AL-TABARI:
THE CONCEPTION OF HISTORY
By:
Muhidin Mulalic *
Abstract
Matlamat utama perbincangan artikel ini ialah untuk
mengemukakan suatu paparan tentang faham perseja-
rahan Islam di sisi al-Tabari (m. 310/ 923). Beliau mem-
pelopori suatu fasa bam dalam perkembangan historio-
grafi Islam dengan memperkayakannya dengan kaedah
persejarahan analistik yang asli, di samping falsafah
sejarah. Ini dapat diperhatikan menerusi karyanya Tarikh
al-Rusul wa al-Muluk. Artikel ini mengemukakan kaedah
persejarahan dan falsafah sejarah al-Tabari yang
tergambar melalui persembahan jaringan analistik,
penjelasan diri dan pentafsiran deduktifbagi sejarah.
Historical Methodology of Tabari1
Tabari's Sources
The magnum opus of Tabari, Ta'r'ikh al-Rusul wa-l-Muluk, points
out a considerable shift from the early Muslim historians concem-
Muhidin Mulalic, M.A. is a lecturer at the Institute of Liberal Studies,
Universiti Tenaga Nasional (UNTTEN), Malaysia. He is a Ph.D candidate at
International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization (ISTAC), Inter
national Islamic University Malaysia.
1 See Tabari's biography in Muhammad ZahUii Imam al-Tabari; Shaykh al-
Mufassirin,wa 'Umdat at-Mu'arrikhin wa Muqaddam al-Fuqaha1 al-
Mufyaddithin Sahib al-Madhab, (Beirut: Dar al-Qalam, 1990), 25-81;
IJusayn 'Asi, Abu Ja'far Muhammad Ibn Jari'r al-fabanwa Kitdbuhu
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AFKAR - Btt. 4/2003 [183-202]
ing the selection of the historical sources. Tabari thoroughly se
lected historical sources in order to present the world history in an
objective manner. This was evidently illustrated in his selection of
the number of historical sources which comprise of Qur'an, tafsir,
genealogies, biographies, maghazi, hadith, pre-Islamic poetry and
history, Jewish, Christian, Persian, Greco-Roman and Muslim
sources.
Tabari's lucid understanding of the Islamic concept of knowl
edge, particularly historical knowledge which derived from me
Qur'an, had led him to consider (he Qur'an as the major source
and the frame of history. It is for the most apparent part, for in
stance, in his elaboration on the creation of heaven and earth, the
creation of man and the biographies of prophets.
Another supply which radically influenced his historical writ
ing and historical methodology was tafsir (exegesis) of the Qur'an.
He considered tafsir as a historical source, which was particularly
evident in the first part of the work on the pre-Islamic and later
Prophetic period. In fact, it may be asserted that, the first part of
his History was a replica of his work Commentary}
Then nasab (genealogy), sirah (biography), maghazi (military
campaigns) and tabaqat were the first historical writings in Islamic
history and they took place due to the unfolding of Islam. These
early historical writings provided the foundations of Islamic histo
riography. Some of the major historians on genealogy, biography,
campaigns and tabaqat who referred to the work of Tabari were
Muhammad b. al-Sa'ib al-Kalb"i (d. 149/), al-Hamadani, al-Mu'arrij
Tarikh al-Umam wa al-Muiuk, (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyyah. 1992),
51-77; Franz Rosenthal, "General Introduction," in Muhammad Ibn Jarir al-
Tabari, Ta'rikh al-Rusut wa-l-Muluk, vol. 1. ed. Ehsan Yar-Sbater, Hans.
Franz Rosenthal (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 5-
134; al-Khatib al-Baghdadf, Tarikh al-Baghddd, 19 vols. (Beirut: Dar al-
Kutub al-'Ilmiyyah, n.d.), 2: 162-169; Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu'jam al-
Vdaba', 20 vols., (Beirut: Dar al-Ihya"1 al-Tura~th al-'Arabi, 1988), 18: 40-
94.
See Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. Jarir al-Tabari, Jami' al-Bayan 'an Ta'wil ay
al-Qur'dn (Misr: Mustafa al-Babi al-Halabi" wa Awladuhu, 1954).
184
AL TABARL THE CONCEFTION OF HISTORY
b. 'Amr al-Sadusi (d. 195/811), Abu al-Jaqzan (d. 190/805), Aban
b. al-Khallfah 'Uthman b. al-'Affan (d. 105/705), 'Urwa b. al-
Zubair Ibn 'Awwam (d. circa. 91/692), Shurhabil b. Sa'd (d. 133/
732), Muhammad b. Muslim b. Shihab al-Zuhri (d. 124/741),
Musa b. 'Uqba (d. 120/720), Ma'mar b. Rashid (d. circa. 154/771),
Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad b. Ishaq (d. S5/767).3 Sayf b. 'Umar
(d. 180/796), 'Ali b. Muhammad al-Mada'ini (d. 225/839), Ibn
Sa'd (d. 230/826).4
The field of hadith not only became as another major source
of Tabari's history but has also greatly influenced his historical
methodology. Tabari's precise presentation of historical events in
the form of chain narration, as far as it was possible, was directly
dominated by hadith.5 The field of hadith played an important role
in Islamic historiography as it gradually formed a strong con
sciousness in the early Muslims towards of the precise dating and
the narrating of events, and consequently instigated the formation
of a special field of study, known as asmd' al-rijdl or 'who is
who.' The task of this discipline was to determine the validity,
using rigorous criteria, and methodology, of a certain narration. Its
formation was vital for further developments in the field of Islamic
historiography and, in fact, Makdisi is explicit hi his saying that
For a short overview of their contributions as biographers see Nisar Ahmad
Faruqi, Early Muslim Historiography: A Study of Early Transmitters of
Arab History from the Rise of Islam up to the End of Umayyad Period
(612-750 A.D.)" (Delhi: Idarat-i Adabiyat-i Delhi, 1979), 14-279, and Tarif
Khalidi, Arabic Historical Thought in the Classical Period (Cambridge:
University Press, 1994), 49-58.
Francesco Gabrieli, "Arabic Historiography," trans., M. S. Khan, Islamic
Studies 18 (1979), 85; Kamil 'Ayad, "The Beginning of Muslim Historical
Research," trans., M. S. Khan, Islamic Studies 17 (1978), 4; Joseph De
Somogyi, "The Development of Arabic Historiography," Journal of Semitic
Studies 3 (1958), 374-375, and Khalidi, Arabic Historical Thought, 62-68.
Jawad 'Ali, "Mawarid TarDch al-Tabari," Majallat al-Majma' al- 'Ilmi al-
'Irdqi, 1 (1950), 161-164 and 169!
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"historiography owes its existence in Islam to the exigencies of this
hadith criticism."6
Pre-Islamic literature, particularly Ayydm al- 'Arab (Battle-
Days' Narrative) and the Arab poetry has provided political, mili
tary, socio-economic and cultural details of the pre-Islamic Arabs.
'Poetry is the history of Arabs' - an epigram which pointed out the
traditional, religious and intellectual life of the Arab.7 For instance,
Tabari has quoted from the above-mentioned sources 314 poetical
verses in the chapter dealing with the life of the Prophet.8
Jewish and Christian sources were indispensable for Tabari
particularly for the pre-Islamic history. In many places, he indi
cated 'the people of the Torah say,' or 'the people of the Torah
assume.'9 Traditions of the People of the Book, in the work of
Tabari, had been used mostly through the authority of Wahb b.
Munabbih Dhamari al-Yamani (d. 114/732), Muhammad b. Ka'b
al-Qurazi (d. 108/708), and Ibn Ishaq.10
Persian, Greek and Roman literature was, to some extent,
available due to the translations of the Greco-Roman heritage ini
tiated during the reign of Ma'mun and Harun al-Rashid (d. 193/
809). The Muslim historians obtained most of Persian, Greek, and
Roman literature through the new converts. In the case of Tabari
two most outstanding converts who provided the most information
on Persian history were Ibn Muqaffa' (d. 139/757) and Hisham al-
Kalbi.
6 George Makdisi, "The Diary in Islamic Historiography," History and
Theory, 25 (1986), 174.
7 Afzal Iqbal, Culture of Islam, (Lahore: Institute of Islamic Culture, 1990),
41.
8 Muhammad al-Da'mi, "Major Trends of Arab Historiography," Journal of
the Pakistan Historical Society, 61 (1993), 263; Badruddin Bhat, "A Survey
of Early Muslim Historiography," Islamic Quarterly, 29 (1985), 252, and
Faruqi, Muslim Historiography, 38-39.
9 See for example his account on the beginning of creation according to the
Jewish and Greek Christian accounts in Muhammad Ibn Jarir al-Tabari,
Ta'rlkh al-Rusul wa-l-Muluk, vol. 1. ed., Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Franz
Rosenthal (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 1: 184-185.
10 Faruqi, Muslim Historiography, 34-35.
186
AL-TABARI: THE CONCEPTION OF HISTORY
Among the major Muslim historians to whom Tabari referred
to were Wahb b. Munabbih, Muhammad b. al-Sa'ib al-Kalbi (d.
204/819), Muhammad b. Ka'b al-Qurazi, Aban b. 'Uthman b.
'Affan, 'Urwa b. al-Zubair b. al-'Awwam, Musa b. 'Uqba, Ibn al-
Muqaffa', 'Ubaid b. Sharyah al-Jurhumi, 'Asirn b. 'Umar b.
Qattadah (d. 120/720), Muhammad b. Muslim b. Shihab al-Zuhri,
Saifb. 'Umar Usayydi Tamini (d. 180/796), Abu MikhnafLutb.
Yahya (d 157/774), Al-Mada'ini (d. 225/839), 'Awwanah b.
Hakam al-Kalbi (d. 147/764), Muhammad b. al-Sa'ib al-Kalbi,
Hisham b. Muhammad al-Kalbi, Ahmad b Abi Haithamah (d. 299/
893), Muhammad b. Ishaq and Haitham b. 'Adi Abu 'Abd al-
Rahman (d. circa. 206/861).
Tabari made reference to the above mentioned scholars with
regards to the creation of the world, the history of the prophets and
their nations, history of ancient kingdoms, the history of pre-Is-
lamic period, the biography of the Prophet Muhammad (p.b.u.h.),
the history of the rightly guided caliphs and the history of
Umayyad and Abbasid dynasties.
Origins of the Islamic Historical Methodology
A concise exposition of Tabari's historical methodology requires a
short overview of the origins of the Islamic historical methodology.
Some of the Western orientalists consider the pre-Islamic Arab's,
Persian's, Greek's, Roman's, Yemenite's, Jewish's and Christian's
effect on the Islamic historical methodology.11 The influences on
the formation of Islamic historical methodology, a rather complex
11 See for instance Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography, (Leiden:
E. J. Brill, 1968), 18-19; Joseph H. Dahmus, Seven Medieval Historians
(Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1982), 20-21 and 77-87; I. H. Qurcshi, "Historiog
raphy," in A History of Muslim Philosophy, ed., M. M. Sharif, vol. 1
(Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1966), 1197; Faruqi, Muslim Historiogra
phy, 84-87; For general remarks on Biblical influence on the Muslim histo
riography see Franz Rosenthal, "The Influence of the Biblical Tradition on
Muslim Historiography," in Historians of the Middle East, eds., Bernard
Lewis and P. M. Holt (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), 35-45.
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AFKAR - BE. 4/3003 [183-202]
subject, require special treatment and attention. Therefore, several
indications about the origins of Islamic historical methodology may
be illustrated as an alternative.
Pre-Islamic Arab historical writings played an important role
in the formation of Islamic historical methodology. Some scholars
argue that Islam neglected the Pre-Islamic historical period and had
put a line between Jahiliyya (the Age of Ignorance) and the new
Islamic period. For instance, Rosenthal asserted that the Muslim's
view of ancient Arabia as a country of ignorance prevented report
ing of that period and, as another scholar had taken for granted the
religion of Islam cancelled all that was before it.12 On the contrary,
pre-Islamic Arab history is given special mention in many histori
cal works of the Muslim historians, as a matter a fact, their poetry
and genealogy played an important role in the formation of Islamic
historical methodology. Pre-Islamic poetry, in fact, became part of
historical expression by later Muslim historians.13It means
Rosenthal correctly affirms that pre-Islamic history did not influ
ence later Muslim historical writing or historical consciousness but
their technique and their form later had played an important role in
Islamic historiography.14
The style of Yemenite Christian scholars in writing history and
their method of keeping genealogy, story-telling narration and an-
nalistic form in writing history greatly influenced Islamic historical
methodology.15 The scholars of Christian or Jewish origin,16
12 Rosenthal, Historiography, 18-19, and Joseph H. Datamus, Seven Medieval
Historians, (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1982), 86.
13 For details on the features of pre-Islamic historiography see Faruqi, Muslim
Historiography, 37-44; Ilse Lichtenstadter, "Arabic and Islamic Historiog
raphy," The Muslim World, 35 (1945), 126-128; Somogyi, "Arabic Histori
ography," 374, and Hamida Murtaza, "The Origin of the Muslim Historiog
raphy," Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, 16 (1968), 198.
14 Rosenthal, Historiography, 20-21; Dahmus, Medieval Historians, 87; Abd
al-Aziz al-Duri, "The Iraq School of History to the Ninth Century - A
Sketch." In Historians of the Middle East, eds., Bernard Lewis and P. M.
Holt (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), 46, and Qureshi, "Historiog
raphy," 1197.
15 Faruqi, Muslim Historiography, 84-87; Rosenthal, Historiography 77-79.
16 See Rosenthal, The Influence, 35-45.
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AL-TABARI: THE CONCEPTION OF HISTORY
whom had influenced Islamic historical methodology were
Eusebius, Wahb b. Munabbih, 'Abid b. Sharya al-Jurhumi,
Muhammad b. Ka'b al-Qurazi and others,17 have indeed made
Greek and Roman historical sources available to the early Muslim
historians. There was a great possibility that converts to Islam from
Syria had also contributed some techniques of writing history as
for example genealogies, yet Muslims could not have derived their
historical sense or consciousness neither from Christian scholars of
Greek origin nor from biblical tradition.18
The Persian historical methodology, as Goldziher declared,
was inevitable for the formation of Islamic historical methodology.
Goldziher argued that several works were translated and written by
Persian scholars, which facilitated the formation of Islamic histori
cal methodology. These scholars were 'Abdullah b. al-Muqaffa',
Abu 'Ubayda, Muhammad b. Kalbi and his son Hisham Kalbi.19
Islam, fore mostly, projects the universal worldview hence,
does not approve any fundamental influences from other traditions,
ideologies and philosophies. As a result, Muslims adopted or fully
understood the Islamic worldview as their very basic sources of
intellectual, spiritual and material needs. An emphasis on the im
portance of knowledge led to the practical implementation of the
Islamic worldview, which was the fundamental requirement for the
expansion of Islam. Furthermore, Prophet Muhammad (Peace be
upon him), as well as his Companions (may Allah's Grace be with
them), from the beginning of their mission, were considered as
models and later great men among the caliphs and scholars.20
17 See details about these historians in Faruqi, Muslim Historiography, 84-87,
and Rosenthal, Historiography, 77-79.
18 See detailed discussion on the subject in Qureshi, "Historiography," 1197.
19 For a short summary on Goldziher's view on the subject see Somogyi,
"Arabic Historiography," 373-374.
20 Rosenthal, Historiography, 101; 'Abd al-Latif Shararah, al-Fikr al-Tarlkhi
fial-lslam, (Beirut: Dar al-Andalus, 1983), 59-68, and Anwar Ameen al-
Mudamgha, Ibn Khaldun's Socio-Historical Theory: A Study in the History
of Ideas, (Ph.D. Diss., University of Syracuse, 1971), 34-36.
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Thus, the knowledge and virtues of the Prophet, Companions, ca
liphs and great scholars had instigated the writing of the first gene
alogies, biographies, and tabaqdt. Watt on the other hand still in
sists that the writing of maghdzl, for instance, was motivated by
tribal pride, which shows a ground for doubting the truth of the
main events of maghdzl21
It can be declared that the fundamental principles of Islamic
historical methodology are to be traced from the Qur'an, the roles
of the Prophet, the caliphs and scholars. In fact, the need to under
stand and interpret the Message of Islam had stimulated an interest
of early Muslim scholars in historiography.22 These two sources
dominated the formation of hadith writing, genealogy, biography,
maghdzU and tabaqdt.23 Then, when the religion of Islam ex
panded into new regions with people of diverse cultures and tradi
tions, the need to write universal histories became clearly percep
tible.
Islamic historical methodology has, therefore, developed due
to the influence in terms of certain techniques used from other tra
ditions, but the idea of Islamic historical methodology in itself is
original. An exposition of Tabari's Islamic historical methodology,
consequently, would meaningfully prove its originality.
Tabari's Annalistic Chain Historical Methodology
The annal is tic-chain historical methodology, according to
Rosenthal, originated in the works of Halifah b. Hayyat (d. 240/
854), Ya'qub b. Sufyan (d. 277/891), and Ibn Abi Haythamah.24
He further asserted that "the idea of annalistic arrangement came to
early Muslim historians through contact with learned Christians or
21 See Montgomery Watt, "The Materials Used by Ibn Ish.aq," in Historians of
the Middle East, eds., Bernard Lewis & P. M. Holt (London: Oxford Uni
versity Press, 1962), 27-28.
22 Iqbal, Culture of Islam, 145.
23 Muhammad al-Da'mi, Major Trends, 262.
M See Rosenthal, Historiography, 71-73; Zahiti, Imam al-Tabari, 231-232.
190
AL-TABARl: THECONCEPTIONOFHISTORY
Christian converts to Islam."25 Another historian suggested that the
Assyrians, Egyptians, Babylonians, Greeks, and Romans have used
the annalistic method.26 Rosenthal on the other hand, had also as
serted that "this form of historical presentation [annalistic historical
methodology] was fully developed in the time of the great
Tabari."27 This means that some features in the early Christian and
pre-Islamic historical writings may be part of annalistic-chain his
torical methodology, but they do not indicate any influence vividly.
The annalistic-chain historical methodology developed from
akhbdri (monographic) presentation of historical events. When the
monographic presentation was no longer suitable, Tabari undertook
the great task of writing universal history using the annalistic chain
historical methodology, marking "a turning-point between the old
style of historiography and the new historiography."28 However,
since the pre-Islamic period could not be arranged in an annalistic
chain form, Tabari used the method of chronicles which was used
by the historians prior to him.
With Regards to these two methodological approaches one
may assert that the annalistic-chain historical method, with its
unique Islamic components, was an original contribution of Tabari
since it surpassed the work of every predecessor of him.29 Besides,
his historical method characterized unique Islamic components
illustrated hi the following words:
The Muslim historians were not contented with even the
name of the highest-most narrator, the person who saw
and witnessed the facts, but also how this report was trans
mitted from generation to generation, on the part of trust-
25 Rosenthal, Historiography, 71.
26 'Ali, Mawarid, 1: 173 and 184; Zahili, Imam al-Tabari, 231, and Ernst
Breisach, Historiography: Ancient, Medieval and Modern, (Chicago and
London: The University of Chicago Press, 1983), 81.
27 Zahili, Imam al-Tabari, 71.
28 Claude Cahen, "History and Historians: From the Beginning to the Time of
al-Tabari," in Religion, Learning and Science in the Abbasid Period, ed.,
M. J. L. Young (Cambridge: University Press, 1990), 199.
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AFKAR - BIL 4/2003 [183-202]
worthy narrators, to reach, without least interruption, to
our historian. Even religious books of other peoples do not
equal in this respect to lay books of general history pro
duced by Muslims.30
The annalistic-chain historical methodology was dominated by
the successions of me individual years under headings such as, "in
the year" or "then there came the year.31 Therefore, the events
were arranged in accordance to years in which they happened and
if events covered several years, they were treated as if they oc
curred each year.32 To differentiate his historical methodology and
the hadith methodology, Tabari had used several modes of presen
tation of historical events.33 The first mode of presentation of his
torical event resembles hadith presentation. The second mode of
presentation was not in the form of chain narration, but was taken
from books or statements permitted by the author. This was the
method Tabari used in presenting Persian history on the authority
of Hisham b. al-Kalbl, either from his books or narrations. The
third mode of presentation was in a general form. This method was
mostly used in the last part of his book on the Abbasids. The
fourth mode of presentation Tabari was referred to a particular
book written by a certain author. The final mode of presentation
was in a form of narrating several different narrations of a single
historical event, as well as Tabari's preference for one narration
depending on its sound.34
Tabari was highly praised for his sincere, accurate and well-
developed historical methodology. His historical methodology was
precisely defined in the introduction of his work where he clearly
29 Gabrieli, Arabic Historiography, 85, and Dahmus, Medieval Historians, 89.
30 Muhammad Hamidullah, ".Birth Pagans of Islamic History," Journal of the
Pakistan Historical Society, 33 (1985), 242-243.
31 Rosenthal, Historiography, 71.
32 'Ali, Mawarid, 1: 173.
33 Ibid., 1: 157-157 and 168.
34 Ibid, 1: 164-168.
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AL-TABARI: THE CONCEPTION OF HISTORY
stated the chronological and annalistic-chain historical methodolo
gies.35 It has been argued that chronological methodology in the
work of Tabari could had been taken from the Bible and it made
way for anecdotes, isrd 'iliyydt (the Biblical and Near-Eastern an
tiquities), legends, and stories to his work.36 His annalistic-chain
historical methodology marked the new beginning of Islamic histo
riography. It was an original contribution to this field in view of
the fact that he introduced a unique historical methodology com
prising biographical, genealogical, poetical and philological histori
cal techniques, which set apart his annalistic-chain historical meth
odology and earlier annalistic methodologies.
As Islam is a universal message to mankind, Tabari had there
fore considered history as universal, too. His Universal History has
endured in its original form as a gate to antiquity, ancient histori
ans, their works, and their methodologies. In addition, he had made
comprehensive and objective periodization of history.37 Appar
ently, the work of Tabari as world history was among the first
world histories and HamiduUah was probably referring to him
when he declared "the first universal history originated from Mus
lim scholars."38
3J Al-Tabari, Muhammad Ibn Jarir, Tdrikh al-fabari: Tdrikh ai-Umam wa-l-
Muluk, 6 vols., (Beirut: Dar al-Maktabah al-'Emiyyah, 1988), 1: 13.
36 Rosenthal, Historiography, 135; 'AH, Mawdrid, 1: 173, 183 and 187;
Zahill, Imam al-Tabari, 230; and 'Asi, Tabari wa-Kitdbuhu, 111.
37 The need for revival of present periodization of history was originally and
consistently stressed by al-Attas. In addition, Blankinship in his works also
has addressed the idea of periodization of history. See at-Attas, Islam and
Secularism, (Kuala Lumpur: ABIM, 1978), 95-99; Wan Mohd. Nor Wan
Daud, The Educational Philosophy and Practice of Syed Muhammad
Naquib al-Attas: An Exposition of the Original Concept of Islamization,
(Kuala Lumpur: International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization
(ISTAC), 1998), 18; Khalid Yahya Blankinship, 'The Need for an Islamic
Theory and Methodology of History," Journal of Objective Studies, 1
(1989), 58-64, and idem, "Islam and World History: Towards a New
Periodization," The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, 8 (1991),
423-452.
M HamiduUah, Islamic History, 230-231.
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AFKAR-BIL 4/2003 [183-202]
The work of Tabari was written in an academic manner with
out any confusing supernatural and physical causes in history.
However, in several places he generally assumed that God pun
ished dynasties or kings whom were sinful. In his introduction,
Tabari describes the purpose of creation vis-d-vis the misery of
those who do not manage to grasp and fulfil the purpose of
creation - the reason for living. Those who submit to God and fol
low the right path will truly enjoy both the worldly life and the
hereafter.39
On the subject of interpretation of historical events, many his
torians had criticised Tabari. However, he was of an opinion that it
is not possible to deduce past historical events neither through rea
son, logic, nor analogy,40 probably due to the inaccuracy and pos
sible subjectivity in presenting historical events. He was not
against interpretation of history as far as it complied with the his
torical methodology and the techniques of presenting history.
His annaUstic-chain historical methodology also leaves room
for criticism concerning the endless different narrations, which
sometimes disrupt the reader's attention from the real issue dis
cussed. Nevertheless, it has positive aspects too; for example, the
readers can reflect upon several different narrations and deduces
certain conclusions themselves.41 Concerning his sources, Tabari
had left great confusion for the readers to determine the exact
source of the event. Sometimes he referred to a book, an oral nar
ration, or a general narration from several narrators without includ
ing their names.42
39 See al-Tabari, Tarlkh, 1: 12-13.
40 Ibid.
41 'Ali, Mawdrid, 1: 167; Zahili, Imam al-Tabari, 232, al-Mudamgha, Ibn
Khaldun, 80.
42 Rosenthal, Historiography, 135; 'Asi, Tabari wa Kitdbuhu, 109; and Zahili,
Imam al-Tabari, 242-243.
194
AL-TABARI: THE CONCEPTION OF fflSTORY
Although he has limited himself in the introduction to present
ing the history of kings and prophets,43 the work suffers a great
gap because of omissions of religious, political, cultural and socio-
economic aspects of history. His treatment of pre-Islamic history,
albeit an introduction, is very brief. However, most probably due
to lack of sources and problems in narrating pre-Islamic history, he
was somehow prevented from covering it more profoundly.44
Philosophy of History of Tabari
Although Tabari had not directly expressed his philosophy of his
tory, he managed to imply the annalistic-chain self-explanatory and
deductive interpretation of history. His philosophy of history was
closely related to the historical methodology, and he considered
precise historical methodology as a pre-requisite for self-explana
tory and deductive interpretation of history.
In order to expose Tabari's philosophy of history one has to
start with an exact historical methodology as a pre-requisite for
self-explanatory and deductive interpretation of history. According
to Tabari, one of the major principles of historical methodology
was the concept of chain transmission. He was aware with of the
difficulties of tracing back the chain transmission when dealing
with ancient history; nevertheless, the concept of chain transmis
sion still play an important role to his understanding in presenting
and interpreting historical phenomena. The chain transmission rep
resented, according to the application in his work, the means of
arriving at the highest probability of accuracy. In fact, accuracy in
presenting the historical event for Tabari was as it was45by not
Al-Tabari, Tdrlkh, 1: 12-13.
44 Dahmus, Medieval Historians, 90-91; 'Alt, Mawarid, 1: 169-170, and
Zahill, Imam al-Jabari, 239-240.
45 See for instance the same idea of disciple of Hegel, which was re-intro
duced in the 19th century by Leopord von Ranke one of the leading Ger
man historians in, Stuart Hughes, History as Art and Science, (Chicago &
London: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1975), 7; William Dray, Philosophy of
History: A Study in the Philosophical Foundation of the Science of Culture,
195
AFKAR-BE,4/2003 [183-202]
utilizing rational, philosophical, analogical or other means for its
determination.
In line with the concept of chain transmission, it is interesting
to point out me relationship between the word ta'rikh and annalis-
tic-chain presentation, and the interpretation of historical event.
Although Rosenthal denies any correlation involving the word
ta 'rlkh, annalistic-chain presentation,46 and interpretation of his
tory, the conception of Islamic historiography, principally as seen
in the case of Tabari, was identical with the word ta'rikh.47The
definitions of ta'rikh - not etymological meaning of the term -
from the early Muslim historians48 necessarily confirm the identical
relations between ta'rikh and the annalistic-chain presentation
alongside the interpretation of historical events. Tabari, for in
stance, had illustrated it in the following words:
For no knowledge of the history of men of the past and of
recent men and events is attainable by those who were not
able to observe them and did not live in their time, except
through information and transmission provided by infor
mants and transmitters. This knowledge can not be
brought out by reason or produced by internal thought pro
cess...49
The above statement, as well as definitions given by the ma
jority of Muslim historians, had deliberately demonstrated the main
aim of historiography as a precise codification and chain transmis
sion of knowledge. Therefore, knowledge is possible if it has been
precisely transmitted and, as such, history, in its broad sense, is
part of the theory of knowledge because only through a precisely
chain-transmitted history it will appear possible to reach the differ-
2d ed., (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1993), 34, and Robert Canary & Henry
Kozicki, eds., The Writing of History: Literary Form and Historical Under
standing, (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1978), 3-4.
46 Rosenthal, Historiography, 72.
47 SeeQureshi, "Historiography," 1212.
48 See Rosenthal, Historiography, 15-16.
49 Al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, 1: 170-171.
196
AL TABARI: THE CONCEPTION OF HISTORY
ent levels of knowledge.50 Some of these reasons influenced al-
Attas, who holds among (he channels of knowing is true report (al-
khabar al-sddiq),51 to declare history as/arrf al- 'ayn at the First
World Conference on Islamic Education held in Mecca in 1977.52
No doubt, Islam is against the corruption of knowledge, and its
very fundamentals and principles promote accuracy shown in the
Qur'an, tradition, jurisprudence, (heology, and the social and natu
ral sciences. As-Siddiqi declared, "the Qur'an and the Prophet of
Islam replaced the old traditional method of the pursuit of knowl
edge by the new method of the study of facts."53 Therefore, the
precise methodological preservation of Islamic thought brings har
mony and the possibility to trace back its preserved roots in order
to establish an Islamic worldview. It is significant to point out the
concept of shajarah as originally exposed by one of the contempo
rary Muslim thinkers, al-Attas, who holds that history is like a tree
having roots, which consequently leads back to the truth.54
Through the meticulous preservation of the Islamic heritage by
means of original and clear methodology, including historical
methodology, Islam has not undergone change like many other
ideologies.55
Another principle of Tabari closely related to both historical
methodology and interpretation of history was the presentation and
interpretation of history as it was. While some historians spent
considerable amount of time to establish the correct meaning of an
event,56 Tabari was more concerned about how the event was nar-
50
Syed Muhammad Naquib al-Attas, The Religion of Islam, Lecture deliv
ered at ISTAC, Saturday Night Seminar, 5 May 2001, Kuala Lumpur.
51 Wan Mohd Nor Wan Daud, The Educational Philosophy, 115 and 117.
52 Ibid., 255.
Zubeir Siddiqi, "Islamic Studies: Their Significance and Importance" in
Islamic Culture, 23 (1961), 217.
54 Wan Mohd Nor Wan Daud, The Educational Philosophy, 288.
55 Ibid., 79.
56 See Canary, The Writing of History, 7.
197
AFKAR - BIL 4/2003 [183-202]
rated without discussing much of its content. The question is, is it
necessary for a historian to discuss an-already-narrated-events and
give his own value judgement? Tabari's annalistic-chain self-ex
planatory and deductive interpretation of history can answer essen
tial questions such as What? Where? When? Who?57 Therefore,
Tabari's historical methodology was based on an annalistic-chain
presentation of history, which in turn was a prerequisite for self-
explanatory and deductive interpretation of history.
Tabari's annalistic-chain self-explanatory and deductive in
terpretation of history has brought the field of historiography closer
to the field of science. He insisted on collecting the facts by apply
ing source criticism. Then, the factually narrated events become
either self-explanatory or are subjected to deduction of the histori
cal truth either by the author or by the reader. Yet, the priority in
determining the historical truth is based on the chain transmission
of the historical event rather than on the event itself because it is
hardly possible, as Tabari said, to deduce past historical events by
reason.
Tabari defined history as a science not as an art as some
modem historians proclaimed.58 Probably he categorized history as
a science because of his accurate historical methodology, which
consisted of chain criticism that "put it more or less on scientific
basis."59 This approach was re-confirmed in the words of Iqbal
who said, "accuracy in recording facts, which constitute the mate
rial of history, is an indispensable condition of history as a
science."60
Tabari's historical methodology, furthermore, had prevented a
57 Allan Lichtman & Valerie French, Historians and the Living Past, (Illinois:
Harlan Davidson, 1986), 20.
58 See March Benjamin Leopord Bloch, The Historian's Craft, (Manchester:
University Press, 1992), 22-23.
M Siddiqi, Islamic Studies, 219.
60 Muhammad Iqbal, Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam, (Lahore:
Javid Iqbal, 1965), 140.
198
AL-TABARI: THE CONCEPTION OF HISTORY
historical speculation, and it is most likely that he would be against
Carl Becker who says, "every man was his own historian."61 Al-
Attas called this type of thinking Sophism, which resulted in great
cynicism, relativism, and moral uncertainty.62 Such historical rela
tivism may leave room for use and abuse of history.
Tabari interrelated both historical methodology reflected in the
annalistic chain presentation of events, and self-explanatory and
deductive interpretation of history. This unique historical approach
provided a greater possibility of genuine presentation and interpre
tation of history. If the chain transmission of an event is reliable,
then, it necessarily follows that the event itself is correct, self-ex
planatory or deductive. However, rational analysis was omitted by
Tabari most probably due to the possible distortion of (he chain
transmission and incorrect interpretation of events. In this regard,
Tabari was correct in view of the fact that it is necessary to make
a clear distinction between accurately narrated events and the
historian's commentary or value judgement. In the case of value
judgement on the historical event, one could ask, "how are we to
assess whether one historian's judgement is better than that of an
other?"63
Taking into account Tabari's presentation and interpretation of
history it is interesting to point out the argument that positivists of
the nineteenth century were the first to introduce source criticism
variously named as historical-critical, philological-critical, and sci
entific methods in determining historical truth.64 In addition, it has
61 Hughes, History, 14.
61 See Wan Daud, The Educational Philosophy, 84-88; Syed Muhammad
Naquib al-Attas, Prolegomena to the Metaphysics of Islam: An Exposition
of the Fundamental Elements of the Worldview of Islam, (Kuala Lumpur:
ISTAC, 1995), 81-89, idem, The Correct Date of the Terengganu Inscrip
tion, 2nd ed. (Kuala Lumpur: Museum Department, 1984), 7, and idem.,
Islam and Secularism, 22-23.
63 Hughes, History, 13.
64 See Harry Ritter, Dictionary of Concepts in History, (New York: Green
wood Press, 1986), 268.
199
AFKAR-BE. 4/2003 [183-202]
been said that they were the first whose tasks was "creating a sci
ence of historical study."65 However, Tabati had originally, con
cisely, and practically stressed upon all these aspects in his work
and yet his contribution has not been acknowledged.
In spite of the reasonable significance of the annalistic-chain
self-explanatory and deductive interpretation of history, Tabari has
been accused of being a "static historian" and "transmitter"66 par
ticularly due to his rejection of the rational interpretation of histori
cal events. Those who categorize Tabari as a static historian and
transmitter are correct to some extent. However, they have to take
into consideration his annalistic-chain self-explanatory and deduc
tive interpretation of history. In this context, Dray is unequivocally
correct to declare that, "it has been held that narratives can them
selves be explanatory in a special way; or that narrative is per se a
form of explanation, if not indeed self-explanatory."67
The annalistic-chain self-explanatory and deductive interpreta
tion of history does not present to the reader the philosophical side
of history i.e., its aim, its purpose, its meaning, internal criticism,
and historical causes. Nevertheless, it is left to the reader to deduce
it himself. In simple terms Tabari was not Ibn Khaldun (d. 808/
1405) who declared that history "involves speculation and an at
tempt to get at the truth, subtle explanation of the causes and the
origins of existing things, and the deep knowledge of how and why
of events."68 In this matter Tabari had also greatly differed from
65 Hughes, History, 14; Georg Iggers, Historiography in the Twentieth Cen
tury from Scientific Objectivity to the Postmodern Challenge, (Hanover &
London: Wesleyan University Press, 1997), 51, and Canary, The Writing of
History, 7.
66 See al-Mudamgha, "Ibn Khaldun," 65-89, and Khalidi, Arabic Historical
Thought, 73-81.
ST William Dray, On History and Philosophers of History, (Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1989), 111.
68 Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, trans. Franz
Rosenthal, 3 vols., Bollingen Series, XLJH, (New York: Princeton Univer
sity Press, 1958), 6.
200
AL-TABARI: THE CONCEPTION OF HISTORY
Collingwood who holds that "the object to be discovered is not the
mere event, but the thought expressed in it. To discover that
thought is already to understand it."69 Therefore, to some extent
Tabari neglected the internal meaning of history, clarification, ex
planation, and the cohesion of historical events, as he supremely
considered it as a separate field of study. He would most probably
be in agreement with Ranke that further explanation is the subject
of the social sciences while the historian has to provide the raw
material for them.70
Tabari's priority of transmitted information over reasonable
information is another disputable approach particularly if one deals
with legends, anecdotes, and metaphysical issues. There is no
doubt that under these circumstances the historian has to apply in
tellect, in a classical sense, as well as chain transmission to deter
mine the validity of historical truth.
Then, as al-Attas argues, it does not mean that all historical
facts would necessarily promote a meaningful understanding of
history. Thus, again it implies that facts may not be self-explana
tory and deductive, hi this context, it is noteworthy to stress the
tawhidic historical method propagated by al-Attas, which could be
further utilized to determine the philosophy of Islamic history prac
tically proved in his historical studies.71
Conclusion
Tabari's chronological methodology for pre-Islamic history
resembled that of his predecessors but his annalistic-chain histori
cal methodology was his original contribution to the field of histo
riography. The main features of his annalistic-chain historical
R. G. Collingwood, The Idea of History, (Oxford: The Clarendon Press,
1946), 214.
Dray, Philosophy of History, 9.
See al-Attas, Terengganu Inscription, 1-24, and Wan Mohd Nor Wan
Daud, The Educational Philosophy, 268-269, 271, 275-276 and 385.
201
AFKAR -BH,4/2003 [183-202]
methodology involved historical criticism, observance of the chain
and application of annalistic form. The historical methodology of
Tabari was relevant and it is close to the field of science since it is
sound and does not leave room for speculations and historical
relativism.
Tabari, as a philosopher of history, implied annalistic-chain
self-explanatory and deductive interpretation of history which is
based on scientific foundations. The precise historical methodology
was a pre-requisite of self-explanatory and deductive interpretation
of history. Then, his historical approach clearly draws a line be
tween historical events, which can be self-explanatory or deduc
tive, and rational speculations.
202
