors - in fact
every higher grade of railway servant. The Mutiny of 1857 too had proved
beyond doubt the absolute loyalty of the Anglo-Indians and removed the
suspicion which had been responsible for the repressive measures of the
latter part of the 18th century.
66

The modern period for the Anglo-Indians may be begun in the year
1911. It was in this year that the term Anglo-Indians was substituted by
Government for the old name Eurasians, by which the community was
known. In the 20th century Indians have made rapid progress in every
direction. The universities, colleges and schools, of India have turned out
thousands of young men well-fitted to hold posts in all the departments of
27
Government and in civil capacities too. The Morely-Minto Reforms of 1909,
the Montagu-Chelmsford of 1919, and the Indian Bill of 1935 have given
Indians an increasing share in the Government of their country. As the
Indians are fitting themselves more and more to undertake leadership in all
phases of life in India, it is only in the natural order of affairs that Anglo-
Indians should lose the near monopoly they once held and find in the
struggle to secure employment more difficult.
67

Today young men of Anglo-Indian community with a good high school
education, and some with degrees, are roaming the streets in search of
employment, and unemployment is widespread. Hundreds, of the
community are to be found today in all the large towns begging for their
daily bread. The community as a whole is downhearted and discouraged,
and had not yet found a solution for its difficulties. In many senses the
community had faced more difficult problems and been through more trying
circumstances in this modern age than ever before in its history.
68

Anglo-Indian Expansion in Kerala
The Anglo-Indians of Kerala are chiefly the ancrstors descendants of
the Portuguese, who settled down in the west coast of Malabar in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. There is a sprinkling of the Dutch, the
French and the English descendants also among them. But most of them
28
have intermingled by inter-marriages now. Persons of unmixed European
blood also are there. The surnames Almeida, Abrao, Alweyn, Aruja, Bivera,
Coutinho, Carvalho,Cabral, Coelho, Correya, Dcosta, DCouto, DCunha,
DCruz, DRose, DSilva, DSouza, DClaus, Dias, Durome, Fereira, Faria,
Fernandez, Figerado, Figueres, Furtado, Furtal, Furtas, Gomez, Gonsalvez,
Lopez, Luiz, Livero, Mendez, Nunez, Nevis, Netto, Noronho, Olivero, Paiva,
Padua, Pereira, Pinheiro, Pinto, Prakasia, Rodriguez, Rozario, Rebeiro,
Rebello, Saiza, Severenvce, Sequira, Surrao, and Zimenthy indicate
Portuguese origin; Gallyot, Hoogewerf, Hendricks, Jacobs, Jacques, Lobo,
Meyn, Van Ross, Van Reyke and Van Spall-Dutch origin; Labauchardier and
Lafrenais-French origin and Jackson, Mcleod, Price, Platel, Williams and
Watts-British origin. There are a few offsprings of Germans, Swiss and
Italians also among the Anglo-Indians of Kerala as Guenthers, Schmidts,
Guezlers and Niglis. However, it is seen that some of the Portuguese names
were adapted by converts to Christianity in the south during the Portuguese
Period.
69

It was the Portuguese king, Dom Manuel who sanctioned the marriage
of Portuguese men, who had rendered good services to native women. These
marriages were most often from the high ranking and rich families which
enabled them to learn the native language, Customs and manners and
helped them to establish better contacts with the native population. It has
29
been recorded that the Raja of Cochin arranged the marriage of a
Portuguese Officer with a Namboothiri lady.
70

The Portuguese were in Kerala for a period of 165 years. Vasco Da
Gama landed at Calicut on May 18, 1498, followed by Pedro Alvarez Cabral
who came to Cochin on 24
th
December, 1500. The Portuguese had
settlements in Quilon, Kayamkulam, Poracad, kochi, Cranganore,
Palliport, kozhicode, Chaliyam and cannanore. They also built forts at Kochi,
Palliport, Cranganore, Quilon, Calicut and Cannanore. With the surrender
of Cochin to the Dutch on January 6, 1963, the Portuguese supremacy in
Kerala ended. The Protestant Dutch followed a policy of religious
persecution. Hence most of the mixed races who were Catholics fled from
the towns to interior places where they could follow their religion
unmolested. However, in their own interests, the Dutch revised their policy
subsequently and tried to attract back those who left. The Mestices, as the
mixed races were then called were allowed to erect a church at Vypin. The
present church of Our Lady of Hope at Vypeen was accordingly built and
the altar and the old screen from
the Church of St.Francis at Fort Cochin were transferred to that Church.
71

When the Dutch surrendered to the British on October 19, 1795, many
among the Dutch preferred to remain in Cochin. But they were gradually
30
reduced to such great distress that the British Government had to settle
pensions on them. The Dutch and their descendants inter married with
Portuguese descendants.
72
During the period of the British, some of them
married girls of mixed blood while some others had connections with Thiya
women of Malabar. The progenies of such connections most often followed
the life of their mothers and seldom came forward to claim that they were of
mixed race. But in case of solicitous fathers, the children were sent to
Anglo-Indian schools where they were well educated and looked after. Such
progenies thrived in life because of the special treatment they received at the
hands of British Government. Some of the Frenchmen also settled down and
married girls of mixed decent. Thus we find among the Anglo-Indians of
Kerala, people with the blood of European who came chiefly from countries
like Portugal, Holland, France and Great Britain.
73

Anglo- Indians in Alleppey
There is very close affinity between the Anglo- Indians of Cochin and
Alleppey. The Anglo- Indians belong to the Latin Church, and till 1952
Alleppey Diocese was part of the Cochin Diocese and most of the Anglo-
Indians in Alleppey had originally come from Cochin and its suburbs. There
are Anglo-Indians came from Kollam and Kayamkulam who reached there
31
for business and employment. Early settlers in Alleppey were men who hold
important positions in the erstwhile Travancore Government and important
positions in the Commercial banking Houses established by the Europeans.
Mr. A.J Veiyra the Chief Secretary of Travancore, Mr. A. J. Van Rose the
excise Commissioner of Travancore Government, Mr. Robert Cleur the
magistrate of Alleppey, Walter Cleur, the Chief Customs officer of Alleppey,
Dr. Robert Veiyra, Dr. Charles Veiyra, Dr. John La Bouchariere and Dr.
Gomez Medical Officers of the local hospital were the pioneers of Anglo-
Indian settlers in Alleppey. Some of the members of the Anglo-Indian
community established well in commercial sector especially the export of
coir products. Thomas S.DCruz, C.J.hantney, E.Bout, Joe Fernandez and
Edward Fernandez were the most important among them. The members of
the community are well connected with the Latin Catholic Diocese of
Alleppey. The Anglo-Indian association is very active in Alleppey. The Anglo-
Indian Community in Cochin maintains distinct entity having their own
customs and mode of life.
Anglo-Indian Settlement in Cannanore
The first Church in Malabar and the first Portuguesze Church in India
was built in Cannanore by the Portuguese. When Vasco d agama reached
Calicut on 20
th
May 1498 he failed to get the permission from the King to
32
build a fort at Calicut. Hence Gama contracted the Kolathiri , the local king
of Cannanore and obtained permission to construct a fort at Cannanore.
The construction of the fort was undertaken by Joao Da Nova and he built
store house and a Church at the shore of Cannanore. Portuguese Viceroy
Francisco de Almeida built the castle and the Fort at Cannanore. The Anglo-
Indian Community developed in and around the Cantonment area at
Burnacherry where the Holy Trinity Church situates. They developed the St.
Treasas Anglo-Indian School and St. Michaels Anglo-Indian School in to
renowned education institutions. The Anglo-Indian Association is very active
in Cannanore. It has its activities right from 1952. The Anglo-Indian
teachers at At, Treasas and St Michaels schools sufficiently supported the
activities of the organisation. Now due to large scale migration there is
around 50 Anglo-Indian families in Burnacherry. Anglo-Indian community
in Cannoore will be remembered due to the Fort St. Angelo, the vibrant
Activities of Anglo-Indian MLA C.F.Pereira, the Chief of Indian Naval Staff
Admiral R.L.Pereira,Mrs. Ancel Netto and Mr. Desmond Netto IPS.
Anglo-Indians in Calicut
Calicut had the Anglo-Indian experience from 1498 when Vasco da
Game reached Kappad. Bishop Dr. Maxwell Valentine Noronha, an Anglo-
Indian became Bishop of Calicut in 1980. The prominent Anglo-Indian in
33
religious order could be seen in late Archbishop of Shillong Dr. Hubert
DRozario SDB who was from Calicut. The two Anglo-Indian girls high
schools confirm the strong hold of the community in Calicut. Large scale
migration after independence weakened the structure and functioning of the
association.
Anglo-Indians in Chathiath
Chathiath is one of the important centres of Anglo-Indians in Kerala.
Pachalam, Vaduthala are the adjacent areas where the Anglo-Indians live in
large number. With nearly 1000 Anglo-Indian families in the parish of
Chanthiath, there is a strong feeling of Anglo-Indian presence and unity.
The members of the community were called by others as Saipanmar or
Parangikar and considered as the higher strata of citizens at this area. Anglo-
Indian Association is very vibrant and the Chanthiath-vaduthala Anglo
Indian Association is the biggest association in the union. Edword
Rodrigues, Francis Correya, Francis Severance and Joseph Diaz were the
early leaders of the community.
Anglo-Indians in Kollam
Portuguese established their settlement in Kollam and their authority
could be assessed from the remains of the Fort St. Thomas, near
Thangassery. In later years, Dutch and French and finally English came to
34
Cochin. The descendants of these Europeans now formed the present Anglo-
Indian Community in Quilon. Apart from Thangassery Anglo-Indians lived
at Chavara, Neendakara, Clappana, Eravipuram, Kovilthottam and the
surrounding areas of the present Quilon city. Mr. S.P.Luiz, A.A.D. Luiz and
Stephen Padua were responsible for the strengthening of the community in
this area. The two Anglo-Indian Schools- the Infant Jesus High School for
Boys and the Mount Carmel High School for girls are situated here. The
great names to remembered are Gen. Noronha who lead the UN Missions in
Congo, Ms. Janis Spink, athlet, Dr. N.P. Fernandez and a number of priests
including Msgr.A.J.Rozario, the Vical General of the Diocese of Quilon and
nuns from this area did wounderful service for the community.

Notes and References
1. Moritz Deutschmann, Cultural History of British Colonialism in India,
German, 2011, pp. 1-15.
2. Noel Pitts Gist & Roy Dean Wright, Marginality and Identity: Anglo Indians
as a Racially Mixed Minority in India, Leiden, 1973, p. 122.
3. Ibid., p. 34.
4. Frederick Charles Danvers, Portuguese in India- Being a History of the Rise
and Decline of Their Eastern Empire, New Delhi, 1988, pp. 22-47.
5. L. L. Mehta, Advanced Study in the History of Modern India: Volume One:
1707 1813, New Delhi, 2005, p. 323.
35
6. Ronald Daus, Portuguese Eurasian Communities in South East Asia (Local
History and Memoirs),Singapore, 1989, p. 35.
7. Ibid., p. 68.
8. Richard Worth, Vasco Da Gama, New York, 2009, pp 33-49.
9. Lionel Caplan, Children of Colonialism: Anglo-Indians in a Postcolonial
World, New York, 2003, p. 112.
10 Richard Worth, Op.cit, p. 55.
11 A.Sreedhara Menon, A Survey of Indian History, Kottayam, 2007, pp. 176-
178.
12 M.N. Pearson, The Portuguese in India, Cambridge, pp 120-124.
13 Richard Worth, Op.cit, pp. 61-66.
14 A. Sreedhara Menon, Op. cit., p. 231.
15 Ibid.
16 Ibid., p. 178.
17 Richard Worth, Op.cit., pp. 66-68.
18 Sreedhara Menon. A, Op.cit.p. 179.
19 Sanjay Subramanyam, The Career and Legend of Vasco d agama, New
York, 1997, p. 14.
20 Ibid.
21 P. J. Cherian, Perspectives on Kerala history: the second millennium,
Thiruvananthapuram, 1999, p. 34.
36
22 Sreedhara Menon A., Op. cit., pp.179-80.
23 T. V. Mahalingam, South Indian Studies, Mysore, 1990, pp. 404 - 405
24 Henry Mores Stephens, Albuquerque, p. 31.
25 Richard Worth, Op. Cit. p.72.
26 Henry Mores Stephens, Albuquerque, New Delhi,1897, p. 35.
27 Frederick Charles Danvers, The Portuguese in India: A. D. 1571-1894,
London, 1894, p. 146.
28 Ibid.
29 Census of India, 1961, Volume 7, p. 132.
30 Pius Malekandathil, Maritime India: Trade, Religion and Polity in the Indian
Ocean, Delhi, 2010, p. 90.
31 Ibid., pp. 131-140
32 Celsa Pinto, Trade and Finance in Portuguese India: A Study of the
Portuguese Country Trade 1770-1840 (XCHR Studies Series No. 5), Celsa,
1994, p. 122-217.
33

Ibid.
34

Ibid.
35

Morse Stephens, Albuquerque and the Early Portuguese Settlement in India,
New Delhi, 2003, p.134-145
37
36 Ibid.
37 Karin Larsen, Faces of Goa, New Delhi, 1997, p.411.
38 Asiatic Journal and monthly miscellany, (Vol.-23)
39 Sultana Choudhry, Multifaceted Identity of Interethnic Young People:
Chameleon Identities, England, 2010, p. 31
40

Esther Mary Lyons, Unwanted!: Memoirs of an Anglo-Indian Daughter of
Rev Michael Delisle Lyons of Detroit, Michigan, Kokata, 2005, p. 33.
41 Nicholas B. Dirks, Colonialism and Culture, Michigan, 1992, pp.122-126.
42

C. J. Hawes, Poor Relations: The Making of a Eurasian Community in British
India 1773-1833, London, 1996, pp.6-19.
43

Ibid
44 Alison Blunt, Domicile and Diaspora: Anglo-Indian Women and the Spatial
Politics of Home, Blackwell, 2005, p.134.
45 Peter Harrington, Plassey 1757: Clive of Indias Finest Hour, London, 1994,
pp. 34-35.
46 Johnson OToole, Confessions of A Gay Globetrotter, London, 2003, p.
124.
47 Austin Anthony DSouza, Anglo-Indian education: a study of its origins and
growth in Bengal up to 1960, London, 1996, p. 15.
38
48

Nancy Lucille Brennan, The Anglo Indians of Madras; An Ethnic Minority in
Transition., Syracuse, 1979, p.78.
49 Mark Harrison, Public Health in British India: Anglo-Indian Preventive
Medicine 1859-1914, Cambridge, 1994, p. 22.
50 Bharati Debi & Anshu Prokash Nandan, The Anglo-Indians of Calcutta: a
community of communities, Kolkata, 2005. p. 6.
51 Evelyn Abel, The Anglo-Indian community: survival in India, Delhi, 1988,
pp.33-38.
52 Ibid.
53 Ibid.
54 C. N. Weston, Anglo-Indian revolutionaries of the Methodist Episcopal
Church, p. 104
55 Austin Anthony DSouza, Anglo-Indian education: a study of its origins and
growth in Bengal up to 1960, Delhi, 1976, p.94.
56 Arnold P. Kaminsky & Roger D. Long, India Today: An Encyclopedia of Life
in the Republic: An Encyclopedia of Life in the Republic, Volume 1, p. 39.
57 Austin Anthony D Souz, Op.Cit., p. 88.
58 Subodh Kapoor, The Indian Encyclopaedia, Volume 1, California, 2011, p.
268.
39
59 G. S. Chhabra, Advanced Study in the History of Modern India, New Delhi,
2005, p. 75
60 Zareer Masani, Indian Tales of Raj, Berkeley, 1987, p.151.
61 Harish Trivedi, Colonial Transactions: English Literature and India,
Manchester, 1995, p. 37.
62 C. N. Weston, Op.cit., pp. 107-8
63 Sidney Homer and Richard Sylla, A History of Interests Rates, New Jersy,
2005, p. 179.
64 Daniel Thomer, Investment in Empire: British Railway and Steam Shipping
Enterprise in India, 1825-1849, p. 66.
65

Evelyn Abel, Op.cit., p. 32. 4
66

William Ferguson Beatson Laurie, Sketches of some distinguished Anglo-
Indians: with an account of Anglo-Indian periodical literature, London,
1887, pp.100-120.
67

Evelyn Abel, Op.cit., p. 43.
68

Saurav Gangopadhyay, Anglo Indians Yesterdays and Today, p.488.
69 P. Achutha Menon, The Cochin State Manual, Ernakulam, 1911, p.311.
70

Sreedhara Menon A., Op.cit. p. 162.
71 Report of the Backward Classes Commission, (Vol-1).
40
72

P. Achutha Menon,Op. cit. p. 311.
73 Ibid.















41
Chapter III
SOCIO-CULTURAL TRAITS, PATTERNS, LIFESTYLE
AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF
ANGLO-INDIANS IN KERALA
AngloIndians who lived in Kerala for centuries made lasting
contribution to the culture and tradition of our country. They formed a new
ethnicity of their own, unique in all respects. The women of Kerala who lived
with Europeans gradually adapted to the western culture and the Christian
faith; logically their children were as well brought up with the same culture
and faith of their parents.
1
The AngloIndian community gradually
developed a distinctive way of living, projecting a blended version of both
Indian and European influences and had an obvious inclination towards the
latter.
2
Besides British, the Portuguese, the Dutch and the French
contributed their part in determining this hybrid community; however, the
impact of the British was more dominant compared to the others.
3
Anglo
Indians adopted the religion, distinctive customs, manners, language, diet,
clothing, and speech of their European progenitors.
4
Over the years those
AngloIndians in Kerala, successfully integrated into the main stream of
Indian society and developed a western style of living, influenced by Indian
culture.
Social Life
42
The Anglo-Indians were on the margin of two cultures and two races of
people.
5
This position held by the Anglo-Indians largely determined their
social status in India. Language was an important factor that kept the
Anglo-Indians distinct and remote from the Indians. Most of them were
reluctant to learn local languages and Hindi.
6
So the Indians regarded the
English-speaking Anglo-Indians as foreigners and socially segregated them.
Besides Indian customs, traditions and practices were alien to the Anglo-
Indians and hence they were reluctant to mingle with Indians. At the same
time, the life style and attire of the Anglo-Indian women created a kind of
distaste among the Indians. The absence of a common culture, language,
religion and way of life restricted them from having unified sense of a
community as Anglo-Indians and desist from mingling with outsiders.
7

The conditions changed with the Indian independence. The post-
independence era tells a different story. Anglo-Indian leaders advised them
to be more faithful and committed to India. Frank Anthony urged them to
think themselves as Indians and called for close interaction with other
communities of the main stream. The introduction of western music and
new forms of carnivals enabled better interaction with the local people as
did the familiarity of the Anglo- Indians with the Latin rite, feasts of saints
and other rituals. Wherever the Portuguese landed, as a token of their
43
gratitude to the Lord, a Church was erected. In Cochin itself they built
sixteen churches and chapels.
The Anglo-Indian participation in the political and social activities is
noteworthy. Their representation in the Legislative bodies, social leadership
and active involvement in the activities of the Latin Catholic Church testifies
to their socio-political involvement. The majority of the Anglo-Indians were
literate. It is reported that generally the girls would go for higher levels in
education while the boys choose some technical education which would help
them get a job easily. This is related to the social practice in courtship
where a boy has to bear the expenses of taking a girl out.
Luso-Indians were very industrious. As mechanics, smiths, carpenters
and later in laying railway tracks and drawing telegraph lines during the
British period they undertook a task with utmost satisfaction. The women
took up the professions of tailoring, teaching, nursing and opted for
religious vocation to serve as nuns in the convents in and outside the
country. Luso-Indian women were excellent administrators in the offices of
the commercial establishments. The Luso-Indian men with pleasing
personalities attracted the attention of the British and later rulers and
served as intermediaries to fill the communication gap between the British
and the Indians as they were multi-lingual.
44
Anglo-Indians were people with excellent civic sense and they followed
social etiquettes and manners with great care. Their community had no
social taboos and inhibitions unlike the rigid caste system which prevailed
in the Indian society. They shared water, food and other consumable items
with the members of other communities. They also shared churches and
cemeteries with the members of the Roman Catholic Church. They
enthusiastically participated in church ceremonies, rituals and festivals
with others. There was a variety of recreation and entertainment in their life.
Watching movies, playing music and dancing provided recreation for them.
The Anglo-Indians had a special taste and innate talent for music. Even in
an average Anglo-Indian family one could find a piano. Some of the Anglo-
Indians were pop singers and they popularized pop music in India.
Customs and Traditions
The Anglo-Indian community in Kerala developed as a unique group
with distinguishing features derived from the cultural traditions of Europe.
Both discarded by and rebuffing their Indian heritage, Anglo-Indians
followed a way of life similar to that of the overseas British citizens. They
gave up the aspects of Indian culture which lacked a Western orientation.
8

Over decades, this picking and choosing of identity references has had a
major impact on their position in society both within and outside India.
9

45
Through centuries, until the Indian independence, the British served as
their reference group.
10

Although Anglo-Indians received English cultural patterns as their
own, they never reached a safe terrain of social equality.
11
At the same time
they were never really an integral part of the cultural or social sonata of
indigenous India. Manners and mannerisms of the Anglo Indians, especially
women caused much censure from the native people. Esther Mary Lyons
rightly narrates it as: they did not consider the ballroom dancing and going
to club till late at night was good and respectable for women. Besides they
did not think the club where liquor was served was meant for a decent and
respectable Indian woman. Most Indians considered the Anglo-Indian and
European women cheap just because they went to the club, drank with men
and did ballroom dancing in public with different men while the Indian
women were very conservative and kept indoors, had arranged marriages,
the Anglo Indian women lived a more liberated western style life and had the
same freedom and equality in the community as did the British women.
12

The Anglo-Indian customs, their cuisine, attire, language and
ceremonies were different from that of the local community. Though they
embraced the Catholic faith their lifestyle was strikingly different from the
Catholic traditions of the Kerala Church. Ceremonies and festivals were part
46
of Anglo Indian life. Marriages, baptisms, birthdays, house warmings,
Christmas, New Years Eve, and other such occasions were celebrated with
great pomp and pleasure. Often the celebrations were beyond their financial
capacity but they kept it up as merrymaking and luxurious life were integral
to their character.
13

The Anglo-Indians of Kerala, over the years of mixing and mingling
have been assimilated into the main stream of Kerala society. However, they
tried to maintain the purity of their unique culture. This ethnic community
emerged out of mixed marriages between European men and Indian women
but at present they seldom promote mixed marriages. People outside the
Anglo-Indian community also have some reservation to marrying from the
community. However there are instances of inter marriages in recent times.
Such dilutions have affected the retention of their exclusiveness.
14

One of the greatest contributions of the Portuguese was the
introduction of mixed marriages. In a caste ridden society where the
marriages and mingling were restricted to certain classes and castes, the
Europeans shattered the caste structure. With the official permission on the
part of the Portuguese and subsequently other European powers, they
began to marry Indian women. The Portuguese took spouses from different
communities in Kerala. They married Thiyya women in Malabar. After
47
marriage these women naturally embraced Christianity. Mixed marriages in
Kerala by that time became very common, and there are reports that in
1600CE, hundred such marriages were held in Kodungalloor;
15
the majority
of such marriages were from the Thiyya community.
16

The oppressed population in the lower strata of the caste system began
to enjoy unusual freedom and change in the social status with the
marriages. Thus the mixed marriages brought about a silent but
fundamental revolution in the social structure of the society. The set of
people who were forbidden the freedom and dignity were elevated to a
different social stratum with these marriages.
17
This has special significance
to the women at the grass root level especially those who were branded as
untouchables and marginalized the vaisyas and the sudras. The new social
status, freedom from untouchability and the manifold stigmas of caste
system encouraged many to follow the suit.
18
It was followed even later
during the Dutch and the English rule. The prolonged period of British rule,
their authority and vibrant presence in the Kerala community, made great
impact in the customs manners and rituals of the people. The marriage
ceremony also underwent great change during this time, an evolution akin
to the European style.
48
The Anglo-Indian family relationship was officially brought into
existence as a result of the policy of the East India Company. In 1978 the
company directors decided to present a pagola to the mother of the Anglo-
Indian child. These pagola marriages were by no means confined to middle
class or lower class Indian women.
19
The British secured their wives mainly
in two ways, either by treaties with Indian princes or chieftains or by
marriage to widows or camp followers. Usually the women were baptized
and the marriage was performed according to Christian rites. This period
was known as the Brahminising of English rule, when it was felt that these
marriages or alliances with the local people would attract the sympathy and
support of the Indian population.
20

Normally Anglo-Indians are endogamous, but seeking spouses outside
the community is also not uncommon. During the earlier period not only the
community but colour also mattered in their choices in marriage. The white
prefer white and the black opt for the same complexion. But later on the
colour preferences and other restrictions in the selection of marriage
gradually faded. Normally the age of marriage is in between 25-30. The
Anglo-Indian marriage has a specific system. The betrothal or engagement
takes place in the house of the girl and as a symbol of betrothal the boy
slips the engagement ring on the girls finger. The date and venue of
49
marriage will be decided at the time of engagement and it will be announced
in the church on three consecutive Sundays.
21

The marriage takes place in the parish officiated by the priest. The
wedding is attended by close friends and immediate relatives of the bride
and the groom. The Anglo-Indian bride conventionally wears a white gown
in the western style and the groom wears a suit. The full skirted gown is
usually made with around seven meters of exotic material. With the
intermingling and affiliations with other Christian denominations and
families, brides wearing white or cream saris are also seen.
22
The brides
head is covered with a white decorated veil and a tiara
23
or a bunch of
flowers and she holds a bouquet in her hand. The Anglo-Indian marriage
ceremony is enchanting with music and special rituals along with the Holy
Mass. The priest welcomes the couple as they walk along the aisle till they
reach the altar. The ceremony involves a sermon by the priest called a
homily emphasizing the sacredness and sanctity of marriage. Following the
exchange of wedding rings, the bride and the groom hold each others right
hand and make a solemn promise of lifelong commitment stating that they
will stay together in thick and thin to each other in the name of God.
24
This
is followed by the blessings of the priest to lay the foundation of a new
family based on love in Christ. Then they sign the marriage register.
25

50
Under the influence of the Roman Catholic Church in Kerala customs
like minnukettu, mangalasutra and the concept of manthrakodi crept in
to the marriage ceremony of the Anglo-Indians, especially among those
section of them who follow the customs and traditions of the local
community. (Minnu or Thali is a leaf shaped gold pendant with a cross
sealed on it, worn on a thread with strands drawn from the sari
(manthrakodi)). Those gathered during the wedding ceremony actively
participate in all the rituals and shower their blessings on the couple. The
ceremony is followed by a reception with a live band.
26

Anglo Indians are very fond of fashion and dressing up. Clothes and
adornment constitute a major portion of their family expenditure. Quite
contrary to the interest of the women of Kerala, Anglo-Indians show very
little interest in gold ornaments. They are more interested in clothes,
especially in European style garments.
27
Two piece dresses which stretch up
to the feet, jackets that extent up to the knee, over coats, pants, suits,
bush-shirts, jerkins and cow-boy jeans are some of their favourite clothing.
They are people with great colour sense and prefer cosy and colourful
dresses.
28
For funeral ceremonies they wear black. The Anglo-Indian women
usually wear frocks or blouses and skirts of different style. Mini-skirts and
high heels are common.
29
Dresses made up of gorgeous materials such as
silk, georgette and nylon are trendy with upper class and middle class
51
women. Some girls also wear slacks, like boys. In dressing, the men use
European outfits. The women first had dresses styled like the Portuguese
and later adopted other European patterns.
30
One speciality of some Luso-
Indian women in Kerala was the Kabaya (a Malaysian dress) with checked
long cloth from hip to toe and a top without color and with long sleeves.
31

This dress is still worn by Luso-Indian women in interior parts of Kerala.
This was the dress of the women brought by Alfonso de Albuquerque from
his Malacca mission, who were wedded to Portuguese soldiers in early 16
th

century.
32
This is the answer for the Mangolian features of some Luso-
Indians in Kerala.
But in recent years Anglo Indians follow the dressing patterns of the
local people. On formal occasions they wear shirts, coats with stiff collars,
bow-ties and boots, narrow lapels and boaters. In ordinary life the middle
and lower class people are not very particular about their clothes whereas
the upper class are very cautious and spend a large amount in procuring
the latest varieties.
33
Generally in many families they use old dresses for
making outfits for the children. This is mainly due to economic reasons.
Short hair, miniskirts, facial make up and high heels are some of the
identifying features of Anglo Indian women. They habitually visit beauty
parlours and fashion centres. Unlike Indian women, they do not use flowers
52
or tilak or other ornaments to beautify their hair and face. The dress pattern
followed by the Anglo Indians and Indian women has been mutually
influenced. In the early period the use of the sari was very rare among the
Anglo-Indian women. But later on they started wearing Indian clothes like
sari and blouse and salwar-kameez.
34
And on the other hand many women
of Kerala have started to follow the Anglo-Indian style of dressing.
The Anglo-Indian influence in the food habits of Kerala is very obvious.
The Anglo-Indian culture was evolved by combining both the European and
Indian cultures, even though the community adopted the religion, manners
and ways of dressing of their European forefathers, their food is a mixture of
both western and Indian. Perhaps, the Anglo-Indian cuisine is the very first
example of fusion food in the world; it is a result of reinventing and
revamping popular European dishes with a dash of exotic Indian spices
giving it a completely new flavor. Thus a completely new contemporary
cuisine came into existence, which was neither too bland nor too spicy, but
with a distinctive flavor of its own.
35
It became a direct reflection of the
multi-cultural cuisine.
36

Anglo-Indian cuisine is a gourmets delight and is mostly prepared
using English spices such as pepper, bay leaves, cloves, nutmeg, cinnamon.
Indian condiments such as chilies, cumin, coriander, turmeric, ginger,
53
garlic are also added in moderation. Yoghurt and milk are also used in
certain preparations to offset extra pungency.
37
The Luso-Indian food habits
are unique; they prefer bread and meat stew for Almosa (breakfast). They
serve dishes like Vindaloo (beef or pork) and Cutles(cutlets). For evening
snacks they make sowlinge(with rice powder), Penthe feethe (rice powder
wet and shaped with a comb and fried in oil). They prepare soup on holidays
and feast days.
38

Food habits constitute an important component of group identity. The
merging up of the eastern and western culinary habits in the Anglo-Indian
cuisine creates an enchanting experience of taste.
39
Anglo-Indian cuisine
reflects the cultural affinity, taste and style of England. The flavour in the
Anglo-Indian kitchen reminds one of the fusions of traditional Indian and
exotic western taste. Anglo-Indian special preparations, especially the
Christmas cake evoke the sweet memories of Christmas with its pomp and
pleasure. Christmas has its enduring charm and rich tradition and the
Anglo-Indians added colors to it.
40
Gloria Clifford of Fort Cochin seems
excited while describing Christmas. The shops in Fort Cochin announce the
arrival of Christmas with glittering decorations, colourful illuminations,
Santa masks, Christmas tree and stars. For them the preparation for
Christmas starts a month in advance. They make special plum cake and
homemade wine. It is made of grape, banana, carrot and beetroot.
54
Christmas day is celebrated with a great banquet, and socializing on a large
scale. It is celebrated with sports, games, music and dance.
41
Such is the
case with all the special occasions said, Mrs. Grace Rodridges.
The Anglo-Indians are non-vegetarians. They eat beef, pork and fish.
Vegetables and eggs are also consumed. Fruit consumption is moderate
while the consumption of milk and milk products is high. Staple foods are
rice and wheat. Eating with a spoon and a fork is a typical habit. Some of
them prepare wine in their houses using grapes and other fruits, which is
specially served during marriages and festivals like Christmas, along with
cake.
42
Another special item of food they prepare is a roasted turkey. Among
the economically weaker sections of their society, expensive food is being
replaced by cheaper local food.
The naming of the dishes is unique and original with rhythmic sounds
like Doldol, Kalkal, Ding-Ding and Posthole. While Anglo-Indian Cuisine is
said to be influenced by the various European invasions in India, it was the
British, who left an indelible mark on Kerala Cuisine. This new cuisine was
often called Club food, referring to the food served even today in Country
Clubs throughout India. Roasts, stews, bakes, sandwiches and white bread
are a legacy of the British, and the Anglo-Indians took these to new heights,
making them part of their daily cuisine.
43
Other dishes such as fish and
55
chips, cutlets, croquettes, sausages, bacon, ham, egg variants, puddings,
custards, and a savoury treat known as Welsh rarebit became a part of the
Anglo-Indian culinary inventory.
44

The Sunday English Breakfast of eggs, bacon and kippers, buttered
toast, cheese, butter, jams; English roast dinners complete with steamed
vegetables, roast potatoes, Yorkshire pudding and gravy, English sausages,
colloquially known as bangers and mash, pies and puddings, especially
the Yorkshire pudding and bread pudding, sandwiches became very
popular.
45
The concept of the English high tea in the afternoon was another
remnant of the British.
46

The Anglo-Indians are very jubilant in nature. They are free from
inhibitions and taboos attached to social gathering and free mingling. Both
men and women freely mix and mingle with each other which were
unfamiliar to the traditional Indian society Wine and cake are integral part
of their life, indispensable for receiving gusts at home. At every occasion, the
Anglo-Indians invariable offer wine and cake to every guest enters their
homes. On Christmas time the use of wine increases many fold. The use of
liquor is not strange in their social life. Both men and women take liquor.
Women generally prefer beer and it is a usual thing at the dining table. Men
take whisky or brandy. They love to take a chota peg. The term Chota peg is
claimed to be of Anglo-Indian origin.
47

56

The baptism ceremony is another blissful occasion in an Anglo-Indian
home. The birth of a child is often regarded as a divine blessing and there is
no distinction between a boy and a girl. They whole heartedly welcome the
newborn. On the fourteenth day the christening rites will be performed as
per Roman Catholic Church norms. Parents have the right to choose the
godfather and godmother from among the relatives. The selection of the
godparents has importance as they have great influence in the life of the
child. The baptismal ceremony is followed by a splendid meal.
47
The
Bowthise (Baptism) and wedding are the two instances where the Luso-
Indians retain their identity. Banquet and posh dressing and dancing
differentiate the Luso-Indian community from others. Cake and wine are
served on occasions like baptism and wedding.
48

Another exclusive Anglo-Indian custom is manifested in their funeral
ceremony. Death is a solemn occasion. The well-knit relations of the Anglo-
Indians are explicit at the funeral ceremony. The friends and relatives
gather in large numbers and the women invariably wear black clothing
based on their relation with the departed. Tremendous changes took place
in the life of the Anglo-Indians and women have abandoned the habit of
mourning in full black. Moreover, the Anglo Indians have given up many of
the traditional rituals and practices mainly due to heavy expenses.
57
Kinship Relationship and Matrimonial Traditions
Family relations are very strong among Anglo-Indians. Their life in the
railway colonies and cantonments has physically separated them from the
main stream of society. Their preferential attitude to interact with the
Europeans and other Anglo-Indian groups virtually resulted in the
development of socio-economic patterns of their own.
49
Their employment in
the Indian government services such as railways, customs, post and
telegraph and the army necessitated frequent and periodic transfer from one
place to another. This has ultimately disrupted their family life and many
struggled hard to adjust to the changed situations causing their children to
be poor performers.
50

The Anglo-Indians follow the nuclear family system. Extended families
are seldom found. Interpersonal relationships within the family are very
strong and love and respect links the families together and quarrels are
rare. Among them there is a great deal of cooperation on different occasions
like birth, marriage, and festive occasions like Christmas and New Year and
in times of suffering.
51
Their religion and rituals help them to keep their
solidarity. The Luso-Indians being ardent Catholics, apart from church
services, family prayer is obligatory. After prayers the young members wish
the elders Boanoite (good night) and kiss them on their cheeks.
58
Women enjoyed respectable position in the family and are good
housewives. They have the right to inheritance. There is great demand for
Anglo-Indian women for placement as teachers, secretaries, nurses and in
public relations.
52
They have the potential and many are professionally
qualified. In the social, economic, religious and political avenues, they
perform at par with men.
Large scale migration has affected their kinship relations. Today there
are only a few Anglo-Indian families in various Anglo-Indian settlements in
Kerala like Cochin and Kollam as most of them have been migrated to
different countries.
53
Various associations of Anglo-Indians play significant
role in strengthening their relations. The All India Anglo-Indian Association
working today infuses a new hope to the remaining Anglo-Indians of
Kerala.
54

Anglo-Indian Art and Architecture
The coming of the Portuguese changed the style of Kerala Architecture.
Till then there was no great difference in the architectural style followed by
the Hindus and the Christians. The Portuguese introduced the Greco-
Roman style of Architecture. They built the St. Francis Church in Cochin,
the earliest centre of Anglo-Indians, in the Latin style. It was in this church
that the body of Vasco da Gama was kept until it was taken to Portugal.
55

59
This style of church construction gradually spread across the country very
soon. They adopted new architecture not only in the construction of the
churches but also of the houses. The churches were built in Gothic style.
The fine architectural skills of these churches have left its lasting
impressions on the many other churches built in Kerala later.
56
There is a
move from the Government of Kerala to recreate the old scenic beauty of
these bygone eras in certain areas giving the street Portuguese, Dutch or
British characteristics with a view of attracting tourists.
57
During the time
most of the Anglo Indian houses were known as bungalows. The traditional
style of giving the family name to the houses changed under the Anglo
Indian influence. For example love dale, rose dale, love cottage, star dale,
blue house, rose cottage are some of the new house names that gained
ground.
The native rajas imposed a lot of restriction on the construction of
buildings which continued up to the establishment of the Portuguese. The
Raja of Cochin authorised the Portuguese to built buildings and fortresses
with stones and tiles. The Portuguese constructed a palace at Mattanchery
and handed it over to the Raja to be his palace. There were few buildings in
Fort Cochin with underground cells; these cells were used to accommodate
their slaves. They enjoyed a lot of privileges and their ancestors lived along
60
the important streets of Lilly Street and Burgher Street. The architectural
style further improved and local people made a lot of buildings in the same
manner during the British rule.
The Anglo-Indians comprise of both professional and amateur artists
and architects. Tilly Kettle, John Zoffany and Arthur Davis were the experts
who arrived in India in the second half of the Eighteenth century. John
Smart and Ozias Humphery were the great artists of the time. They were
followed by renowned British artists like George Chinnery.
58
All these artists
painted in oils, but the most typical medium was water color. The trend in
Britain was for charming, raw nature and that the artists visit India to
depict an extraordinarily inconsistent India with the description of travelers
and later, of missionaries. Captain William, Captain Grindlay and Sir
Charles Doly were some of the comparatively proficient amateur artists of
the 19th century. By the latter half of the Nineteenth century, the interest in
the picturesque had diminished and even professional artists limited
themselves to narrative paintings demonstrating some unique and easily
identifiable moral precept. The European intervention helped to stir up
native interest in art.
The influence of the British is more conspicuous in the field of
architecture. The house-building pattern quite common in Kerala is peculiar
61
for Luso-Indians. Usually in front and in two sides there will be the veranda.
The front portion is built as a portico for the guests. Chair and table were
the important furniture in the guest room. The hall is called saala, the
kitchen is called Kusinja. All the houses had separate dining rooms and
bed rooms. The houses were provided with wide doors and windows. The
roof will be tiled and these were called Portuguese tiles till recently.
The microscopic Anglo-Indian communitys contribution to Indias
mainstream cultural scene has been varied and significant. Stephen Padua
remarks, There was a time when we were the complacent lot, cocooned in
their own world. Slowly the scenario changed- the Indian population had to
meet the demands of the day, we were still basking in past glory. All
avenues had closed; the rest had overtaken them by leaps and bounds in
most spheres. Unable to survive, we were left groping in the dark. But
survive we did. Our optimism won the day for us. The warm, loving people
that we are, we showed the world that we had neither a care nor a worry in
the world. Ready to break into a song or a dance when the occasion
demanded, we were full of the joie de vivre of life. Those who understood the
worth of our culture and way of living imbibed it. Our customs and manners
soon became theirs and we too absorbed the good from the Indian cultural
scene in a mutually beneficial exchange. Still as a community we have a
62
strong cultural identity of our own, which is the very essence of our
existence.
59

Anglo Indian Education; A Critical Evaluation
The Anglo Indian contribution in the field of education is remarkable.
They are people whose mother tongue is English and they follow a western
pattern of living. The English language is the symbol of their identity. They
established Anglo-Indian schools mainly to foster the English language and
their culture. Therefore the Anglo-Indians prefer Anglo-Indian schools and
in its absence, as a lesser option they go for other English medium schools.
Although Anglo-Indian schools have their reputation and attraction all over
the country, the Anglo-Indians do not benefit much out of it. Very few go for
higher education and advanced learning.
60
Before and during the early days
of the post-independent period employment to some of the subordinate
positions in the Indian government services were reserved for the Anglo-
Indians. Therefore they seldom bothered about higher education till the
schemes for Indianisation was implemented.
61

The Anglo-Indian Schools were established for the educational
advancement of the community. There were day schools and residential
schools. Due to the firm base in English and considerably higher quality of
education imparted by the Anglo-Indian schools, these schools were
63
preferred by the upper-class people who wanted their children to be trained
in an academic environment and to acquire fluency in the English language.
Anglo-Indians are offered free ships in this school but it is inadequate to
accommodate all the Anglo Indian children. Economic issues kept the
Anglo-Indian students outside these schools. Thus the Anglo-Indian schools
appear to fail the very children that they were set up to help.
62

Besides the economic issue, the Anglo-Indian students faced the
problem of learning Indian languages. They were poor performers in class
for the Indian languages. Often they failed to speak, read and write Indian
languages and hence they became the repeaters in the class. They were
branded the duffers and were accused of disrupting the class. The Anglo-
Indian students were to a large extent ignored in the classroom. The sad
part is that the system has not been made accountable for the academic
failure of the Anglo-Indian students. Anglo-Indian English medium schools
did not have a well thought out plan to teach English as a second language
to the students of the community. The third issue is religion. Approaching
the question of religion was hampered with political problems. Any attempt
to change or reinterpret religious education could well be treated as silliness
or deception. Christianity at the present time is taught outside the school
timetable. The schools experience of religious education went on alienating
the Anglo-Indians from the non Anglo-Indians.
63
Anglo-Indian schools were
64
established in India for two reasons. The first was that the British
colonialists wanted a flexible, economical, literate and faithful workforce to
fill reserved low-level positions in crucial services such as the railways,
customs and excise, post and telegraph and police. The second was that the
Christian missionaries wanted to evangelize the Indian population and saw
the Anglo-Indian population as an ideal entry point.
The British left the community a legacy for subordination. The schools
consciously mould a racial, linguistic and religious framework of the Anglo-
Indians to their political, social and economic roles in India. The basic
suppositions which trigger this, helps explain the colonial legacy which still
exists in these schools. The obvious objective of the British administrators
and Christian missionaries was to trim down disparity of educational
opportunity for the Anglo-Indians. However, the educational system did not
decrease inequality because the amount of schooling attained by Anglo-
Indians has always been disproportionate when compared with non Anglo-
Indians. Moreover, it has not been the ultimate motto of the colonial
administrators nor Christian missionaries to produce students who were
competitive, motivated and desirous of pursuing higher education.
Disparities in the Anglo-Indians educational accomplishment and the rapid
Indianisation of the services affected the income of the Anglo-Indian
families.
64

65
The social implications of the Anglo-Indian school system are
significant. It reproduced the class structure of a great divide which the
British government and Christian missionaries had created for the
community. The schools also helped to preserve and extend the power,
prestige and wealth of the British government and Christian missionaries,
by linking the English language and the Christian religion to a specific
community. The British educational policy has some specific motives and
the Anglo-Indian schools reflected these policies to some extent. It convinced
the Anglo-Indian community that they were the best workers in India for
subordinate jobs. The British recognized the necessity of restricting
educational outcomes for the Anglo-Indians. The Anglo-Indians built up
their ambitions on this limited educational experience which resulted in
what they were given to believe was a fair shot at unequal economic reward.
Young men left school and entered subordinate services which lasted a
lifetime. They rarely left school to enter higher education.
The predesigned educational policy and framework led to an economic
structure within the Anglo-Indian social progression in which disadvantage
was worn as a badge of honor. They felt satisfied and never tried to think
beyond. Ambitions and initiatives were chained and fettered on a friendly
comfortable social structure. They believed that to serve the British, speak
the English language and attend a Christian church was the honorable
66
thing to do with their life. The unequal incomes and inequality of access to
higher education lay in the dynamics of their economic life. This
determined institutionalized disparity in educational and economic
outcomes created an element of backwardness in the community. On
linguistic terms Anglo-Indians never felt and did not want to be called
backward because they speak English as mother-tongue. The existence of
the exclusive much-sought-after Anglo-Indian schools prevented Anglo-
Indians from addressing their own educational backwardness.
Anglo-Indian culture has its innate beauty and charisma. Its customs
and manners are unique. But with the onslaught of time and external
interferences, their culture underwent gradual transformation. Most of their
customs and manners were either ignored or vanished. But at the same
time they have not fully integrated into the community of Kerala. This
created an identity crisis which clubbed with their social alienation and
economic crisis compelled into migration. The surviving Anglo-Indians fail
to disseminate their culture in its totality to the younger generations.
Asserting the documented sources and field visits the Anglo-Indian
community is still preserving a blend of European and Indian cultural traits
but, neither western nor eastern, save a fusion which has an identity and
uniqueness of its own. Intricate features of their culture including their
67
language, family life, marriage, religion, education, cuisine and social
standing has been analysed. These are largely contributing factors in the
making of a community structure.
Notes and References
1. Tushar Kanti Sanyal, Anglo Indians of Kolkata A Study of Social
Alienation, Kolkata, 2007, p. 89.
2. Mary A. Procida, Married to the Empire: Gender, Politics and Imperialism
in India, 1883-1947, Manchester, 2002, p. 61-62.
3 Bharati Debi and Anshu Prokash Nandan, The Anglo Indians of Calcutta
A community of Communities, Kolkata, 2006, p. 14.
4 Brigitte Bonisch-Brednich and Catherine Trundle, Local Lives: Migration
and the Politics of Place, Surrey (England), 2010, p. 119.
5 Stephen Padua, Threads of Continuity, Cochin, 2005, p.112.
6 Caralie Younger, The Anglo-Indians Neglected Children of the Raj,
Delhi,1987,p.76.
7 Frank Anthony, Britains Betrayal in India, London, 2007, p.378.
8 Mary A. Procida, Op.cit.pp. 61-63.
9 Ibid.
10 Mary A. Procida, Married to the Empire: Gender, Politics and Imperialism
in India, 1883-1947, Manchester, 2002, p. 212.
11 V. R. Gaikwad, The Anglo-Indians, Bobay, 1967, p. 28.
68
12 Esther Mary Lyons, Unwanted!: Memoirs of an Anglo-Indian Daughter of
Rev Michael Delisle Lyons of Detroit, Michigan, Kolkata, 2005, p. 91.
13 Kumar Suresh Singh, People of India: Maharashtra, Volume 1, Bombay,
2004, pp. 84-86.
14 Interview with Nelson Rebeira, Manjanakkad, Cochin.
15 S. N. Sadasivan, A social History of India, New Delhi, 2000, p. 434-35.
16 Jennifer Jane Frost, Kinship and Fertility in Kerala, Los Angeles, 1992, p.
103.
17 Anjana Singh, Fort Cochin in Kerala, 1750-1830: The Social Condition of a
Dutch Community in an Indian Milieu, Netherlands, 2010, pp. 110-112.
18 S. N. Sadasivan, Op.cit. pp. 434-35.
19 Gloria Jean Moore, The Anglo-Indian Vission, Melbourne, 1986, p. 4.
20 Emma Roberts, Scenes and characteristics of Anglo Indian weddings, p.
30.
21 Jaya Hariprasad, Marriage and Nation: Victorian Literature, the Anglo-
Indian Tradition, and the 19th-century Indian Novel, Ann Arbour, 2009,
pp. 84-105.
22

Shiva Kumar Gupta, Marriage Among the Anglo-Indains, Lucknow, 1968,
pp. 61-66.
69
23 Sara Jeannette Duncan, Set in Authority, Canada, 1996, p. 87.
24 Catholic Bisop Council, The Rite of Marriage, New York, 1970.
25 Shiva Kumar Gupta, Op. Cit. pp. 62-63.
26 Interview with Nancy Rebeira of Cochin on 28-08-2012.
27 Kumar Suresh Singh, People of India: Maharashtra, Volume 1, Mumbai,
2004, p. 83.
28 Lionel Caplan, Op. Cit., pp. 198-204.
29 Sarah Lamb, Aging and the Indian Diaspora: Cosmopolitan Families in
India and Abroad, Bloomington, 2009, p. 57.
30 Blair R. Williams, Anglo-Indians: Vanishing Remmants of a Bygone Era :
Anglo-Indians in India, North America, and the UK in 2000, New Jersy,
2002, pp. 49-50.
31 Ken Albala, Food Cultures of the World Encyclopedia: [Four Volumes],
California, 2011, p. 232.
32 K. G. Jayne, Vasco Da Gama and His Successors 1460 to 1580, London,
2004, pp. 71-89.
33 Frank Anthony, Britains betrayal in India: the story of the Anglo-Indian
community, London, 2007, pp. 361-64.
34 Blair R. Williams, Op. Cit., p. 51.
70
35 Mobile References, Travel Oxford and Cambridge, UK: Illustrated Guide
and Maps, Mobile reference. com, 2010.
36 Panikos Panayi, Spicing up Britain: the Multicultural History of British
Food, London, 2010, p.54.
37 Lizzie Collingham, Curry: A Tale of Cooks and Conquerors, New York,
2006, p. 118.
38 Margaret Deefhollts, The Way We Were: Anglo-Indian Chronicles , New
Jersy, 2006, p. 150.
39 Patricia Brown, Anglo-Indian Food and Customs, Mumbai, 1998, pp.1-45.
40 Interview with Gloria Clifford of Fort Cochin on 18-08-2012.
41

Interrview with Mrs. Grace Rodridges of Vypin on 21-05-2012.
42 Frank Anthony, Op. Cit. p.370.
43 Linda Civitello, Cuisine and Culture: A History of Food and People, New
Jersey, 2011, pp. 270 72.
44 Lizzie Collingham Op. Cit. pp. 160-170.
45 Jeanne Jacob, The world cookbook of Anglo Indians, New Delhi, 2007,
P.23.
46 Theomothy Rims, Anglo-indian cusine; an art of synthesis culture, New
Delhi, 1995, p.34.
71
47 Chota Peg is a vernacular term for a drink of brandy or whisky and
soda water, which one drink in the early evening on the veranda while
wearing ones soalr topi.
48. Frank Anthony Op. cit. p. 370.
48 Lionel Caplan, Children of Colonialism: Anglo-Indians in a Postcolonial
World, New York, 2003, p. 217.
49 Coralie Younger, Anglo-Indians Neglected Children of the Raj, New Delhi,
1987, p. 104.
50 S. Afsheen, Under Five Flags: Life Like a Turbulent River Flows,
Bloomington(USA), 2011, p. 71.
51 Union of Anglo-Indian Associations, Golden Jubilee Souvenir, Cochin,
2003, p. 71.
52 Bharati Debi and Anshu Prokash Nandan, The Anglo-Indians of Culcutta:
A Community of Communities, Kolkata, 2006, p. 19.
53 Narayana Jayaran, The Indian Diaspora: Dynamics of Migration, New
Delhi, 2004, p. 21-22.
54 Noel Pitts Gist & Roy Dean Wright, Marginality and Identity: Anglo
Indians as a Racially Mixed Minority in India, Leiden, 1973, p. 100-102.
55 Robert Arnett, India Unveiled, Georgia, 2006, p. 103.
56 Sreedhara Menon, Cultural Heritage of Kerala, Kottayam, 2008, p. 141.
72
57 The Hindu, 6 June 2012.
58 Francesco Pellizzi, Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics, 53/54: Spring and
Autumn 2008, Massacheusetts, 2008, p. 262.
59 Frank Anthony, Op. cit, p.396.
60 Blair R. Williams, Anglo-Indians: Vanishing Remmants of a Bygone Era :
Anglo-Indians in India, North America, and the UK in 2000, Madras,
2002, pp. 99-106.
61 Laura Bear, Lines of the Nation: Indian Railway Workers, Bureaucracy,
and the Intimate Historical Self, 2007, pp. 105-107.
62 Blair R. Williams, Op. cit., pp. 103-113.
63 Lionel Caplan, Op. cit., pp. 94-95.
64 Laura Bear, Op. cit, pp. 64-65.






73

Chapter- IV
ANGLO-INDIANS OF KERALA,
A CASE OF COCHIN SETTLEMENT
The Anglo-Indian communities in Kerala are known in many names
including Eurasians, Feringhee, Chattakaran and the Luso Indians.
1
The
article 366 of the Constitution of India refers the terminology Anglo-Indian
to define a person or whose father or any of whose male ancestors in the
male line is or was of European descent but who has domiciled the territory
of India and is or was born with in such territory of parents habitually
resides therein and not established there for temporary purposes only.
2

Considering its historical expansion and territorial grouping, the Anglo-
Indians of Kerala are broadly classifieds in to twin subgroups; the
Tangaserry sect of Kollam claiming the British origin and the next is Cochin
sect under the Portuguese origin covering the regions Vallarpadom,
Mulavukavu, Edakochi, Palluruthi and Kochi
3
.
Many people have raised the need of an authentic history of Anglo-
Indians in Kerala. As a constitutionally recognised community, the Anglo-
Indians have their own historic tradition of origin and growth. The
descendents of Europeans in India, through centuries faced several socio-
74
economic, cultural and political changes. Portuguese the early colonisers of
India from Europe came to India in the 16
th
century, married Indian women
and their progenies were called Feringi.
4
Later the amalgamated grouping
became a community called Luso-Indians. In the next centuries, the Dutch
and British occupied the monopoly of Indian trade and they mixed with the
existing Luso-Indians. These events marked the Anglo-Indian history of
Kerala.
5

Growth and Expansion of Eurasian Luso-Indian communities in
Kerala
The famed Portuguese navigator Vasco da Gama in 1498 looked for
areas where he could collect spices. The visit of Pedro Alvares Cabral in
1500 made the Portuguese realize possibilities in Cochin for trade and this
slowly led to the launching of a factory at Cochin, Cannanore, and QuiIon.
6

Albuquerque started constructing forts. Settlements were established at
QuiIon, Cochin, Calicut and Cannanore. This helped to improve the
prospects and to establish connections through them to unlock secrets of
the localities from where different articles of trade could be
obtained.
7
Portuguese fort at Cochin (Fort Emmanuel), Cannanore (Fort
Angelo), QuiIon (Fort St. Thomas), Palliport (Vypeen island, north of Cochin)
are standing monuments of Portuguese power in India. Each Portuguese
settlement was protected by Portuguese and later the Luso - Indian families
75
stayed together inside the settlement with their cattle, carpentry workshop,
smithy, tailoring, shoe making, baking etc.
8

The Dutch invasion of Kerala severely disturbed not only the political
arena and Portuguese supremacy, but totally affected the very social,
religious and cultural life of Cochin and specially the Luso - Indians. The
churches were destroyed, educational institutions and even the renowned
library was burnt. The surrender of Portuguese at Cochin in 1663 was the
beginning of the decline of Portuguese power in Kerala. The Portuguese and
the Luso - Indians were the target of attack by the Dutch. So, these people
were forced to protect themselves by fleeing to the interior villages of Kerala.
After the Dutch invasion and the consequent inter-marriages with the
Dutch and the British people the Luso-Indian community became more
European and thereby started to be termed as Eurasian.
9

Eurasians of Quilon settled in the adjoining areas like Thangassery,
Clappana, Mavelikkara and Kayamkulam. They were settled in Aleppey and
at Poracad. At Cochin and its suburbs like Nazareth, Saude, Cheriakadavu,
Palluruthy, Edacochin, Thevara, Perumanoor, Chathiath (Pachalam and
Vaduthala). They also settled at Varapoly, Moolampilly, Mulavukadu,
Bolgatty and Vallarpadam. At Vypeen Island the Luso-Indians were settled
76
at Manjanakkad, Ochanthuruthu, Elamkunnapuzha, Palliport and at
Kunjithai.
10

The Luso - Indians in Calicut were concentrated near to the Cathedral
Church, and many were settled at Tellicherry further north to Calicut. One
of the oldest of Luso-Indian settlements was at Cannanore (Where Fort
Angelo is situated). A concentration of Luso - Indians could be seen in and
around Ambazhakkad (in the present Trichur district) where a Jesuit
Mission was functioning. The present Kadukutty and Padiyoor near
Mathilakam are near to this Ambazhakkad. During the First and the Second
World Wars many Luso - Indians residing near Cochin and other coastal
areas further migrated to areas like Kadukutty and Padiyoor.
11

During the British period many Eurasians came to Munnar and
Wayanad areas for employment in tea factories and plantations. They were
good carpenters, smiths and mechanics. Later, many of them became civil
contractors in the British estates and some of them turned to plantations
and became estate owners. In all the above centres now the Eurasians have
formed their own Associations joined with the other descendants of
Europeans, to maintain unity and cultural identity. Apart from the above,
Eurasian settlements are existing at Perumpadappu ,about 120 families, a
place near Cochin, on the other side of Kumbalangi, separated by the
77
backwaters, Kandanad (including Kothad, Korambadam, Charianthuruth
and Chennor, nearly 50 families, these are islands north-east to Vypeen),
Chathanad (nearly 30 families mostly Rebellos, an island near to Palliport),
Nettoor (Nearly 40 families mostly migrated from Venduruthy, a nearby
island on occupation of the Navy), Kumbalangi (5 families, mainly Oliveiros),
Vengola (about 20 families , near to Perumbavoor where 195 acres of land
was allocated in 1952 from the Govt. for a housing colony for Anglo
Indians.)
Analysing the Socio-Economic and Political condition of Anglo-
Indians in Kerala: Image from texts and field visits at the Cochin
settlement
The districts of Ernakulum in Kerala are the platform centres of Anglo-
Indians and during the colonial era these were the major European strategic
points.
12
The demographic observations suggest that the Anglo-Indian
population is on decline possibly due to their large scale migration to
Australia, Canada and to other European countries. Referring to the case of
the Cochin settlement there are around 110 families with a population of
500. The 1931 census report marks the Anglo-Indians of Kerala with the
population of 3026.
13
The other areas of Anglo-Indian concentration in
Kerala are Alappuzha, Thiruvananthapuram, and Vayand.
78
The Anglo-Indians in Cochin usually use English for communication
within the family and within the kin group. The script is also English.
14
But
in recent times the reports from Cochin community exposes that most of the
Anglo-Indian registered Malayalam as their mother tongue. This definitely
shows their affinity to common culture. The reports are similar in Kollam
also. The Anglo Indians of Kollam send their children to Malayalam medium
schools and they speak in Malayalam to people outside their community.
15

The Anglo-Indians traditionally maintain a western kind of dressing
pattern. This was almost true in the case of Cochin community also. But
now a transition is evident and they started wearing an amalgam of both
Indian and European method and style of dressing. Anglo Indian women in
Kochi wear lunki from waist to heel with the long sleeve blouse popularly
called Kavaya reaching up to the elbow. The women never wear much
jewellery.
16

The Anglo Indian community in Cochin have a healthy as well as lavish
eating pattern. They are Non vegetarians. They consume egg, fish, pork, beef
and vegetables. Their fruit consumption is moderate. The use of milk and
milk products are higher among them. Their staple foods are rice and wheat
in the form of bread. They maintain the colonial methodology of eating and
eating manners including the use of spoon and fork.
17
The use of wine
79
especially during the occasion of weddings and birthday parties shows the
imitation of European model to Anglo-Indian culture. They occasionally
prepare dishes such as European cake and Turkey roast etc. But this is
absent among the economically backward groupings of their community.
18

The religious sectarianism is evident among the Anglo-Indians of
Cochin. But this never effects their social interaction. Due to their
educational priority and social standards, the Anglo-Indian community in
Kerala owns a superior status within the local social hierarchy. The function
of this class based hierarchy is to regulate marriages and social interaction.
The society is also classifieds on the surname basis to exhibit the descent.
Surnames like Fernandes, Diaz, and Decrus suggest Portuguese descent
while Johnson and Saro indicate English descent, Nerohana of French
descent Rodriguez of Dutch descent. But in Cochin most of the younger
generation are unwilling to use surnames.
19

Community level endogamy is strictly adhered to by the Anglo-
Indians.
20
If any case of an endogamy is reported within the society, then the
member and his spouse and may be his family will be socially
boycotted.
21
But the field surveys from Palluruthi suggests that the inter
community weddings with Latin Christians are on increase among Anglo-
Indians. The communities at Cochin are featured by territorial demarcation.
80
The wedding age is comparatively higher among the Anglo-Indians of Kerala.
It is about 30 among men and 25 among women. Most number of marriages
among Anglo-Indians are love affairs and the arranged marriage is quite
rare among them. That the boy or girl gets the liberty to choose his or her
partner is a peculiarity of Anglo-Indian family system, but it is evidently
imposed that it should not be an inter community selection. There are
reports of the occurrence of arranged marriages for those who are working
outside, but even in that case the parties get the liberty to know each other
under parental supervision. The engagement function also known as
betrothal usually takes place either in the Parish church or at the
bridegrooms residence. The officiating of priest in engagements is not a
necessary thing among the Anglo-Indians of Kerala. The ring exchange,
offering wines to the partner and kissing are the characteristics of Anglo-
Indian weddings.
On the eve of the marriage function the bridegroom holds a bachelor
party. There is no fixed time gap between Anglo-Indian engagement and
wedding. On the eve of the marriage the bride dresses in white and is
escorted by the bridesmaids and relatives, and comes to the church and is
led to the altar by her father. The bridegroom is led by best men who are
often his brothers. After ascertaining their readiness, the priest blesses
them, and first the boy and then the girl slips the wedding ring on fourth
81
finger of the right hand. Both of them take holy vows in the church to be
faithful to each other until death parts them. Then they sign the wedding
register. The wedding feast is elaborate. First cake and then wine is served.
After proposing and accepting of the toast, non-vegetarian food is served.
Men also have drinks. Ballroom dancing will take place in the evening in
honour of the couple. First night is usually held in the brides house. The
expenses of the feast are shared often by both the parties.
22

On the third day, they proceed to the bridegrooms house where a
reception is held. Premarital sex is strictly prohibited. Monogamy is adhered
to; levirate or sororities are not practised. Wedding ring with the initials of
the partners inscribed inside the ring is the only symbol of marriage (Indian
Christians inscribe the initials outside the ring apart from the custom of
tying the thali). Dowry is not in practice. After marriage, the newly married
couple start a new household separately. Divorce is not allowed. Widow and
widower remarriages are permitted.
23

Micro families among the Anglo - Indian are usual and stay unaffected.
Macro families are rare to find in Cochin among Anglo-Indians. Among the
family system, interpersonal, primary and secondary relationships are very
high with the bondage of love and mutual respect instead of fear, and sense
of compulsion. The presence of conflicts and disagreement are not very
82
common among the Anglo-Indians of Cochin. It can arise due to checks on
the freedom of youngsters or when they misuse it. They follow equigeniture
principle of inheritance. In case of an obituary of the head of the household,
it is generally the spouse or mother who will control the members of the
family. The family chieftainship is absent among Anglo-Indians. The families
of the Anglo - Indian are found to be interrelated lineally or affinally. Thus
they form allied family clusters.
24
Among them there is a great deal of co-
operation on various events such as birth, marriage, festive occasions like
Christmas and New Year and at times of distress.
25

Interpersonal relations in the Anglo - Indian family have some
problems at the socio-psychological level as the children often migrate to
distant places and abroad searching for better prospects. The parents may
be forced to stay behind to look after the property or they may not like to
leave the country. The Anglo - Indian women have the right to inheritance
and enjoy equal status with their men though not in all spheres.
26
Their
activities are not confined to the kitchen. In the middle class, upper middle
class, and upper class families they engage cooks in the kitchen. In many
households, women are also earning members, employed as teachers,
secretaries, nurses. Many are professionally qualified. In social, religious
83
and political activities they have equal participation. They control family
expenditure. The rituals are performed by priests.
27

Among the Anglo - Indian there is no pre-delivery rituals or restrictions,
except that in the case of the first delivery the women may be taken to her
parental house by her mother, preferably in the fifth or seventh month of
pregnancy. The delivery takes place mostly in the hospitals. The expenses
are shared by the husband and his in-laws.
28
Like many other communities
in Kerala the Anglo-Indians also do a custom of offering the new born kid
honey containing gold particles.
29
On the seventh or eighth day of the childs
birth, the baptism and name giving ritual takes place to which family
members and friends are invited. The first childs baptism usually takes
place in the mothers parish church and its paternal grandparents will be
the godfather and godmother. They will be responsible for the proper
Christian upbringing of the child if orphaned. The child is given the name of
the patron saint. The surname is added to the baptismal name. On the
fortieth day after delivery, there is a purificatory ritual and is known as
churching. The mother and child have no restrictions in their movements
in the house and there is no suggestion of pollution. The first birthday is
celebrated with feasting and dancing. When the child attains the age of
seven or eight, the sacraments of Holy Communion and confirmation are
84
administered. Both are often held together and are followed by a feast. The
godparents give presents to the child.
30

The Anglo - Indian keep the accomplishment of puberty by a girl
confidential and there are no rituals or ceremonies and no pollution is
attached to it.
31
During the Anglo Indian death rites, the priest administers
extreme unction which is a sacrament to absolve the recipient of all sins by
thought, word and deed. The priest anoints the body with holy olive oil.
After death, the body is washed, dressed in special clothes and placed in the
coffin. The body is kept in the main hall with legs towards the entrance, a
crucifix and lighted candles are placed at the head. Relatives and friends
bring flowers and offer prayers. Usually, nobody eats in the house and close
relations keep awake throughout the night.
32
The body is taken in a funeral
procession to the church. After reaching the church, the coffin is placed on
a raised dais facing the altar. The office of the dead is sung, sometimes a
mass is also said, and then the body is taken to the cemetery. Before closing
the coffin, the blood relatives imprint the parting kiss on the forehead of the
deceased and then the coffin is lowered into the grave.
33
Till the seventh day,
evening prayers are said in front of the photograph of the departed. Every
day the members of the family of the deceased go to the cemetery and visit
the grave, say prayers, light candles and offer flowers. On the seventh day,
there will be a requiem mass and prayers at the grave. On the thirtieth day
85
and first anniversary and subsequent anniversaries these ceremonies are
repeated. The major changes in lifecycle rituals are that they are becoming
less traditional and less elaborate because they are expensive.
34

The local parish churches of the Anglo - Indian also exercise some
socio- religious control. Those who commit open sins against the teachings
of the Church can be excommunicated. The church and the community
associations give rewards to its members for outstanding achievements or
services rendered for the common good. The Anglo - Indians do not
appreciate interference in their personal affairs by the Church or by their
own ethnic organizations. Most of the Anglo - Indians of Kerala are followers
of the Christian religion of the Roman Catholic sect and follow the Latin
Christian mode of worship. They do not have any family, clan, village or
regional deities. The patron saints of the local parishes in which they are
members are venerated with special reverence. The major centres of
pilgrimage are St. Marys shrine at Vallarpadom and Velanganni. For them,
the sacred specialist is a Roman Catholic priest (priests from their own
community are few) who officiate at the naming ceremonies, marriage,
funeral rites and at other sacraments.
35

Economically, the present day Anglo-Indians in Kerala can be divided
in to three sections. The well-to-do section in the community constituting
86
only one percent, middle class twenty nine percent and rest seventy percent
belongs to the lower strata living a hand-to-mouth existence. Landlords,
contractors, businessmen and officers who were very few in number form
the well-to-do section living in bungalows. Petty traders, carpenters,
masons, mechanics, blacksmiths, tailors, clerks and other members
employed in different categories constitute the middle class living in stone-
built and tiled houses. Those who are engaged in causal labour which is not
a source of steady income, like pottery, bead making, and rope making
could be categorized among the lowest section, most of them living in
thatched huts. But irrespective of resources, the community as a whole is
lavish. They make merry and do not think of tomorrow.
36

Anglo-Indians perhaps believes in the Epicurean philosophy- Eat
drink and be merry, for tomorrow we die. It is a fact that many of them
were impoverished as they did not pause to think of the future
37
.
Christenings, birthdays, weddings and religious feasts are celebrated with
lavishness. A few of them ventured in to the field of ship building, furniture
and pottery. During the period between 1820 to 1870, Poney Gueizelar and
his son Cornelius Gueizelar of Vypeen were considered to be master
builders of ships. Anglo-Indians had an inherent aptitude for making
beautiful pieces of furniture, as they were excellent craftsmen. They
employed several men in their factories, irrespective of caste or creed,
87
trained young men in the trade and contributed to the economic growth of
the state. There were also excellent tailors and lace-makers among the men
and women of the community. Some of them were well known as interior
decorators too.
38

The Anglo-Indians in Moolampally, on the outskirts of the city of
Cochin, are masters of pottery. When Albuquerque had the Portuguese men
married to Indian women, he also taught them different trades as tailoring,
smithy, carpentry, cobblery, banking, pottery, boat-building etc. It is
correctly presumed that the forefathers of the community in Moolampally
have been trained in the art of pottery during the days of Albuquerque and
hence it is now a traditional trade there handed down from father to son,
their speciality being terracotta flower pots, banking-ovens made of clay and
cooking pots.
Similarly, the cottage industry of making beads for the rosary, so much
an integral part of the Catholic religion, also flourished in Kadukutty where
a large colony of Portuguese descendants settled down. From the days of
yore, this cottage industry had carried on from generation to generation.
Beads for rosaries are made from the dried seeds of the Palmyra tree with
the help of simple machinery. The beads thus produced are purchased by
monasteries and convents which made use of them for making rosaries
39
.
88
Traditionally, the Anglo-Indians were able to find jobs easily in the
Government during the pre-Independence period and for some years after
Independence (till 1960) as they were given special constitutional
safeguards. Some Anglo-Indians are in the defence services, some were in
the Railways and Post and Telegraphs. The technically qualified and the
educated have migrated to Australia and Canada. Some are employed as
medical representatives. The Anglo-Indian women also prefer taking up jobs
in higher professional fields.
Speaking about the political condition of Anglo-Indians in Kerala, there
is no traditional council among the Anglo-Indian. Though they are a closed
and insulated group they have not developed any political institution. They
have two associations in Kerala, The Union of Anglo - Indian Associations,
particular to Kerala and The All India Anglo - Indian Association, an
offshoot of an all India Body. These bodies have some control over the
members; members of the council at all levels to the above bodies are
elected. The control of the members is in matters relating to the interests of
the community at large. Maximum punishment offered is social boycott and
non co-operation. Crime and offences are not dealt with by these bodies.
Most of the members are still preserving the traditional values and customs
of the community.
40

89
Among the Anglo-Indians here at Cochin, many individuals are
proficient in modern plastic art and craft. Music and dance are important
aspects of the Anglo-Indian social life. Some individuals are proficient in
playing western musical instruments. Both men and women dance. It is
found in their interaction with other communities that the Anglo - Indian
have no inhibitions in accepting or exchanging water, food with others.
41

Anglo-Indian Settlements at Cochin
a) Edakochi
The Anglo-Indian community at Edakochi is one of the largest
settlements at Cochin. At present the Edakochi community carries about
250 Anglo-Indian families. The European decedents settled in and around
Edakochi and established themselves prominent in all spheres. Most of the
men are turned to business and some of them are constructors. A few
started ice plants and fishing units on their own. Frank Antony Anglo
Indian school (now it has been renamed as Pauline Victors Mendez
Memorial Anglo-Indian School) one of the largest Anglo-Indian educational
centres started in 1945 is situated here at Edakochi. The Anglo-Indian
association of Edakochi also laid important contributions for the growth and
development of their community.
42





90
b) Kadukutty:
Anglo-Indian Community in this hamlet named Kadukutty originated
from the Portuguese. They were influenced by the regional culture prevailing
in that area, as the society in that region included Hindus and Syrian
Christians. Though the social functions and other cultural functions were
based on Portuguese traditions such as marriage, baptism, burial etc. there
was a lot of local influence in their living. They adopted the regional
language Malayalam mixed with Portuguese terms and the elders greeted
their relatives in the Portuguese way. Many women wore Kabaya - a long
two-piece dress and other women folk wore the European type dress.
43

Portuguese descendants were engaged in a variety of professions -
agriculture, carpentry, lime-manufacture and white-washing. Some were
engaged in making rosary beads and it was a cottage-industry for many
years. There were also good technicians and experts in black-smithy. The
farmers were somewhat well-to-do people.
44
The region is not educationally
advanced. Only after the inception of the Anglo - Indian School, did the
children start learning the English language. Some of the prominent families
were known by their surnames Correya, Dcosta, Simethy, Dsilva and
Rodrigues. During the period of Second World War some Anglo - Indian
families of Portuguese origin migrated from Cochin to this hamlet and
settled there and mingled with the early settlers.
45

c) Fort Cochin
91
Fort Cochin is one of the earliest Portuguese settlements in India and
the same place where they built its first fort, The Fort Emmanuel .The Fort
can still be seen in land and sea. The Kottapalli Santa Cruz Basilica and
Kottavaloppu are the words still used by the people of the locality.
46
Fort
Cochin is the cradle of the Eurasian culture, and this place has a history of
more than 500 years of European connection. After Vasco da Gama landed
in Calicut in 1498, Pedro Alvares Cabral was the second Portuguese man
who came to Kerala and landed in Cochin in 1500. Cochin was the
headquarters of the Portuguese till 1530 and the Portuguese operations
lasted in Cochin till the Dutch defeated them in 1663. Vasco da Gama was
buried in the St. Francis Church at Fort Cochin. The 500 year old Santa
Cruz Bascilica, and the Dutch Palace are the attractions of this centre. Fort
Cochin has areas like then Vasco da Gama Square, the Albuquerque Jetty
and European style of bungalows. The streets still bear the European
names. At present the Fort Cochin community carries around 320 Anglo-
Indian families.
47

d) Vallarpadam
The community at Vallarpadom has its own significance in the history
of Anglo-Indians of Kerala. The Portuguese establish the Church of our
Lady of Ransom at Vallarpadom to implement their religious interest. Here
around 100 Anglo-Indian families reside and most of them are the original
92
descents of Portuguese. The lady wing of Anglo-Indian association and the
Youth Moment of Anglo-Indian community functions here at Vallarpadom.
St. Antony Anglo-Indian L.P school is functioning under the supervision of
Central Board of Anglo-Indian Education is located here. This school was
founded in 1945.
48

e) Cochin East
The Anglo-Indian community at Cochin East is a small one among the
rest. The migration of Anglo-Indian families from islands and other remote
areas in and around Ernakulum for the sake of education of their children
and for jobs in the industrial establishments resulted in the formation of
newer communities in the eastern parts of the city namely Kaloor,
Palarivattom, Vyttila, Kakkand etc. Around 120 Anglo-Indian families reside
here.
49

Expansion of Anglo-Indian Associations in Kerala
The Anglo-Indians are a cohesive group and they shape their own
organizational setup. There are 36 centres in Kerala and they have these
associations affiliated to the Union of Anglo-Indian Associations, Kerala
State with its nerve centre at Perumanoor, Cochin. There are independent
Associations established at Calicut, Cochin and Quilon, allied to the All
93
India Anglo-Indian Association, New Delhi, which is an organization formed
mainly by the descendants of the British.
50

The historical tradition of Anglo-Indian Associations and institutions in
Kerala is a matter of toleration over a long period of time. It was the intrepid
effort for continued existence by a minority community and the impact of
the grave and combined attempts of a scattered grouping to escape from
annihilation. It was one of hard toil; silent suffering and sincere sacrifice of
a batch of well-meaning men to bring up their brethren. Anglo-Indian
Associations existed in different parts of Kerala even before the formation of
the Union of Anglo-Indian Associations. But there was no coordination
among them especially because the members of the community were
residing in three different political areas viz. British Malabar, Cochin and
Travancore States
.51
The Anglo-Indian Associations of Kerala were late in forming
organizations and establishing institutions for educational and socio-
economic advancement. In Travancore State there was an association at
Thiruvananthapuram which, though well-organized and financially stable
right from its inception, met with a premature death as early as 1939. Since
then there was no association in that area till the end of 1950. From
available records it is seen that late Chevalier C.Paul Luiz, was a pioneer in
94
the field. Timber King Chevalier Luiz had abundant resources and vast
influence at his disposal and was the most suitable person for the task. He
convened a meeting of the leaders of the community at his Perumanoor
office on March 11, 1922 when Prof. S.F. Nunez, C. Jockin Luiz, Dominic
DSilva, Edward Gunter, J. Coeur, Augustine Dias and Rev. Fr. Charles
Noronha participated and co-operated with Chevalier Luis in this primarily
socio-economic move. The association however did not live long. But it did
have its impact. Chevalier Luiz could get Prof. Nunez nominated to the first
Legislative Council of Cochin State to represent the community.
52
He could
also get sanction to run an Industrial School for poor Anglo-Indian boys and
girls. At present there are two Anglo-Indian associations that deserve special
mention. Union of Anglo-Indian Associations is an exclusive one for the
Anglo Indians in Kerala. The second one is the branch of the All India Anglo-
Indian Association. These bodies have some control over the Anglo Indian
communities since the councillors to both the organizations were decided
through a process of election.
53

Notes and References
1
R.S Whiteway, The rise of Portuguese power in Kerala, London, 1899, pp.110-
189.
95
2
Granville Austin, The Indian Constitution: cornerstone of a nation, Oxford,
1956, p.312.
3
R.S Whiteway,Op.cit., p.128.
4
F.C Danvers, The Portuguese in India, London, 1894, pp.71-72
.
5
Ibid.
6
R.S Whiteway,Op.cit.,p.108.
7
R.G Ravenstein, A Journel of the first voyage of Vasco da Gama, London, 1898,
p.48.
8
Ibid.
manual, Bombay, 1929, pp.137-139.
1 4 Ibid.
14
Ibid.
9
V.R Gaikwad, The Anglo-Indians, New York, 1963, pp.15-34.
15
R.S Whiteway, Op.cit., p.58.
16
Blair R. Williams, Anglo-Indians: Vanishing Remmants of a Bygone Era :
Anglo-Indians in India, North America, and the UK in 2000, New Jersy,
2002,

p.128.

17
Ibid.
96
18
A.Galletti, Dutch in Malabar and Madras, Madras, 1911, pp.123-124.
19
Ibid.
20
Blair Williams, Op.cit., p.77.
21
Data gathered from a personal interview: Mrs.Adaline DMonte of Princes
street, Fort Cochin.
22
C.S Fernandes, Anglo-Indian marriage, New Delhi, 1971 p.12.
23
Data gathered from a personal interview: Mr. Antony Barua, Cochin
24
Mrs.Adaline DMonte
25
C.S Fernandes, Op.cit.,p.20.
26
T.K Sanyal, Anglo Indians of Kolkata A Study of Social Alienation, P. 89.
27
Bharati Debi , The Anglo Indians of Calcutta A community of Communities.
Kolkata, 2006, p. 14.
28
Evelyn Abel, The Anglo Indian Community: survival in India. Delhi, 1988,
p.132.
29
R.S Whiteway, Op.cit., p.188.
30
Stephen Padua, Threads of Continuity, Cochin, 2005, p.69.
31
Mrs.Adaline DMonte
32
Data gathered from a personal interview:Mr. Kevin Drozario, Cochin.
97
33
Coralie Younger, Anglo- Indians;Neglected Children of the Raj, Delhi, 1952,
p.12.
34
Ibid.
35
R.S Whiteway, Op.cit., p.61.
36
Stephen Padua, Op cit.,p.4
37
Data gathered from a personal interview: Mrs. Betsy Fernandez, Burger
street, Fort cochin.
38
Betsy Fernandes
39
Charles Dias, Golden jubilee souvenir of Anglo-Indian association-1953-
2003(Union of Anglo-Indian Association.
40
Information collected from field visit: Anglo Indian association, Edakochi.
41
Information collected from field visit: Anglo Indian association, Kadukkutti.
42
Data collected from personal interview: Mr. Charles Austin, Kadukkutti.
43
Information collected from field visit: Fort Cochin, St.Marries Anglo Indian
Girls school, Mrs.Coral,
44
Jubileu De Ouro, Golden jubilee souvenir, The Union of Anglo-Indian
Association, Kerala.
45
Ibid.
46
Ibid.
98
47
C.Achutha Menon,Op.Cit.p.139
48
R.S Whiteway, Op.cit., p.33.
49
Ibid.
50
Ibid., 80.














99
Chapter V
CHANGING STATUS OF THE ANGLO- INDIANS IN THE
POST INDEPENDENT ERA-
A CONSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS
The survival of the Anglo Indians in India was one of the major
challenge and response as theorized by Arnold .J. Toynbee. They faced
challenges both from within and outside; external challenges from their
early masters
1
and internal challenges from their Indian counter parts.
2

They responded to these challenges sometimes successfully but most of the
time unsuccessfully. The prospects of the Anglo Indians met with varying
fortunes. Offsprings of the new ethnic and linguistic group gradually
developed under favourable European policy and attitude, especially that of
the British. The Anglo-Indians are primarily Western in their outlook on life
and in their lifestyle.
3
Not only in their costume, faith and language, their
social functioning where men and women enjoyed equal status and
choosing their own spouse stands quite unusual in the Indian society.
4

At the early stages the Europeans intended to develop an indigenous
supporting group and generously encouraged their men to marry Indian
women. The British even gave one pagola/ gold mohar for each child born of
a European father to the Indian mother.
5
A new ethnic group slowly but
100
steadily developed. During the initial stages the offsprings were treated
alike the European and they could find ready employment in the East India
Company. Many went to England for higher studies and new schools were
established at Madras, Bangalore and Lucknow for equipping those remain
in India for studies. The Anglo-Indians were treated at par with the
Europeans and there is no taboo attached to the marital or extramarital
relations of the English with Indian women. They felt as Europeans both in
culture and proclivity.
6

By the latter half of the 18
th
century the British power was considerably
established and the as per the strengthening of their authority the policy
towards the Anglo-Indians began to change. They naturally unsolicited the
strengthening of a parallel ethnic group in the colony and feared a threat
from the side of the Anglo-Indians and framed policies for their progressive
exclusion from British society and industry in India.
7
This was evident from
the repressive orders
8
imposed at the instigation of the Court of Directors
which ultimately leads to social and economic impoverishment.
9

The authorities who generously opened the doors of employment for the
Anglo Indians discharged them from all ranks in the army. The easy entry
of the Anglo Indians to Companys civil, military and marine offices was
severely restricted and the Anglo-Indians felt that they were discriminated.
101
The unexpected restriction on the people with the same culture and
inclinations reduced them to economic impotence and they felt that they are
socially dishonoured.
10

The excessive dependence on government positions discarding the
lucrative openings in trade and industry was one of the major reasons for
their low economic status. They were excluded from the commercial life of
India and they missed the achievement motivation. They were satisfied with
the middle level guaranteed jobs in government services and the British
never permitted them to go beyond a certain level.
11

By this time the Company entered in to war with the Marathas. The
crisis situation warranted them to reverse their policy of antagonism
towards the Anglo Indians. In 1798, a Proclamation was issued ordering
Eurasians to rejoin the Companys armies. Relieved from the British
regiment most of the Anglo Indians were placed in the service of local kings
and chieftains. Therefore this was not a welcome call for most of them as it
would cause the danger of financial loss and risk of death. Ignoring their
early experience of oppressive attitude and injustices shown to them the
Anglo Indians readily responded to the British appeal for assistance.
12

Immediately after the Second Maratha war, the British unscrupulously
changed their mind. They once again wrecked the Anglo Indian dignity.
102
Disregarding the ferocious fighting, loss of life, hardships and sufferings the
British discharged all the Anglo-Indians from the British regiment in India.
13

Unexpected eviction from service and consequent miseries made a change in
the life and attitude of the Anglo Indians. Some offered their services to the
Indian princes. The turbulent period enabled many of them to think in a
different way. Finding the restrictions and sufferings of the rewardless
soldiering, many entered trade and commerce. In order to arrest the erosion
of inner strength they also started Anglo Indian Schools during this time.
After 1820 the British reversed their approach towards the Anglo
Indians. This may be seen by the following Company order dated the 26th
June, 1821:
14

The Honble Governor-in-Council having been pleased to
resolve that a corps of Artificers shall be raised for the service
of this Presidency (Madras) consisting for the present of one
Sergeant Major, 10 Sergeant Instructors and 100 Artificers,
directs that it shall be composed of sons of Europeans born
in India, and that it be denominated the Corps of The
Carnatic Ordnance Artificers ... They will be enlisted as
European soldiers, will be paid, mustered and returned
accordingly ... The Artificers will be clothed in the usual
103
Ordnance uniform agreeable to the mode that obtains with
respect to European troops.
With the offering of low level positions in government and company the
condition of the Anglo-Indians began to improve. The career prospects of the
Anglo-Indians get better when English replaced Persian as the official
language of the government. The Anglo-French war restricted the availability
of British men in India which in turn further enhanced the job opportunities
of the Anglo Indians. Anglo-Indian dependence on government employment
continued till the 20th century.
15

Post-Independence period
Since 1942 it was clear that the British has to quit. By 1947 when the
British were making preparations to pack from India, the Anglo-Indians
were not in a mood to digest the hard reality of an India without British
hegemony. A feeling of insecurity was rampant among the Anglo Indians at
all levels for they feel unprotected in the absence of their English masters.
The imaginary fear spread across the community lead to a conclusion of
large scale migration to England, Australia, and Canada.
16
To the great
surprise of those who stay back, the constitution makers of India provided
much more protection and care than they expected with constitutional
104
safeguards. They continued to enjoy job reservations in various civil and
military avenues.
17

However the Anglo-Indians faced a host of problems in the post
independent era. During the early stages they were unwilling to accept
inferior jobs. At the same time most of them were not academically qualified
and kept themselves alien to Indian languages.
18
The need for occupational
specialization in the post independent age made them vulnerable to
unemployment. Even when employed, most of them found their place in the
lower stratum of civil service. Very few are in the private business or
entrepreneurial areas.
19
They struggled hard to maintain a western way of
life with the meagre income in India. All these situations together have an
adverse impact on the social structure and family economy.
The Anglo Indians also undergo an identity crisis. The white skinned
English speaking Anglo Indians had an upper hand whereas the dark
skinned found it difficult to be recognized in the community. Often the dark
skinned felt the rejection from within and outside.
20
While being faithful to
their mother country, their language, culture and inclinations make the
society feel that they are alien and there are instances when they
themselves feel so. During the visit to the Anglo Indian houses we could
invariably find picture of British royal family to crown the European
105
aesthetic interior. Most of the Anglo Indians were not in favour of
assimilation to Indian society. In between assimilation and migration they
prefer migration. In the course of discussion one of the Anglo Indian friends
opined: if we have to stay in India we have to assimilate and loose our
identity.
21

Constitutional Status Determined By Definition
The post independent era marked a different history of the Anglo
Indians. They were given unprecedented recognition and elevated status by
incorporating them in the constitution of India which was denied to many
larger minorities in the country. According to the definition under Article
366(2) of the Constitution of India
an Anglo-Indian means a person whose father or any
of whose other male progenitors in the male line is or was of
European descent but who is domiciled within the territory of
India and is or was born within such territory of parents
habitually resident therein and not established there for
temporary purposes only
The definition embraces Indians of purely European male - ancestry,
descendants of old Portuguese colonies, mesticos
22
of Goa and people of
Indo- French and Indo Dutch descendants.
Constitutional Protection
106
The Constitution of India provided for the protection of the interest of
the Anglo-Indians in three ways; general, special and specific.
A. General provisions
The constitution treats the minorities at par with the other people.
Article 14 of the Constitution of India provides for Right to Equality and
Article15 prohibits discrimination of any type.
Part III: Fundamental Rights; Right to Equality
Article 14 guarantees them equality before law. Article14 of the
Constitution of India states that the State shall not deny to any person
equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the
territory of India.
Article15 provides for the Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of
religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth.
15(1) The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of
religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them.
15 (2) No citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex,
place of birth or any of them, be subject to any disability, liability,
restriction or condition with regard to
107
(a) access to shops, public restaurants, hotels and places of public
entertainment; or
(b) the use of wells, tanks, bathing ghats, roads and places of public
resort maintained wholly or partly out of State funds or dedicated to
the use of the general public
15(3) Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any
special provision for women and children.
15(4) Nothing in this article or in clause (2) of article 29 shall prevent
the State from making any special provision for the advancement of
any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the
Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes.
15 (5) Nothing in this article or in sub-clause (g) of clause (1) of
article 19 shall prevent the State from making any special provision,
by law, for the advancement of any socially and educationally
backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes or the
Scheduled Tribes in so far as such special provisions relate to their
admission to educational institutions including private educational
institutions, whether aided or unaided by the State, other than the
108
minority educational institutions referred to in clause (1) of
Article30.
PART IV: Directive Principles of State Policy
Article 44 makes provision for Uniform civil code for the citizens.
Accordingly the State shall endeavour to secure for the citizens a uniform
civil code throughout the territory of India.
PART XV : Elections
Article 325 provides for general electoral roll and Article326 endow
with for right to universal adult franchise to all, including the minorities.
325. No person to be ineligible for inclusion in, or to claim to be
included in a special, electoral roll on grounds of religion, race, caste
or sex. There shall be one general electoral roll for every territorial
constituency for election to either House of Parliament or to the
House or either House of the Legislature of a State and no person
shall be ineligible for inclusion in any such roll or claim to be
included in any special electoral roll for any such constituency on
grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex or any of them.
326. Elections to the House of the People and to the Legislative
Assemblies of States to be on the basis of adult suffrage. The
elections to the House of the People and to the Legislative Assembly
109
of every State shall be on the basis of adult suffrage; that is to say,
every person who is a citizen of India and who is not less than
eighteen years of age on such date as may be fixed in that behalf by
or under any law made by the appropriate Legislature and is not
otherwise disqualified under this Constitution or any law made by
the appropriate Legislature on the ground of non-residence,
unsoundness of mind, crime or corrupt or illegal practice, shall be
entitled to be registered as a voter at any such election.
B. Special Provisions
There are certain provisions under part-III of the constitution which
specially aimed to safeguard the interests of the minorities in the country.
Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution endow with protection to the
linguistic, educational and cultural rights of the minorities.
Part III: Fundamental Rights; Cultural and Educational Rights
29. Protection of interests of minorities.(1) Any section of the
citizens residing in the territory of India or any part thereof having a
distinct language, script or culture of its own shall have the right to
conserve the same.
Article 29(2) provides for equality of educational opportunities
29(2) No citizen shall be denied admission into any educational
institution maintained by the State or receiving aid out of State
110
funds on grounds only of religion, race, caste, language or any of
them.
Education being a pivotal instrument of development, the Constitution
also assures the right of the minorities to establish educational
institution of their choice.
30. Right of minorities to establish and administer educational
institutions.
(1) All minorities, whether based on religion or language, shall have
the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their
choice.
C. Specific provisions
To ensure that the problems faced by the Anglo Indians are
appropriately addressed, the constitution makers made a deliberate attempt
by giving constitutional safeguards under Articles 331 and 333 which
provides that the President or governor of a State can nominate members of
the Anglo-Indian community to the Parliament and Legislative Assembly if
they feel the community is not adequately represented. This is in addition to
the protection provided by the constitution for the religious and linguistic
minorities.
111
PART XVI: Special Provisions Relating to Certain Classes
331. Representation of the Anglo-Indian Community in the House of
the People. Notwithstanding anything in article 81, the President
may, if he is of opinion that the Anglo-Indian community is not
adequately represented in the House of the People, nominate not
more than two members of that community to the House of the
People
333. Representation of the Anglo-Indian community in the
Legislative Assemblies of the States. Notwithstanding anything in
article 170, the Governor of a State may, if he is of opinion that the
Anglo-Indian community needs representation in the Legislative
Assembly of the State and is not adequately represented therein,
nominate one member of that community to the Assembly.
Besides the representation in the legislature, a temporary preference
with regard to employment and educational grants for Anglo-Indians
for a period of ten years was also provided by the constitution.
336. Special provision for Anglo-Indian community in certain
services. (1) During the first two years after the commencement of
this Constitution, appointments of members of the Anglo-Indian
community to posts in the railway, customs, postal and telegraph
112
services of the Union shall be made on the same basis as
immediately before the fifteenth day of August, 1947.
During every succeeding period of two years, the number of posts
reserved for the members of the said community in the said services
shall, as nearly as possible, be less by ten per cent than the
numbers so reserved during the immediately preceding period of two
years:
Provided that at the end of ten years from the commencement of
this Constitution all such reservations shall cease.
(2) Nothing in clause (1) shall bar the appointment of members of the
Anglo-Indian community to posts other than, or in addition to, those
reserved for the community under that clause if such members are
found qualified for appointment on merit as compared with the
members of other communities.
Article 337 provides Special provision with respect to educational
grants for the benefit of Anglo-Indian community.
337. Special provision with respect to educational grants for the
benefit of Anglo-Indian community.During the first three financial
years after the commencement of this Constitution, the same grants,
113
if any, shall be made by the Union and by each State for the benefit
of the Anglo-Indian community in respect of education as were made
in the financial year ending on the thirty-first day of March, 1948.
Representation of the Anglo-Indian community in the Parliament and
Legislative Assemblies.
The provision in the constitution for ensuring adequate representation
in the legislative assemblies marks a great achievement for the Anglo
Indians. It enabled them to have a say in the legislative bodies and keep
their live presence in the main stream of Indian politics. The representation
given to the Anglo Indians was initially for a period of ten years. In 1959 by
the eighth amendment of the constitution the period was enhanced to
twenty years. Further its extended for ten years each by the twenty third,
forty fifth, sixty-second, seventy ninth and ninety fifth constitution
amendments as detailed in the following table.
The constitutional makers foresee time bound effort on the part of the
Government machinery and the general public for the enhancement of the
special category communities like Scheduled caste / scheduled tribes and
Anglo Indians.
23
The most depressing fact is that the overall status, socio-
economic condition and political influence of the community remained
unchanged or even worsened than that of the independent period.
24

114
Anglo Indian leaders represented the Community in the Lok Sabha
The Anglo Indians are urban dwellers. Exact number of Anglo Indians
living in India is not available. Some of them name themselves as
Europeans and many of them assimilated to the main stream of other
communities. However it is estimated that roughly 80,000-125,000 Anglo-
Indians are living in India. Most of them are based in the cities of Delhi,
Kolkata, Chennai, Bangalore, Hyderabad, Kanpur, Mumbai and
Tiruchirapalli. Anglo-Indians also live in Kochi, Goa, Secunderabad,
Visakhapatnam, Lucknow, Agra and some towns of Bihar, Jharkhand and
West Bengal.
25

They have been represented by the leaders of the community and the
most prominent among them was Frank Anthony. From 1952 to 1996 Frank
Anthony represented the Anglo Indians in the Lower house of the
parliament. His leadership, influence and exposure to law contributed to the
constitutional safeguards in the young republic. He tirelessly fought for the
rights of the Anglo Indian community in India. He was a true patriot and
loyal to India.
26
He appealed the Anglo Indians: let us cling and cling
tenaciously to all that we hold dear, our language, our way of life and our
distinctive culture. But lets always remember that we are Indians. The
community is Indian. It has always been Indian. Above all, it has an
115
inalienable Indian birth right. The more we love and loyal to India, the more
will India be loyal to us.
27

The list of Anglo Indian Representatives in Lok Sabha is given below:
Sl. No. Constituency Name of Member
FIRST LOK SABHA 17.4.1952 4.4.1957
1. Nominated Shri. Frank Anthony
2. Nominated Shri. A.E.T. Barrow
SECOND LOK SABHA 5.4.1957 31.3.1962
1. Nominated Shri. Frank Anthony
2. Nominated Shri. A.E.T. Barrow
3. Nominated Shri. D. Ering
THIRD LOK SABHA 2.4.1962 3.3.1967
1. Nominated
2. Nominated
3. Nominated
116
FOURTH LOK SABHA 4.3.1967 27.12.1970
1. Nominated Shri. Frank Anthony
2. Nominated Shri. A.E.T. Barrow
3. Nominated Shri. D. Ering
FIFTH LOK SABHA 15.3.1971 18.1.1977
1. Nominated Shri. Frank Anthony
2. Nominated Shri. A.E.T. Barrow
3. Nominated Shri. D. Ering
SIXTH LOK SABHA 23.3.1977 22.8.1979
1. Nominated Shri A.E.T. Barrow
2. Nominated Shri. Rudolph Rodrigues
SEVENTH LOK SABHA 10.1.1980 31.12.1984
1. Nominated Shri. Frank Anthony
2. Nominated Shri. A.E.T. Barrow
117
EIGHTH LOK SABHA 31.12. 1984 27.11.1989
1. Nominated Shri. Frank Anthony
2. Nominated Shri. A.E.T. Barrow
NINTH LOK SABHA 2.12.1989 13.3.1991
1. Nominated Shri. Joss Fernandus
2. Nominated Shri. Paul Mantosh
TENTH LOK SABHA 20.6.1991 10.5.1996
1. Nominated Shri. Frank Anthony
2. Nominated Maj.Gen.Robert E Williams
ELEVENTH LOK SABHA 15.5.1996 4.12.1997
1. Nominated Shri. Neil OBrien
2. Nominated Shri. HedwigRego
TWELFTH LOK SABHA 10.3.1998 26.4.1999
1. Nominated Dr. Mrs. Beatrix DSouza
118
2. Nominated Lt.gen. Neville Foley
THIRTEENTH LOK SABHA 10.10.1999 6.2.2004
1. Nominated Dr.Mrs.Beatrix DSouza
2. Nominated Shri Denzil B Atkinson
FOURTEENTH LOK SABHA 17.5.2004 -31.5.2009
1. Nominated Mrs. Ingrid Mcleod
2. Nominated Shri. Francis Fanthome
Article 333 of the Constitution of India provide for the nomination of an
Anglo India representative if not adequately represented. Since the study
concentrates on Cochin, the list of Anglo Indian Nominated members of
Kerala Legislative Assembly is given below.
Sl. No Constituency Name of Member
FIRST KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1957-1959
1 Nominated Shri. W.H. Dcruz
SECOND KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1960-1964
2 Nominated Shri. C.F. Periera
119
THIRD KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1967-1970
3 Nominated Shri. S.P. Luiz
FOURTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1970 1977
4 Nominated Shri. Stephen Padua
FIFTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1977 1979
5 Nominated Shri. Stephen Padua
SIXTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1980 82
6 Nominated Shri. Stephen Padua
SEVENTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1982 1987
7 Nominated Shri. Stephen Padua
EIGHTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1987 1991
8 Nominated Shri. Niclos Rodrigues
NINTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1991- 1996
9 Nominated Shri. David Pinheiro
TENTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1996 2001
120
10 Nominated Shri. John Fernandez
ELEVENTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
11 Nominated Shri Ludy Luiz
TWELFTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
12 Nominated Simon Britto
THIRTEENTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
13 Nominated Ludy Luis

Education and language
Education and language are the vital components in the development
of the Anglo Indian Community. They established Anglo Indian Schools for
the fostering of their exclusive culture and language. This has been clearly
articulated by the constitution makers by incorporating the rights of the
Anglo Indians to run educational institutions of their choice. However there
has been great demand for the elimination of British system of education
and English language
28
The community is scared of such a move from the
majority towards a defenceless microscopic minority. The leaders of the
Anglo Indian community raised their voice against this demand which is
121
fatal and would lead to the total extinction of the community. They found
their only refuge in the constitution and judicial system of the country. The
Anglo Indians fought several successful legal battles in their attempt to
preserve their constitutional rights.
The community attitude relating to these problems is reflected by the
following remarks of Frank Anthony
29
, the then president of the All India
Anglo-Indian Association:
Remember this, without our schools and without our
language English, we cannot be an Anglo-Indian Community.
We may be like the Feringis of Kerala who claim to be
originally of Portuguese descent but who have merged into
the lowest stratum of the Indian Christian community, with
their mother-tongue as Malayalam. Without our language,
without our schools, we cannot be an Anglo- Indian
Community. We may be anything else. And that is why we
have mounted increasing vigil in respect of our schools and
our language.
The All-India Anglo-Indian Association is the representative agency for
most Anglo-Indians in India, maintains a large section whose function is to
122
supervise and foster British-styled education. It organizes and manages a
curriculum and administration of Cambridgestyled education. These
schools were intended to be available for Anglo-Indian Education.
30
Hence
any adverse effect on the school system will have its repercussions in the
flourishing of the community.
There were numerous cases of resistance from various parts of the
country on the language policy and even some state governments took stand
against English education system. Since education and English language
are the life blood of the Anglo Indians any move against English education
has its reflections on the emotional life and social security of the Anglo
Indians. Whether or not English will be hold as a medium of education and
communication continues to be a problem for the Community. The
government has, at various times, tried to replace English and make Hindi
the lone national language of the country.
31
The natural opposition on the
part of the Anglo Indians to such replacement is seldom heard due to their
lack of political strength. It was only because of regional and linguistic
group opposition, as well as periodic violence, the government has not been
able to establish Hindi as the national language. Thus the Anglo-Indian has
temporarily been spared. The Anglo Indians face many difficulties for the
retention of their language medium.
32
The latest incident came from
Karnataka. The 1994 language policy was challenged in KAMS vs State of
123
Karnataka & Ors
33
and a three- judge bench of Karnataka High Court
comprising of CJ Cyriac Joseph,Manjula Chellur and N.Kumar JJ , ruled
out that a state Govt. order issued in 1994 mandating Kannada or the
mother tongue as the compulsory medium of instruction in all primary
schools classes (I-V)state wide, is violative of the fundamental rights of the
promoters\owners of 11,954 unaided or independent primary schools in
Karnataka. Therefore the order was quashed by a full Bench of the high
court in 2008. The judgment clearly states that every citizen has the right
to select the medium of their choice. Judgment of the full Bench was
challenged by the government in the Supreme Court. In July 2008 the
Karnataka High Court had directed the state government to permit English
medium schools. Similar cases arose from different parts of the country. The
All India Anglo Indian Association fought legal battles in all cases. English
being the chief identifying mark of the Anglo Indians, any fight for its
protection is both language- development oriented and language-survival
oriented. In T.M.A. Pai Foundation And Ors v Union India
34
it was held that
promoters of educational institutions are exercising their fundamental
rights to engage in an occupation under Article 19 (1)(g) and that
establishing and administering an educational institution is a legitimate
occupation. J. Kumar observed that it is implicit in the said right to
124
establish an educational institution, the right of a citizen to choose the
medium of instruction in which knowledge is to be imparted.
The government restriction on the usage of English in the public school
system would adversely affect the effective functioning of the schools and
the morale of the community. Moreover the western oriented education
system run by the Anglo Indians become unaffordable to the members of the
community. Thus the community faces two important issues on the one side
the government interference and opposition from the side of the political
parties and majority communities which generates fear, anguish and crisis
among the rank and file of the community. For the establishment of the
unquestionable constitutional rights they have to spend their time and
energy for frequent litigations and settlements. The second problem is the
ever increasing cost of education. The community runs the Anglo Indian
schools at various parts of the country primarily for the training of their own
members but they cannot afford to send their children to such schools. In
many Anglo Indian schools the Anglo Indian enrolment is very low.
35

The constitutional guarantee for the establishment of a school system
for the development of the community is something sacred to be observed.
Since they rarely speak the vernacular language in a flair manner, any move
on the infringement on the freedom in the use of English will be fatal.
36

125
Their distinct entity shall not be threatened by nationalism or all India
feeling.
Language policy in India has tailored itself to the changing demands
and aspirations of people over the period of time from 1947
37
to the
present.
38
The question of a national language which was wisely addressed
during the formative years of independence by not declaring any language
as the national language has now been permanently settled. English today
is almost a compulsory second language.
Conclusion
The constitutional makers laid down irrevocable protection to this
ethnic group by way of various constitutional provisions discussed above.
But in fact all the efforts failed to make the desired result. The presence of
the representatives of the community in the Lok Sabha or the assembly has
been a boon to the deplorable community. However, many of the members
nominated to the legislative bodies across the country found themselves
helpless to articulate the needs of the community in the floor of the House.
Moreover the nominated members are not answerable to the community and
they assume office not by way of a plebiscite and the stress and strain of an
election. Besides constitutional protection and stipulated nomination, the
preservation of a culture which faces the danger of imminent extinction is
the responsibility of the nation as a whole. Traits and traditions the Anglo
126
Indian culture has its innate beauty and richness which is something to be
protected and enriched for the opulence of the cultural synthesis of our
great country.
Notes and References
1 Coralie Younger, Anglo-Indians, neglected children of the Raj, p. 146
2 Noel Pitts Gist, Cultural vs. social marginality: the Anglo-Indian case,
Phylon, vol. 28, pp. 261-275.
3 Esther Mary Lyons, Unwanted!: Memoirs of an Anglo-Indian Daughter of
Rev Michael Delisle Lyons of Detroit, Michigan, p.87.
4 Kumar Suresh Singh & B. G. Halba, People of India Karnataka, p.353.
5 Gloria Jean Moore, The Anglo-Indian Vission, Melbourne, 1986, p.4.
6 Gaikwad, V. R., The Anglo-Indians: a study in the problems and processes
involved in emotional and cultural integration, p.24.
7 Owen Snell, Anglo-Indians and their future. p. 14.
8 Within a decade the British passed three orders targeting the Anglo
Indians. The first one was in 1786 which prohibited the wards of the
Upper Orphanage School at Calcutta from proceeding to England to
complete their education to qualify for the covenanted services.
127
The second order was passed in 1791 by which the Indian born Children
of Britishers were prohibited from being employed in the civil, military
and marine services of the company.
The third order of 1795 prevented the employment of all persons not
descended from European parents on both sides in the army except as
fifers, bandsmen, and drummers
9 Ibid
10 Noel Pitts Gist & Roy Dean Wright, Marginality and Identity: Anglo-
Indians as a Racially- mixed Minority in India, p. 38.
11 DSouza, A. A., Anglo-Indian education: a study of its origins and growth
in Bengal up to 1960. p.
12

Evelyn Abel, The Anglo Indian Community: Survival in India, p. 19.
13 Corlie Younger, Anglo-Indians, Neglected children of the Raj, p.12.
14 Herbert Alick Stark, The call of the blood: or, Anglo-Indians and the Sepoy
mutiny, p.49
15 W. B. Vasantha Kandasamy, Florentin Smarandache and K. Kandasamy,
Reservation for Other Backward Classes in Indian Central Government
128
Institutions Like Its, Iims and Aimms: A Study of the Role of Media Using
Fuzzy Super Frm Models, p.212.
16 Quentine Acharya, The Way We Were: Anglo-Indian Chronicles, p. 40.
17 Sumeet Jain, Tightening Indias Golden Straitjacket: How pulling the
straps of indias job reservation scheme reflects prudent economic
policy, 8 Wash. U. Glob. Stud. L. Rev. 567(2009).
18 Winifred Crum Ewing, Willem Adriaan Veenhoven and Stitching Plurale
Samenlevingen, Case Studies on Human Rights And Fundamental
Freedoms: A World Survey, Volume 2, p. 175.
19 Bridget White, Kolar Gold Fields - Down Memory Lane: Paeans to Lost
Glory!, p.65.
20 Subodh Kapoo, The Indian Encyclopaedia, Volume 1, p.1553.
21 Data gathered from a personal interview: Anil Dsilva, Ernakulam.
22 Mixed Portuguese and Indian.
23 National Committee for Xth International Congress of Anthropology and
Ethnological Sciences, Xth International Congress of Anthropological and
Ethnological Sciences, India, December 10 to 21, 1978, Volume 1.
129
24 Clive Dewey, Anglo-Indian Attitudes: Mind of the Indian Civil Service,
p.153.
25 Wright, R & Wright, S 1971, The Anglo-Indian community in
contemporary India, Midwest Quarterly; vol. 12, no. 2, pp. 175-185.
26 Tenth Lok Sabha Members profile, Lok Sabha Archives, New Delhi
27

Glenn DCruz, Midnights Orphans: Anglo-Indians in Post/Colonial
Literature, p.189.
28 S. Bhattacharya, Philosophical Foundation of Education, Part 1, p.15.
29 Mr. Anthonys Presidential Address, The Anglo-Indian Review, 57:39
(November-December; 1966).
30 Blair R. Williams, Anglo-Indians: Vanishing Remmants of a Bygone Era:
Anglo-Indians in India, North America, and the UK in 2000, p.151.
31 Amy B.M. Tsui and James W. Tollefson, Language Policy, Culture, and
Identity in Asian Contexts, p.187.
32 Noel Pitts Gist & Roy Dean Wright, Marginality and Identity: Anglo-
Indians as a Racially- mixed Minority in India, p.132.
33 KAMS vs. State of Karnataka & Ors (Writ Petition No. 14363/1994).
130
34 2002 8 SCC 481.
35 Noel Pitts Gist & Roy Dean Wright, Marginality and Identity: Anglo-
Indians as a Racially- mixed Minority in India, p.119.
36 Blair R. Williams, Anglo-Indians: Vanishing Remmants of a Bygone Era:
Anglo-Indians in India, North America, and the UK in 2000, p.136.
37 Heinrich Mario Nink, English in India: History, features and users, p.7-8.
38 James W. Tollefson, Language Policies in Education: Critical Issues,
p.165.








131

Chapter VI
PAGEANTRY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN INSTITUTIONS
AND STRUGGLE FOR EXISTENCE
An ethnic hybrid group holding unique culture, customs and practices,
protected by unprecedented constitutional safeguards, and reservation
started a new life in the new world unprotected by the British. Anxieties and
reservations slowly banished and the Anglo-Indians began to adapt to the
new environment. Still the inherent problems of a small minority
community having different language, customs and manners quite different
from Indian mainstream had their own problems.
1
Their initial concern was
the building up their society without losing the identity of their culture.
Nature of their institutions reflects the core concern of the Anglo-Indians.
They give importance to the bringing up of educational institutions to
promote their language and protect their culture.
2
Employability of their
people has been another apprehension. In the time of stress and strain of
social assimilation, acceptability and career building they sought asylum in
their church and faith. As years passed by the community feeling and
organizational demands necessitated by the Indian settings limited them to
exclusive groups of their own and associations were formed.
3
Their
132
educational institutions, charitable organisations, social and religious
organizational are discussed here. Over the years their institutions mainly
educational institutions began to be suffocated by external pressure and
Church failed to give the required moral strength and they felt their
existence in danger.
Anglo-Indian Schools
Schools constitute the predominant Anglo Institution established and
maintained by the community. It has been primarily aimed to preserve the
unique culture and tradition of Anglo-Indians, which are their proud
heritage. In 1945, the Government of Cochin approved the beginning of
Anglo Indian- Schools in the state.
4,5
Initial sanction to start the schools was
mainly because of the poor educational facilities and deteriorated standards
and the style and frame of Anglo-Indian Schools functioned in Madras,
Mumbai and Bengal were in the minds of the founders. The thirteen Anglo-
Indian schools started during the time were:
1.C.C.P.L.M.A.I.L.P.S., Perumannoor 2. Frank Antony E.P.S.,
Edacochin, 3. Loretto Anglo-Indian Lower primary School, Saude 4. Holy
Family E.P.S., Chathiath, 5. St. Francis Anglo-Indian Lowers primary
School, Bolghatty, 6. St, Antonys EP School, Vallarpadam, 7.Cruz Milagrez
EP School, Ochenthuruth, 8. European Primary School, Elamagunna
133
Puzha, 9. Luiz Anglo Indian Lower Primary School Kadukutty, 10. Don
Bosco EP School, Padiyur, 11. Sacred heart Anglo Indian Lower Primary
School, Moolampilly, 12, St. Sebastian Anglo-Indian Lower primary School,
Palluruthy, 13. Infant Jesus Anglo-Indian Lower Primary School,
Ernakulum.
6

Later on similar schools were started in Varapuzha and Kunjithai. But
in due course of time the schools at Ernakulum, Palluruthy, Moolampilly
and Varapuzha were ceased to exist. The Perumannoor and Saude schools
were upgraded to High School and Kadukutty, Vaduthala and Edakochi to
upper primary level.
7

The development of the school system and language has been integral
to the development to Anglo-Indian culture and their survival in the
country. Despite constitutional safeguards the community failed to get
definite answer to their problems. One typical example can be traced from
the proceedings of the Kerala Legislative Assembly. Shri. Stephen Padua,
Anglo-Indian representative in the Kerala Legislative Assembly raised a
question on the floor of the Assembly on 27.04.1971: will the Minister for
Education and Home be pleased to state: Whether the Central Board of
Anglo-Indian Education, Kerala state Ernakulam, Cochin-15 a Corporate
body will be given sanction to upgrade at least one from among the eleven
Primary Schools run by them with effect from the beginning of the next
134
academic year? The minister answered: No definite assurance can be
given. The Board may try their chance by applying for upgrading the school
when the Director of Public Instruction invites applications for opening and
upgrading schools, by notification in the gazette, next time. The application
will be considered on merits
8

The Anglo-Indians prefer to send their children to the Anglo- Indian
Schools itself, for those schools were established with the specific purpose of
imparting English education and Anglo-Indian culture to the offspring of the
community.
9
But most of them were unable to bear the educational
expenses due to the economic crisis and unemployment. Converting the
Anglo-Indian schools in to the aided sector might have resolved the problem
but the government restrain from bringing them to aided sector due to
political reasons. The Government fears that if the Anglo-Indian schools
were brought under aided category all the other recognized schools will also
ask for it.
10
Many often the Anglo-Indian representatives and the Anglo-
Indian Associations fail to convince the Government the significance of
Anglo Indian schools and why they should go the Anglo-Indian schools
itself. Shri. Stephen Padua the Anglo-India representative in the Assembly
explains things but it was not sufficient to persuade the government to take
appropriate action.
11

135
Today the Anglo-Indians are not much particular about the Anglo-
Indian Schools because they believe that nothing different happens there;
no room for the propagation of culture, tradition and customs
12
. The quality
too is not adorable. There are numerous English medium schools and some
are with name Anglo-Indian, though not established by and for the
community. Moreover, the community does not have sufficient trained
personnel to deploy as teachers.
Anglo-Indian Associations
Vasco-de-Gama set in motion a process of interaction between the
western and Indian cultures. The Portuguese were good in developing
intercultural relationship with local population. They combined religious
fervor with economic motives, developed a new social understanding with
the people with whom they lived in the new world. This cultural inflow
continued during the time of French and Dutch. With the coming of the
British the community gained momentum, strength and confidence. But the
British at times cared them and ignored other time according to the change
in the mood and need of Great Britain.
13
The Eurasian community which
evolved through the different hegemonies began to share common set of
interests, values and cultural elements which formed the base of
psychological feeling of oneness. Organizational structure which is another
constituent of a community to satisfy various needs and desires of its
136
members in their social life evolved with the discrimination by the British
and the alienation from the Indians. During the early days of nineteenth
century witnessed an organized community life with in the Anglo-Indian
minority. They realized that the survival of the community required an
organizational defensive action, for which they formed the Anglo Indian
Association.
14

The community surfaced at the lap of Christian faith following the inter
marriages and consequent embracing of new faith. Though, not at par with
the British, the Church treated the Anglo-Indians as brethren- children of
the same God. As leaders became more and more conscious of the general
welfare of the community, the organizational support became a requirement
of the needy. Throughout the nineteenth century a lot of organisations came
in to prominence and some were exclusively for the Anglo-Indians.one such
earliest organization was the Eurasian and Anglo-Indian Association,
established in Bengal in 1876. After three years the Anglo-Indian and
Domiciled European Association of Southern Indian was founded.
15

Anglo-Indian Associations were formed at various parts of Kerala even
before the formation of the Anglo-Indian Union. But there was the absence
of effective coordination between the various units functioning in Cochin,
Travancore and Malabar. On 11the March 1922 a meeting was convened by
137
Chev. C. Luiz at Perumannoor and laid the foundations of a new
organization with Paul Luiz as president and Prof. S. F. Nunez as secretary.
This initial attempt was insufficient to continue the organizational
structure. However, Prof. S. F. Nunez was selected to represent the Anglo-
Indian at the first legislative council of Cochin State. Various efforts were
made to reinvigorate the organizational framework of the Anglo-Indians in
the state. On 30
th
December 1934 the South Malabar Anglo-Indian
Association was inaugurated at Vallarpad
16
am. This also met the same fate
of the previous organizations. During this time Sir. Henry Gidney the
President-in-chief of All India Anglo-Indian Association visited Ernakulum
and Fort Cochin and established branches of the Association. In 1940
Frank Anthony became the President in - chief - of the All India Anglo-
Indian Association.
In 1945 Mr. Stanley Luis became the president of the Anglo-Indian
association. His nomination to the Cochin Legislative council made a
breakthrough in the life of the Anglo-Indians. The Government sanctioned a
dozen primary schools to the community, few scholarships and half-fee
concession to the members of the community.
17
The federated Anglo-Indian
Association with fourteen branches was amalgamated with the All India
Association in 1946. But the policies, programmes and terms of the
association alienated them from the organization
18
. Critical to the policies of
138
the All India Anglo-Indian Association, the representatives of all the Anglo-
Indian Associations in the Travancore Cochin State met at Perumannoor on
14
th
October 1951 and decided to form the Union of Anglo-Indian
Associations. Mr. A. A. D Luiz was the man behind the formation of the
Union of Anglo-Indians. He has drafted the constitution and got it
registered
19
. There are 36 Anglo-Indian Associations in the state and All
India Association of Anglo Indians has three units in the state at Tangasseri,
Cochin and Vaypeen.
Early Leaders
The Anglo-Indian Community owe to the great leaders right from the
inception of the community in the State. The commendable services
rendered by Dr. Henry Gidney and others during the colonial period cannot
be ignored. He was ferocious leader who fought against racial discrimination
against the Anglo-Indians. His representation before the Simon Commission
and as a member of all the three Round Table Conferences, won in
enhancing the political representation, educational safeguards and job
reservations. He taught the Anglo Indians that they are first and last, sons
of India.
20

Chev. C. Paul Luiz
Chev. C. Paul Luiz was a planter and a timber merchant. He was very
influential with the maharaja of Cochin. Under his influence Church
139
procured new buildings and lands. He formed the first Anglo Indian
Association in the State of Cochin in the year 1922.
Chev. C. J. Luiz
Chev. C. J. Luiz was a business man by profession who owned
shopping complexes at Broadway Ernakulum commonly known as Luiz
market. He represented the Anglo-Indians at the erstwhile Cochin State
legislative Assembly. He generously donated his wealth and properties to the
church. The premises of the present St. Sebastians Church, kadavanthra
was donated by him.
Shri. A. A. D. Luiz
Shri. A. A. D. Luiz was the son of Chev. Paul Luiz. He was a law
graduate, who later entered business. He took much pain for the
development of the Anglo-Indian Community. He rendered his service as the
president and later on the Secretary of the Union of the Anglo Indian
Association. Shri. A.A.D. Luiz represented the community in the Travancore
Cochin Legislative Assembly during 1953-54. He has written the Anglo-
Indians of Kerala and the backward classes in India He showed keen
interest in protecting the interests of the community and to build up the
Anglo-Indian Association
21
. Under his initiative the government of
Travancore-Cochin granted educational concessions and reservation for
appointments
22
.
140
Stanley P. Luiz
Stanley P. Luiz was the founder President of the Anglo-Indian
Association of Kerala State and represented the Anglo-Indians in the Kerala
Legislative Assembly during 1967-70.When the anti-communist socio-
political movement known as Liberation Struggle- in Malayalam Vimochana
Samaram- broke out he lead the agitation at Ernakulum as convener. He
always stood with the Latin Catholic Church and defended the cause of
Anglo-Indian community.
Peter Correia
Peter Correia served as the vice president of the Catholic Association,
Archdiocese of Varapoly. He has been the Chairman of the erstwhile
Ernakulum Municipality. In 1972 when the Government of Kerala tried to
impose restrictions on the educational institutions, Peter Correia was in the
forefront to lead the agitation. He was honoured by His Holiness Roman
Pope with the title of Bene Merenthi
Stephen Padua
Stephen Padua associated with the activities of Anglo Indians from
early times. He closely associated with the management of eleven Anglo-
Indian schools run by the All India Board of Anglo Indian Education. He
served the Anglo-Indian community as the secretary and president in chief
of the Association and also the Chairman of the Central Board of Anglo-
141
Indian Education. He represented the community in the Kerala legislative
Assembly from 1970 to 1986. It was under his initiative the Anglo-Indians
in Malabar area were included in the list of Other Backward Classes.
23
He
also rendered service as the president of the Thevara urban Co-operative
Society.
Mrs. Elsie Dsouza
Mr. Elsie Dsouza, the wife of Capt. Dr. Robert Dsouza, after her
professional life in United States of America, came back to India and
assisted several organizations. She was the founder president of the Anglo-
Indian Education Fund and continued in that position till her death in
1999. She also rendered her service as the president in chief of the Union of
Anglo-Indian Association, vice president of the Catholic Association of the
Archdiocese of Varapoly and active member of the Womens Association,
Ernakulum.
Joseph Pinheiro
Joseph Pinheiro was a born leader and an eminent educationalist. He
was in the field of education for long as teacher and head master of the St.
Marys High School, Alwaye. He gave dynamic leadership as the secretary of
the Central Board of Anglo-Indian Education and instrumental in bringing
up the eleven Anglo-Indian schools in the State. His contributions for the
142
church and the education field were recognized by the Roman Pope with the
title Bene Merenthi.
Frank Anthony
Frank Anthony was the greatest among the Anglo-Indian leaders. He
was a proficient jurist and educational expert and an experienced
parliamentarian. He has a long parliamentary career. Starting from 1952 he
was incessantly a nominated member in the Lok Sabha till his departure in
1993, save a brief period in between, representing the Anglo-Indian
community. His contribution in the field of education is remarkable; he has
been the chairman of the Council for the Indian School certificate
Examinations. He set up three Anglo-Indian schools in Delhi, Calcutta and
Bangalore. The Anglo-Indian community is indebted to him for the political
representation, educational privileges and job reservation, though meager,
which they enjoyed in the post colonial period.
Anglo Indian Youth Movement
An Anglo-Indian Youth league for Travancore-Cochin was founded in
1946. But it has only a plaid growth. In 1969 Stephen Padua proposed the
idea of an Anglo-Indian Youth organisation and a youth meet was arrang3ed
in Ernakulam in November 1969. The meeting gave birth to the All Kerala
Anglo-Indian Youth Movement. The main objective of the organisation was
to encourage Anglo-Indian youth to pursue higher education, help them to
143
procure employment and to foster art and culture. Leadership training is
another area of its intervention. The AKAIYM has 21 units in the state
spread over Chathiath, Cochin East, Elamkunnapuzha, Ernakulam,
Edacochin, Kadukutty, Kunjithai, Manjanakkad, Moolampilly, Mulavukadu,
manjummel, Nazareth, Ochanthuruthu, Perumannoor, Palluruthy, palliport,
Thevara, varapuzha, vaduthala, Vallarpadam and Wayanadu.
The Portuguese Cultural Institute
Lion share of the Anglo-Indians are the descendants of Portuguese. In
order to maintain the culture of the Portuguese offspring in Kerala, to revive
Portuguese language and to foster the good old traditions of the community
the Cultural Institute was established in 1989 by the efforts of Mr. Stephen
Padua, Charles Dias, F.M. painter and Linus Rodrigues. More than thirty
Luso-Indian settlements in Kerala, fort St. Angelo (Cannoor ), Fort at
Palliport, Fort at Kottapuram, Fort St. Thomas(Kollam), Fort Emmanuel
(Cochin), Forts at Calicut are the standing monuments of the Portuguese
tradition. The Portuguese Cultural Institute promotes the study of
Portuguese traditions, customs, language and rich heritage of the
Portuguese.
Charitable Organisations
There is no dearth of charitable organisations targeting the Anglo-
Indians in the world. Calcutta Tiljallah relief (CTR), an organisation
144
registered in United States of America in 1999 with the mission to help
impoverished Anglo-Indians in India, Canadian Social Service for Anglo-
Indians ( CASSAI) an organisation registered in Canada aimed to provide
medical support to seniors and educational assistance to Anglo-Indian
Children and youth living in the Indian subcontinent, Anglo-Indian
Concern, a charitable organisation registered in United Kingdom for
addressing poverty and sickness and advancement of education for Anglo-
Indians in India and the Australian Anglo-Indian Melbourne rangers Club, a
charitable organisation in Australia are some of the important
organisations. The deplorable condition of the Anglo-Indians in India after
independence gave sufficient scope for international concern for the cause of
Anglo Indians and concerted action with the country.
The Anglo-Indians in the state have developed a system of assistance
with the pockets of their settlement. Invariably they are members of either r
of the Anglo-Indian associations and the office bearers of the local unit take
care of any such situation which demands assistance. Even though they
belong to the Latin Church, there is parish based units exclusively of the
Anglo Indians, where they discuss their issues, problems, sorrows and joys.
Besides the local shock absorber system there are some forums to help the
Anglo-Indians in the state.
Anglo-Indian Educational and Charitable Society
145
The society had a humble beginning for the Anglo-Indian education
Fund inaugurated by Mr. Justice T.C.Raghavan of the Kerala High Court on
5
th
April 1964. The meeting was presided over by Mr. S.S. Koder. The main
objective of the society is to provide required fund for the clever students of
the Anglo-Indian community to pursue their higher education. Mrs. Elsie
DSouza was the founder president and Mr. Charlie Rodrigues took charge
as the president following the demise of Mrs. Elsie DSouza in 1998. During
the initial stages the society
24
the students were given loan which they have
to repay on getting employed. But later on the loan system was replaced by
giving financial assistance on merit cum means basis. Hundreds of Anglo-
Indian students were benefited out of it.
The Anglo-Indian Education Fund was constituted with the object of
promoting higher and technical education for the Anglo-Indian boys and
girls. It was an initiative of the Union of Anglo-Indian Association while Mr.
R.C. Fernandez was the president in Chief. The Education fund celebrated
its Silver Jubilee in 1990 in the presence of Mr. K Chandrasekharan,
Minister for education and law, Government of Kerala, Rt. Rev. Dr. Francis
Kallarakal, the Bishop of Kottapuram and Mr. K.J.Sohan, the Mayor of
Cochin.
146
The central Board of Anglo-Indian Education played a vital role in
helping deserving children of the community. it has established three
endowments of Rupees 25000 each as S.P. Luiz memorial Endowment,
A.A.D. Luiz Memorial Endowment and Union of Anglo-Indian Associations
Golden Jubilee Memorial Endowment of rupees fifty thousand.
Socio-religious organisation
The Syrian Christian community is referred to by historians
as Malabar Church and St. Thomas Christians or Nasrani is no doubt the
oldest Christian Church in India. Later in the 16
th
century, by the
missionary work of Francis Xavier emerged the Latin Church. They are
mainly the converts from Hindus and spread across the costal belt of
Kerala. The Anglo-Indians has close association and affinity with Latin
Catholic church. Their life and culture has been closely linked to the Latin
Catholic Dioceses in the State. The early leaders of the Latin Church were
drawn from the Anglo-Indian community and the Church gained a lot from
the cordial relationship with the Anglo-Indians. The leadership of Chev C.
Paul Luiz, Chev. C. Luiz the outstanding role played by Mr. S.P. Luiz in the
struggle against the State Government in 1957 to shield the interests of the
Catholic Community and the support Mr. Stephen Padua had given for the
cause of Latin Catholics in Kerala were not insignificant. Mr. A.J.Lopez, Mr.
Peter Correia (Former Municipal Chairman, Ernakulum Municipality), Mrs.
147
Elsie DSousa, Mr. Charles Dias and Mr. Ignatius Gonsalvez were the top
leaders of the Catholic Association, Archdiocese of Varapoly and their strong
Support to the cause of the Latin Catholic Community was much apparent.
The offspring of the Portuguese are strong Catholics and they spread
over the costal belt of Kerala mainly in the Varapoly Diocese. They are also
settled in the Dioceses of Cochin, Kollam, Trivandrum, Alapuzha,
Kottapuram and Calicut. The Anglo Indians are very pious, devoted and
respected their priests and nuns. The contribution of the numerically small
community to the development of the church is remarkable
25
. They love to
donate cash and kind to the church for construction and celebration. Many
are serving the church as priests, nuns and even leading cloistered life.
From among the Anglo-Indian priests, Father Raphael Figuereido Salgrado
was chosen to the dignified position of a Bishop. Father John Rebeiro was
another distinguished member of the community who contributed much to
the church. He served as the assistant vicar and later vicar of the Santa
Cruz Cathedral. He has renovated the Cathedral building and reprinted the
frescos at the ceiling of the dome. He revived the feast of Our Lady of
Pompei. Fr. Lawrence Pereira, Fr. Charles Fonseca, Fr. Richard Rozario,
Msgr. Vincent Fernandez, Fr. Harry DSouza, Msgr. Emmanuel Lopez and
Msgr. A.J.Rozario are the few among the most renowned Anglo-Indian
priests who strengthened the community.
148
The Anglo-Indians are very zealous in constructing churches, shrines,
chapels and other related institutions. Infant Jesus Church, Ernakulam, St.
Francis xaviers Church Sampalur and the Sacred heart Church Areepalam
were built by them
26
. The Infant Jesus Church was constructed under the
initiative of the DCosta family. The land also was donated by them.
Formerly they were members of the St. Marys Church, Ernakulam but later
on the Portuguese descendants built the Infant Jesus Church exclusively for
them. Sampalur was the centre of Portuguese Jesuits. There was a good
Anglo-Indian community in Sampalur and its neighbouring villages of
Kadukutty, Mathilakam, Areeplam, Padiyur, Thurithippuram and Muttikal.
The first printing press in Kerala was established At Sampalur by the
Jesuits
27
. The Anglo-Indians in Sampalur and Kadukutty took the initiative
in the construction of the St. Francis Xaviers Church. Later on churches
were constructed at Kadukutty and Chalakudy. Anglo Indians in Padiyur
and Areepalam built the Sacred Hearts Church, Areepalam. St. Sebastians
Chapel Vallarpadam, Loretto Anglo-Indian Church, Saude and Lady of Hope
Church, Vypeen are also built by the Anglo-Indians. The Congregation of St.
Teresa and the St. Teresas Convent, St. Teresa College and allied
institutions are exclusively of Anglo-Indian
28
.The founder of the convent
Mother Teresa was a Portuguese progeny from Madras.
Struggle for existence
149
At the closing part of the British rule, the Anglo-Indians scared of
something worse would happen in their life in free India. But the national
leaders made all the precautions to ensure adequate protection and
provided every safeguard for the development of the community. The
amount of protection provided by free India was adorable and acceptable to
the Anglo-Indians who stay back.
29
But in due course of time when new
rules and regulations are made and commission reports admitted, the
Anglo-Indians feel that the changed situations are putting them in danger of
gradual extinction. Being a small minority community facing alienation from
the social mainstream, having no strength to exert political pressure, often
found helpless before the arbitrary findings and verdicts of various
commissions appointed by the government. They felt abandoned and
isolated especially when they feel that the church to which they are attached
to is pulling them down.
Alienation from the Church
The Anglo-Indians live in close assimilation to Latin Catholic Church.
They share the church, priest, institutions and many of the customs and
practices. But they feel discriminated and sidelined. Open protest to the
attitude of the church, representations and memorandums to the diocese
head and Roman Pope has become common. In an interview with Andrew
Rodriguez, the president of the Anglo-Indian Association Manjanakad is of
150
the view that the present level of discrimination and betrayal is unbearable
and cannot be continued long. Even church offices are denied to the Anglo-
Indians. The Latin Church authorities are purposefully keeping them aloof
from all the important church forums.
30
He said: we have built the
church. we have donated the land . we have donated all the money.
still we are giving.... and. and now they are keeping us aloof from all....
take the case of Infant Jesus Church. It is an Anglo-Indian Church. It is
known as Parangippalli. all through the years since the establishment of the
church in 1822, we have been keeping our cultural, religious linguistic
identity there. surrounding around the Infant Jesus Church. Now
everything is brought to a mess by the Varapoly diocese. They have stopped
the convention of administering the temporal affairs of the church by Anglo-
Indian trustees. But the Latin Catholic Church Authorities denied all these
and rejected all these as fabricated and baseless allegations
31
. Same feeling
in its aggravated form has been shared by all Anglo-Indians.
The Anglo-Indians want English Mass; want their children to have
catechism classes in English and want to follow western style. Hence the
best option they propose is a new diocese, with their own Churches, Priests
and Bishops.
32

Discrimination from the Official machinery
151
The Nettoor Damodaran Commission was appointed by the
Government of Kerala in 1967 to study and report the issue of job
reservations in Kerala. Mr. Alexander Parambithara, one of the leaders of
the Latin Catholic Church and parliamentarian was also the member of the
commission.
33
Being a member and leader of the Latin Catholic Church, his
association with Anglo-Indians at all strata and his wide exposure to the
problems and sufferings of the Anglo Indians, everyone expected generous
approach from the part of the Nettor Commission. But quite contrary to the
expectations, adding great shock to the Anglo-Indian community in
particular, the commission did not recommended job reservation to the
Anglo-Indians under the pretext that the Anglo-Indians are adequately
represented in the government services. But this argument was refuted by
official statistical reports from the Government. The Government reports
revealed the shocking fact that the Anglo-Indians were not only
inadequately represented but also very poorly represented in state
government service. The effort made by the Anglo-Indian MLA Stephen
Padua in this regard is worth mentioning. Later on in 1978 the government
was pleased to allow 4% reservation for Latin Catholics and Anglo-Indians
in the 3+1 proportion.
In order to fix the pattern of educational reservations the Government
of Kerala appointed a Commission under the chairman ship of Shri. G.
152
Kumara Pillai in July 1964.
34
Chev. L. M. Pylee, prominent educationalist
and former Minister was one of the members of the Commission. He was
closely associated with the prominent Anglo-Indian leaders of the state and
had direct knowledge on the backwardness of the Anglo-Indians. His
awareness on the educational and economic backwardness of the
community has echoed in his articles especially one in the Anglo-Indian
Journal. But when the Kumara Pillai Commission submitted its report in
1965, the Anglo-Indian community was ignored. The Commission did not
recommend reservation for the Anglo-Indians in the professional colleges
and other technical institutions. Naturally the community believed that it
was with the knowledge and deliberate move of Chev. L. M. Pylee.
35

With grief and anguish the Anglo-Indians, often made reference to the
Commission report which pronounced total exclusion of the Anglo-Indians
from educational reservation by the words: Latin Catholics other than
Anglo-Indians. They characterised it as the typical example of calculated
damage perpetuated by co-religionists born out (of the feeling of inferiority
complex or) of ulterior motives to push down their own brethren. The results
of the finding of the Kumara Pillai Commission were disastrous concerning
the Anglo-Indians of Kerala
36
.
153
It took decades for them to get their grievances redressed at least
partially. Stephen Padua who has represented the Anglo Indians in the
Kerala Legislative Assembly for four terms made some efforts for the
redressal of many of the grievances of the Anglo-Indians. By the efforts of
the Anglo Indian leaders and representative of the Assembly, they got one
sear reserved for MBBS, BDS, BFSc/ BVSc, Engineering, polytechnic, BSc
(MLT), BSc (Nursing), B.Pham, and one seat each in Government ITIs were
reserved for them. Mr. Stephen Padua and Mr. David Pinheiro MLA took the
lead. But it is alleged that the one seat granted to the Anglo-Indians has
been snatched by the Latin Catholics in false certificates.
Injustice has been a never ending story for the Anglo-Indians
37
The
Anglo Indians are very much agitated over the Government order making
them to share the nominal reservation been sealed by the majority
communities have further been narrowed down by the Government order to
share the seat with the Jews.
Notes and References
1 Blair R. Williams, Anglo-Indians: Vanishing Remmants of a Bygone Era :
Anglo-Indians in India, North America, and the UK in 2000, New Jersy,
2002.
154
2 Noel Pitts Gist and Roy Dean Wright, Marginality and Identity: Anglo
Indians as a Racially Mixed Minority in India, Leiden, 1973, p. 117.
3 Frank Anthony, Britains betrayal in India: the story of the Anglo-Indian
community, London, 1969, p. 166.
4 Order No. D1- 19458/1131 dated 12.7.1946, Director of Public
Instruction, CochinGovernment.
5 Procedings of the Government of his highness The maharaja of Cochin,
Education Department, Order No. E3- 37285 dated 27.12.1947.
6 Leslie Beveira, The central Board of Anglo-Indian Education, Union of
Anglo-Indian Association Golden Jubiee Souvenir, Cochin, 2003, p. 31.
7 Ibid., p. 31-32.
8 Kerala Legislative Assembly Proceedings, 1970-77, p. 2810.
9 Michael C. Shapiro and Harold F. Schiffman, Language And Society In
South Asia, Delhi, 1981, p. 215.
10 Ibid., p. 918.
11 Ibid., p. 919.
12 Interview with Mr. Jerson DCosta, Vypeen, Cochin dated 28.8.2012.
13 Noel Pitts Gist & Roy Dean Wright, Op. cit., p. 37-39.
14 Ibid., p. 96.
155
15 V. R. Gaikwad, The Anglo-Indians, Bobay, 1967, p. 35 .
16 Noel Pitts Gist & Roy Dean Wright, Op. cit., p. 5, 20.
17 V. Benei, Manufacturing Citizenship: Education and Nationalism in
Europe, South Asian and China, New York, 2005, p. 247.
18 Noel Pitts Gist & Roy Dean Wright, Op. cit., p. 102.
19 The Literary, Scientific and Charitable Societies Act, 1953.
20 Margaret Deefholts, Women of Anglo-India: Tales and Memoirs, New
Jersy, 2010, p. 204.
21 Circular, A. A. DLuiz dated 9
th
December 1955.
22 Order No. R. Dis. 15238/ 50/ CS, Government of Travancore-Cochin
proceedings,2.12. 1953.
23 G.O. Rt. No. 2220/73/DD dated 21.12.1973, Government of Kerala.
24 Registration No. 310/07, Travancore Literary Scientific and Charitable
Societies Registration Act 1955.
25 Stephen Padua, The Anglo-Indians in Kerala, p.124.
26 Stephen Padua, Anglo- Indians in Kerala, p.145.
27 Ibid., P.146.
28 Stephen Padua, The Anglo-Indians of Kerala, p.157.
156
29 Bindeshwar Pathak, B. N. Sreevastava, Constitutional Safeguards For
Weaker Sections And The Minorities In India, New Delhi, 1999, p. 39-
45.
30 Memorandum presented by Anglo-Indians against Discrimination in
Educational reservations, July13, 2012.
31 Interview with Church official( name not disclosed).
32 Stephen Padua, History of Anglo-Indians in Kerala, p.170.
33 Encyclopaedia of Backward Castes, Volume 2, By M. L. Mathur, Gyan
Publishing house, 2004, p.52.
34

Kevin DRozario, Educational Resrvations Injustice to the Anglo Indians.,
Union of Anglo Indian Association, Golden jubilee Suvineer1953-2003
p.74.
35 Ibid, p. 75.
36 Interview with Adrew Rodridges, Union of Anglo-Indian Association,
president, Cochin.




157

Chapter VII
CONCLUSION
Anglo-Indian culture has its innate beauty and charisma. Its customs
and manners are unique. But with the onslaught of time and external
interferences, their culture underwent gradual transformation. Most of their
customs and manners were either ignored or vanished. But at the same
time they have not fully integrated into the community of Kerala. This
created an identity crisis which clubbed with their social alienation and
economic crisis compelled into migration. The surviving Anglo-Indians fail
to disseminate their culture in its totality to the younger generations.
Asserting the documented sources and field visits the Anglo-Indian
community is still preserving a blend of European and Indian cultural traits
but, neither western nor eastern, save a fusion which has an identity and
uniqueness of its own. Intricate features of their culture including their
language, family life, marriage, religion, education, cuisine and social
standing has been analysed. These are largely contributing factors in the
making of a community structure.
As like any other cultural cluster, the tracing up of the historical origin
and expansion of Anglo-Indian community, in the academic arena is
158
originally a much valid element. We observed the historical roots of the
community, the socio, economic and cultural causation for its emergence
and incorporated it with the existing sources. The colonizing inquest the
maritime competition along with the corporate interest among the European
powers created the justification of the discourses namely imperialisation
and colonization. The Portuguese was succeeded in cementing the early
seeds of colonization in India. As we discussed earlier, the implementation
of the mixed colony system by the Portuguese governor Albuquerque and his
partners created the amalgam of a new Eurasian race here. The latter group
such as The Dutch, The French and The English also followed the same
method with nominal changes.
In short we witnessed the growth a new group of hybrid group started
growing in the Indian soil and they later derived to known as Anglo-
Indians. Here we discussed the Anthropological and ethnographical
dimensions within the preview of the communitys historical origin, growth
and expansion here.
In short the Anglo-Indian community is holding a plethora of historical
tradition and legacy and importantly the studies cementing that the
community is still put its maximum effort in preserving the same.
159
Asserting the textual sources and field visits the Anglo-Indian
community is still preserving the same of a western amalgam culture in
their cultural traits and social life. We analyzed the complex features of their
culture including their language, family life, marriage, religion, educating,
cuisine, health etc. These are largely contributing factors in the making the
structure of a community. They priority of them in preserving the existing
culture and the rejection of entering the peripheral of a popular culture are
the remarkable peculiarity of this community.
The formation of all the above mentioned features of the community in
its present form is not asserting a single culture origin. As we stated earlier,
its the combined or an amalgamated synthesis of multi cultures. Along with
the particularities of Anglo-Indian culture, the discussion on its derivation
from various cultural units is also equally significant. The contributions of
Anglo-Indian community to the macro cultures are also significant. They
formed to in the perennial structure and self pretesting its imagery to the
complex structure is the reformer part here. Thus in every manner the
Anglo-Indian community is the best example of the followers of a hybrid
culture in the world.
The geomorphologic conditions and the shattered political orientation
of Kerala in the 15
th
and 16
th
century welcomed the Europeans here. The
160
colonizing methods and religious policies of European powers specifically
the Portuguese, Dutch and English was succeeded in forming the birth of a
hybrid community Anglo-Indians. Since we moved to many more centuries
forward, the community of Anglo-Indians is still exiting in the cultural
premises of Kerala. As we stated in the above part, Cochin is one of the
largest hub of this community in Kerala. The study here also describing the
historical origin, expansion and placing of Anglo-Indian, Luso-Indian and
Eurasian communities in various parts of Kerala including Cochin, QuiIon,
Wayanad, Tangasseri, and Kayamkulam. The discussions are also laid on
the aspects such as the shift how occurred in grooming from a grouping to
community, formation of social mobility within and outside the community
etc. The quantitative analysis of family survey is attributing to various socio-
cultural and economic traits among including the employment, education,
and migration details. The field surveys and family visits suggest that the
community is still functioning with all known notable features with social
and responsibility with community mobility. In short it is evident that the
Cochin community is one of the living examples an existing or preserving
hybrid cultures in Kerala.
Peaceful interaction of the Anglo-Indians with local population has
been the core of Anglo-Indian success in the subcontinent. There is no
instance of fight or relentless quarrel which would jeopardise social security
161
and economic growth. They avoid all areas which may bring them in hostile
confrontation with the people and authorities. Anglo-Indian interacts with
outside community through their schools and other institutions. Students
from different caste, creed and colour study in those schools. At present
there is acute shortage of trained teachers from that community. Hence they
recruit
teachers from outside community. The number of Anglo-Indian
teachers is limited in the schools. These students and teachers from
different communities exist harmoniously in their school environment. This
peaceful atmosphere is one of the reasons for the success of their schools
and other institutions.
Anglo-Indians had an innate quality of good communication skill. They
are open-minded. Positive inter community relationship with the
surrounding community in an enduring quality has made them succeed in
all their endeavours. They maintain high level of social solidarity in their
parishes and in their exclusive groups. The Anglo-Indians in Kerala mostly
belong to the Latin Catholic Church. Whether it is Vypeen, Fort Cochin,
Mattancherry or Thangassery, irrespective of their numerical strength, the
Anglo-Indians maintain good inter community relationship. Their skill in
positive inter community relationship is more evident in the exclusive group
gathering of the Anglo-Indians.
162
They were able to survive as a minority keeping up their distinct
individuality in an atmosphere which was alien to their tradition, way of life
and language. Kerala customs, tradition and way of life are quite different
from that of the Anglo-Indians. English is their mother tongues. They follow
all the western style of life without disturbing the people. They have night
clubs, ball dance, and other celebrations but it in no way would disturb
other people. On the other hand on Christmas Eve, they used to make all
the confectionaries, cake and wine and distribute it in all the neighbouring
houses. Thus they keep their individuality and survive without disturbing
anyone.
Anglo Indians live in the Kerala society and live harmoniously with the
local people but they speak only English and live like AngloIndian.hey
easily adapt themselves to the changing circumstance but at the same time
will not permit to lose their basic characteristics. This is the reason why
even after more than five centuries of existence in the midst of adversities
and inconveniences, they maintain the cultural traits intact.
The Anglo-Indians confined to pocket areas, but their institutions are
for general public. The Anglo-Indian schools are established for the benefit
of their own children. English language and the particular customs and
manners are vital to the Anglo-Indians. But the Anglo-Indian schools were
made use by the general public. They are not offended to it and keep on
163
improving the quality and structure of the school system. Thus even while
they limit and confine to their cantonment, their services and contribution
are made available to all irrespective of caste creed or colour. Not only has
the school system, the activities of the Anglo Indian associations, charitable
and philanthropic activities never been restricted with the four walls of the
community.
They have no life devoid of religion. Faith is their life blood. The
Portuguese mariners were very pious sailors. It is said that in every
Portuguese ship there was a priest and whenever they reach another shore
they establish a church in memory of their arrival. They regularly
participate in Holy Mass and respect priests and nuns. Almost all the Anglo
Indians of Kerala are Zealous Catholics of Latin rite. They are very much
devoted to their religion, church and priests. They do not lag behind in
contributing to the Church and church controlled institutions. They also
take pride in celebrating feasts in the church ceremoniously and with
splendor. The tradition of building chapels, shrines and churches is being
followed without break by their successive generations.
The Anglo-Indian community had to suffer a lot of difficult situations
in their long struggle for existence as an insignificant minority. When India
became independent there was a general tendency among the people of
164
India towards everything that was related to the British or European. It
was quite natural that the people of India had developed a feeling of anti
Europeanism due to the long years of suppression which they had to suffer
from the foreigners. Therefore the anti European feeling among the Indians
stood on the way of the progress of the Anglo-Indians who were destined to
be in India after the eclipse of the British rule. Even though there was a
democratic government in India the Anglo-Indians had no major role to play
in it. The constitution of India has specific provisions to protect the racial,
religious, social and economic interests of the linguistic and religious
minority. But in actual practice their interests were not given proper
attention by the authorities concerned. In this situation it was difficult for
any community to survive. But the Anglo-Indians tried to read the writings
on the wall and adjust themselves to the socio-political conditions of the
country in which they had to spent many more years to come. Perhaps it
was due to this situation that every Anglo-India in India use to nurse a
feeling in their mind to go to England, Australia or any other European
country to settle themselves permanently there. Since they are born and
brought up in India, due to many factors both emotional and economic, they
cannot migrate permanently to England because there they have to start
from zero. In spite of this feeling the Anglo-Indians have been successful in
165
becoming the part and parcel of India and feel themselves to be equal in all
walks of life. We cannot point out a single instance of revolt organised by
them against any sort of injustice done to them by the Government, even
though there are many instances of clear-cut injustice meted out to them.
By the vast experience in India, the Anglo Indians have taught
themselves the art of social adjustments with deep delicacy and smooth
approach. The Indian society views the Anglo-Indians as a community of
loose morality. But this impression is the by product of a preconceived
notion regarding the behaviour pattern of the Europeans which is very often
open and without inhibitions. The difference the social values of Indian and
Europeans is the reason behind the approach of the Indians towards the
Anglo-Indians.
The Anglo-Indians add beauty and ethos to the cultural terrain of a
big country like India with multitude of religions, languages, customs and
traditions. Their contributions in the field of education, language and
service sectors like nursing are incalculable. At present this unique culture
is at the verge of extinction. Most of the members of the Anglo-Indian
community have already migrated to European countries and the remaining
are on the way. The youngsters are not happy to stay back in India. It is the
166
responsibility of the government and the people at large to protect the
Anglo-Indian culture from eclipse.















167
Glossary
Adakkam- burial ceremony after death.
Almosa- Breakfast in Portuguese tradition.
Bertalha-wine in Portuguese
Boanoite- Saying goodnight in Portuguese.
Bowthise- Portuguese connotation for Baptism
Chimmini- Kitchen roof, Portuguese term later owned by Malayalam.
Dweepe- Island
Housie- A kind of gambling among Anglo-Indians.
Idavaka- a church based division
Inam-Category
Kalyanapattu- Wedding songs popular among Latin Christians of
Kerala.
Kappi- Rope twister used for taking water from well.
Portuguese term later owned by Malayalam.
Kappitthan- Captain of the ship.
Kasera-Chair, Portuguese term later owned by Malayalam.
Kottakkar- Inhabitants of Fort
Kulkul- A dough looks like mixture of flour and rolled on fork. It is
frosted in sugar.
Kushinja- Kitchen
Lanthakkar- Vernacular idiom to signify the Portuguese in Kerala.
Mesha- dining table or normal table, Portuguese term later owned by
Malayalam.
Minnukette- a custom of Christian marriages.
Muri- Room or small house, Portuguese term later owned by
Malayalam.
Palaka- a plain wooden piece
Palliakkar- Vernacular term in Malayalam for Christians.
Pallikkoodam Vernacular term in Malayalam of School, Originated
from Portuguese tradition where the schools were attached to
Churches.
Parangi- Vernacular usage to signify the Portuguese in Kerala.
Paranthakar- Official class in Northern Kerala
Qurbana- Holly offering or holly scarifies.
Saala-Long hall for prayer usually an integral part of Anglo Indian
houses
Tekkumcore-an ancient power division of Kerala
Thiyya-Term to denote lower caste community in Northern Kerala.
Tirumulpaade- denote a veteran native ruler of Northern Kerala.
168
Toppe- Cultivating premise near house.
Tura-Port in Malayalam.
Turuthe-gulf or island
Varantha-sitting space outside houses, Chair, Portuguese term later
owned by Malayalam.
Vindaloo-Beef or pork in Portuguese.















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