SEARCHING FOR PARADISE IN THE RAIN

OREGON'S COMMUNES AND INTENTIONAL COMMUNITIES

OF THE 1960S AND 1970S

by

BRIAN VANNEMAN

A THESIS

Presented to the Department of History

and the Honors College of the University of Oregon
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
Bachelor of arts

August 1997
 11

An Abstract of the Thesis of

Brian Robert Vanneman for the degree of Bachelor of Arts

in the Department of History to be taken August 1997

Title: SEARCHING FOR PARADISE IN THE RAIN

OREGON'S COMMUNES AND INTENTIONAL COMMUNITIES

OF THE 1960S AND 1970S

Approved:
Professor Richard M. Brown

In the late 1960s, the United States' expanding counterculture gave

rise to thousands of communes, or intentional communities, which
sprouted up across the nation. Many of these communities chose
Oregon to be their new home because of the state's progressive politics
and social climate, fertile farmland, and proximity to California, at the
time a hotbed of political activism. Magic Farm and Alpha Farm, two
Oregon communities described in detail in the thesis, exemplify some of
the many approaches to the institutional, economic, and social
challenges posed by communal living. Ultimately, the tale of these two
settlements explains in part the reasons that some intentional
communities continue to prosper even today, while others collapsed in
the middle 1970s. Regardless of their final fate, Magic Farm and Alpha
Farm, as well as their many companion communities, are part of
Oregon's very rich recent history filled with those who have searched for
paradise in the rain.
 111

ACKNOWlEDGMENTS

This thesis is more than just a study of valiant group efforts,

for it was itself a very communal achievement. The following pages
are, after all, not only the product of my work but also of the advice,
guidance, and efforts of many others.
lowe thanks first to my academic advisors at the University of
Oregon. Richard Brown of the history department provided me with
the knowledge gained from a lifetime's worth of study of Pacific
Northwestern history. Marion Goldman, a sociologist at the
University and an authority on cults and communal settlements,
helped me to focus my study on the communities of the 1960s and
'70s. Frances Cogan and Kathryn Campbell have both assisted with
reVISIOns, additions, and questions that made me go back to work
with new perspectives. Bernard McTigue and John Hawke of the
University's Oregon Collection helped me to uncover obscure but
essential documents from the state's communal past.
Many residents of Oregon's intentional communities were
invaluable to my work, and I appreciate their candid comments and
patience enormously. It was not always easy for them to welcome
an unknown and awfully curious researcher into their homes.
However, Caroline Estes and her companions at Alpha Farm were all
particularly generous with their time and ideas. Connie Brown of
Cerro Gordo, the Breitenbush community, Janice Marshall, Benjamin
and Elaine Zablocki, the Lost Valley community, and the Aprovecho
F

IV

staff all made valuable contributions to this thesis. Thanks also to

Mom, Dad and Megan in San Francisco, Joy Jacobs, and my other
supportive friends. Without a communal effort from all these people,
my thesis could never have happened.
 v

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page

1. BACK TO THE LAND 1

The United States' Communal Movement
in the 1960s and 1970s
II. OREGON BOUND 9
Communes Migrate to the Pacific Northwest
III. FROM BREITENBUSH TO YELLOW SUBMARINE 15
An Overview of Oregon's Intentional
Communities
IV. MAGIC FARM 27
A Country Commune
V. ALPHA FARM 39
An Intentional Community
and Extended Family
VI. IN RETROSPECT 52
Oregon's Intentional Communities
in Historical Perspective

Appendix

A. Map of Oregon 57
B. An Inventory of Oregon's Utopian Communities, 58
Intentional Communities and Communes

Bibliography 61
I
Back to the Land
The United States' Communal Movement
in the 1960s and 1970s

"The Commune Comes to America," announced Life magazine's

July 1969 cover. Inside, bold full-color photos heralded its arrival.
They showed one man meditating in his teepee as night fell;
scraggly-haired, unkempt, but happy children frolicking in the
woods; and two men wearing the bright colors and loose clothes of
the counterculture enjoying a lunch of rice, vegetables, and fruit.
The names of the commune's members--Twig, Ama, Evening Star--
were unfamiliar and un-American, as was their language: "The
energy we perceIve within ourselves is beyond electric; it is atomic;
it is bliss." 1
The commune upon which the story was based wanted to avoid
publicity as much as possible, so Life referred to it simply as "the
Family," and with a vagueness that kept readers guessing, said it was
located "somewhere in the woods." But this particular group of new-
age pioneers actually called themselves The Family of Mystic Arts,
and made their home amongst the tall firs and broad leafed oaks of
western Oregon.
The Family of Mystic Arts was not alone. Just a short drive up
the interstate at the southern end of Oregon's Willame~te Valley,
several dozen rural communes had been founded and were
nourishing. The state's southern counties had become a refuge for

IJohn Stickney, "The Commune Comes to America," Life, 18 July 1969, p. 16.
 2

communes abandoning the overcrowded Golden State. In fact,

Oregon's entire western half, from Portland to California, from the
Pacific to the Cascades, was peppered with communes. By beginning
with the roots of the communal movement and then focusing on
individual organizations, this thesis will explain the arrival of
intentional communities in Oregon, their unique dispositions, and
their interaction with the region.
Before Oregon's influx of communes can be understood, one
must draw back and take in the national movement from which it
came. Across the United States as in the Pacific Northwest,
thousands of young people from affluent backgrounds were dropping
out of mainstream society and creating new lifestyles based on the
principles of cooperation, not competition. Alternately called
communes, intentional communities, utopian communities,
cooperatives, or families, the settlements were as diverse and
widespread as the terms used to describe them. In 1970, the New
York Times estimated that two thousand communes had burst into
existence within the previous two years, while others following the
movement claimed there were as many as ten thousand. Everyone,
however, agreed that the country had never seen the likes of the
communal movement before, for "by 1970 there were at least twice
as many rural communes III America as there had been throughout
all previous history.,,2
The communal movement was undoubtedly the result of the
infamous social turmoil of the 1960s. More specifically, communes

2Hugh Gardner, The Children of Prosperity: Thirteen Modern American

Communes (New York: Saint Martin's Press, 1978) p. 3.
 3

stood at the confluence of several of the decade's social

developments: activism on college campuses, the drug culture, and a
rediscovery of non-Western philosophies. College activism had its
beginnings in the Civil Rights demonstrations of the early '60s. For
the first time, television showed college students and other
concerned citizens the brutal realities of racial inequality. Images of
Southern police beating peaceful black protesters propelled
thousands into collective political action. Students continued to
combat injustice through the middle 1960s, but it was the Vietnam
War that widened the scope of activism from a small but radical
group to include a significant percent of America's university
students. War protesters felt America's involvement in South-East
Asia was an immoral intrusion into the affairs of a sovereign country,
the unjustified cause of tens of thousands of American deaths, and a
severe overreaction to the fading menace of communism. Vietnam
came to symbolize many of the forces that campus activists were
fighting against: the inhumanity of war and the need for peace, the
monolithic and close-minded federal government, and eventually the
distrust of those in authority and all things American. 3
As demonstrations and disappointment mounted, marIJuana,
LSD, and a host of other psychedelic drugs blended with the world of
political dissent. To psychedelic drug users, the "straight" world,
with all its rules and discipline, began to seem anachronous and
phony. "In effect," wrote one sociologist, "the drug experience stirs
within the user a euphoric vision of a new humanity that is the very

3 Ibid., p. 5.
t'""

antithesis of the Protestant Ethic psychology.,,4 Moreover, a spirit of

camaraderie formed within the drug culture. Those who had used
drugs felt mutually connected on a level that straight culture could
never understand. In addition to the development of campus
activism and the drug culture, many Americans became aware of
ideas beyond the realm of traditional Western thought.
Environmentalism and Eastern religions contributed to a new
awareness, in which the acquisition of wealth was secondary to the
earth's well-being and inner peace. Not all who participated III anti-
war protests were also Eastern religion devotees, but the connection
between all the movements was strong enough that a permanent
core became dissatisfied with their country. Through a combination
of social activism, psychedelic drugs, and alternative thought, the
counterculture was created and distanced from mainstream America.
Together these movements resulted in the alienation of
thousands of young, white, middle-class citizens from the American
culture they had been brought up in. Members of the counterculture
distrusted not only the federal government, but the consumerism
and capitalism upon which American society was based.
Consumerism was seen as greedy and wasteful, while capitalism
necessarily led to competition and exploitation. Although the college
products of the 1960s had been prepared for professional careers,
none wanted be absorbed into the "system" and repeat the twisted
errors of the past. In addition, the country's generation of college
students had built a strong sense of community. They had fought for
peace in Vietnam together; enjoyed. each others' company, rallied,

4 Ibid., p. 6.
 5

and experimented with drugs as the movement progressed. And as

the 1960s drew to an end, many involved in the decade's social
movements felt the need to make a fresh start--to live without the
corrupting influences of American society.
One answer was to drop out, join friends, and begin a
commune. Members of the counterculture decided that living
together among those who shared vital political, social, and
environmental ideals was far more fulfilling and a far more potent
agent for real change than years of protests had been. Communes,
believed those who initiated them, were the first step in applying
these values to real life. As one member of the movement reflected
that given, "both our despair over the social injustices endemic to our
political and economic systems, and our optimism about our own
ability to come together and create better environments in which to
live, it now seems inevitable that so many of us would try to form
communes in the late sixties and early seventies."s
Although settlements founded by members of the
counterculture comprised the bulk of the 1960s and '70s communal
movement, many different groups of people--even middle-class
Americans and devout Christians--were inspired to abandon society
and create independent communities. Despite their differences, all
shared a common rejection of conventional society, and a belief that
only by creating an entirely new tradition could they find fulfillment.
In addition, once they had banded together, all the communities
practiced some degree of communal sharing, from pooling and then

5David [sic.], "The Commune Movement in the Middle Seventies,"

Communities, September/October 1975, p. 22.
 6

redistributing every penny, to simply asking for small contributions

to pay for daily meals together. Finally, each group's members
shared mutual goals; they united III order to create a "lifestyle that
reflects their shared core values. ,,6
When in the late 1960s these communities vaulted from a
sociological aberration to a national phenomenon, members of the
news media as well as those within the movement realized the event
was something new, but didn't know how to define it. All searched
for appropriate words with which to describe the America's evolving
new set of social experiments. "Commune," of course, was one early
term and almost always used to describe communities established by
the counterculture, who for the most part accepted it. Some groups
sought to replace the general public's negative stereotypes for the
counterculture with positive connections to brotherhood and
communalism, and in the early '70s coined the phrase "intentional
community." "Communal settlement" was a somewhat academic and
inoffensive term accepted by all. Before these expreSSIOns even
existed, "utopian communities" of the 19th and early 20th century
had struggled to create the perfect society on earth.
The term intentional community is used most often III this
thesis, though the other phrases are included too. All were
considered carefully, but complete precision is impossible, as
definitions overlap and even those living in communal settlements
are sometimes unsure of what to call themselves. One long-time
communal organizer acknowledged that there are significant

6Geoph Kozeny, "Intentional Communities: Lifestyles Based on Ideals."

Communities Directory: A Guide to Cooperative Living (Langley, Washington:
Fellowship for Intentional Community, 1995) p. 18.
 7

"challenges of drawing a distinct boundary around a concept so

inclusive as intentional community. ,,7
From farmhouses and teepees across the country,
counterculture communalists reflected upon their move back to the
land and most often saw it as radical, spontaneous, and
unprecedented, at least in American history. They caught glimpses
of themselves in the Pilgrims' flight from political oppression and
subsequent success; they casually acknowledged the achievements of
suffragists and progressives; but most of their inspiration came from
still-unraveling social developments of the time or ancient Eastern
philosophy. The country's 1960s communal movement did not
actively draw upon American social movements that had come
before it.
However, some historians feel that even this national explosion
of communal settlements was an extension of fundamentally
American attitudes; that the communes of the counterculture owed
far more to their country's past than they assumed. Author Frances
FitzGerald linked the communal drive of the late twentieth century
with the excitement surrounding utopian communities in the early
nineteenth century. The members of communal settlements, both
recent and long-gone, shared the urge to reinvent themselves and
their society and the astonishing conviction that they could do so.
Both nineteenth century utopian communities such as Oneida, in the
state of New York, and 1960s communes rebelled against the
conservative, fixed status quo. Members of the former rejected the

7Dan Questenberry, "Who We Are: An E-xploration of What 'Intentional

Community' Means," Communities Directory: A Guide to Cooperative Living
(Langley, Washington: Fellowship for Intentional Community, 1995) p. 33.
 8

rigidity of strict Victorian society, while members of the

counterculture reacted to the inflexible bureaucrats of Washington
and "square" society. Both groups knew they could drop out, and
start over. This conviction, FitzGerald finds, is uniquely American:

From a European perspective this was an absurd enterprise. Man could

change the political system by reform or revolutions; he could change
the social system by reform or revolution; he could change the social
system by changing means of production. But he--or she--could not
erase history or pull himself up by his own bootstraps. Yet Americans
characteristically continued to try. 8

The communal movement of the late 1960s and 70s can be seen as a
sudden, sweeping social innovation, or a development rooted In a
time forgotten by those who took part in it. No matter the
interpretation, it is undeniable that the communes of the late
twentieth century were a radical departure from the society that
surrounded them.

8 Frances FitzGerald, Cities on a Hill (Simon and Schuster: New York, 1981) p.
23.
 9

II
Oregon Bound!
Communes Migrate to the Pacific Northwest

The initial area of our choice was... a beautiful area characterized by its
moderate weather and good growing season; good multi-crop agricultural
land; West Coast location but away from earthquake prone zones; excellent
educational facilities; progressive government and relatively comfortable
political climate ("flexible within a structure"); and a social climate that
seemed to be as tolerant of new ideas as any area of the United States. After
much discussion we agreed that Oregon, especially the Eugene area, was the
most propitious in the country.!

This was the conclusion that the founding members of Alpha

Farm, a fledgling intentional community, came to in 1971. By the
following year, the group's six members had left their former home
of Philadelphia and settled in to a 280 acre farm in Deadwood,
Oregon.
As the Alpha Farm's statement suggests, Oregon was selected
as a new home for a number of reasons. In addition to the state's
open-minded and environmentally-oriented populace and
government, and fertile agricultural areas, Oregon offered new
communities sparsely populated and inexpensive land. Also
significant to Oregon's development as a communal center was its
proximity to that beehive of activism, California.
The University of California at Berkeley, along with many other
areas of the golden state, were abuzz in the 1960s, and the
demonstrators and ideas they generated had a great impact on the
communal movement in Oregon. In San Francisco, only miles from
the Berkeley campus, hippies were "forming a tightly knit community

1 Alpha Farm Community, "Alpha: A Prospectus," p. 4.

 10

incorporating altruistic sharing and a rejection of straight society.

When members of the counterculture first decided to break free and
go "back to the land", many roamed north to California's Sonoma
County. But by 1967, the area's mainstream residents joined with
police to bulldoze two large open-land communes, Wheeler's Ranch
and Morningstar.
By 1968, Californians who sought communal lifestyles knew
they would have to search beyond the borders of their increasingly
disapproving state. So the movement split: some headed to New
Mexico, while others chose Oregon. The intentional communities of
Magic Farm, Talsalsen, Shiloh Youth Revival Centers, and even the
Family of Mystic Arts were all founded by Californians, and many
other Oregon communes housed refugees from the Golden State.
In 1974, a New Yorker correspondent wrote that Oregonians,
"have laws so progressive that, by comparison, many other states
look doddering. ,,2 Indeed, as communalists and mainstream
Americans alike could see, Oregon's government, especially in the
1960s and '70s, had taken bold and imaginative approaches to Issues
such as the environment, honest politics, and the Vietnam War. Tom
McCall, Oregon's governor from 1967-75, declared that, "thou shalt
not pollute," was the state's eleventh commandment, and backed it
up with more than one hundred bills that protected air and water
quality. Oregon's bottle bill halved litter in the state, and its new
"greenway" of park lands lined the Willamette River from Eugene to
Portland. The governor praised and preserved Oregon's unique

2Carlos Schwantes, The Pacific Northwest: An Interpretive History.

(Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1996) p. 407.
 11

"livability": its commitment to the environment, high standard of

living, and evenly distributed population. In an effort to make
government more personal, he opened his office to citizens for a half
hour each day.
Joining McCall m the fight to create a more livable state were
Senators Wayne Morse and Mark Hatfield, both adamantly opposed
to America's entanglement in Vietnam. One historian wrote: "Wayne
Morse didn't come early to the peace movement--there was a time
when he was the peace movement. ,,3 Political action such as this
thrilled communalists who were looking for a way out of America's
military-industrial complex. In fact, even though mainstream
politicians had developed Oregon's new system, members of the
counterculture saw their own ideals mirrored in it. 4
But despite Oregon's progressive politics, the state did not
always welcome communalists with open arms. Although Governor
McCall was sympathetic to anti-war activists and environmentalists,
he did not feel the same connection to commune members, and
threatened to raise state taxes in order to pay for the welfare
increase they had caused. The proposal, while entirely reasonable,
increased the hostility that native Oregonians showed towards their
new hippie neighbors. Another sentiment that endangered the
reception of intentional communities was Oregonians' attachment to
their space and environment. Oregon's residents feared that
immigrants, especially Californians, could crowd the state and rum
their way of life. "Don't Californicate Oregon" became a popular

3Ibid., p. 469.
4Ibid., from "Profile: Tom McCall of Oregon" and "The Politics of Anxiety
and Affluence."
 12

bumper sticker that protested the population invasion from the

south, and communalists often could not avoid identification as
unwanted newcomers.
No matter how chilly a reception they received from locals,
communes continued to materialize in Oregon. Still another reason
was that the state had retained the same qualities most early
American pIOneers had looked for: inexpensive land and unsettled
territory. Communities arriving in Lane County in the early 1970s
could expect land to be priced "as low as $250 an acre," including any
pre-existing buildings on the site--and that rate was offered in one
of the states' more settled areas. 5 The CRO farm, several miles from
Eugene, paid approximately the same rate for sixty-five acres of
farmland and the farmhouse, barn, and chickenhouse. Oregon's land
was inexpensive due to its modest population and the low demand
for real estate. Most of the state's citizens were concentrated in the
cities, from Portland to Eugene, of the Willamette Valley, leaving the
rest of the state open to newcomers. While Californian and Eastern
communalists found it was quite difficult to retreat beyond sight of
their nearest neighbor, Oregon offered enormous areas of sparsely
populated back country.
Oregon's excellent farmland also drew intentional community
builders. The Willamette Valley's rich topsoil has a well-deserved
reputation as an excellent farming region. But it was Oregon's
plentiful hilly areas which were especially well-suited to intentional
communities, who did not need top quality land to grow crops for

5Doug Bates, "Lane County's rural areas nurture communal lifestyle," Th e

Register Guard, 29 August 1971, p. lB.
-
13

sale. Most communities simply hoped to grow enough vegetables to

keep their plates full, and Oregon's considerable winter rainfall and
sunny summer provided for that. Again, communities which settled
in other areas of the country, from California, to New Mexico, to
Minnesota, were at a disadvantage; while they were forced to invest
major amounts of energy just to make sure their small plots
produced for their basic needs, Oregon's communes relaxed with the
knowledge that a seed planted would bear fruit.
Other intentional communities had their own individual
reasons for coming to Oregon; Alpha Farm, that had called Eugene
"the most propitious in the country," included proximity to a
university as a major factor. At the same time, other factors
discussed above may have had no bearing on certain communes'
decision to settle in Oregon. Some intentional communities originated
from within the state, others were so disorganized that they could
hardly pause to evaluate Oregon's political climate, and still others
occupied houses in urban areas where agricultural potential was
irrelevant.
Yet Oregon certainly attracted intentional communities. As
early as 1968, Communities magazine, published by and for
members of intentional communities, turned up eight communal
settlements in the Emerald State, and only four in the more populous
Washington. 6 Moreover, those who compiled the magazine's national
listings openly stated that there were at least as many unknown
communities haunting the country's backwoods, as groups that had

6Communities Publications Cooperative, Communities, December 1968, page

31.
....-----~---------

14

announced their presence. The majority of intentional communities

settled in Oregon because they approved of its progressive politics
and realized the potential of the state's inexpensive yet fertile land,
and because many commune founders began their journeys in
neighboring California.
 15

III
From Breitenbush to Yellow Submarine
An Overview of Oregon's Intentional Communities

One writer's 1972 summertime voyage through Oregon and

Northern California's intentional communities turned up a collection
so diverse that the traveler could only express himself in a string of
superlatives and opposites. The communities, he wrote, varied from

village type, to single and coupled community, to extended family; from

complete community of property to private ownership; from open land,
to open membership, to closed-up tight; from atheist, to theologically
eclectic, to agnostically spiritual, to dogmatically religious--altogether
1
implying that there are many ways to seek an end.

Some intentional communities are astoundingly different--so much

so that they might balk at being described by the same term. The
groups that have called Oregon home since the late 1960s ranged
from a small farm of hippies in the Southern Coast Range, to a large,
modern communal development composed entirely of zealous
religious followers, to an "eco-village" of middle class
environmentalists seeking a supportive family-oriented
neighborhood.
But the groups are not categorized together without reason. All
shared some amount of dissatisfaction with America's conventional
culture--so much so that they had decided to withdraw and create
their own alternative. In addition, all the communities practiced

IBill of Neverland [sic.], "Commune Tripping" Communitarian

(March/April 1972) p.23
 16

some degree of communalism or sharing, from pooling all income to

just paying rent together. And most importantly all came together III

order to create a "lifestyle that reflects their shared core values. ,,2
Oregon's communal movement has been subdivided and
analyzed in various ways. Some judge that the movement is split
between communes that escaped from society into anarchy and those
that constructed new alternatives. Many within the movement feel
pigeonholing groups is artificial: "Intentional communities are like
people--you can categorize them based on certain distinguishing
characteristics, but no two are ever identical. ,,3 Others feel loose
descriptions are useful, and divide intentional communities into
categories and subcategories based on their size, amount of economIC
sharing, sexual norms, or social and ideological origins.
The last criterion seems to be the most accurate and most often
used, because of the distinct social and ideological traditions--from
Marxism to the psychedelic subculture--from which the generations
of the late twentieth century drew their inspiration. So, Oregon's
recent communities are best divided into five groups: rural
counterculture, urban counterculture, Christian radical, middle-class,
and Eastern mystic. Remember, however, that many middle-class
Oregonians followed Eastern mystic teachers, and rural hippie
communes often contained devoted Christians; communes, like
people, are not always easily defined.

2Geoph Kozeny, "Intentional Communities: Lifestyles Based on Ideals,"

Communities Directory: A Guide to Cooperative Living. (Langley, WA:
Fellowship for Intentional Community, 1995) pI8.
3Ibid. ,
 17

The rural communal phenomenon was old news to Lane

County's residents by the early 1970s--they had long since grown
used to the communalists' rainbow-splashed Volkswagen buses and
patched-up overalls. As Oregon residents might have guessed, rural
communes were by far the most numerous type; several dozen
groups ringed Eugene, and dozens more were located near Portland,
the Pacific Coast, and in the hills of Southern Oregon. 4 In 1971, a
"hip" real estate agent ventured that, "the number of Emerald Empire
communes is at an all time high, and the demand for communal land
continues to run strong. ,,5 Precise estimates are difficult, because so
many of the groups sought isolation and anonymity. Furthermore,
few at the time were concerned with counting the constantly
changing and often transitory communities.
These rural intentional communities were the ones most often
referred to as communes, and as the word suggests, they shared as
much as they could of the little they had. Most of the groups felt
that any member with money, tools, or resources should freely
contribute them to the group. Almost all the communities grew
vegetables in their organic gardens, but they invariably had to buy
at least half of their food from outside vendors. In reality, Oregon's
rural communal establishments were far from internal economic
self-sufficiency. A large part of the resources they needed came
from the their middle-class families or the government. However,
because the day-to-day workings of Magic Farm are described in the
following chapter, I will refrain from a complete portrait of rural

4Por a complete list of Oregon's Intentional communities, see Appendix 2.

5Doug Bates, "Lane County's rural areas continue to nuture communal
lifestyle," The Register-Guard (Eugene, Oregon) August 29, 1971.
 18

communes here. Magic Farm, despite its particular peculiarities, was

a typically laid-back rural commune of the 1970s, and one indicative
of the entire movement.
In contrast, the Crow Research Organization, or CRO, was a
fairly structured settlement. The living standard was relatively high,
and regular work, within the group or without, was expected.
Located in Veneta, the commune practiced "group marriage," in
which every member supposedly had equal emotional and sexual
access to every other. CRO's members were young and radical
politically, but unlike their counterculture companions, they were
highly academic, and had kept their middle-class jobs in the area.
Also unusual for the largely vegetarian rural communes of the time
was that in addition to farming, they raised several cows for meat.
Oregon's other, more typical, rural communes included
Breitenbush, Talsalsen, Great Pumpkin, and countless others.
Breitenbush is one of the state's longest lasting communities, and has
operated a hot springs retreat in Detroit since 1977. Talsalsen, on
the other hand, was a group-marriage founded in 1968 by a band of
communal idealists from Berkeley, California after they had known
each other for only three weeks. Unfortunately, the group collapsed
in almost as short a time as it had taken to begin. A rock band from
Portland founded the Great Pumpkin commune in Tillamook because
it needed a barn to play in, without worrying about waking up the
whole block. Like similar communal efforts, Great Pumpkin
gardened organically, and also refused to use electricity, except when
playing its guitars. Several all-women communities, including
Rootworks and Womanshare, began in the mid seventies, and focused
--- :p

19

on, "feminism, lesbianism, love of nature, recovery, and women's

spirituality. ,,6 Obviously, the differences between Oregon's various
communities were not simply cosmetic, yet the groups shared a
common belief that they could find a way of life better than the
corrupt American alternative.
At least one Oregon community happily bridged the gap
between rural and urban settings. The Rainbow Family, by 1971 a
well-established commune, owned a house in Eugene and a farm
several hours away near Drain. 7 The community found a unique way
to supplement its conventional sources of income. In addition to
their successful garden and outside employment, the Eugene house
sponsored teenage runaways and delinquents. The arrangement was
approved by the county, although many thought that a commune
was the last place a misguided child should be. However, the
commune's unofficial leader, Harold Williams, felt that the Rainbow
Family gave something to the kids that traditional foster care didn't:
"Kids living here learn the responsibilities they have for themselves
and others. They are given adult status. ,,8
The urban cousins of Oregon's rural communes also believed
they could create a more harmonious, less capitalistic lifestyle. To
many critics within the movement, however, the urban commune
was only the first step towards full rural communalism. After all,

6Fellowship for Intentional Community, Directory of Intentional

Communities (Evansville, Indiana: Fellowship for Intentional Community,
1993), p 212.
7The Rainbow Family commune referred to here should not be confused
with the counterculture's annual Rainbow Family Gathering, though the
two may be related.
8Bill Keller, "Children Mature in Rainbow Family." The Oregonian
(Portland, Oregon), November 28, 1971.
~-----------------------------------

20

complete escape from America's oppressive system was nearly

impossible while one was assaulted by it daily. Many rural hippies
questioned the ability of urban communalists to attack the system
while they shopped at corporate-owned supermarkets or held jobs.
Urban communities, such as Eugene's Yellow Submarine, were
forced by their more compact environment to employ different
methods to sustain and improve themselves. In many ways, urban
communes faced a greater task. More vagrants and drifters were
likely to pass through communities in Eugene, Portland, or other
cities, and constant visitors could create constant disturbances.
Another disadvantage urban communes dealt with was that their
meager back yard plots could not possibly produce the nourishing
vegetables that sprouted III rural farms. Finally, urban
communalists, no strangers to drug experimentation, were subject to
tougher law enforcement from city police than their rural comrades.
On the other hand, members of urban communes were frequently
more able to find work. Yellow Submarine's members found jobs at
a local food cooperative, Eugene's alternative to the grocery store,
and in this way were able to survive in the city without submitting
to the system. 9
During the late 1960s, while the counterculture rebelled
urgently against the country's decaying system, one segment of the
urban communal world embraced a fundamentally American
institution: Christianity. The resulting religion was called the Jesus
movement. To hippies and mainstream folk alike, the conversion of

9Kay Teeters, Communal Utopias of the Pacific Northwest (Eugene, Oregon:

University of Oregon Honors College Thesis) p41.
 21

many young communalists seemed an odd development. After all,

church represented everything the counterculture didn't: Western
tradition, structure, formality, and hierarchy. However, the Jesus
movement offered a new spiritual purpose that transcended the
emotional turmoil of the counterculture. The movement's leaders
gave hope and an energetic work ethic to young drifters disoriented
and depressed by drugs. But many members of the Jesus movement
retained their laid-back, anti-establishment stance and
counterculture appearance. Christianity and the counterculture
combined and flourished in Oregon, and across the country. 10
The Jesus movement's largest and longest-lasting intentional
community in Oregon was Shiloh Youth Revival Center. The
community began in Southern California, then moved to Dexter,
Oregon in 1969. There, they hoped to lead a Christian life of good
works that had become increasingly difficult in their former urban
home. Shiloh's structure was modeled around early Christianity's
nearly complete communal sharing and simple living standard. Due
to their spiritual inspiration and remarkable industriousness, the
community grew rapidly and soon owned a spacious farm which
served as a retreat and spiritual focal point; hundreds of acres of
orchards and farmland; offices, a worship center, and meeting hall III

Eugene; and even communal houses in other towns in Oregon. Shiloh

and the Jesus movement in general soon came under severe attack
for their fundamentalist dogma and practice of recruiting confused
adolescents from communes--which combined were labeled

lOJames T. Richardson, et aI., Organized Miracles, (New Bruswick, NJ:

Transaction Books, 1979) p. 5-20.
 22

"brainwashing" by the media and public. Despite the community's

early success, the group collapsed in the middle '70s after a
leadership dispute. 11
Shiloh may have been Oregon's most extreme Christian
intentional community, but many others accepted the faith to
different degrees. Living Springs was a small fundamentalist
community similar to Shiloh where a dedicated, religious farmer
guided a band of former hippies. The nearby Family of Mystic Arts
in Sunny Valley had taken on elements of Christianity but, while its
members debated the Bible with visitors at the commune, they still
looked for all the world like rural counterculture communalists:

Their dress (what there was of it), their manner, their hair all reflected
this new life style, yet they seemed as fanatically committed to Jesus as
any of their more conservative, straight-type brethren.... It was a mind-
blowing scene. Four uptight, tight-lipped, straightlaced, well-groomed,
conventionally dressed, knit-browned Oregon Okies talking with two
dusty clothed, freaky hatted, longhaired, land-loving, out-of-sight
12
Christian hippies.

Beyond the fringes of the counterculture, far from the shock

waves caused by the Jesus movement, many Americans lived III

middle-class stability and security. But even their lives were not
untouched by the social and political turmoil that shook the 1960s.
Across the country, middle-class citizens who dared not join Vietnam
protesters III youth rallies and marches agreed with many of the
principles of the student movement. They were troubled by the

llMarion Goldman, personal interview. Note: the surviving papers of

Shiloh--a large collection--are in the Oregon Collection department of the
Knight Library, but pending processing,. are not generally open for
research.
12Richard Fairfield, Communes U.S.A.: A Personal Tour (Baltimore, MD:
Penguin Books Inc., 1972) p.1OS.
 23

immoral war, racial inequality, and the government's apparent

indifference. But dissatisfaction, writes Ron E. Roberts in The New
Communes,

is not enough to motivate an individual to throwaway the security of

the bourgeois life-style, however. Middle-aged Americans watch
communal ventures with a jaundiced eye. They know a commune many
be nothing more than a pleasant interlude in the life of a post-high-
13
school nineteen-year-old.

Because they seriously doubted the long-term reliability of the

commune movement, white collar dissenters looked for other
possibilities. Some found that participating m cooperative
businesses, such as groceries, allowed them to withdraw from the
capitalist economic system. Through discussion and encounter
groups they could discuss new social and personal options. Some few
typical citizens felt the need to remove themselves from mainstream
America, join an intentional community, and lead a life more in tune
with their values.
The Cerro Gordo community, billed as an "eco-village" near
Cottage Grove, attracted the attention of many middle-class
individuals and families as its planning began in 1971. The goal of
the community, then as now, was, "to have a small pedestrian village,
a lodge and conference area, houses gathered into clusters, and small
businesses, all set in less than 200 acres, preservmg over 1000 acres
of forest, meadows and streams." 14 Cerro Gordo has actively fought
the term "commune" and its connotations. This establishment, its

l3Ron E. Roberts, The New Communes (I;:nglewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall,

Inc., 1971) p. 100.
14Cerro Gordo World Wide Web page. Though the page was posted recently,
the community's goals have remained constant since its inception.
 24
planners said, would be a well-structured, economically self-
supporting village for families, not to be confused with a subsistence-
level counterculture refuge. Farming, small internal businesses, and
outside work would all play a part in the vibrant community. The
group's members would share some costs, but not all income. Cerro
Gordo's founders were still planning the village in 1974, well after
the energetic apex of the communal movement, and planners could
see from the past what approaches would work for a new breed of
middle-class communalists.
Unfortunately, early visions of Cerro Gordo have never been
realized. At the settlement's peak, some 100 members lived on the
land or in nearby Cottage Grove; today, about 25 people live on the
site. Current and former members give several reasons for the
community's failure. Perhaps the most troubling are accusations of
financial mismanagement against the community's leaders. Others
blame the county bureaucracy, which halted construction for most of
the seventies. It also seems that the community was too concerned

with designing and imagining their new lifestyle, and not committed
enough to jump in and live it. The Cerro Gordo Town Forum
chronicles years of discussion, not action. Cerro Gordo's failure IS

discouraging because, unlike Oregon's hippie communes, this eco-

village provided a unique blueprint that might have convinced
mainstream America that ecologically sound, community style living
is possible. In this respect, its place in Oregon's communal past is
. 15
umque.

15Cerro Gordo's fortunes continue to decline: as I completed this thesis, the

state attorney filed suit against the community. See The Register-Guard,
6/27/97
 25

While Cerro Gordo attempted to transform their communal

dream into a reality in the middle 1970s, another intentional
community inspired by the religious teachings of a Indian mystic
burst into existence. This remarkably impressive planned urban
community, located near Antelope, was called Rajneeshpuram, and
powered by the teachings of the captivating and withdrawn Bhagwan
Shree Rajneesh, the community became home for several hundred
believers. This eastern mystic community was certainly one-of-a-
kind: Rajneesh's largely middle-class following of young urban
professionals was required to make large contributions to the
community, which were then invested in upscale condominiums, an
airport, and the leader's personal collection of Rolls-Royces. 16 In the
1980s, Oregon authorities learned that Rajneesh was not a United
States citizen and forced him to return to India. Rajneeshpuram
ended shortly after. 17
Eastern mysticism, however, was frequently incorporated into
rural communes without totally dominating their ideology. For
example, the sacred Hindu syllable "om" could be heard in communal
meditation ceremonies throughout Oregon. The I Ching often
occupied a hallowed spot on communal bookshelves next to near-
holy organic gardening guides. Mysticism had a profound effect on
many communes, because it rejected unbending rules in favor of
personal discoveries. Communalists who had chosen the graceful
contours of Oregon's hills over linear cities appreciated this
acceptance of mystery and unpredictability.

16Rajneeshpuram community. "Bhagwan, the way of the heart."

17Marion Goldman, personal interview.
 26
From eastern mysticism to fundamental Christianity, Oregon's
communal pioneers of the late twentieth century were
experimenting--and no two communes combined the new array of
cultural possibilities to produce the same result. While the majority
of intentional communities born in the late 1960s and '70s sprouted
from countercultural roots, other traditions were also involved in the
movement. Even former suburbanites came to Oregon, and a crucifix
began to look natural dangling from a teepee.
The following two chapters detail two of Oregon's intentional
communities: Magic Farm and Alpha Farm. The descriptions go
beyond surface definitions and into the day-to-day workings of each
community. Magic Farm was a relatively typical rural counterculture
commune, while Alpha continues as an enduring community which
grew from a middle-class background. Their similarities and
differences should illuminate some of the more unfamiliar aspects of
communal life: backgrounds, institutional and economic structures,
and social setting.
 27

IV
Magic Farm
A Country Commune

In 1970, Elaine Sundancer completed a novel that documented

her personal journey through a year on an Oregon commune. She
called it Celery Wine, and on the title page of one copy, wrote: "I
don't want this book to be assigned as required reading to anyone,
Elaine."!
In many ways, this simple statement represents her
philosophy, and that of her commune, Magic Farm. Most of Magic
Farm's members were well-educated drop-outs from DC Berkeley,
but at some point they all decided that life was better when very
little was assigned or required. An average of one dozen adults
occupied the 17-acre hillside plot, tucked among the creased valleys
of Southern Oregon near Takilmah, from 1968 until 1975. The group
chose to live without schedules or committees; they filled this
organizational vacuum by farming their one-acre garden, meditating,
and exploring their new surroundings with unhurried wonder.
Magic Farm was in many ways a stereotypical American
commune of the 1960s. Most of the residents might be called
hippies, although some at the farm embraced the label while others
rejected it. They had taken refuge from the cities, because there was
something unhealthy and out of kilter in American culture. They
were tired of corrupt politics and the Vietnam War. While some

lElaine Sundancer, Celery Wine. This quotation was a handwritten note by

the author on one novel's title page.
 28

reveled in the psychedelic world of marIjuana and LSD, others

preferred the natural high of living and gardening in harmony with
nature. One member wrote this advice to a newcomer: "Take off
your clothes, it feels better. ...Sweat. Stay loose. ,,2
Those who made their home at Magic Farm from the late 1960s
into the '70s were part of the country's first generation of communal
rebirth since the early twentieth century. Magic Farm's founders
became interested in living styles outside the mainstream as
members of a Berkeley, California, discussion group called the
Wednesday Night Group. The group consisted primarily of
University of California at Berkeley sociology students, and as 1968
wore on, they became less interested in talking about communes and
more serious about living in one. While some desperately needed an
escape from the pressures and hassles of ,·American society, others
were very hesitant to abandon the culture they were so comfortable
with in favor of the unknowns of communal living.
For most of the Magic Farm family, immigration to Southern
Oregon was personal more than political. The Wednesday Night
Group's members just took to each other and found something
calming, inspiring and beautiful in nature. Though some were
heavily involved in Berkeley's turbulent 1960s political movement,
their opinions did not seem to be the prime motive for dropping out
of mainstream society and moving to Magic Farm.
But the fact that there were so few rules, or even routines that
could be relied upon from month to month, reveals much about

2Sundancer, Celery Wine (Yellow Springs, Ohio: Community Publications

Cooperative, 1973) p. 142.
 29
Magic Farm's nature. A distaste for rules and control, and the faith
that given time things would work themselves out, combined to
create an unpredictable and unbounded community. Members came
and went, and as they did, work projects were taken on or discarded,
new ideas introduced, and the farm's character evolved. Magic Farm
had very few requirements or expectations: no membership
donation, no standard work hours, and infrequent meetings. For
many, the freedom from restrictions and duties was invigorating.
But for others, the uncertainty that resulted from the absence of
structure was annoymg.
As the fervor of late 1960s counter-culture gave way to the
apathy of the 70s, so Magic Farm's good fortune slowly dwindled.
According to one observer the farm had no definite end, but instead,
"a long twilight period. ,,3 The community was still living happily in
1973, but the group's notoriety proved to be its downfall. The area
around Magic Farm, including the towns of Takilmah and Cave
Junction, had long been known as a safe haven for hippies and
members of the Jesus movement. By the middle '70s the area had
passed its saturation point: many other communes had joined Magic
Farm in the area, which only attracted more newcomers. Commune
researcher Hugh Gardner wrote that

by 1973 the more or less permanent "freak" population had grown to

about five hundred, and a valley-wide sense of identity was growing
that was perhaps more significant than its communes ever had
been....Indeed, the valley became nothing so much as a wild frontier
4
settlement struggling all over again.

3Benjamin Zablocki, personal correspondence.

4Hugh Gardner, The Children of Prosperity: Thirteen Modern American
Communes (New York: Saint Martin's Press, 1978) p. 180.
 30

There were simply not enough beds, food, resources, or motivation to

support the dense population. One of Magic Farm's communal
neighbors, Talsalsan, was overrun and became open land on which
migratory hippies could camp. As we shall see upon closer
examination, the area's swelling counterculture presence, and Magic
Farm's resulting overpopulation tore the community apart--
economically and socially. The truth is, there is no record of the
moment that Magic Farm's long twilight period dimmed to night, but
the influx of newcomers surely contributed to the commune's
demise.
Above all, the summation of Magic Farm's legacy, from infancy
to overpopulation, provides no categorical definition. For every
communalist who dreamed of building a fabulous communal house
for the group, there was another who just wanted to camp out in the
forest. For every member who hungered for steak, another was a
strict vegetarian. And countering those who wanted an intimate,
close family, were others who felt the farm's gate was open to all.

Institutional
Magic Farm's first rule: there are no rules--customs and
routines maybe, but no rules. After all, rules were something Magic
Farm's members were universally fleeing from: government, parents,
police, and society all regulating and judging their actions.
From this first premise, the institutional character of the
community followed. Situations were explored intuitively, and dealt
with one at a time through group meetings or personal interaction.
 31

No leader's opinion controlled the family's course, though a core

group of long-time residents did tend to make the big decisions.
However, this group did not always agree, and it never issued
ultimatums. Hence, issues such as new members, budget allocation,
and crop placement were never finally resolved.
Decisions at Magic Farm were reached by a consensus from all
members in group meetings, which could be called by any member
by writing a simple announcement on the main house's chalk board.
The sessions were carried on in the typically loose style of Magic
Farm. Questions and ideas were brought up by some, then discussed
informally. Often, decisions about the garden or food supplies were
made and implemented. However, others meetings ended with
apparent finality but then produced no action.
At one May, 1969, meeting, the community decided that it
could no longer handle any more animals, because the
responsibilities required to care for them would be too great. By
August that year, several new members had joined the farm,
bringing four dogs and a cat. The community had also acquired two
goats and a flock of twenty chickens. 5 Like most decisions made at
Magic Farm, "no more animals," became a suggestion, not a
commandment.
While Magic Farm's animal population grew uncontrollably, the
commune's open-door policy only added to its wildly dynamic
human population. In general, the commune's custom was to allow
anyone who showed up on its doorstep to stay as long as they liked.
During the Pacific Northwest's rainy season, extra residents were not

5S undancer, p. 92.
 32

common or problematic, and the commune stabilized at ten residents

or fewer. But Oregon's golden summers drew crowds of travelers
north from California and other states, which could double or triple
Magic Farm's winter population. Unfortunately, the newcomers
meant three times as many mouths to feed but not three times as
much work done. Luckily, the garden was churning out more
vegetables than even the swollen commune could consume.
From the beginning, open admissions was one practice that
divided the group. Those who supported it felt the profound
interconnectedness of the youth counterculture. Their brothers and
sisters who happened upon the commune had undergone similar
spiritual and intellectual journeys as Magic Farm's members, and
now deserved to be welcomed. Furthermore, many residents did not
feel they owned Magic Farm, but instead that they were fortunate
guests living on the land. Other members, however, longed for a
consistent core of friends on the farm. Newcomers disrupted Magic
Farm's daily routine and group unity. When the farm's population
swelled to 30, many of the original members felt as if they were
runnmg a resort, not living quietly in the backwaters of Oregon.
Elaine Sundancer originally leaned towards total acceptance, but
after little more than a year on the farm, she was beginning to have
her doubts.

Economic
As one might expect from a community that did not reqUIre
regular work of its members and had no consistent income, Magic
Farm often scrambled for money at the beginning of each month. By
 33

Sundancer's calculation, the farm needed a monthly mcome of at

least $400--a startlingly small figure considering it supported up to
20 people. Half that amount went to food bought outside the farm, a
quarter to the mortgage payments, and the final quarter towards gas,
car repairs, and miscellaneous equipment. 6 Judging from estimates
made by others living in commune's during the early 1970s,
Sundancer's seems low, and may not take into account private money
that was spent on individual needs.
Magic Farm's placed its hope for making its payments and
having enough left over for other expenses in "the flow"--the tide of
people, money, and possessions that washed up the road, and then at
times receded. Indeed, at times the flow could be very rewarding, as
new members invested their savings and resources into the farm.
Tools, cars, and furniture also arrived unexpected, but well-received
by the community.
For Magic Farm, no work schedule did not translate into no
work. In fact, many of the members worked exceptionally hard
because they loved their work. Almost none fit the stereotype of the
jobless, unmotivated hippie. Gordon and Jonathan were the garden
gurus, constantly checking their backyard guidebooks and advising
others on how much to water and where to plant. Other members
had their own interests. Some enjoyed fiddling with the farm's
collection of cars or canning and storing fruits for a rainy winter day.
Everyone living at Magic Farm valued their community and was
more than willing to preserve their special life on the farm.

6Ibid., p. 115.
.....
T
34

"If it didn't get done, it wasn't necessary," states Sundancer, in

the most succinct and accurate expression of Magic Farm's work ethic
possible. It may sound naive to many middle class Americans, who

know that 40 hours a week and foresight are the only way the bills
get paid.
But Magic Farm's resourceful members had ways beyond their
garden of supplementing the flow when its source seemed to dry up.
Some earned money locally, splitting fence posts or performing other
manual labor. The commune frequently traded its labor or crops to
neighboring farms in exchange for animals or tools. One month,
when Magic Farm's communal coffers were particularly empty, the
group paid its $100 mortgage with five cords of split wood. Many
members enjoyed month-long winter respites III West Coast cities,
where they earned money which would later be contributed to the
community.
The unfortunate truth, however, is that Magic Farm could not
have lasted so long without the Uncle Sam's generosity. The federal
government supported community members through welfare,
unemployment compensation, government surplus foods, and food
stamps. But the government provided for its alienated citizens in
much subtler ways, too. As Sundancer writes, using Norton as a
pseudonym for the town of Grants Pass:

Maybe we're cheating. It's easy for us. No matter what we say or do, the
hospital in Norton goes right on existing. I've often walked past a
hospital and thought, 'They'll never get me sucked into their
operations.... But when Alan was in a coma after his car accident I found
myself praying that the hospital would save him.?

7Ibid., p. 125.
 35

The communards had convinced themselves that they had escaped

"the system," that their fledgling commune could be an island of
ecological and social righteousness independent of the bourgeois
consumerism that surrounded them. But as Sundancer realized, they
were not. To her, hospitals were just one symbol of Magic Farm's
economIC dependence upon the outside--the government also
subsidized their clean nver water, roads, and local library, all heavily
used by the community.

Social
Those who called Magic Farm home were searching for some
kind of companionship or family, and most found it. Close
friendships grew rapidly through constant contact, and an
interconnected family unit followed. As in any intentional
community, the tight-knit group could not remain so without
disagreements and occasional personal clashes, but those were the
exception, not the rule.
Sexual promiscuity plays a very big role in the accepted image
of 1960s hippie communes, but there was little difference between
relationships at Magic Farm and those in the outside world. No "free
love" or group marriage ethos existed at the commune--the group's
harmony and its connection to the land were too important to
endanger with sexual experimentation. The community's core
membership was mostly single, complemented by several couples.
Short-term relationships between Magic Farm's members were rare
because they endangered the group's social stability. However,
 36

relationships between Magic Farm members and outsiders were

common. Couples usually moved off the land when they became
serious because there was simply not enough privacy on the
constantly crowded farm.
Children on the farm were raised by all the adults. The
traditional and exclusive parent-child relationship of the nuclear
family had given way to an extended family of affectionate adults
who all contributed to each child's education and development.
"Nowadays," writes Sundancer, "each child still has a special
relationship with his own parent (bedtime stories and special
cuddling and such), but a casual visitor to the farm usually can't tell
which child belongs to which adult. ,,8 Adults taught children the
special skills that each knew and enjoyed: car repair, gardening,
cooking, or reading. At one point, the community attempted to
establish a more structured school for the children but found that the
traditional assignments and rules conflicted with everything the
commune valued.
Heavy drug use IS another prevalent communal stereotype that
Magic Farm's members did not fit. It is difficult to gauge how many
of the commune's members smoked marijuana or experimented with
psychedelics because each resident had his or her own routines.
However, the prevailing sentiment seems to be that drugs had their
place for certain occasions, but were inappropriate for daily use.
Drugs, many at Magic Farm realized, not only prevented one from
doing work, but dulled appreciation of the farm's magnificent natural
surroundings. Many communes of the counterculture came to same

8Ibid., p. 36.
 37

conclusion, and frowned on psychedelics in favor of hard work.

During one conversation about drugs, a visitor asked Niles, a Magic
Farm resident, what the community did for fun. Niles looked up
from his gardening and responded: "Man, like everything I'm doing is
fun. You know I used to go to a bar and have a few drinks.... And I
wasn't really enjoying it at all. Now I'm not doing that anymore. ,,9
Meditation was Magic Farm's central social ritual, and the only
daily routine beyond working and eating, that members sustained
over many months. Before dinner each night, the community
gathered in the meadow's tall grass to follow their spiritual custom:
silent, inward-focused meditation first, followed by chanting the
sacred syllable "om," and completed by joining hands in a circle. The
ceremony was a daily spiritual rejuvenation for many Magic Farm
members. "I remember the shock I felt," writes Sundancer, "one time
just after the chanting had ended, when the person next to me
reached out and took my hand, and the joy I felt as I reached for the
hand of the person on my other side, and felt energy flow through
the united circle." 10
Once meditation had satisfied Magic Farm's need for psychic
calm, their appetites kicked in. And a steaming organic dinner was
usually ready for the entire community following the daily spiritual
routine. Communal dinner was the group's second daily meeting
time, and it was over the table that problems, plans, and daydreams
could be discussed.

9Ibid., p. 53.
lOIbid., p. 71.
 38
Magic Farm's routines held the group together for most of the
year, but the summertime flood of visitors and drifters could not
help but unravel that relatively fragile social fabric. As was
emphasized above, newcomers disturbed many permanent residents,
not least because they could no longer follow their usual social
patterns: a quiet breakfast with several friends, solitary weeding III

the garden, and intimate group meditation at dusk. The intrusion of

dozens of visitors each summer disrupted Magic Farm's established
relationships and social continuity.
Seen from one angle, Oregon's Magic Farm was a failure:
despite a hopeful and energetic beginning, the commune lost its
momentum and faded by the middle 1970s. Many who visited the
farm, however, thought it was a huge success--a "together"
commune. For unlike many similar rural communes of the
counterculture, Magic Farm had weathered storms of visitors,
managed to eke out a living through harnessing "the flow," and
resolved economic and personal disputes in order to realize their
communal and ecological ideals.
IV 39
Alpha Farm
An Intentional Community and Extended Family

Gong! The deep peal of Alpha Farm's dinner bell

resonates through the wooded valley, breaking sunset's peaceful
spell for a moment. Gong! By the bell's fifth ring, the farm's hungry
residents have begun to meander in to the inviting farmhouse from
their day's work in the vegetable garden or barn. The steamy aroma
of potato- carrot soup welcomes them inside. Once gathered around
the dining room table, 16 heads drop to observe a calming moment
of silence; then seats are taken and forks grabbed: dinner has begun.
The residents of Alpha Farm have made their home in Oregon's
Deadwood Creek valley since 1972, making them one the country's
longest lasting intentional communities. Fifteen members currently
call the 280 acre farm home. They work and eat together, pool their
incomes, and generally act as a large extended family. Their success
is not accidental. Rather, it is the reward of a combination of hard
work, good planning, and a warm extended-family environment that
has made living together an exciting and fulfilling experience.
In the early 1970s, this communal family was only a dream III

the minds of six social activists living in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

Among them were Caroline and Jim Estes, the only original members
who still live at Alpha. The Estes and their friends had been highly
•

involved in Vietnam War protests as well as social work in the cit9',

but their efforts to improve lives in Philadelphia began to feel like an
uphill battle. After many late-night discussions, the group concluded
that the injustices caused by society could not be healed from within.
Only by living their lives by the principles of sharing and love could
they begin to push the world in a positive direction. Start small, they
decided, and let our communal dreams spread. With that in mind,
six East Coast idealists dropped out, packed their bags, and arrived In

Oregon to found Alpha Farm. l

Twenty-five years later, Alpha Farm has been the site of both
marriages and births, seen handfuls of members come and go,
endured the dislike of neighbors, and enjoyed the fruits of good
harvests. But through it all, Alpha has remained remarkably
unchanged. The number of members at the farm has grown, but its
current population is within the founders' expectations. The
institutional system by which Alpha Farm is guided remains the
same. Alpha's sources of income have grown, but the strong work
ethic has never faded. Finally, according to those who have lived at
the farm the longest, the community's social and spiritual character,
despite the shuffling of individual members, continues to be
accepting and active.

Institutional
Alpha Farm's institutional framework is subtle and friendly,
yet strong and effective. The community strives to be an accepting

lMichae1 Thoele, "Alpha Farm," Communities, September/October 1978,

pIS.
 •

extended family. But Alpha's founders realized early on that wiiliout

formal planning, the family could fragment. Many communes born
in the early 1970s, says Caroline Estes, were so disgusted with
America's monolithic "system" that they rejected all types of
structure, and pursued complete freedom instead. Alpha's founders
felt that it was not structure itself that was rotten, but the way those
in power were using it. So the group relies on regular meetings, the
consensus system, a well planned work week, and equal influence for
all members.
Three different meetings are scheduled at Alpha:
organizational, spiritual, and personal. Each does its own part to
ensure that Alpha's members feel the family is being steered in the
right direction. At each Sunday's organizational meeting, members
map out the coming week's work schedule, make the shopping list,
review bills, and generally tune up the nuts-and-bolts issues that
must be taken care of in all of our lives. While all members are
required to attend the organizational meeting, the spiritual meeting
which precedes it each Sunday is optional. Those who participate III

the spiritual meeting try to make it as accessible as possible, and

avoid the traditions of established religions. It does seem to have

some roots in Quaker services, where participants are free to express

their spiritual state or feelings at any time.
Alpha's most umque gathering may be "third meeting"--a
session each month during which members can voice and resolve any
personal conflicts they have with other members. The third meeting
has been a wonderful binding force. for the community, without
which, says Caroline Estes, Alpha may not have survived. The

.....
encounter enables members to talk about their personal 42

disagreements, while other members contribute and mediate.

Ideally, problems that might have been bottled up and grown can be
expressed and solved. 2
Because Alpha Farm's founders felt that each member should
be an integral and equal part of their community, they chose the
consensus process to be their way of making decisions. Consensus
means that decisions are reached by general accord; Le., every
participant must concur with the group's final course of action,
though he or she may not originally have supported that course. If

even one person withholds their approval from the community's

decision, no final choice can be made. For example, if the group
decided to buy a new car at the weekly organizational meeting,
everyone of the community's members would have to agree upon
the vehicle's make and model before a check could be made out to
the dealer. According to Caroline Estes, even the color of the
community's first car was wrangled over at length. Consensus often
involves hours-long discussions during which everyone is
encouraged to add their two cents. The discussion only ends when
all are satisfied with the outcome. If the consensus process is a

success, through compromise and persuasion, all involved believe

that their OpInIOnS were taken into account for the final, and best,
solution. Supporters of consensus say that the process includes
everyone, and gives each participant a sense of ownership in final
decisions. Such inclusion, they say, is absent in democracy because

2Caroline Estes, Alpha Farm founding member, personal interview, 6

May 1997.
the minority IS inevitably defeated by the majority, leaving the 43
losers alienated and unwilling to participate in future decisions. 3
But not every decision can be made by consensus. The brand
of coffee one Alpha member buys during the weekly shopping
expedition is not necessarily mulled over in a group meeting. Nor
must a committee agree on where the new tomatoes should be
planted. In fact, many daily choices are made by individuals--a
consensus on everyone would require days of bureaucratic
deliberation. But the decisions which really count, or about which
people have strong feelings, are decided by consensus.
While Alpha has worked diligently to make its decision making
process open and accessible to all at the farm, one wonders if, as III

most groups, the more experienced and outspoken members tend to

dominate the consensus process. Caroline Estes says this does not
happen, but at the same time it is clear that she is a motherly figure,
if not the leader, of the family. One younger member called her
"inspirational." But her peaceful presence suggests that her
leadership role is more negotiator than director. 4
Still, there is the potential for a controlling core at Alpha.
Members who have lived at Alpha Farm for more than a year can opt
to make long-term decisions without the other residents, because
they are most likely to be affected by those choices. But this
happens rarely, and for the most part, consensus is reached.

Economic

3Ibid.
4Alpha Farm members, from interviews, 6-7 May, 1997.
 While other intentional communities have counted on a 44

subsistence standard of living, welfare, and a steady influx of outside

funds to keep them going, Alpha Farm planned their financial
survival from the beginning. Never a group to put off till tomorrow
what they could do today, Alpha's members have kept one step
ahead of the cooking, cleaning, building, and harvesting from the
beginning. Alpha's economic outlook remains bright due to a half-
dozen sources of income, and because of their physically tough 40-
hour, farm-style work week. The economic relationship between the
farm and its members has also been well conceived and defined. In

ensunng a solid financial foundation, Alpha's members practiced

their usual practical family spirit.
The seven main ways in which Alpha Farm brings in money
and resources are: through on-site production; the Alpha-Bit cafe in
Mapleton; new members' investments; a local mail delivery route
which they operate; odd jobs and construction in the community; Jim
Estes' newspaper job and pension; and community-building
workshops that Caroline Estes' teaches. Obviously, Alpha farm has a
fairly stable economic base. 5
The fertile soil of the Deadwood Creek valley allows Alpha's
members to grow an acre's worth of broccoli, corn and other
vegetables. In addition, the community drinks the milk from their

three goats, and the water of the stream which flows through their
land. The nourishment which the land provides is helpful, but it
could not possibly sustain all of Alpha's fifteen members without
outside income.

5Ibid.
 Alpha-Bit cafe is a small pIece of the farm, transplanted arili5
seemingly out of place in its new-age nook between Mapleton's
modern general store and supermarket. The cafe is much more than
just a place to get a bite to eat--beyond Alpha-Bit's counter are
shelves of books and arts and crafts. Alpha-Bit is a source of mcome
for the community, as well as a social focal point. Locals who stop for
coffee meet and come to understand Alpha's members, while the cafe
prevents Alpha from becoming too isolated on their remote farm.
Each new member who officially joins the community after a
year of residency also makes a significant economic contribution.
Because new members have decided to make Alpha their permanent
home, they contribute their money and property to the farm's
communal fund. $5,000 is goes directly to the community's
spendable account, while any remaining assets are kept in a reserve
from which only the interest can be used by the farm. However, the
entire contribution is refundable should the member decide to leave
Alpha. The community only asks that it be allowed time to return
the money, as it is always invested in the farm itself or one of its
businesses.
Alpha's other sources of income are somewhat more mundane:
while few Americans grow more than weeds in their backyards, most
would not feel too out of place delivering mail or receiving a pension
check. Alpha-Farm took over two of western Lane County's mail
routes in the mid-1970s and has continued to operate and profit
from it ever since. Alpha's members rumble down hundreds of miles
of the coast range's bumpy back roads each week to deliver mail.
Members of the community also make money by doing repair and
construction jobs in the area. Jim Estes is the only Alpha membcl<i
who worked for several years at a job outside the farm. As an editor
for the Salem Statesman-Journal, his salary and pension have helped
his companions significantly. Jim's wife Caroline also makes money
outside the farm through consensus and intentional community
workshops which she hosts around the country.
Anyone who has ever worked on a farm knows its not easy.
Add all of Alpha's other jobs and obligations, and you've got a heavy
load. Members usually work from eight until five, with a break for
lunch at noon. Its no idyllic life in the country, but as one member
said, "I'd rather work 40 hours out here than in a building.
To counter the strain of work, jobs rotate among members, so that
In order to make the daily grind somewhat interesting, jobs
rotate daily at Alpha. Nobody is forced to shovel dirt five days a
week. Instead, a member may work at Alpha-Bit cafe on Monday,
garden Tuesday, and drive the mail route Wednesday. Members
cook communal meals about once a week in two-person crews. Even
so, if there's a big project that must get done, such as building a new
house, everyone may pitch in for weeks or months. In addition to
avoiding monotony, job rotation keeps people from identifying
themselves with a single job. No Alpha member is "the cook" or "the
leader," and those on the farm like it that way. When every member
understands and contributes to the work of every other member,
work becomes a team effort, not the labor of some under the
direction of others.
At times, though, communal ideals must gIve way to practical
realities. Caroline Estes can no longer chop wood as well as some of
the younger members, which means she will rarely be seen splitiihg
a cord of Douglas Fir on a hot summer day. Another long-time
member was trained as an accountant, so she's far more qualified to
figure Alpha's taxes than others. Often, due to differing abilities or
preferences, some members find themselves performing similar jobs,
rather than rotating randomly. That doesn't mean the system is too
idealistic, but instead that Alpha's residents use common sense when
putting together their schedule.
While individual jobs keep Alpha's members busy most days,
the farm must also plan and complete big group projects which will
benefit the whole community. In the course of Alpha's 25 years, the
group has built two large structures, the "new house" and the office,
and repaired and improved many others. These buildings represent
major undertakings for Alpha, especially since many members didn't
know a wrench from a ratchet, and the farm must continue to focus
on its other sources of income. The new house, now more than ten
years old, is a two-story, five bedroom wood home which fits quietly
into Alpha's wooded hills. It took the community 13 years to

complete. Several other cabins on the land, one of which was

converted from a chicken coop, were also the result of sustained
group efforts. Each of the structures is evidence of Alpha's ability to
balance large projects with small ones.
Each worker at Alpha Farm is essential to a stable economIC
unit, and the group, in turn, repays them all. Members do not
receive wages for their work, but the community supplies everyone
with reasonable food, clothing, shelter and any other necessities. In
addition, residents are given a monthly allowance--$35 for those
•

who have lived at the farm for more than a year, and $25 for otfl~rs­

-which allows them to do a little personal spending. But more

importantly, Alpha is committed to investing in its members. The
community has paid for members' classes at the University of Oregon
in Eugene, and even helped to put one member through the
University's school of Architecture. And the community encourages
the ideas and interests of its members, from buying frisbees to
setting up a ceramics workshop.6

Social
Economic and institutional guidelines help to define Alpha
Farm, but its warm, hospitable spirit is the community's core.
"Socially, we envision a modified style of family life that overcomes
the isolation and rigid classifications of single persons, couples, and
separate families.... Community members of all ages will participate
together in the living and growing of each other." In Alpha's vision,
the divisions in American society are bridged, creating unity and
family. And the vision has become reality: three generations live,
work, and play together on the farm.?
Alpha's members, like those of other intentional communities,
experience and enJoy life together. Everything from their daily lives
to unique They work, eat, play, and hang out all in each others'
company
Its hard to draw the line at Alpha Farm between members'
social and professional lives. For most Americans, the separation

6Ibid.
7Alpha Farm Community, "Alpha: A Prospectus," Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania, 1971.
between business and pleasure is clear. Workers leave the officet;9
drive home and then make plans with family or friends to relax and
unwind. But at Alpha, the two worlds are inextricably intertwined:
members work with friends, and socialize with their fellow workers.
Communal meals are some of the most precious social times.
Breakfast and lunch are prepared by the rotating kitchen crew for
everyone, but members break for these meals at different times and
often eat in small groups. Dinner is especially valuable, for it's the
only time during the day when the entire community is sure to be
gathered together in the same room. Before the evening meal is
served, the members of Alpha join hands for a moment of silence,
and often a song.
While the community IS nearly always together, some residents
appreciate time by themselves, and Alpha ensures they can get it.
The community promises each member his or her own room--a
private space to retreat to or store personal belongings in.
Personal space can be very valuable, especially at Alpha Farm,
where human contact is virtually unavoidable. And while constant
companionship is pleasant, many members of intentional
communities say that living with 20 friends can be one of the
hardest transitions to make. Americans, after all, are notoriously
independent: we drive alone, and often live thousands of miles away
from our extended families. Learning the social skills necessary to
share possessions, resolve minor personal problems, and divide one
bathroom between six people can discourage less dedicated visitors.
Living communally is not easy, Alpha's members say; it's not for
everyone. When serious personal problems arise within the
community, they are dealt with at Third Meeting. If they still cahOt
be resolved, the farm's members may make a consensus decision
that one or more people must leave. Fortunately, disagreements
rarely progress that far
Few rules are placed on interpersonal relationships at Alpha
Farm. Lovers, friends, families, and singles of all sexual orientations
are welcome. As their prospectus states, the group seeks to join
together groups who are traditionally separated. The community
only asks that its members are respectful of others' wishes and
prIvacy. If the group's harmony remains, Alpha is content to allow
any lifestyle or relationships.
Children at Alpha are raised not by one or two biological
parents, but by 15 adoptive ones. There's always a mom or pop
around to teach the young ones a new skill or keep them out of
trouble. Sally, mother of three of the farm's children, has enjoyed
Alpha Farm's extended family child rearing. The help she receives
from other members removes the burden of constant surveillance
from her shoulders, and she feels her kids have gotten more
perspectives and experiences from a farm full of parents than a
traditional nuclear family could have provided. 8
Though Alpha's members feel that communal child rearIng IS a
great benefit for both parents and kids, most children are schooled III

Mapleton, 15 miles south of the farm. Alpha does not want its
smallest residents to grow up insulated and sheltered from the
outside world. Apparently, parents at the farm acknowledge that
there may be some lessons which cannot be taught by a small

8Alpha Farm members.

 intentional community. Kids also enJoy the opportunity to make 51
friends their own age in public schools. Ironically, Alpha has run a
small school on the farm for children of the Deadwood Creek valley.
However, no child from Alpha has ever been educated there .

..
ya
I

52

VI
In Retrospect
Oregon's Intentional Communities
in Historical Perspective

Though Alpha Farm endures as a tribute to the possibilities of

communal living, many communities that like Alpha began full of
hope have long since faded away. Alpha Farm's longevity has
proved to be the exception, not the rule. Oregon saw the
establishment of dozens of intentional communities during the late
1960s and early '70s, but the social forces which spurred and
sustained the communal movement soon gave way to the inclinations
of a new era.
The decline of student activism, an economIC recession, and the
failure of many communities to achieve self-sufficiency stole the
excitement that had once saturated the movement. Though the
Vietnam War continued into the 1970s, the student movement had
splintered into opposing factions, and was no longer the proud social
force it had once been. After the 1970 Kent State killings, radicals
who sought to use violence to retaliate alienated their more
composed comrades. The '70s also challenged the young communal
movement with an economic recession. Many communes found
survival difficult already, and as money from relatives slowed and
spot jobs became more difficult to find, insufficient on-site
production failed to meet their needs. Intentional communities III

Oregon and across the country fell into a slump, which discouraged

52
 53

others from joining the movement. "The flow," as Magic Farm called
it, began to dry up. 1
Some communities, like Alpha Farm, Breitenbush, and
Mountain Grove, pulled together to ride out the hard times, and still
exist today. As we evaluate the success of the late twentieth
century's communal movement, it is valuable to put the groups III

historical context, and remember that while they were unique, they
do not stand alone in American history.
The United States' first communal movement of note was the
Millenarian sects of the east coast who, in the 1820s, believed that
God would soon end civilization on Earth, select his "chosen," and
bring them to his heavenly kingdom. The Shakers and Harmonists
were two such groups. Both practiced celibacy as there seemed to be
no sense in having children when judgement day was so near. The
Harmonists began several communal towns which excelled in
agriculture and craftsmanship. The Shakers settled in both rural as
well as urban areas, when they often owned blocks of homes. Both
were highly successful--economically and socially--and despite
obvious obstacles to propagation, they lasted until the late 19th
century.2
America's next rush of new Utopias came in the 1840s, when
Owenism and Fourierism offered· people new alternatives. These
new social theories reached people as industrialization rapidly
changed the 19th century world. Factories, unemployment, and

1 David [sic.], "The Commune Movement in the Middle 1970s," Communities,

September/October 1975, p. 23.
2 Edward K. Spann, Brotherly Tomorrows: Movements for a Cooperative
Society in America (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989) pp. 1-17.

53
 54

urbanization all made people question the direction society was

headed. Because of this, Massachusetts' Brook Farm, and other
Fourierist communities attracted attention and volunteers. More
than 30 utopian communities began in New England alone during the
1840s. Charles Fourier, a French philosopher, believed that each
person should follow his own multitude of inner passions, and
experiment, rather than be bound to one vocation. This constant
interest in new labor, he believed, would propel communities
forward, making them dynamic and productive. However,
Fourierism's convoluted social planning proved to be much more
difficult to apply to real life than it appeared to be in theory; all of
the middle nineteenth century's Fourierist experiments eventually
collapsed. 3
Most relevant to the study of Oregon's twentieth century
communities are Aurora and New Odessa, two well-documented and
moderately successful nineteenth century utopian communities that
settled in the state. Aurora, founded in the Willamette Valley III

1855, very much fit the mold of successful communities of its time:
a charismatic religious leader united his followers communal village.
Like George Rapp and his Harmonists, Aurora's members were
devoted to Wilhelm Keil and his plans for self sufficiency through
agriculture and industry. Keil encouraged close study of the bible,
and was said to possess remarkable healing powers. The community
prospered, sold its high quality handicrafts in Portland, and
eventually operated a well-known hotel on the route to San

3 Ibid., pp. 67-121.

54
'1"

55

Francisco. Upon Keil's death in 1877, tensions already present within

the group were aggravated, and Aurora broke apart. 4
New Odessa was founded a quarter century after Aurora, but
was more short-lived--it survived for only three years, from 1882 to
'85. A group of Russian Jewish immigrants, dedicated to putting
communism into practice, started the community after moving from
New York city. Their dreams of a more harmonious political
environment were tempered by the struggle to carve out a living III

Oregon's frontier environment, while preventing personal conflict III

a small, isolated environment. After three years, frustrated by

internal differences, New Odessa's members abandoned their utopian
attempt. 5
The combined legacy of these utopian communities and the
twentieth century's intentional communities is an intriguing and
unfinished chapter in Oregon's history. Though the earlier
settlements did not directly influence the communities of the
counterculture era, a similar spirit drew both groups to the
Northwest.
When political activism combined with a new youth
consciousness in the 1960s, those who could find no other solution
chose to drop out of American society. Intentional communities of
the time arrived in Oregon because they believed they could adapt
the state's progressive politics, and fertile and plentiful land to their
new communal lifestyle. They founded communities that ranged
from loosely-organized rural communes to large fundamentalist

4 Kay Teeters, Communal Utopias of the Pacific Northwest (Eugene, Oregon:

University of Oregon, 1972) pp. 4-20.
5 Ibid., pp. 21-30.

55
 56

Christian groups. And despite the failure of many intentional

communities, the tide of communalists that swept across Oregon's
borders nearly thrity years ago has left unmistakable marks on this
state's contemporary political and social climate.

56
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 58

Appendix II
An Inventory of Oregon's Utopian Communities,
Intentional Communities and Communes

For a complete explanation, see the notes following the inventory.

Community Name Location Lifespan Main Source

19th Century Intentional Communities
Aurora Aurora 1855-77 Communal Utopias
New Odessa Glendale 82-85 Communal Utopias
Nehalem Valley Cooperative 86
Union Mill Company 90
20th Century Intentional Communities
Great Pumpkin Tillamook 1967- Oregonian, 8/22/67
Magic Farm Takilmah 68-70s see bibliography
(Saddle Ridge Farm, High Farm, Sixteen Acres)
Shiloh Youth Revival Centers Dexter 68-70s Organized Miracles
The Eater Family Coquille 68 FIC 68
Mu Farm Yoncalla 68 FIC 68
Portland Group Portland 68 FIC 68
Rainbow Family of Living Light
Sunny Valley 68 Life, 7/18/69
Crow Research (CRO) Veneta 68- Communes, USA
Vonu Life Cave Junction 68 FIC 68
Living Springs 68 Getting Back Together
Family of the Mystic Arts Sunny Valley 68 Getting Back Together
Crook's Creek 69- Children of Prosperity
Yellow Submarine-->Rivendell. Eugene 68- Communal Utopias
Talsalsan Farm Takilmah 70 Children of Prosperity
Mountain Grove Glendale 70 FIC 93
Lichen Wolf Creek 71 FIC 93
Hog Farm Marcola 71 Register-Guard, 8/29/71
Christian Farm Brownsville 71 Register-Guard, 8/29/71
Church of the Creative Creswell 71 Register-Guard, 8/29/71
Lynx Hollow Farm Cottage Grove 71 Register-Guard,
8/29171
Footbridge Swisshome 71 Register-Guard, 8/29/71
Indian Creek Swisshome 71 Register-Guard, 8/29/71
Hungry Hill Farm Eugene 71 Register-Guard, 8/29/71
Live Wood Farm Eugene 71 Register-Guard, 8/29/71
Organic Mud Farm Eugene 71 Register-Guard, 8/29/71
Rainbow Family Dunes City->Eugene. 71-75 Register Guard, 8/29/71
Cerro Gordo Community. Cottage Grove 71-97 FIC 93
Alpha Farm Deadwood 72-97 see bibliography
Main Street Gathering Portland 74 FIC 74
 59
Pahana Town Lake Dorena 74 FIC 74
WomanShare Grants Pass 74 FIC 93
Appletree Co-op Cottage Grove 74-93 FIC 93
Earth's Rising Co-op Farm Monroe 70s FIC 93
Rootworks Wolf Creek 70s FIC 93
Rajneeshpuram Antelope 70s
RFD Wolf Creek 76 FIC 74
Ow 1 Farm Days Creek 76 FIC 93
Still Meadow Clackamas 76 FIC 93
Brietenbush Hot Springs Detroit 77-97 FIC 93
Older Women's Network Wolf Creek 78 FIC 78
End of the Road House Cottage Grove 81 FIC 93
Cornucopia 83 FIC 83
Crabapple 83 FIC 83
Crack of Dawn 83 FIC 83
Folly Farm 83 FIC 83
Seven Springs Community 83 FIC 83
WoU Creek Sanctuary 85 FIC 93
Lost Valley Center Dexter 89 FIC 93
Seven C's Medford 89 FIC 93
Galilee 90 FIC 93
EarthSky WWW Communities
page.
Bag Ladies of the World Eugene 92 Community's
pamphlet.
East Blair Co-housing Eugene 90s Community's
pamphlet.

Notes about the Inventory:

This list of communities IS by nature somewhat inaccurate and
definitely incomplete. The communities' lifespans in particular are
particularly subjective measures, as different communities judge their
starting date differently. Some fixed their starting date at the time when
the community's land was purchased, others when all the members had
moved into the site. As was noted in this paper, communities more often
decline than end abruptly, so some of the ending dates listed above may
be inexact also. More than a few communities have changed locations and
names.
Please remember that this list is far from complete. Especially
during the communal heyday of the late 1960s and early 70s, bands of
communards coalesced and dissolved all in several months' time, before
 60

they could announce their presence or even be noticed by others

interested in the movement. Even the Federation of Intentional
Communities, in whose lists many of these groups were found,
acknowledges that there are many communities out there still unknown to
them.
Although most of the communities listed were rural, their locations
have been listed by town and city. However, most groups actually lived
several miles from the listed towns, not in them.
Years followed by a dash (71-) indicate founding date. Years listed
alone (73) indicate that the founding date is unknown, but that the
community was first referred to in the listed year.
"FIC" is used as an abbreviation for the Fellowship for Intentional
Community. The Fellowship publishes Communities Directory: A Guide to
Cooperative Living, a compilation which grew out of Communities
magazine's yearly national guide to intentional communities. Hence these
publications share the "FIC" notation accompanied by the year the
Fellowship listed the community.
Communal Utopias refers to the University of Oregon Thesis,
"Communal Utopias of the Pacific Northwest", by Kay Teeters.
I
 62

Bibliography

Alpha Farm Community. "Alpha: A Prosptectus." Philadephia,

Pennsylvania, 1971.

Bacon, Larry. "Rainbow Family Leaves Coast for Eugene." The

Register-Guard (Eugene, Oregon), 14 February 1975, page lB.

Bates, Doug. "Lane County's rural areas nurture communal lifestyle."

The Register-Guard (Eugene, Oregon), 29 August 1971, page lB.

Bates, Doug. "A day in the life of a commune dweller." The Register-
Guard (Eugene, Oregon), 29 August 1971, page lB.

Bill of Neverland [sic.]. "Commune Tripping." Communitarian,

MarchIApril 1972.

Brown, Connie. Cerro Gordo member. Personal interview, 16 April

1997.

Bouvard, Marguerite. The Intentional Communtiy Movement:

Building a New Moral World. Port Washington, New York: Kennikat
Press, 1975.

Callenbach, Ernest. Ecotopia: The Notebooks and Reports of William

Weston. Berkeley, California: Banyan Tree Books, 1975.

Cerro Gordo Communtiy. Cerro Gordo World wide web page:

www.pdss.com/cg/brochure.html

Colt, George H., "For the Forseeable Future." Life, December 1991, page
76.

Communities Publications Cooperative. Communities. Louisa,

Virginia: Communities Publications Cooperative, 1968-97.

David [sic.]. "The Commune Movement in the Middle 1970s."

Communities. September IOctober 1975.

Fairfield, Richard. Communes U.S.A.: A Personal Tour. Baltimore,

MD: Penguin Books Inc., 1972.

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guide to Cooperative Living. Langley, Washington: Fellowship for
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 63

Fellowship for Intentional Community. Directory of Intentional

Communities. Evansville, Indiana: Fellowship for Intentional
Community, 1992.

Gardner, Hugh. The Children of Prosperity: Thirteen Modern

American Communes. New York: Saint Martin's Press, 1978.

Hine, Robert V.. California 's Utopian Communities. Berkeley:

University of California Press, 1983.

Houriet, Robert. Getting Back Together. New York: Avon Books, 1969.

Jodey [sic.]. "Further Letters on Rainbow's Origins-Part 1." World wide

web page: www.welcomehome.org/rainbow/hipstory/origin.html

Johnson, Dave and Aragorn[sic.]. "A Communal Experience:

Rivendale." The Augur (Eugene, Oregon), November 14, 1969, page
10.

Kanter, Rosabeth Moss. Commitment and Community: Communes

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Keller, Bill. "Commune supplies foster aid." The Oregonian

(Portland, Oregon), 10/28/71, page 1.

Kinkade, Kat. "How to Visit and Intentional Community."

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Kozeny, Geoph. "Intentional Communities: Lifestyles Based on

Ideals." Communities Directory: A Guide to Cooperetive Living.
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LeWarne, Charles Pierce. Utopias on Puget Sound, 1885-1915. Seattle:

University of Washington Press, 1975.

Noyes, John Humphrey. History of American Socialisms. New York:

Dover Publications, Inc., 1966.

Oved, Yaacov. Two Hundred Years of American Communes. New

Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1988.

Questenberry, Dan. "WhoWe Are: An Exploration of What 'Intentional

Community' Means." Communities Directory: A Guide to
 64

Cooperative Living. Langley, Washington: Fellowship for

Intentional Community, 1995. p. 33-38.

Richardson, James T., M.W. Stewart, and R.B. Simmonds. Organized

Miracles: A Study of a Contemporary, Youth, Communal,
Fundamentalist Organization. New Brunswick, New Jersey:
Transaction Books, 1979.

Roberts, Ron E.. The New Communes: Coming Together in America.

Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1971.

Sundancer, Elaine. Celery Wine. Yellow Springs, Ohio: Community

Publications Cooperative, 1973.

Schwantes, Carlos Arnaldo. The Pacific Northwest: An Interpretive

History. Licoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1996.

Spann, Edward K.. Brotherly Tomorrows: Movements for a

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Stickney, John. "The Commune Comes to America." Life, 18 July

1969.

Taylor, Vivian. "Mainstreamer's Search for Community." Directory of

Intentional Communities, 1996, 48-

Teeters, Kay. Communal Utopias of the Pacific Northwest. Eugene,

Oregon: University of Oregon Thesis, 1972.

Thoele, Michael. ""Communal Tricentenial." The Register Guard

(Eugene, Oregon), January 11, 1976, page 8D.

Thoele, Michael. "Alpha Farm." Communities, no 34, Sept/Oct 1978

p14-19.

Zablocki, Benjamin. Professor of sociology, Rutgers University, New

Brunswick, New Jersey. Personal correspondence. June 1997.

Interviews

Estes, Caroline. Alpha Farm founding member. Personal interview, 6

May 1997.

Goldman, Marion. Professor of Sociology, University of Oregon,

Eugene, Oregon. Personal interviews, January through April 1997.
r
i

65