A NEW LOOK AT THE TOBIADS IN IRAQ AL-AMIR

C. C. Ji

The Tobiads have fascinated those who have studied the last days of the Judean
Monarchy and the Second Temple period. Accordingly, much has been written about the Tobiads and their history on the basis of textual evidence and
archaeological excavations at Iraq al-Amir. The Tobiads are known to have
played a prominent part in Judea during the given periods. They were influential in the Jewish Hellenization and supported a compromise with the Greek
regime.1 So far, scholarly attention has been given primarily to the Hellenistic period, since it has been assumed that at Iraq al-Amir little evidence of
the Tobiads in Nehemiahs time remains.2 The amount of new archaeological
data, however, has increased in recent years, and thus it seems timely to reconsider some issues surrounding the Tobiads. The purpose of this paper is to
integrate recent findings at Iraq al-Amir with special attention to the Tobiads
in the time of Nehemiah and their religion.

The Tobiads in Textual Evidence

Before proceeding further, let us summarize some elements of Tobiahs history on the basis of textual evidence.3 According to the Book of Nehemiah,
Tobiah engaged in heated confrontation with Nehemiah and the Judeans.
Tobiah accused Nehemiah of rebellion (2:19; 6:6), demoralized Nehemiah
and his followers with taunts, militarily threatened the Judean community
(4:1-7), and enticed Nehemiah to sin by violating cultic precepts (6:1-14).
Even after the wall of Jerusalem was completed, Tobiah retained strong ties
to the Judean community (6:17-19). Tobiah gained a foothold in the temple
precinct with the help of Eliashib, although Nehemiah later ejected
Tobiahs belongings from the temple precinct (13:4-9).

1. Tcherikover 1961.
2. Gera 1990, 21-38; Goldstein 1975, 85-123; Eskenazi 1992, 584-585; Lapp 1993, 646-

648; Mazar 1957, 137-145, 229-238; McCown 1957, 63-76; Mittmann 1970, 199-210;
Ploeger 1955, 70-81; Tcherikover 1961, 127-142.
3. Eskenazi 1992.
LA 48 (1998) 417-440; Pls. 19-20

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In the Book of Zechariah (6:9-15), Tobiah appears as a member of the

exiled community with a special role in Zechariahs symbolic crowning of
Joshua as high priest. In this account, Tobiah seems to represent Yahwist
factions from outside of Judah.4 Tobiah also appears in the Hebrew Bible
as the head of a family that returned with Zerubbabel and Joshua from the
Babylonian exile, but he was unable to prove their Israelite ancestry (Ezra
2:60; Neh 7:62). On the whole, it is not improbable that the Tobiah in the
Book of Nehemiah is related to the one who appears in the Book of
Zechariah or the one who is among the exiles who returned to Jerusalem.
On the other hand, Mazar traces the genealogy of the Tobiads to the
Lachish ostraca dated to the 6th century B.C.E.5 Many scholars, however,
still hesitate to connect the Tobiah in the Book of Nehemiah with the one
in the Lachish Ostraca.6
The Zenon papyri and Josephus bring a welcome addition to the Hebrew Bible and provide important information about the family of Tobiah.
In the Zenon papyri, the Tobiads are influential Jewish landowners in
Transjordan during the Hellenistic period who enjoyed an autonomous status as rulers and commanded a garrison of cavalry.7 According to
Josephuss Antiquities 12.4, the family of Tobiah was connected to the
priesthood and wielded power in Jerusalem. The great man of this family
was Joseph, the son of Tobiah. Joseph stood as the highest civil functionary of the Jews under Ptolemy III Euergetes. He succeeded in obtaining
from the king the taxfarming rights for the whole of the Ptolemaic province. In the days of Hyrcanus, Josephs youngest son, the Tobiads continued to exert their influence in Jerusalem, and their members stood at the
head of influential political parties of that time. Later, Hyrcanus retreated
to the familys place of origin in Transjordan because of the conflict with
his brothers, and remained there until his death. He built a fortress there
and continued to interfere in political matters in Jerusalem. Yet, when
Antiochus IV Epiphanes became active in Palestine, Hyrcanus committed
suicide, and his independent principality came to an end.8 Later, the
Tobiads played an important part in the events leading up to the Maccabean
revolt (2 Macc 3:11; Ant. 12.5).

4. Ibid., 584.
5. Mazar 1957, 229-238.
6. Eskenazi 1992, 585.
7. McCown 1957, 70; Mazar 1957, 139-140.
8. Mazar 1957, 137-139; cf. Gera 1990.

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The Tobiads and Iraq al-Amir

Iraq al-Amir is situated on the west bank of the Wadi es-Seer, about 17 km
west of Amman and 29 km east of Jericho.9 It is located about 4 km upstream from the confluence of the Wadi es-Seer with the Wadi Kafrein. The
Wadi es-Seer descends from the high Transjordan plateau, which is located
about 6 km upstream from Iraq al-Amir. The Iraq al-Amir region includes
a megalithic Hellenistic monumental building (Qasr al-Abd), an ancient
village, and scattered ancient structures. Two hundred meters northwest of
the ancient village are two tiers of man-made and natural caves, two of them
with the name Tobiah deeply engraved near their entrances.
The Tobiads have been connected with the ancient remains at Iraq alAmir. This association has been derived from the name of Qasr al-Abd,
and more importantly, from the two large inscriptions of the word Tobiah.
The location of the fortress also corresponds to Jesephuss account of the
Tobiads estate, and his account of Hyrcanus magnificent building seems
to refer to Qasr al-Abd.10 In addition, some scholars have identified Iraq
al-Amir with the fortress in the land of Tobiah mentioned in the Zenon
papyri.11 Mazar has also noticed that the Semitic name of fortress, sur, is
preserved in the Arabic Wadi es-Seer and Khirbat es-Sur near Iraq alAmir.12 Mazar suggests that sur was used to name the Tobiads fortress in
the days of the First Temple and the Hellenistic period.

1. Early Evidence at Iraq al-Amir

An important question is: when did the Tobiads begin to settle at Iraq alAmir? Discussion about this issue has been divided into two positions.
Mazar contended that in the Hellenistic period the principality of the
Tobiads had been already long established at this site.13 Lapp suspected that
Iraq al-Amir had been the center of the Tobiad dominion before the time
of Hyrcanus.14 His doubt stemmed from the archaeological evidence indi-

9. Lapp 1989, 280.

10. Eskenazi 1992; Mazar 1957.
11. Gera 1990, 24-25; Lapp 1993, 646-647; cf. Mittmann 1970, 208.
12. Mazar 1957, 140-141; Ji 1997a; 1997b; Villeneuve 1988; Waheeb 1997; Zayadine 1997, 178.
13. Mazar 1957, 137-145.
14. Lapp 1993, 646-647.

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Fig. 1
Major Archaeological Sites inthe Region of the Wadi es-Seer and the Wadi
el-Kafrein.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

Iraq al-Amir
Site 81
Kh. Muweina
Site 25
Kh. Umm Bad
Kh. Farawit
Tell Abu-Uneiz

8. Kh. Thugra
9. Kh. Hasaan
10. Tell Hilali
11. Tell Bleibil
12. Tell Nimrin
13. Tell Kafrein
14. Mullagah ed-Deir.

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421

cating that there was no substantial occupation at the site during the period
between the 11th century and the 2nd century B.C.E. Yet, on the basis of
recent studies, we can now enumerate several pieces of archaeological evidence for the presence of Iron II settlements at Iraq al-Amir.
Given the lack of final reports associated with refined stratigraphy and
ceramic horizons at the village of Iraq al-Amir, careful studies of Lapps
preliminary reports are an important method by which to investigate the
relationship between the Iron Age and the following Hellenistic settlements. Lapp conducted three campaigns at Iraq al-Amir in 1961 and
1962.15 He identified one Iron Age stratum (Stratum V) and dated it to the
11th century B.C.E. Above this stratum is Stratum IV dated to the Hellenistic period: there was a long occupational gap during Iron II and the
Persian period. Stratum V consists of possible fortification walls, building
walls, paved floors, drains, and two beehive ovens.16 Although the evidence for Stratum IV is sparse, the Stratum IV settlement appears to have
been much larger than the preceding settlement. This stratum includes
thick plaster floors, stone pavings, a column base, drains, and a few rockcut installations.
In contrast to Lapps claim, however, there is hardly any archaeological
evidence for a long occupational gap between Strata V and IV. According to
Lapps reports, the Stratum IV floor lay directly on a scraped-off surface in
fill for Stratum V, and thus, most Stratum V occupation was at a higher
level than the Stratum IV floor.17 Lapps section drawings are in line with
this observation.18 Most of the plaster floors of Stratum IV are certainly at a
lower level than Stratum V walls. Furthermore, the comparison of section
drawings A-A and E-E shows that the plaster floor was laid directly on top
of Stratum V walls. There is virtually no gap between the two strata. In other
words, we lack solid stratigraphic evidence for a long-term occupational gap
at Iraq al-Amir during the period from the Iron Age to the Hellenistic period. It seems rather reasonable to suggest two more or less successive stages
in the history of Iraq al-Amir during the given periods.19
15. Lapp 1962a; 1962b; 1963; 1975.
16. Lapp 1963, 11-13.
17. Ibid., 13.
18. Ibid., fig. 2.
19. This suggestion does not necessarily mean that there was no interruption at all during

the transitional period. A noteworthy point is the presence of a thin layer of ash and burnt
debris found beneath the Stratum IV floor. See Section Drawings A-A and E-E. This could
be evidence of the violent end of Stratum V, although it still remains hypothetical.

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C. C. JI

Another way of understanding the Iron Age history at Iraq al-Amir is

to analyze some published Iron Age pottery. They appear in the Iraq alAmir report in the volume Archaeology of Jordan and present the ceramic
corpus from Stratum V which Lapp originally dated to early Iron I.20 Unfortunately, scholars have not paid sufficient attention to these pottery examples. Surprisingly, a careful observation indicates that many of these
published Stratum V pottery are dated to Iron II rather than early Iron I,
and thus suggests a conclusion at odds with the view that Iron II evidence
is absent at Iraq al-Amir.
For example, the pottery of figure 2:1 is a well-known collared-rim
storage jar. It has generally been accepted that it made its appearance
in the 13th century B.C.E. and disappeared during the 10th century
B.C.E.21 A recent study of this particular pottery form, however, clearly
demonstrates that it would be futile to attempt to date all the collaredrim jars to early Iron I.22 Many collared-rim jars have been found in
Iron II contexts at Buseirah, Tawilan, Balua, the Amman Citadel, Tell
el-Umeiri, Tell Hesban, Beth-Shean, and Jericho.23 Additional examples
come from the ongoing works at Tell el-Umeiri and Tell Jalul in
Transjordan.24 In light of rim typology, most of these Iron II collaredrim jars are characterized by thickened rims and short necks. A short
neck seems to be a typological hallmark of this late corpus. Indeed, the
collared-rim jar of figure 2:1 is characterized by a thickened, everted
rim and short neck with a distinctive collar-rim at the base of the
neck.25 In 1996, the Iraq al-Amir regional survey team collected not a
small number of similar Iron II collared-rim jars at el-Muweina near
Iraq al-Amir. As far as the length of the neck is concerned, these Iron
II collared-rim sherds are markedly different from Iron I forms collected
at the same site. In sum, it is very likely that the collared-rim jars at
Iraq al-Amir belong to the Iron II corpus which survived as late as the
7th century B.C.E. in Transjordan.

20. Lapp 1989, 288.

21. Mazar 1990, 346-348; Fritz 1994, 144; Shiloh 1971, 69; Tappy 1992, 87.
22. Ji 1997c, 30-31.
23. Bennett 1975, fig. 8:7; Worschech 1992, 149-155; Worschech - Ninow 1992, 170;

Dornemann 1983, fig. 57:629; Herr 1989, fig. 19.12:14; Lawlor 1991, fig. 3.29:1; Lugenbeal
- Sauer 1972, pl. 8:444; James 1966, fig. 70:6; Kenyon - Holland 1982, fig. 207: 43 and 44.
24. Personal communications with L.H. Herr and R.W. Younker.
25. Lapp 1989, 288.

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423

Fig. 2. Pottery from Paul W. Lapp's Stratum V at the village of Iraq al-Amir (after
Lapp 1989, 288).

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C. C. JI

The storage jars of figures 2:2 and 2:3 seem to be related with one
of the typical Iron II and early Persian jar forms from the mid 9th
through the 5th centuries B.C.E.26 Possible parallels are ubiquitous in
Iron II and early Persian deposits at Gezer, Tell el-Umeiri, Tell Hesban,
Tell es-Saidiyeh, Lachish, and Shechem.27 The storage jar of figure 2:4
shares similarities with typical Iron II jars characterized by a ridge at
the mid-point of the neck. The main period of this jar-type is known to
have been from the mid 9th through the 8th centuries B.C.E.28 Yet, this
form also has a wide distribution dated much later than 700 B.C.E. at
Tell es-Saidiyeh and Tell el-Umeiri in Transjordan.29 Tappy interprets
this rim-form as having disappeared sometime in the 6th century
B.C.E.30
The pottery of figures 2:5 and 2:6 also appear to be typical Iron II holemouth kraters.31 They have a horizontally flattened or round rim turning inward from a sidewall. Parallels are found in Iron II and early Persian strata
at Tell es-Seidiyeh, Tell el-Umeiri, the Amman Citadel, Beth-Shean, and
Hazor.32
We may not exaggerate the preceding observations, since they derive
from a limited number of published pottery. Yet, if our comparison is plausible, the Iron I date of some published materials seem suspect. These pottery examples must be dated to Iron II and possibly the transition to the
Persian period. This suggestion provides good grounds for the presence of
Iron II and Persian settlements at Iraq al-Amir. In this context, the work
of French teams at Iraq al-Amir is worthy of much attention when studying the history of the Tobiads.
During the period from 1976 to 1982, Larch, Villeneuve, and
Zayadine conducted systematic excavations at the village of Iraq al-

26. Gitin 1990, 47, 119-120; Lapp 1970, fig. 3:4.

27. Gitin 1990, pls. 17: 1-4 and 26:21; Herr 1989, fig. 19.12:9 and 12; Low 1991, fig.

8.13:3-6; Lugenbeal - Sauer 1972, pl. 7:376-388; Pritchard 1985, fig. 14:11; Tufnell 1953,
pl. 94:466; Lapp 1970, fig. 3:4.
28. Gitin 1990, 121.
29. Pritchard 1985, figs. 4:2-4, 22; 9: 1-2; 14:4; 16:3; Lawlor 1991, fig. 3.12:7-9.
30. Tappy 1992, 161.
31. Lapp 1989, 288.
32. Pritchard 1985, fig. 8:7, 9, 11, 13; 12:1-3, 6; Herr 1989, fig. 19.13:8; Low 1991, figs.
8.14:16; 8.20:4-5; Dornemann 1983, fig. 53:276; James 1966, fig. 54:5; Yadin et al. 1961,
pl. 183:48, 11, 13-15.

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Amir.33 These excavations have shown that the village was apparently inhabited during the late Iron II and early Persian periods, and this settlement continued into the Hellenistic period.34 Occupational remains from
late Iron II were uncovered in Field A, and an impressive building wall
was constructed during this period.35 Although it is difficult to determine
exactly whether the French excavations discovered any Iron I remains on
the mound, it seems very likely that the earliest building phase was ascribed to the period of late Iron II and the early Persian period. In addition, the French excavations yielded some evidence showing that Persian
defense walls were continuously used during the Hellenistic period.36 Perhaps, this fact indicates that the Tobiahs Hellenistic residence at Iraq alAmir originated in the Iron II and Persian settlements. In short, the Iron
II settlements seem to have continued, with some changes, well into the
Hellenistic period.
In this connection, it is important to mention the two inscriptions cut
in the rock by the entrances of two Tobiah caves. Some scholars have
assigned the Tobiah inscriptions to the 2nd or 3rd century B.C.E.37 Yet,
Cross, Gera, and Naveh advance their date to the 4th century B.C.E.;
Albright, to the 5th century B.C.E.; and Mazar, to the 6th century or the
beginning of the 5th century B.C.E.38 According to Mazar, these inscriptions are one of the earliest examples of the official Aramaic square script
that became popular in Palestine at the beginning of the Second Temple
period. To recapitulate, various efforts have been made to account for the
date, yet we can summarize that scholars now tend to date the Tobiah
inscriptions earlier than the 3rd century B.C.E. This fact may point to the
continuous Tobiad habitation at Iraq al-Amir during the late Persian and
early Hellenistic periods.
Zenon papyri (C. P. Jud. 1; C. P. Jud. 4-5) also bring additional intermediate connection between the Iron II-Persian and Hellenistic periods.39

33. Larch - Villeneuve - Zayadine 1981; 1982.

34. Will 1989.

35. Larch - Villeneuve - Zayadine 1981, 339.

36. Will 1989, 290.
37. Clermont-Ganneau 1896, 261-262; Dalman 1921, 33-35; Vincent 1923, 55-68; Eskenazi

1992, 585.
38. Cross 1961, 191; Gera 1990, 25; Naveh 1971, 62-64; Albright, 1974, 222; Mazar 1957,

141-142.
39. Cf. Gera 1990; McCown 1957; Mittmann 1970.

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From Zenon papyri, we can deduce that Tobiah held a military command
on this site as well and was a wealthy local governor known throughout
the region in the early 3rd century B.C.E.40 Recent excavations at the
monumental gateway near Qasr al-Abd offer further support for the preceding point of view. In 1977 and 1978, French excavators uncovered six
Antiochus III coins on the upper floor connected to the gate. They suggest that these coins set a terminus post quem for the construction of the
gateway.41 Yet, the coins do not necessarily justify this suggestion, because the artifacts on a floor may indicate the latest period in which the
floor was in use.42 Furthermore, this floor was higher than the architectural levels of the gateway.43 Thus, the lower floor was perhaps in use
before the end of the 3rd century B.C.E. and the building of the gateway
could be dated to this period as well. This suggestion provides additional
support for the Tobiads presence before the 2nd century B.C.E. at Iraq
al-Amir.
Summing up, the evidence in general is strong enough that we may
suggest the beginning date of the Tobiahs settlements at Iraq al-Amir
traces back to the late Iron II and early Persian periods. The settlement
continuity from late Iron II to the Hellenistic period also seems somewhat
credible from an archaeological standpoint. At least, it may be confidently
stated that today there is no lack of material archaeological evidence at
Iraq al-Amir pre-dating the 2nd century B.C.E.

40. Tcherikover 1961, 64. During the Hellenistic period, Iraq al-Amir was reportedly laid

out for animal breeding and agricultural exploitation. See Dentzer - Villeneuve - Larch
1982, 207. It is noteworthy that this lay-out corresponds to some of the characteristic features of a Persian royal residence. Some architectural and decorative details were borrowed
from oriental royal palaces in building Qasr al-Abd and the monumental gateway. To explain this pattern, french archaeologists point out that Hyrcanus attempted to conform to
the model of Persian kings and to behave like them in exercising political power. See ibid.
and Dentzer - Feydy 1992, 227-232. We are rather of the view that Hyrcanus tried to carry
on the traits of his ancestors who were the Persian-appointed governors of Ammonite territory. In overcoming his political and military loss in Jerusalem, Hyrcanus perhaps felt the
need to emphasize the lines of continuity between himself and his predecessors at Iraq alAmir. Put differently, Hyrcanus may have tried to regain his leadership inside his family by
underlining his inheritance to the ancestral estate at Iraq al-Amir. Within this overall patterning, his plan may have been to build a royal residence comparable with or superior to
those of his ancestors at the site.
41. Dentzer - Villeneuve - Larch 1983, 141.
42. Gera 1990, 25-26; cf. Zayadine 1997, 180.
43. Dentzer - Villeneuve - Larch 1983, 141.

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2. Iraq al-Amir Regional Surveys

In 1996, a new systematic archaeological survey was initiated in the region of Iraq al-Amir and the Wadi es-Seer.44 The area surveyed so far
included the west part of the 5 km radius of Iraq al-Amir and the area
bordered on the north by the Wadi esh-Shueib and on the south by the
Wadi Kafrein. One-hundred-seventy-four archaeological sites have been
recorded in the survey area that has been investigated so far. According
to the pottery analysis, in the Iraq al-Amir region, Iron Age settlement
intensification took place in early Iron II, and this process continued to
the Hellenistic period.
In two aspects, this archaeological survey throws light on the history
of the Tobiads. In the first place, Iron II and early Persian settlements
seem almost certainly centered in two regions. A first group of settlements
is found in a narrow valley along the Wadi es-Seer and the Wadi Kafrein,
and the immediate vicinity of Iraq al-Amir. For example, Iraq al-Amir,
el-Muweina (Survey Site 79), Tell abu-Uneiz (Survey Site 26), Khirbat
Farawit (Survey Site 28), and Khirbat es-Suwan (Survey Site 127) are
situated at high points lined up along the Wadi es-Seer and the Wadi
Kafrein. They are all fortified settlements and visible to each other. The
inhabitants must have expended tremendous labor on the city walls and
towers, which implies security was one of their major concerns. This is
also true for a second group of settlements located in the Wadi Amir region. Khirbat el-Hassan (Survey Site 20), Khirbat eth-Thugra (Survey Site
32), Rujm el-Klal (Survey Site 112), and several Iron II fortresses comprise this group and seem to mark the western border of settlements in
the Iraq al-Amir region. Given the Tobiahs settlements in Transjordan in
the time of Nehemiah, the Iron II and early Persian sites in the Iraq alAmir region appear closely related with the Tobiads. In this vein, it is
timely to recall Mazars suggestion as to the geographical boundary of
the Tobiads.45 According to Mazar, in the west it bordered on the Jordan
River between the Wadi Nimrin and the Dead Sea; in the east it extended
as far as the vicinity of Rabbath-Ammon. The southern boundary probably passed along the Wadi Hesban; in the north it bordered es-Salt. Our
comparison indicates overlap between Mazars boundary description and
the pattern of Iron II and early Persian settlements in the Iraq al-Amir
region.

44. Ji 1997a; 1997b; 1998; see also Villeneuve 1988; 1989; Waheeb 1997.

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One may take this Iron II and early Persian settlement pattern and suggest the existence of road systems of the period connecting the Jordan Valley with Iraq al-Amir and the Transjordan plateau, particularly along the
Wadi Kafrein and the Wadi es-Seer. This suggestion seems plausible, since
to the south of Iraq al-Amir, there is a line of sites at which Iron II-Persian pottery were collected. This line stretches in a south-north direction
from the confluence of the Wadi es-Seer and the Wadi Kafrein to Iraq alAmir and el-Muweina. This proposed trade route and defense system appears related to the plateau fort at the mouth of the Wadi Kafrein. This
fort is dated to Iron II and seems to have been built for some strategic reasons.46 Our findings and the plateau fortress indicate the strategic importance of the Wadi Kafrein and the Wadi es-Seer during the Iron II and
Persian periods, and the survey team may find further traces of Iron Age
settlements along the Wadi Kafrein in future survey seasons.
Some biblical scholars may have special interest in this observation,
since the Book of Nehemiah implies the existence of some sort of communication route between Tobiah and the Judean aristocracy. According to the
Book of Nehemiah, Tobiah apparently kept himself well informed of the
developments in Jerusalem.47 It was possible in part because Tobiah and his
son married into the Judean aristocracy. Yet, Tobiahs links with the Judean
aristocracy were much broader than those of marriage. Tobiah allied with
Eliashib the priest and perhaps was on close terms with other priests as
well. The nobles of Judah often sent letters to Tobiah, and the letters of
Tobiah came to them (Neh 6:17-19; 13:4-7). Hence, there seems to be reasonable reasons to assume that there was a communication route between
Tobiah and his proponents in Jerusalem. This account is interesting because
it may help us understand the nature of the ancient route along the Wadi
es-Seer and the Wadi Kafrein.
The second general significance of the regional survey is the light it
sheds on the continuous settlement history of the Tobiads from Iron II to the
Hellenistic period. The proliferation of Hellenistic settlements in the Iraq
al-Amir region stands in sharp contrast to the Transjordan plateau where the
Hellenistic period witnessed quite sparse occupation.48 In the Iraq al-Amir

45. Mazar 1957, 142.

46. Prag - Barnes 1996, 41-61.
47. Williamson 1985, 261.
48. Ibach 1987, 168-170.

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region these Hellenistic settlements (e.g. Tell abu-Uneiz, Khirbat Farawit,

Khirbat el-Muweina, Khirbet es-Suwan, Rujm el-Musattarra, and Survey
Sites 81 and 118-120) are noticeably centered in the narrow areas located
along the Wadi es-Seer and the Wadi Kafrein, and in the immediate vicinity
of Iraq al-Amir. In other words, most of the Iron II and Persian sites along
these wadis and their associated trade route appear to have been intensively
reused in the Hellenistic period. During the Hellenistic period, several new
fortresses and public buildings (e.g. Rujm el-Musattarra and Survey Sites
25 and 118-120) were incorporated into the already-existing Iron II and Persian trade route and defense system. Hence, Tobiahs primary habitation may
not have extended beyond the hilly ranges west and north of the Wadi esSeer and the Wadi Kafrein during the Hellenistic period. Tobiahs territory
appears to have shrunk slightly in the Hellenistic period in comparison to its
size in late Iron II, since there are no Hellenistic urban sites of any significance in the regions of the Wadi Amir and the Wadi Jariya, except for sporadic pottery sherds found at Khirbat ath-Thugra and Khirbat el-Hassan.
Nevertheless, despite this shrinkage, the settlement pattern suggests that the
Hellenistic period can be treated as a continuation of the Iron II and Persian
settlements in the Iraq al-Amir region.

3. Persian Provinces in Transjordan

The Book of Nehemiah (2:10) refers to Tobiah as the Ammonite servant. This passage has aroused a great deal of academic debates. Some
scholars have argued that Tobiah was, in fact, governor of Ammon and
servant means an important official position, perhaps authorized by the
Persian empire.49 Others have argued that Tobiah was a junior colleague
of Sanballat and servant should be explained in this context.50 It is well
known that in ancient Palestine So-and-so servant of So-and-so designated a royal official.51 If so, Tobiah was very likely a Persian-appointed
governor of Ammonite territory. Moreover, there is no support in the Hebrew Bible for the contention that Tobiah was some kind of official from
Samaria. Instead, Tobiah seems to have had a status equal to Sanballat

49. Alt 1953; Fensham 1993; McCown 1957; Mazar 1957.

50. Kellermann 1967, 167-170; Williamson 1985, 184.
51. McCown 1957, 72.

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and Geshem. Sanballat was the governor of Samaria, which is substantiated by extrabiblical evidence.52 A silver vessel at Tell el-Mashkuta and a
Lihyanite inscription also testify to the governorship of Geshem in northern Arabia.53 We are of opinion that Tobiah was the governor of his territory in Transjordan as well. Indeed, the Book of Nehemiah (6:17-19;
13:4-8) describes that Tobiahs interests in Jerusalem outlasted those of
Sanballat and Geshem. After the wall was completed, Tobiah alone
emerged as the chief opponent to Nehemiah, and Sanballat and Geshem
suddenly dropped from view. If Tobiah was an official from Samaria, he
should have stopped interfering in political matters in Jerusalem when the
wall was completed and Sanballat gave up further confrontation with
Nehemiah. Although the reasons for Tobiahs hostile attitude towards
Nehemiah are not clear, it seems apparent that Tobiah had more vested
interests in the political and religious affairs at Jerusalem than Sanballat
and Geshem had.
The foregoing brief survey of textual evidence helps set the stage for
the discussion of an important question. Williamson notes, there is no evidence that there existed a separate province of Ammon in the time of
Nehemiah.54 Many scholars have seemingly been reluctant to take a firm
position with regard to the status of Tobiah because of this lack of evidence.
On the basis of recent archaeological works, however, it now seems preferable to see that in Transjordan there were separate provinces from
Samaria and Arabia in the late Iron II and Persian periods. The principal
support for this suggestion lies in the findings at Tell el-Umeiri in the
Madaba Plains.
In 1989, the excavations at Tell el-Umeiri produced two Aramaic seals
dated to the late 6th and early 5th centuries B.C.E.55 The impressions of
these seals are reminiscent of a class of Judean seals found in the Jerusalem region, which contain the name yhwd. It is often assumed that the
names on the yhwd seals were associated with the governor of the Persian
province or the treasurer in charge of tax collection.56 The significance of
this find is that the two seal impressions indicate the presence of Persian

52. Cross 1963, 110-121; Fensham 1993, 163.

53. Cross 1955, 46-47; Dumbrell 1971, 33-44; Rabinowitz 1956, 1-9.
54. Williamson 1985, 183.
55. Herr 1992.
56. Herr 1995; Stern 1982, 202-206.

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431

provinces in Transjordan.57 The administrators at Tell el-Umeiri appear to

have organized wine production at the farmsteads in the vicinity of this site,
and wine was sent to the Babylonians and the Persians as tribute and tax.
Hence, there are compelling reasons for admitting that Persian provinces
existed in the Madaba Plains. This being the case, it may hold true for the
Tobiads at Iraq al-Amir. A suggestion is that the regions of the Wadi esSeer and Iraq al-Amir consisted of a separate province from the one covering Rabath-Ammon and the Madaba Plains.
To this suggestion we can add a few archaeological findings which
may indicate the administration of grape plantations at the farmsteads
near Iraq al-Amir. The regional surveys reveal that a large number of
wine presses were cut into rock along the Wadi es-Seer, and in many
cases they were associated with late Iron II and Persian settlements (e.g.,
Bardhun, el-Muweina, Survey Site 1, and Survey Site 81). Thus, the vicinity of Iraq al-Amir may have constituted a sort of agricultural heartland of this area. In addition, Survey Site 25, a Hellenistic site with
sporadic late Iron II pottery sherds, also appears to have been a rich
farmstead site associated with Iraq al-Amir and Qasr al-Abd. It is situated across the wadi about 1 km south of the Iraq al-Amir village and
about 1 km east of Qasr al-Abd. This site contains a number of foundation walls most of which appears to have belonged to a large rectangular
structure measuring about 10 x 20 m. There are also a couple of cisterns
and terraces in the vicinity.
This pattern of settlement is typical along the Wadi es-Seer and includes
a prominent central site with a number of peripheral small farmsteads and
villages associated with it. This landuse pattern reminds us the wine production at the farmsteads in the Tell el-Umeiri region, and hence may point
to the presence of a similar provincial, economic system in the Wad es-Seer
to one in the Madaba Plains.
A distinctive feature of the Iraq al-Amir region is, when compared
with the Tell el-Umeiri region, the continuation of this grape plantation
pattern through the Hellenistic period. Bardbun, el-Muweina, and Survey
Site 81 were continuously used in the Hellenistic period, and at the same
time, a couple of new fortresses and public buildings (e.g. Rujm elMusattarra and Survey Site 25) were added to this socio-economic system.
That the Tobiads inhabited this region may help explain why many settle-

57. Herr 1995, 124-125.

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C. C. JI

ments and farmsteads were in continuous use from Iron II to the Hellenistic period in the Wadi es-Seer region.

4. Religion of the Tobiads

The religion of the Tobiads has been shrouded in considerable darkness.
Accordingly, one of the most welcome findings of the ongoing regional
survey is a potential cultic place near the village of Iraq al-Amir. This
place is situated about 200 m east of Iraq al-Amir. From Iraq al-Amir
Survey Site 81 this site is a distance of about 50 m toward the Wadi esSeer, located on a precipitous slope that mark the western line of the faulting which formed the wadi. Several rock-cut installations are scattered over
an area about 10 x 25 m.
A first rock-cut installation is a columbarium, which is 3.7 m high
and 4.1 m wide. Ten equilateral niches are carved in tiers into the rock:
six niches in the upper tier and four niches in the lower tier. Each niche
is about 20 cm high, 30 cm wide at the base, and 10 cm deep. A second
columbarium is located about 20 m northeast of the first columbarium. It
measures 3.3 m in height and 3.8 m in width. Four rectangular niches are
horizontally cut across the rock. They are about 85 cm apart from center
to center. The niches are facing east, rectangular in the upper about 17
cm high, 18 cm wide, and 9 cm deep. A third columbarium is about 10 m
north of the second one. This columbarium measures 2.2 m in height and
6.9 m in width and contains six niches about 55 cm apart. Each niche
measures approximately 20 cm high, 23 cm wide, and 10 cm deep. Another columbarium stands next to the third installation but includes only
the niche 11 cm in dept, 14 cm in height, and 15 cm in width.
A common thread that unites these columbaria is that they are each a
detached block of rock, and the niches were carved facing approximately
east. This observation leads to consideration of the columbarium at the west
end of the Tobiahs cave complex. This installation is about 3.2 m wide,
5.1 m high, and 2.3 m thick. It contains at least 25 niches in four upper
rows of four each, and two lower rows of five.58 These niches were cut into
the eastern face of the rock. In 1997, the survey team carefully examined
the vicinity of the cave complex and discovered another three columbaria
which stand at the east end of this complex. More than 80 niches facing

58. Conder 1889, 67-68.

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433

roughly east and west were carved on three large detached free-standing
rocks. It seems, therefore, conceivable that the Tobiads erected columbaria
at the east and west ends of the cliff to mark the boundary of their cave
complex.
The function of the columbaria is not known for certain. Conder promoted the view that the niches served to light the cave complex.59 This
suggestion, however, is by no means tenable, since on two of three eastern
columbaria niches were cut facing east and thus away from the cave complex. The discovery of several columbaria along the Wadi es-Seer also cast
serious doubts on Conders suggestion. One may point out the probability
that niches cradled skulls.60 Yet, many of our niches are too small for skulls.
It has been assumed that doves were raised in the columbaria for their dung
and meat.61 This suggestion, however, is also hard to justify, since
columbaria were located underground or inside caves when used for industrial purposes.62 In contrast, all the columbaria in the Iraq al-Amir region
stand on the ground level.
If this is so, an alternative solution should be sought. We propose that
the columbaria at Iraq al-Amir were used for certain cultic purposes. This
suggestion appears tenable after an examination of the columbaria in the
Palestinian Shephelah. During the survey of the Marissa region, E. Oren
examined more than two hundred columbarium caves with thousands of
small niches hewn in their walls.63 These caves were cut in the 3rd century
B.C.E. and were used until the 4th century C.E. Scholars have suggested
that the caves were designed for raising sacred doves for the cult of
Aphrodite-Atargatis.64 Especially noteworthy is the fact that doves and pillars were the symbols of this goddess as shown in Cypriot coins and clay
models. Marissa was reportedly a Sidonian commercial colony which
served as a center for the cult of the sacred doves of Aphrodite during the
3rd and 2nd centuries B.C.E.65 It is interesting that the people of Marissa

59. Ibid., 68.

60. Yadin 1966, 139.
61. Firmage 1992, 1145; Tefer 1986.
62. Firmage 1992, 1145; cf. Boling 1989, 156.
63. Oren 1965, 221.
64. Oren 1968, 61; cf. Kloner 1997, 33.
65. Bliss - Macalister 1902, 52-61; Oren 1968, 58-59; Peters - Thiersch 1905. Significant

in this context is the fact that the Nabataeans also erected many columbaria at Petra. See
Belloni 1996, 67. From this fact, we see some possible relationship between the Nabataeans

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C. C. JI

were later forced by John Hyrcanus I to embrace Judaism, but the

columbaria caves at Marissa were continuously used after the conversion.
Herod appears to have been born in Marissa and adopted dove-breeding for
magical purposes. Herod built small columbarium towers around the pools
in his palace (Josephus J. W. 5.4.4). At Masada small niches were found
hewn in long rows in the walls of a round structure dated to the time of
Herod.66
In this vein, our suggestion is that the Tobiads transferred the custom
of breeding sacred doves to Iraq al-Amir, and their columbaria were associated with Aphrodite-Atargatis. Perhaps the columbaria were designed to
represent this goddess since pillars and doves are interrelated in this cult.
This suggestion sheds new light on the nature of Mullagah ed-Deir (Survey Site 2) near Iraq al-Amir.67 Mullagah ed-Deir is a cave consisting of
two parallel chambers with windows and doors all cut in the rock of the
cliff, and Conder characterized this cave as a religious hermitage.68 When
Conder visited this place, he observed three small niches were found hewn
in structure dated to the time of stories with wooden floors inside the cave.
This cave contains about 800 equilateral triangular niches carved into the
inside walls: in the first floor niches are arranged in six tiers; in the second
floor in seven tiers; and in the third floor in eight tiers. Each niche is 22
cm high, 25 cm wide at the base, and 22 cm deep. They are about 36 cm
apart from center to center. It is possible that Mullagah ed-Deir served a
religious purpose in the Byzantine periods as attested to by the wooden
floors and local oral traditions. Our suggestion is, however, that the original purpose of this cave was for breeding doves for the cult of AphroditeAtargatis. A further support for the idea of Tobiahs worship of Aphrodite
comes from a small quarry site (Survey Site 58) near the Wadi es-Seer,
which was possibly used for the building projects at Iraq al-Amir. This site
includes a dove carved into a rock, measuring 15 x 15 cm. This rock-carving seems in light of the pains taken to make it symmetrical and artful to
be a religious expression.
Of related interest is the discovery of several idol niches situated
along the Wadi es-Seer. These niches are located primarily in the vicinity

and the Sidonian commercial colony in the Shephelah. It seems premature, however, to suggest close, political and cultural cooperation between the Tobiads and the Nabataeans in
Transjordan during the early Hellenistic period. For a different view, see Kasher 1988,
19-21.
66. Yadin 1966, 138.
67. Ji 1998.

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435

of Mullagah ed-Deir, Ain et-Tarabil, and Iraq al-Amir. They are each
rectangular niches hewn in large detached rocks. The niches measures
about 55 cm wide, 65 cm high, and 15 cm deep, and are carved approximately 1 m above from the ground. So far they have been found without
any traces of idols or idol blocks in the Iraq al-Amir region. Apparently,
most of such idol niches in Transjordan appear dated to the Hellenistic
and early Roman period.69 This suggestion fully accords with the presence of small niches inside Qasr al-Abd at Iraq al-Amir. These small
niches are carefully carved on the side wall of the staircase leading to the
second floor. Although it is a matter of dispute, it seems logical to assume that these niches were cut during the time of Tobiads for religious
purposes.
Recent archaeological works at Iraq al-Amir also revealed another aspect of the Tobiad popular cult. In the cultic place stated above, the regional
survey team discovered three serpents carved into a rock which is located
adjacent to one of the columbaria. A first serpent is 20 cm long and a second one measures 35 cm long. These two serpents are engraved in parallel.
A third serpent, 8 cm long, is vertically carved below the second serpent.
Situated about 5 m east of this installation is another potential serpent iconography. It measures 3.9 m long and is cut 5 to 7 cm deep on a rock. Serpents have often been assumed to be cultic images associated with a god
or goddess.70 In ancient Israel the serpent was worshiped as part of the pantheon, and its image is believed to have stood in the Jerusalem temple (cf.
2 Kgs 18:4).71 To these facts we may add that serpents often represented a
deity of healing.72 Num 21:8-9 and 2 Kgs 18:4 indicate that the Israelites
connected serpent divinities with a deity of magical healing power. Thus,
it is not improbable that, like the Aphrodite worship, the cult for a healing
deity was a popular aspect of the Tobiad religion.
In sum, it seems very likely that during the Hellenistic period, Aphrodite
was widely worshiped among the Tobiads and doves were used for cultic and
magical purposes in the Iraq al-Amir region. This conclusion finds support
in the Zenon papyri (C. P. Jud. 4). The papyri preserves Tobiahs letter to

68. Conder 1889, 94-96.

69. Cf. Linder et al. 1984, 163-182.
70. Handy 1992, 1113-1116.
71. Joines 1968, 245-256; Rowley 1939, 113-141.
72. Handy 1992.

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C. C. JI

Apollonius, which starts with the formula of Greek greeting, many thanks
to the gods. This plural is surprising in a letter of a strict Jew. Therefore, it
is clear that the first steps toward the Hellenization in the Tobiad family took
place no later than the 3rd century B.C.E., and our findings demonstrate that
non-Jewish cults were internally bound up with the Hellenization of the
Tobiads.73 It is widely known that during the Hellenistic period, Tobiahs
influence was not in the political and economic sphere alone, but in the social and religious as well.74 The Tobiads were interested in the management
of the Temple in Jerusalem. This was also true in the time of Nehemiah (Neh
13:49). The closing chapter of the Book of Nehemiah pays special attention
to Nehemiahs action against Tobiah. Eliashib put one of the temple rooms
at Tobiahs disposal and allowed him temple precincts. Nehemiah interpreted
this development as a danger to Jewish religion and took immediate action.75
A supposition is that Tobiah engaged in unorthodox religious life in the time
of Nehemiah, and this uncertain religious position contributed to the ensuing conflict between Tobiah and Nehemiah. Although this supposition has
been widely accepted, there was yet little archaeological evidence for this
view. New archaeological findings enable us to promote this view, although
they seem dated to the Hellenistic period.

Conclusion
From the above sketch we can see how recent archaeological developments
at Iraq al-Amir have improved our understanding of the Tobiahs history. In
general, we are still in the dark about what took place at Iraq al-Amir before the time of Hyrcanus, but the present study hints that ongoing archaeological works in the region may make further contribution to the elucidation
of Tobiahs history and religion in the future. In the light of new archaeological evidence available so far, we may posit that the onset of the Tobiahs
habitation at Iraq al-Amir seems dated to no later than late Iron II, and it was
perhaps Tobiahs family center in Transjordan during the period of
Nehemiah. In the Hellenistic period, the principality of the Tobiads thus appears to have already been long established at Iraq al-Amir. Archaeological

73. Tcherikover 1961, 71.

74. Ibid., 154.
75. Fensham 1993, 261

A NEW LOOK AT THE TOBIADS IN IRAQ AL-AMIR

437

data also indicate that Tobiahs settlement in this region were restricted
mainly to a narrow valley along Wadi es-Seer, the Wadi Kafrein, and the
immediate vicinity of Iraq al-Amir, more or less isolated from its neighbors
in the Transjordan plateau. This seems particularly true in the Hellenistic
period. In addition, there was a potential communication route between the
Tobiads and the Judean aristocracy which ran along the Wadi es-Seer and the
Wadi Kafrein. Archaeological evidence also casts some interesting light on
the religion of the Tobiads, which has yet been unattested to in the Hebrew
Bible and textual sources. In view of archaeological data, the Tobiads appear
to have often engaged in the cult of Aphrodite-Atragatis and other nonconformist Jewish cultic rituals. They raised doves and valued them as the symbol of this goddess, and erected columbaria in conjunction with this cult.
Chang-Ho C. Ji
La Sierra University, Riverside, CA

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