Albanian

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ALBANIAN E T Y M O L O G IC A L D IC T IO N A R Y
ALBANIAN ETYMOLOGICAL
DICTIONARY
BY

VLADIM IR OREL

' >6 8 '

BRILL
LEIDEN • BOSTON • KÖLN
1998
To my beloved Natasha
 CONTENTS

Preface ................................................................................... ix

Introduction .......................................................................... xv

List o f references ............................................................... xxiii

Abbreviations for languages and dialects ...................... xli

Dictionary ............................................................................ 1

Indices ................................................................................... 529

 PREFACE

The present Dictionary results from twenty years of my work in the

field of Albanian etymology. A considerable number of my etymologi­
cal studies were published as a series of articles on Balkan etymologies.
Since 1985, I have been accumulating material for a comprehensive
etymological dictionary of the Albanian language corresponding to con­
temporary standards applied to the works of this genre.
The present Dictionary is based on works of my predecessors G U S ­
TAV M E Y E R and H Ö R E M Ç a b e j , authors of earlier Albanian etymologi­
cal dictionaries (Ç A B E J’ s work, unfortunately, remained unfinished), as
well as on studies of other outstanding scholars such as N O R B E R T JO K L ,
M a x V a s M E R , and E R IC H a m p . At the same time, dozens of words in
my Dictionary have received new explanations suggested here for the
first time or already mentioned in one of my Balkan etymologies or oth­
er publications.
The Dictionary is based on a certain view of the prehistory of Alban­
ian. It is a purely etymological work; hence, its lack of interest in early
Albanian texts (unless their data are, occasionally, of crucial etymologi­
cal importance). As far as the inherited vocabulary is concerned, the
Dictionary deals with three main stages in the development of the
Albanian lexicon: Indo-European, Proto-Albanian and (contemporary)
Albanian. While Indo-European in the framework of this book is treat­
ed as reconstructed for the latest period of its existence immediately
preceding its disintegration and the appearance of the ancient Indo-
European languages, particularly, as far as the phonetic history is con­
cerned (where I follow mainly B r u g M A N N ’ s reconstruction with cer­
tain minor changes such as laryngeals), Proto-Albanian language and
reconstruction are relatively new concepts developed in my earlier pub­
lications. They denote a stage of development between Indo-European
and (contemporary) Albanian immediately preceding the intensive lin­
guistic contacts with Latin, i.e. before the I - II centuries C.E. Thus,
Proto-Albanian may be functionally compared to the notion of Late
Proto-Slavic in modern Slavic linguistics. The following period from II
century to VII century remains unnamed in the present work (I used a
rather clumsy term, Early Albanian, in my Russian articles), but its
main developments can be described in terms of the Proto-Albanian sit­
uation changed by Romance and Slavic lexical and phonetic influences.
X PREFACE

As to (contemporary) Albanian, this period starts with the language

attested in the earliest written documents of the Albanian culture.
Proto-Albanian, as demonstrated by its vocabulary and isoglosses
linking it to other Indo-European languages, is connected with a certain
type of material and spiritual culture and with a certain territory. There
are serious reasons to believe that this territory did not coincide with
the contemporary Albania, i.e. with the ancient Illyrian coast of the
Adriatic (see W E IG A N D BA III 277-286; G E O R G IEV Trakite 212-215).
On the contrary, numerous proofs (the absence of indigenous sea-faring
terminology in Albanian borrowing corresponding words from
Romance and Greek or using transparent metaphors; the existence of
Albanian-Rumanian bilateral isoglosses; the lack of Proto-Albanian
toponymy in Illyria and so on) seem to corroborate the original settling
of Proto-Albanians in Dacia Ripensis and farther North, in the foothills
of the Carpathian Mountains and the Beskidy/Bieszczady (believed by
some to come from Proto-Albanian definite plural *beskâi tai, see
bjeshkë). The Proto-Albanian migration to Illyria via the Eastern slopes
of the Balkans must have taken place before (but not considerably ear­
lier than) their contact with Romance speakers and the end of the Proto-
Albanian period in the history of the Albanian language.
The Dictionary includes an Introduction, a short reference source
where the reader will find basic information on the development of the
phonetic system from Indo-European to Proto-Albanian to Albanian as
well as the basic historical phonology of early loanwords in Albanian.
A much more detailed description of Proto-Albanian will appear in my
Historical Grammar o f Albanian which I hope to publish soon. The
Introduction also includes short notes on the Albanian phonetics and
orthography. In the main body of the Dictionary, every item contains
basic lexicological information (main word form, including the Geg
variant after tilda if differing from Tosk, meaning, basic paradigmatic
forms for nouns and verbs or characteristic of the part of speech and
the like) and the suggested etymology with a reference (if this etymolo­
gy has been given earlier). Other etymologies and references are
adduced after the sign of 0. In this section, some references are adduced
with their etymological versions briefly summarized, while other
sources are just mentioned, for the convenience of the reader. A blank
reference normally means that the source may be helpful but does not
contain an etymological explanation of its own. Occasionally, Geg
forms having no Tosk parallels are adduced as separate etymological
entries, marked as (G). The Dictionary also contains indices of forms.
 PREFACE XI

The alphabetic order used in the Dictionary as far as Albanian forms

are concerned corresponds to the accepted standard of the Albanian
lexicography: ë follows e; gj and nj are separate letters following g and
n correspondingly; the same is true of II and rr appearing after / and r
as separate symbols and of sh, zh, xh and th after .v, z, x and t.
It should be kept in mind that in Albanian there still exist certain
problems of agreeing on a standard orthography. My orthography sim­
ply follows the main lexicographic sources I used and may well be not
quite consecutive in some cases. The dictionaries on which the choice of
words for the present work (as well as the orthography and meanings)
was based, were K R ISTO FO R ID H I, L e o t t i , D R IZ A R !, Fjalor, B U C H H O L Z -
F i e d l e r - U h l i s c h and M a n n HAED. Other lexicographic sources
mentioned in the List of references were also used occasionally.
The Dictionary includes the following layers of the contemporary
Albanian vocabulary:
(1) Inherited words of Indo-European origin;
(2) Words of expressive origin, onomatopoeias and the like;
(3) Loanwords from ancient Greek, Latin (and Romance), Slavic and
other languages.
The approximate limit post quern non chosen in this Dictionary is X -
XII century. Therefore, 1 did not include here most of the Italian,
Rumanian, modern Greek and Turkish loanwords as well as many local
and dialectal loans from Bulgarian, Macedonian and Serbo-Croatian.
However, some difficult or interesting words of these groups were
included, if they were of any specific etymological interest, particularly,
if there was a discussion on their etymologies. The omitted lexical lay­
ers were successfully studied and described elsewhere (see HE L B IG ,
B o r e t z k y , H a r d y Gk. and other sources). In the case of Slavic loan­
words, I was often unable to distinguish older borrowings from recent
ones, and it seemed proper to keep Slavic material in case of any
doubts.
Non-Latin scripts other than Greek have been transliterated. This
applies in particular to Cyrillic for which a compromise system is used,
preserving t, and b as signs for vowels in Bulgarian, Church Slavonic
and Old Russian but presenting a as a palatalization sign (’) elsewhere.
As already mentioned above, Indo-European reconstructions reflect a
pragmatic compromise, too, and may be generally described as modi­
fied Brugmannian. Laryngeals (wherever necessary) are represented by
a generalized symbol *H (also used in quotations of other scholars as a
convenient label for various laryngeal phonemes). I did my best to
X II PREFACE

check and double-check cited forms and meanings using the basic and
most authoritative reference sources. Thus, Greek words were normal­
ly controlled with L lD D E L L -S C O T T , Sanskrit words - with M O N IE R -
W IL L IA M S , Old Irish - with D1L and so on.
Bibliographic references are abbreviated. References to books con­
sist either of the author’s name (D IE FE N B A C H , V A SM E R ) or of the
author’s name and an italicized and abbreviated name of the book (JO K L
Stucl., D ESN IC K A JA Sravn.). References to papers in journals and collec­
tions of articles consist of the author’s name and an italicized and
abbreviated name of the serial edition (PE D E R SE N Festskr. Thomsen,
D U R ID A N O V 1IBE). In the list of references, only books and serial edi­
tions are listed. Roman numerals after the reference indicate the vol­
ume, Arabic figures are page numbers. In rare cases when the serial
edition has no numbered volumes, I adduce the year of publication
instead. Occasional combinations of the Roman and Arabic numbers
stand for the volume and the fascicle.
***

I owe a debt of gratitude to my late teacher of etymology Leonid A.

Gindin (blessed be his memory) and my late teacher of Albanian Roza
Koçi (blessed be her memory).
At early stages of my etymological work, I benefited from valuable
advice and help provided by my colleagues of the Russian Academy of
Sciences: Vladimir Dybo, Sergei Nikolaev, Sergei Starostin and Vladi­
mir Toporov in Moscow and Alexander Rusakov in St. Petersburg. I
also think with gratitude of my former co-author Irina Kaluzskaja and
of the late Agnija Desnickaja.
In 1981-1990 I was greatly assisted by the librarians of the Institute
for Slavic and Balkan Studies in Moscow. The whole work would not
have been carried out without the everyday help and co-operation of the
staff of th é Greek and Slavonic Annexe of the Taylorian Library where
I spent most of my time in Oxford in 1995-1996. In particular, I would
like to thank David Howells and Richard Ramage. I am also grateful to
the staff of the Slavic and East European Library of the University of
Illinois (Urbana-Champaign) and, in particular, to Helen Sullivan.
Important material was collected in the National Library in Tirana and
in the Celtic Library (Jesus College, Oxford), where I was admitted due
to the courtesy of my respected friend D. Ellis Evans who was always
generous in sharing his vast knowledge of Celtic with me. Invariable
 PREFACE X III

friendliness and competence of my Brill editors, Trudy Kamperveen

and Jan Fehrmann, greatly contributed to my work at its last stage.
As mentioned above, a considerable part of this work was written
during my stay in Wolfson College (Oxford) whose members and staff
were of great help.
Finally, I would like to record my special thanks to numerous col­
leagues and friends: Bahri Beci, Merita Bruci and Shaban Demiraj
(Tirana), Michael Nicholson, Gerald Smith, Andrew Sherratt and John
Moorey (Oxford), John Greppin (Cleveland), Aron Dolgopolsky
(Haifa), Jens Elmegârd Rasmussen (Kopenhagen), Benjamin Isaac (Tel
Aviv), and Vitaly Shevoroshkin (Ann Arbor). My friend Jean Rosen
(Seattle) kindly agreed to edit my English. Indices were prepared in
collaboration with my wife Natasha Orel and my student Gregory
Zubakov.
I am particularly indebted to my friend Çlirim Bidollari (Tirana) who
carried out the difficult, boring and dedicated task of reading through
the Albanian part of the present book and correcting it, in the midst of
the Albanian national tragedy of 1996-1997.
 IN TR O D U CTIO N

A lbanian P honetics an d O rthography

Modern Albanian (spoken in Albania as well as in large Albanian

colonies in Italy, Balkan countries, Northern America and the Ukraine)
exists in two basic forms based on two main groups of dialects, Tosk
(Southern Albania) and Geg (Northern Albania). These two dialectal
groups differ in a number of phonetic features as well as in certain mor­
phological phenomena (mainly, in the analytical forms of the verb such
as infinitive, future, imperfect, conditional and plusquamperfect). The
main phonetic differences are as follows (according to Ç A B E J St. Ill 96-
98):
1. In Geg there exist nasal vowels corresponding to non-nasal vowels
in Tosk, cf. Geg pêsë ~ Tosk pese, Geg lì ~ Tosk li.
2. In Tosk there exists (stressed) ë, an equivalent of Rum â, î, Bulg i,.
This Tosk vowel corresponds to various nasal vowels in Geg.
3. There is an opposition of short : long vowels in Geg (historically
explained by contractions and positional lengthenings). In Tosk there is
no such opposition.
4. Old Albanian uo and Tosk ua correspond to Geg ue. In most of
Geg dialects, ue, ie, ye yielded long vowels u:, i:, y:.
5. In several words, initial Tosk va- corresponds to initial Geg vo-.
6. In Tosk, voiced consonants are unvoiced in the auslaut. In Geg
they are not.
7. Tosk dialects preserve groups mb, ngj and nd assimilated to m, nj
and n in Geg.
8. Old Albanian groups kl and gl (preserved today in Chameria as
well as in Dardha and Italy) changed to q, gj in most of Albanian
dialects. However, in the North one finds k, g, in the Catholic part of
Shkodra - ki, gi.
9. Intervocalic -n- is preserved in Geg but underwent the process of
rhotacism in Tosk; hence, Tosk verë as an equivalent of Geg vene.
The contemporary literary standard is based on the Tosk variant.
There also exists a parallel Geg literary norm. In order to read in
Albanian, it is essential to make a few notes of the orthography (for
details see B u c h h o l z - F ied ler Alb. Gr. 27-42):
XVI INTRODUCTION

c stands for [ts].

f is a sign for [ts].
dh denotes an apicodental [ö],
ë stands for [a] or zero if unstressed. When stressed, it denotes a cen­
tral unrounded vowel [t>] similar to Bulg i,.
gj denotes a palatalized velar [g’].
j stands for [i].
I stands for “clear” European [1], It can also denote a palatal [F]
being a separate phoneme in certain local dialects.
II is a “dark" [1] similar to the non-palatalized [1] in Russian. It is
opposed to / as an alevolar-dental to an alveolar.
nj denotes a palatalized [n’].
q stands for a palatalized velar [k*].
rr represents a long and/or intense [R],
sh is a palato-alveolar spirant [s].
th denotes an apicodental [0],
X stands for |dz],
xh is a sign for [dz],
y denotes a front rounded [ü].
zh is a palato-alveolar spirant [z].
Nasality of vowels in Geg is shown by the sign of circumflex A: â
stands for a nasal [à], ê is [ë| and so on.

A lbanian H istorical P honetics

Vocalism

1. ShortTE *e was preserved as *e in Proto-Albanian but later, after

or during the period of Albanian - Latin contacts, it yielded a diphthong
*ie w'hile in certain positions it remained unchanged (a similar process
took place in Rumanian). These positions have not been accurately
defined. Short *e remains unchanged before n and nj (vend, ndenja,
rend), after */ (mbledh, lehtë, lend), after clusters containing *r (kredh,
shkrep, bredh) but not after the initial *r (rjep), after *j (ngjesh). The
diphtong *ie was generally preserved as ie ~ je (bie, pjek, djeg, diell). In
some cases, presumably, before a syllable containing PAlb *i and/or
before some clusters, *ie changed to ia ~ ja (gjalmë, jam, mjaltë,
jashtë). The initial element of the diphthong was lost again after ç, gj, nj
(çel, gjerb, njeri, qengj). The earliest Latin loanwords in Albanian
reflect Lat ë as je ~ ja (pjesë, vjersh, mjek).
 INTRODUCTIO N XVII

2. Short IE *o changed to PAlb *a > Alb a (nate, gardh, gjak,

mardh). Lat ö is reflected as u (krushk, kundër, shpuzë) or o (popull,
porte, korb) in loanwords. Short IE *a coincided with *o in PAlb *a >
Alb a (kap, dal, bathe). Lat à appears as a in Albanian loanwords ifaqe,
larg, shtat). In some cases, Alb a, ë < PAlb *a reflects the old IE *9
(dhënë ~ dhanë < *danti-, part, of jap, mëllënjë < *mehniä). However,
in other words (probably, before the old stress) *3 disappears (baltë).
3. Narrow short vowels *i and *u were preserved in Albanian (gdhij,
ligë, vidh\ dru, gjumë, ujë, butë). The same applies to Lat / and ü
(këmishë, këshill, iriq; luftë, popull, shumë). At the same time, in some
words (belonging to a later chronological layer?) Lat i appears as Alb e
(shenjë, meshë, kreshpë).
4. Before nasal consonants. Proto-Albani an short vowels *a, *e, *i,
*u were nasalized and turned into *â, *ë, *z, *«. Later they were pre­
served as such in Geg dialects (where they are marked as a, ê, f, û if not
followed by a nasal consonant). In Tosk, *J and *ü lost their rhinesm
while *a changed to ë and *ê - to ë, e; hence such pairs as Tosk kërp ~
Geg kanp, Tosk hënë - Geg hanë.
5. Long IE *ë changed to PAlb *a and then to Alb o (mos, plotë,
kohë, ngroh). In one case (mish) *ë is reflected as Alb i (this develop­
ment clearly preceding the application of the “ruki” rule). In Latin loan­
words, Lat ë is usually rendered as Alb e (regj,femër, prëndverë). Occa­
sionally, however, it yields Alb i (bishë, ligj, kishë). Long IE *a merged
with *ë in PAlb *ä > Alb o (motër, kollë, kopshtë). As to Lat ä, it is
always preserved in Alb a (blatë, shkallë) while Gk ä appears as o in
loanwords (mokër).
6. Long IE *ö yielded PAlb *o later reflected as Alb e (tetë, pelë,
blerë). The same result is found in earlier Latin loanwords with ó
(pemë, tërmet, tmerr). Later, Latin loanwords display u (kanushë,
shullë) or even o (orë, kore) as a reflex of ö. While IE *ö was palatal­
ized to *ö, IE *a gave PAlb *w usually appearing as y in the inlaut
(dyllë, gjysh) and i in the auslaut (mi, ti, thi). Lat û is normally rendered
as y (gjyq, shqyt,fytyrë, vërtyt) but, occasionally, also as u (rrushkult).
7. Long IE *f was preserved as PAlb *F > Alb i (pi, di, pidh). In iso­
lated cases, however, Alb _y reflects *F (ay). In Latin loanwords, Lat I
yields Alb i (fill, linjë).
8. In unknown conditions (probably, in the originally non-final sylla­
ble) before *n, *m, *r long PALb *a and *o merged into *ö that was
later reflected by diphthongs: Tosk ua, Geg (old) uo, (new) ue (muaj,
krua, duar - pi. of dorë). In some cases, these diphthongs were further
X VIII INTRODUCTION

umlauticized into Tosk ye, Geg y (dyer - pi. of derë, lyej). In Latin loan­
words, Lat 0 gives the same results (kapua,ftua, shërbetuar, arsye).
9. IE *ei was preserved as PAlb *ei but later coincided with *i in
Alb i (dimer, mire). As to IE *ai and *oi, they yielded PAlb *ai reflect­
ed as Alb e (vere, be, degë).
10. Indo-European diphthongs in u lost their second element in Al­
banian. Thus, IE *eu preserved as PAlb *eu appeared as Alb e (deslía -
aor. of dua, det, nëntë). IE *au and *ou merged into PAlb *au further
reflected as Alb a (dashur - part, of dua, dash, agoj, thaj). In Latin loan­
words, Lat au is also rendered as a (ar, gaz, lar).
11. Syllabic liquida *r and */, both long and short, changed to PAlb
*ri, *il and, less often and in uncertain conditions, to *ru, *ul. Those
clusters were either preserved as Alb ri, it, ru, ul or metathesized
before vowels (krimb, trim, grurë, kulpër, ujk, birë). Syllabic nasals *n
and *m changed to PAlb *a > Alb a (shtatë, gjatë, mat).
12. Under the influence of front vowels of the following syllable,
Alb a of various origins was umlauticized and changed to e, as for
example in plural of nouns or certain forms of verb (eh, elb, end, gjem,
ter). Later this e was often generalized to the whole paradigm and, thus,
appears in singular of nouns and present of verbs. A similar umlaut led
to the transformation of e into i.
13. In Proto-Albanian, the vowels of the final syllable were pre­
served under the old stress but lost one mora when unstressed. Result­
ing new short vowels were reduced, mainly to ë. When a new system of
stress came into being in Albanian, new unstressed vowels in all posi­
tions were reduced to ë, u or zero. If afterwards an inlaut consonant
fell, the sequence of two vowels was contracted and colored according
to the accented vowel (pyll, kij).
14. In the vocalic anlaut, a prothetic h- may well appear (armë ~ har-
më, yll - hyll). In early loanwords, the initial o was substituted by *a >
Tosk va, Geg vu (varfër, vadhë, vatër).

Consonantism

15. Non-syllabic liquida were preserved as PAlb *r, *1. PAlb *r is

reflected as Alb r (dru, tre, motër) and occasionally as rr (kërr, vjehërr,
nap). For unknown reasons, the intervocalic r was altogether lost in
bie. In Latin loanwords, initial r is usually rendered as rr (rrallë,
rregull, rrem). In other positions it yields r (prill, drejtë, kundër). PAlb
*1 tends to yield / in the anlaut (lehtë, lendë, lidh) but gives both I and II
 INTRODUCTION XIX

in other positions {pelë, mjultë, hell, mjegull). In Latin loanwords, inter­

vocalic I appears as Alb II (popull, ulli, mënjollë). Otherwise it gives I
(larg, lëti, plagë). Geminated Lat II is reflected as I (pule, gjel, bule).
16. IE *m remained unchanged in PAlb *m > Alb m (mjaltë, muaj,
mjekër). The same is true of Lat m in loanwords (mik, mijë, mënd). IE
*« yielded PAlb *n that also remained unchanged in the anlaut and in
various consonantal clusters (ne, nëntë, natë, nuk). Initial Lat n is ren­
dered as Alb n (natyrë, nëmëroj, nyje). In the intervocalic position PAlb
*n remained unchanged in Geg but yielded r in Tosk (verë ~ venë, emër
~ emën, llërë ~ llanë). Latin loanwords reflect the same process of Tosk
rhotacism (kërp ~ kanp, rërë ~ ranë,femër ~ femën).
17. The reflex of IE *u is PAlb *w > Alb v (ve, verë, vehte). PAlb
*w was lost before rounded vowels (derë). In a few words, the develop­
ment of *-îwî- to Alb y is attested (grykë, hyll, qytet). As to Lat v, it also
yields v in Albanian (vjershë, verdhë, gjuvengë). As to IE */, it was pre­
served as PAlb *j. In the initial position, *j remained unchanged before
back vowels (ju,josh) but yielded gj otherwise (gjesh, gjaj, gjem). In the
inlaut, PAlb *j disappeared after front vowels (di, hi, fie, bie) but
changed to *jr > h after other vowels (bahe, shtrohë, ngroh, ftoh). The
shift to *x covers the earliest Slavic loanwords (llohë, krahe, krahinë).
In Latin loanwords, the anlaut ./ is reflected as gj (gjuvengë, gjyq, gjym-
tyrë) and later as j (janar).
18. Initial IE *s > PAlb *s yields Alb gj- (gjashtë, gjalpë, gjallë,
gjarpër). In two cases where *s > th (thi, thaj) the interdental results
from the dissimilation of two sibilants. In the intervocalic position, *s
yields to *x > h (kohë, Geg nahe, acc. of ne). However, after *?, *u PAlb
*s changed to *s > sh (breshër, push, gjysh, plish, kush). In Latin loan­
words, Lat s is always rendered as sh (shekull, pëshoj, shelg). The same
is true of earlier borrowings from other languages (shakë).
19. IE *p remains unchanged as PAlb *p > Alb p (pelë, pesë, pjek).
IE *bh yields PAlb *b > Alb b (bie, bathë, dhëmb, baltë). Labials in
Latin loanwords are preserved as p, b (popull, pjepër, bulë, bishë).
20. IE *t > PAlb *t is reflected as Alb t (tre, tetë, ti, trap). The
voiced TE *d is unchanged (darkë, ditë, dritë). IE *dh coincides with *d
in PAlb *d > Alb d (derë, djeg, dal). Unless lost, PAlb *d in the intervo­
calic position or before *r changed to dh (bredh, ledh, pjerdh, gardh). In
the anlaut, dh < PAlb *d is explained either by apheresis (dhunë,
dhashë) or by sandhi (dhjetë). In Latin loanwords, dentals yield t and d
(tmerr, troftë, dëm, drejtë). Lat d changes to Alb dh in the same position
as PAlb *d (shurdh, urdhër).
XX INTRODUCTION

21. So called “pure” velars were preserved as such in Albanian. IE

*k remained PAlb *k > Alb k (krua, karpë, kedh). As to *g it appears as
PAlb *g > Alb g (agoj, lige, gungë). The same reflex continues IE *gh >
PAlb *g > Alb *g (shteg, gardh, mjegull). Latin velars were not changed
in Albanian borrowings: Lat c is rendered as Alb k (këmishë, këngë,
këshill), Lat g - as Alb g (gaz, grigj, plagë). In contemporary Albanian
initial k is sometimes voiced in Geg (gëlbazë ~ këlbazë, gështenjë ~
kështenjë).
22. Indo-European palatal stops were asibilated to affricates in
Proto-Albanian. IE *k changed to PAlb *ts > Alb th (thorn, thëri, thep,
djathtë) but occasionally PAlb *ts appears as c. Both IE *g and *gh
yielded PAlb *dz > Alb dh (lidh, vjedh, herdhe, madh, rrjedh). Howev­
er, in the anlaut only IE *g gave the same reflex (dhëmb, dhëndër, dhal-
lë) while IE *gh reflected as PAlb *d > Alb d (dorë, dimër, dyllë) with
some irregularities. In many words where palatals were neighbors of
sonants the process of asibilation did not take place (grurë, quaj,
mjekër). The development of IE *k in vjehërr is explained by an assimi­
lation *swetsurä > *swesurä > *swexurä.
23. The history of labiovelars was particularly complicated in
Albanian. At first, IE *k", *gl/ and *gLh changed to biconsonantal clusters
*kw and *gw. In front of non-palatal vowels, these clusters lost their
labial element and merged with pure velars so that IE *k* yielded Alb k
(pjek, katër, ndjek), *g“> Alb g (gur, gak, gërshas) and *g"h > Alb g (djeg,
garbe). Before front vowels, the clusters *kw and *gw changed to *k'w
and *gV with a palatalized first element and (together with groups IE
*ku, *gu > PAlb *k’w, *g’w) yielded *tsw, *dzw > *ts, *dz > Alb s, z
(sjell, sy, pesë, zorrë, zë, zulë, zjarr, ndez).
24. In Proto-Albanian, some of the intervocalic voiced dentals and
velars were lost (ve, le, nge, dra). The conditions of this process are
unknown but may be of accentual origin. At the same time, a similar
change\(including also b) occurred in numerous Latin loanwords (mjek,
përrallè\ pre, tra).
23. tn the auslaut, most consonants were lost already during the
Proto-Albanian period (probably, before the vowel shortening in the
last syllable). The only definite exception is r (motër).
24. Before the old *j, the following PAlb *t, *d and *.v changed to
*ts, *dz and *s in a process that may be described as the first palataliza­
tion (mas, nesër, tres, buzë, shosh, vesh). Latin clusters tj and dj were
also affected by this process (pjesë, pus, rrezë, shpuzë). Lat sj coincided
with s in Alb sh (këmishë).
 INTRODUCTION XXI

25. Before j (including the new j developed as the first part of the
diphthong ie/je < PAlb *e) as well as before i, PAlb *k and *g yielded q
and gj (qoj, qerthull, gjemb) and */, *n changed to j ~ I and nj (majë, bëj,
njeri). This process may be called the second palatalization. It is also
attested in Latin loanwords (qetë, qëndër, regj, ligj, gështenjë).
26. The cluster *rj changed to rr (ënderr, den), also in early Slavic
loanwords (purrë). However, there are difficult forms where *rj is
reflected as j (mbaj).
27. Proto-Albanian clusters *rw, *wr as well as *lw changed to rr
and II (arrë, rribë, gjallë, mieli). Later Latin loanwords follow this pat­
tern (rryle) but then, probably in words coming from Balkan Eastern
Romance (proto-Rumanian) one also finds -rb- < Lat -rv- (shërbej).
Also, as in proto-Rumanian, Latin groups -br- and -bl- change to -ur-,
-ul-\ then the labial forms a diphtong with the preceding vowel and (in
Albanian) disappears (farkë, shtallë).
28. When combined with nasals, stops yield various results. Thus,
*pn changes to m (gjumë), *dm to m (,bram) while *gn (with g of any
origin) is reflected as nj (njoh, enjë). In Latin loanwords gn is also
changed to nj (shenjë) but in some words (of Eastern Balkan origin?) it
appears as ng (peng).
29. In Proto-Albanian *rn and *ln were preserved. These clusters
lived long into the pre-historic Albanian period until they yielded rr and
Il (verr, barrë, pjell, shtjell). The same reflexes are found in Latin loan­
words (ferr, furrë, kërrutë). In loanwords one can also trace the old
cluster mn reflected as m or, with a secondary final -b, mb (dëm,
shkëmb, shtëmbë). Geminate nn in borrowings was preserved as n or nd
(similar to -m > -mb) and, apparently, was not affected by the Tosk
rhotacism (gunë, pendë). The cluster *nr developed an epenthetic *d
and changed to *ndr > ndër (ëndërr, dhëndër).
30. Before spirants and affricates of various origins, nasal sono-
rants disappeared (pese, mish, pëshoj, mëz).
31. As noted above, auslaut m and n occasionally changed to mb
and nd (shkëmb, shtëmbë, pëllambë, pendè'). On the other hand, mb, nd
and ng resulted from various clusters consisting of a nasal and a stop,
both in Indo-European roots and in loanwords (lëndë, pëndë, ndëj, nga,
tembull, prind, këngë). Some of these clusters tended to lose their sec­
ond element (anë, dhunë).
32. In the anlaut, Alb *kl, *gl yielded q, gj in standard literary
Albanian and some dialects (qaj, qetë, qesh, gjatë, gjemb) while other
dialects have [ts], [dz] or [ki], [gi] or even depalatalized [k], [g]. The
XX II INTRODUCTION

same change was applied to loanwords (gjëndër) including those from

Slavic (gjobë). In other positions *gl changed to gull (mjegull). Proto-
Albanian clusters *lk, *lg fluctuate between Ik, Ig (shelg, balgë) and jk ,jg
(bujk, bajgë).
33. Clusters *sw, *sm and *sn lost their first element (vjehërr,
vjerr, mjekër, mug, thaj < *sausnja). Clusters *sr and *sl yielded rr and
Il (try me, korr, kolle). Clusters *rs and *ls gave the same results (djerr,
kalli) but the group *lst changed to *st > sht (kashtë).
34. PAlb *sp underwent a metathesis into *ps and y ield e d /(fâj, fai,
fare, ferrë, fier) while in loanwords sp is reflected as slip (shpatull,
shpuze). PAlb *st changed to sht both in Indo-European words and
loanwords (shteg, shtatë, shtyj, shtallue, shtat). The voiced cluster zd
was metathesized to *dz and changed to dh (pidh) and, occasionally, to
th (drithë).
35. PAlb *sk < IE *sk, *sk“ changed to shk (shkak, shkal, shkas,
shkep) and, before front vowels, to shq (shqarr, shqerr, shqyej). In other
cases, PAlb *sk (apparently, continuing also *sk) underwent a metathe­
sis into *ks and yielded h (hale, hap, hair, hedh) thus coinciding with
the original *ks (huaj). No obvious distribution between shk and h as
reflecting *sk has been found. Moreover, in some words the initial *sk
(preceded by a prefix *eks-l) yielded ç before a front vowel (çaj, çalë).
36. The rare but diagnostically important cluster *tt gave PAlb *tst
> *ts > s (pasur, part, of kam). Other clusters consisting of two stops
lost their first element (dritë, nate, dhe, dje). In Latin loanwords clusters
of two stops were represented mainly by ct and cs = x. Their develop­
ment was twofold. When borrowed from East Balkan Romance of the
Rumanian type, ct coincided with pt in ft (prift, qift, ftua, luftë, trofìe)
and cs gave fsh (kofshue, lafshë). When borrowed from Dalmatian (i.e.
Western) Romance, ct yielded jt (drejtë, trajtë, pajtoj) while cs devel­
oped to sh (frashër, ushunjëz).
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W e ig a n d (Wb.) - W e ig a n d , G u s ta w L ü d w ig . Albanesich-Deutsches und Deutsch-
Albanesisches Wörterbuch. Leipzig: Johann A m brosius Barth, 1914.
W e ig a n d Gr. - W e ig a n d , G u s ta w L ü d w ig . Albanesische G rammatik im südgegischen
Dialekt (Durazzo. Elbassan, Tirana). Leipzig: Johann Am brosius Barth, 1913.
Word - Word. New Y ork, 1945 -.
WSl - Die Welt der Slaven. W iesbaden, 1956 -.
WuS - Wörter und Sachen. Heidelberg, 1909-1937 [Neue Folge: 1938-1944],
WZKM - Wiener Zeitschrift fü r die Kunde des Morgenlandes. W ien, 1904 -.
XHUVANI Studime - XHUVANI, ALEKSANDF.R. Studime gjuhësore. Prishtinë: Rilindja,
1968.
 REFERENCES XXXIX

XII LFR - A d ele celui de al X ll-lea congres international Je lingvisticä fi filologie

romanicä. Bucuresti: E ditura Academiei RPR, 1971.
XYLANDER - XYLANDER, JOSEPH, VON. Die Sprache der Albaner oder Schkiptaren.
Frankfurt-am -M ain: Andreäische Buchhandlung, 1835.
Zb. Belic- Mélanges linguistiques et philologiques offerts à M. Aleksandar Belic. Beograd,
1937.
ZfBalk - Zeitchrift fü r Balkanoìogie. W iesbaden, 1962 -.
ZfceltPh - Z eitschriffür celtische Philologie. Halle, 1897 -.
ZFL - Zbornik za filologiju i lingvistiku. Novi Sad, 1958 -.
ZfOrt - Zeitchrift fü r Ortsnamenforschung. M ünchen - Berlin, 1925 -. [= ZONF]
ZfPhonetik - Zeitschrift fü r Phonetik und allgemeine Sparchwissenschaft. Berlin, 1947 -.
[= Zeitschrift fü r Phonetik, Sparchwissenschaft und Kommunikationsforschung].
ZfromPh - Zeitschrift fü r romanische Philologie. Halle - Tübingen, 1877 -.
ZfsIavPh - Zeitschrift fü r slavische Philologie. Leipzig - Heidelberg, 1924 -.
ZfSlaw - Zeitschrift fü r Slawistik. Berlin, I956-.
ZO G - Zeitschrift fü r die österreichischen Gymnasien. W ien, 1850-1928.
ZONF = ZfOrt.
¿A - ¿iva antika. Skopje. 1952 -.
 ABBREVIATIONS FOR LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS

A kk - A kkadian Iran - Iranian

Alb - A lbanian L angob - L angobardian (L om bard)
A rag - A ragon Latv - L atvian
A rm - A rm enian L G erm - L ow G erm an
A rum - A rum anian L ith - L ithuanian
Av - A vestan L om b - Lom bard
Balk - B alkanic Lyc - L ycian
B alt - Baltic Lyd - L ydian
B ret - B reton M - M iddle (as a first com ponent)
Bulg - B ulgarian M aced - M acedonian
C alabr - C alabrian M B ret - M iddle B reton
Catal - C atalan MDu - M iddle Dutch
C elt - C eltic M E - M iddle English
Chag - Chagatai M essap - M essapic
Class. P e rs - C lassical Persian M Fr - M iddle French
Copt - C optic M G k - M iddle G reek
CS - C hurch Slavic M H G - M iddle H igh G erm an
C yren - C yrenean M ingr - M ingrelian
Dac - D acian M Lat -M edieval Latin
Dalm - D alm atian M LG - M iddle Low G erm an
Dor - D oric M P ers - M iddle Persian
E - E nglish M W - M iddle W elsh
Eg - E gyptian N - New (as a first com ponent, = M odern)
Engad - Engadine N eapol - N eapolitan
E pidaur - E pidaurian N G k - M odern G reek
Etr - E truscan NI tal - N o rth Italian
Fr - French N orw - N orw egian
F riul - F riulan N P ers - N ew Persian
Gaul - G aulish O - O ld (as a first com ponent)
G eorg - G eorgian O B avar - O ld B avarian
G erm - G erm an O B ret - Old B reton
Gk - G reek O C orn - O ld C ornish
Gmc - G erm anic OCS - O ld C hurch Slavic
Goth - G othic O E - O ld E nglish
Hbr - H ebrew O Fr - O ld French
H isp-C elt - H ispano-C eltic O F ris - O ld Frisian
H itt - H ittite O H G - Old H igh G erm an
H ung - H ungarian OTr - O Irish
IE - Indo-E uropean O ltal - O ld Italian
llly r - Illyrian O Lith - O ld L ithuanian
lr - Irish ON - O ld N orse
XLII ABBREVIATIONS

O P ers - O ld Persian S ard - S ardinian

O P ort - Old Portuguese SCr - Serbo-C roatian
O P rus - O ld Prussian Sicil - Sicilian
O Russ - O ld R ussian Skt - S anskrit
OS - O ld Saxon Slav - Slavic
O S ard - Old S ardinian Sogd - Sogdian
Ose - O sean Sp - Spanish
O sset - O ssetic Sw ed - Sw edish
P ers - Persian T hr - T hracian
P hryg - Phrygian T okh - T okharian
Pieni - Piem ontan T urk - T urkish
Pol - Polish U kr - U krainian
P o rt - Portuguese V enet - V enetian
P rov - Provençal W - W elsh
Rom - Rom ance Y agn - Y agnob
R um - Rum anian Y azg - Y azgulam
R uss - R ussian
 A - A FËR 1

A
a part. ‘whether’, conj ‘o r’. The particle is etymologically identical with
the conjunction (Ç a b e j St. I 27-28). From PAlb *a connected with Gk
T) ‘indeed’ (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 322) or with the pronominal stem
*e-l*o. 0 BOPP 498 (to Skt a-, demonstrative particle); CAMARDA 1313-
314 (to Gk i], interjection); M e y e r Wb. 1 (borrowing from Lat an
‘whether’ but the nasal could not be lost without any traces; conjunction
a continues Lat aut ‘o r’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1047, 1057;
JOKL ArRom XXIV 19; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 67 (follows PEDERSEN);
FRISK I 619; HAMP HSyn. 177; ÇABEJ St. I 27-28 (from an exclama­
tion), Et im. II 5-6 (follows M e y e r ); H u l d 36 (accepts M e y e r ’s
view); K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 44; DEMIRAJ AE 69 (to Lat an, Gk av, from
PAlb *an < IE *Hen).

acar m, pi. acare ‘steel’. From PAlb *atsara ‘sharp’ with c preserving
the old affricate. Further connected with OIr aicher ‘sharp’, Gk ock-
pov ‘point, to p ’, Lith astrus ‘sharp’, Slav *ostri, id. 0 POKORNY I 21.

acar m ‘frost, strong cold’. Historically identical with acar ‘steel’, with
a semantic development ‘strong cold’ < ‘sharp’. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 20 (explains
the derivative acëroj ‘to fester [of a wound J’ as a borrowing from Slav
*cirb, *citbjb ‘wound, furuncle’); Ç A B E J St. I 28 (suggests a division
a-car with prefix a- and the root identified with that of cirris), Etini.
II 9 (to ther).

adhuroj aor. adhurova ‘to adore’. Borrowed from (learned) Lat adorare
id. (M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 1). 0 M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 1
1047; M lH Ä E S C U RESEE IV /1-2 21; Ç A B E J Etim. II 11 (from Italian);
L a n d i Lat. 79.

‘near’. From PAlb *apsera representing a contamina­

a f ë r adv., prep.
tion of *aps, a variant of IE *apo reflected by Gk ocy ‘backwards’, and
of *apero, a derivative of * a p o Skt apara ‘posterior, later’, Goth afar
‘after’ and the like. Thus, PAlb *apsera reflects IE *apero influenced
by *aps (O R E L Festschr. Shevoroshkin 257). Possible but less proba­
ble is the borrowing of afër from Germanic: Goth afar, OHG avar ‘again’
and the like. 0 G lL ’FE R D lN G Otn. 20 (to Skt ápara-)\ M lK L O S IC H Rom.
2 AFSH— AH

Elemente 26 (from Lat finis)-, M E Y E R Wb. 3 (borrowed from Rom *affinare

‘to approach’ ~ Lat affinis ‘near’ with Geg < Tosk); JO K L Studien 103-
104 (preposition a followed by -fër borrowed from Goth fera ‘side’);
B A R IC Lingv. Studien 87 (links afër to Lat spernö ‘to sever, to sepa­
rate, to rem ove’, Gk Grcaipco ‘to gasp, to pant, to quiver’), Hymje 71;
T r e i m e r KZ LXV 87-88; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 67; F r i s k I 204; P o k o r n y
I 53-54; M a y r h o f e r I 38; Ç a b e j St. I 28-29 (privative a- < *n- and
-fër compared with E far), Etim. II 11-12; HULD 36; D E M IR A J AE 70-
71.

afsh m, pi. afshe ‘heat, hot breath, smell’. From PAlb *aweisa, a suf­
fixal derivative of IE *auei- ‘to blow’ structurally close to M W awyd
‘gust of w ind’, OCorn awit ‘a ir’ < *aueido- (O R E L Fort. 78). Another
derivative of the same root is PAlb *aweita > aft ‘blow of wind’ (D E M IR A J
AE 72). ô C a m a r d a I 305, II 100, 150 (aft to Gk axvri ‘chaff’); M e y e r
Wb. 3 (from Ital afa ‘heat coming from the ground’); JO K L IF XLIII
63 (to ënj); P O K O R N Y I 82; Ç A B E J Etim. II 13 (to avull).

aftë adj. ‘capable, proper’. Borrowed from Lat aptus id. ( Ç A B E J Etim.
II 13). 0 M A N N Comp. 29 (related to Lat aptus).

ag m. pi. agje ‘twilight, dusk’. From PAlb *auga etymologically related

to Gk auYT] ‘ray of light’ and further based on IE *aug- ‘to increase’
(M E Y E R Wb. 4, Alb. St. Ill 37). The verb agoj ‘to dawn’ is derived from
ag. 0 C A M A R D A 1 94 (to Gk i|ci>ç ‘dawn’); B A R IC ARSt I 60 (wavers
between M e y e r ’ s and C a m a r d a ’ s etymologies); PERSSO N Beiträge 369;
G O N D A Anc. 73-83; M A N N Language XXVI 382; P IS A N I Saggi 99;
C h a n t r a i n e 137; P o l á K ZfBaili I 87 (to Basque ego ‘light’); TRU BA CEV
Ètnogenez 151 (identifies the first element of ’AyciSupaoi with ag)\ Ç A B E J
St. I 30 (to G k op<pvr) ‘darkness, night’), Etim. II 16-17; D E M IR A J AE
72.

agjëroj - agjënoj aor. agjërova ~ agjënova ‘to fast’. Borrowed from Rom
*adjünare id., cf. Rum ajuna id. ( M e y e r Wb. 4 ). 0 CAMARDA I 8 0 (to
Lat jejünium ‘fast’); M eyer-L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1049; PUSCARIU
EWR 5; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 12; ÇABEJ Etim. II 18-19 (from
jejuna re).

ah m, pi. ahe, aha ‘beech-tree’. Goes back to PAlb *aksa identical with
IE *osk-: Gk ó^úa ‘beech’, Arm haci ‘ash-tree’, ON askr id,, Maced
 A I, AY — AKULL 3

â^oç- TJÀ.T) ( M e y e r Wb. 4; P e d e r s e n IF V 44). 0 P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr.

I 86; B u g a II 286; B a r i ç ffymje 24; A C A R E A N HAB III 65; PIS A N I Saggi
128; PO K O R N Y I 782; F r i s k II 400; C h a n t r a i n e 806; H a m p Laryn­
geals 132; H U L D 36-37; Ç A B E J Etim. II 19-20; D E M IR A J AE 73.

ai, ay pron. ‘he’, f. ajo ‘she; that’. Mase, ai goes back to PAlb *a-ei con­
sisting of a proclytic particle *a and a demonstrative *ei, identical with
IE *ei- in Skt ayant ‘he’, Lat is (eis in early inscriptions) and the like.
The feminine form is from PAlb *a-ja continuing IE *jä id., fern. sg.
of the demonstrative *io- ( B o p p 519; C a m a r d a I 209; M e y e r Wb. 5).
0 M e y e r ZfromPh XI 268-269 (a- from Lat atque)\ Alb. St. Ill 40, 63,
79, IV 24; JO K L Studien 4 (a- from Lat ad), LKUBA 271 (a- from IE
*ad or *o), IF XXXVI 98-100; P E D E R S E N Festskr. Thomsen 248-252,
KZ XXXIV 288, XXXVI 309 (derives -jo from IE *sa treating -j- as
a hiatus filler), Pron. 315 (a- from IE *au-)\ T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 68;
PO K O R N Y I 282-283; C A M A J 103 (follows M E Y E R ); Ç A B E J St. I 31, Etim.
II 22-23; H a m p St. Whatmough 81 (on neut. ata in com parison with Mes-
sap ic); DEMIRAJ Gr. 467-468 (in tera ctio n o f IE *e- and *so-)\ OREL
FLH V III/1-2 43; HULD 38 (repeats PEDERSEN’s versio n ); KORTLANDT
SSGL X 224-225 (-jo < IE *ija or *ejä), XXIII 174; DEMIRAJ AE 70,
73.

aj m ‘bite’. Borrowed from Lat alium (M E Y E R Wb. 6 ). 0 ÇABEJ Etim.

II 23-24 (to anëzë).

ajkë f ‘cream, wool fat’. In dialects, a more phonetically archaic form

alkë has been preserved. Goes back to PAlb *alka related to Lith dlkti
‘be hungry’, alka ‘hunger’, Slav *olkti ‘be hungry’ (O R E L Festschr.
Shevoroshkin 257). 0 M E Y E R Wb. 5 (from Lat alica ‘kind of grain, spelt’
with an obvious discrepancy of meaning); O S t i r Anthropos VIII 165-
167 (to Lat sebum ‘lard ’); FR A E N K E L 8; C A M A J Alb. Worth. 57-58 (to
Iule); Ç A B E J St. I 31-32 (reconstructs *olka and compares ajkë with
Lat alga ‘sea-weed’), Etim. II 26-28 (to IE *ol- ‘fat, dirt’); D E M IR A J
AE 74.

akull m, pi akuj ‘ice’. Loanword from Gmc *jakulaz ‘icicle, glacier’,

cf. ON jokull ‘icicle’, OE gicel id. (O R E L Linguistica XXVI 171). In
Albanian, the source may be East Germanic (Balkan Gothic?). The loss
of the anlaut probably, shows that the loan penetrated into Proto-
Albanian at a stage when there was no 7-like sound there. 0 C a m a r d a
 4 AME AHULL an — (c;) A N G ËRR 5

amull as ‘burning’); WEIGAND 2 (amull ‘very hot’ borrowed from

161 (suffix -ull-)', M e y e r Alb. Studien I 6 6 , Wb. 7 (comparison with
Turkish); JOKL LKUBA 2 7 0 -2 7 2 (to mbulim); L a P ia n a Studi 9 9 (to
Gk àxkvq ‘fog’, Lat aquilö ‘North wind’ and the like; these forms,
ovuli)-, F r a e n k e l 471; N e v s k a j a BGT 53; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IX 124;
however, reflect IE *aghlu-, cf. FRISK I 5 5 ), Alb. St. Ill 5; JOKL Studien
ÇABEJ St. I 34; MANN Comp. 20 (to Arm amul ‘barren’, Olr amba I ‘dark’);
112 (suffix -ull), LKUBA 2 6 8 -2 6 9 (negative *n added to -hull related
DEMIRAJ AE 7 5 (to amë).
to the semantically misinterpreted Slav *kaliti ‘to make hot, to harden
(of iron)’ and not ‘to be cold’); W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 60; TAGLIAVINI
an m ‘uterus’. A metaphoric transformation of enë, singularized plural
Dalmazia 68 (agrees with JOKL); ClMOCHOWSKl ABS 40-41 (< a- + *kel-
of dialectal an, anë ‘vessel’. As to the latter, it is identical with a m
‘to strike’); C a m a j Alb. Worth. 5 3 -5 4 (to ehull); HULD 3 8 -3 9 (follows
‘side’ ( K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Koll. idg. Ges. 223). 0 C a m a r d a I I 31 (com­
JOKL); OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 355; ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 1 -3 2 ; DEMIRAJ AE
74.
parison of enë with Gk àyyeîov ‘vessel’), 71 (to Gk ëv-cea ‘vessel’);
M E Y E R Wb. 12 (identifies enë with anë ‘side’), Alb. St. IV 9; JO K L Studien
3 (compares anë, enë with Skt ukhà- ‘vessel, boiler’ and/or Goth auhns
am ë f, pi. ama ‘source, river-bed’. A metaphoric use of amë ‘m other’
‘oven’, reconstructing *augvnä); B a r i c I ARSt 8 6 (to Lat auxilia)',
(V a s m e r ZfslavPh X V I 337; T a g l ia v in i Melanges Pedersen 162 -1 6 3 ),
98: C a b e j St. I 3 4 Æ A M " "
J i/Ta y r h o f f-.rRJ f 1 1
ssel for sacrifi- M a n n Comp. 20 (an ‘caul’ related to Gk àpviov
bed ’ (to *mati ‘m other’). 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 64; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch.
amnisy, b a k<ic iC //i/i/to í n
380 (lollows JO K L ); C H A N T R A IN E 70; Ç A B E J Etim. I I 39 (agrees with 7'

T a g l i a v i n i ); G a m k r e l i d z e - I v a n o v I I 8 8 6 (to G k ájaúpri ‘pit,

daj conj. ‘therefore’. A compound of a (as in ai) and ndaj (MEYER canal’); D E M IR A J AE 75-76. ai
b. 11). H
am ë f. pi. ama ‘mother’. In Tosk where amë comes from Geg, there exists
ië f, pl. anë ‘side’. From PAlb *anta related to Skt anta- ‘end’, Goth è me as well. A widespread Lallname (M E Y E R Wb. 5). 0 T A G L IA V IN I ai
ideis id. ( Ç a b e j St. I 35, IV 56-57) with *-nt- > 0 M e y e r Wb. Stratificazione 111 ; S a i n é a n ZfromPh XXX 3 1 4 (borrowed from Lat a,
(reconstructs *ausnâ related to IE *öus- ‘mouth’), Alb. St. Ill 12, anima)', D E M IR A J AE 170. 1
I, 90; JO K L Studien 12; F e i s t Goth. 49; M A N N Language XXVIII 40 6
ame as M E Y E R ); M A Y R H O F E R I 90; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 211; amëz f ‘odour, arom a’. Derivative in -ëz from (G) amë < PAlb *admá 0
)L Á K Orbis XVI 127 (to Georg hana ‘field’); Ç A B E J Etim. 11 47-49; connected with Gk óópr| id., Lat odor id., Lith úosti ‘to smell’ (JOKL p
.NSO N Unt. 90-92; D E M IR A J AE 77-78 (supports Ç A B E J). Studien 3; M a n n Language XXVIII 3 9), 0 T a g l ia v in i Melanges Pe­ Ji
dersen 162; F risk II 352-353; F r a e n k e l 1167-1168; W a l d e -H o f m a n n
ig m ‘fear, nightm are’. From P A lb *anga corresponding to Skt II 203; P o k o r n y I 7 7 2 -7 7 3 ; C h a n t r a in e 777; D u r id a n o v BE XVI
nhas- ‘fear’, Lat angor ‘unrest, fear’, Olr cumcae gl. ‘angor’ < Celt a
66 (reconstructs *am-); Ç abej Etim. I I 40-41 (derived from amë ‘mother’,
*
:om-ong-iâ (OREL Antic, balk. 5 32; OREL ZfBalk X X III/2 147) and cf. Fr mère de vinaigre)', DEMIRAJ AE 76.
rther connected with IE *anghu- ‘narrow’, *anghos ‘narrowness, opres- fl
on’ (ÇABEJ St. I 36). 0 JOKL IF XLIII 61 f. (links ang, ankth to Skt s:
amull adj. ‘stagnant (of water)’. As to amull ‘very hot’, it is the same
liti ‘to breathe’ < IE *ana~); O S tir AArbSt I 104 (fantastic compar­ word ( Ç a b e j Etim. II 4 2 ) reflecting a specific way of iron tempering, d
ons with Slav *mora ‘(mythic incarnation of) fear', Gk Xapicc and ií
first made hot and then cold by means of water or dirt. The same devel­
e like); MANN Language XXVIII 39; POKORNY I 42-43; HAMP Èriu tl
opment is attested in Slav *kaliti ‘to temper iron’ based on *kali, ‘dirt’.
XVIII 147-148, LB XXX 131-132; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 350. Continues PAlb *amulwa with a prothetic a- etymologically related
to Lith niulve ‘silt, m arsh’, multi ‘to get dirty’. 0 C A M A R D A I 61 (com­
i) angërr f, pi. angrra ‘skin; intestines’. F ro m PAlb *angarä < IE parison with avuliy, M e y e r Wb. 21 (follows C A M A R D A and translates
6 A N G U LLTJ — AQ,

*anghrirä related to Arm anjn ‘soul, person’, ON angi ‘smell, odor4.

0 JOKL Melanges Pedersen 127-129 (zero-grade derivative of IE *gW-
‘to eat, to swallow’); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 86; CiMOCHOWSKILP
II 232 (follows JOKL); ACAREAN HAB I 202-203; POKORNY 142; ÇABEJ
St. I 35 (identifies angërr with the participle hangër ‘eating’), Etim. II
50; L u k a HD XXIV 41-42; D e m ir a j AE 78.

an g u llij ao r. angullita ‘to how l’. Deverbative of *angull < PAlb

*ankula, related to Gk oyKaopat ‘to cry’, Lat uncö ‘to growl (of bears)’.
0 M e y e r Wb. 304 (to ankth); P o k o r n y 1 322; Ç a b fj Etim. I I 51 (follows
M e y e r ).

(G) ankoj aor. ankova ‘to cry, to weep’T his verb also appears as nëkoj,
rëkoj and rënkoj. A denominative verb that is probably based on PAlb
*anaka borrowed from Gk àvccyiori ‘grief, distress’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 304
(to angullij and Slav *jçcati ‘to groan’); LUKA HD XXIV 44-46;
D e m ir a j AE 7 8 -7 9 .

ankth m, pi. ankthe ‘fear, nightmare, restlessness’. Derived from ang.

If -th may be treated as a continuation of *-st-, ankth goes back to PAlb
*angasta and is identical with IE *anghosto- ~ *anghosti-\ Lat angus-
tus ‘narrow ’, O H G august ‘fear’ ( M a n n Language XXVIII 39; Ç a b e j
St. I 36). 0 M e y e r Wb. 13, 304 (compares with ankoj and its variants);
B ariC ARSt I 16-17 (to emakth id., ëmë ‘m other’); JOKL /f ’XLIII 61-
62 (to Lat animus, Skt dniti); OâTIR AArbSt I 104 (to Basque amets
‘dream ’); POKORNY I 43; OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 147, Koll. Idg. Ges. 350;
Ç a b e j Etim. II 53-54; B e e k e s CIEL 263; D e m ir a j AE 79.

apë m ‘elder brother; dad’. A typical Lallname. 0 JOKL LKUBA 39 n .l

(from Hung apa ‘father); Ç A B E J Etim. II 56 (to abej ‘term of respect
to elder brother’ borrowed from Turkish).

aq adj., adv. ‘so, such’. Goes back to PAlb *akja opposed to kaq ‘so’ <
PAlb *kakja in the same way as Slav *ako ‘as, if’ is opposed to *kako
‘how’ (MEYER Wb. 7). Hence, the analysis of these forms as compounds
beginning with pronominal *a~ and *ka- (as in ai vs. ky) and another
stem or a suffix *-kja (ÇABEJ St. I 3 6 -3 7 ). 0 PEDERSEN Proti. 315 (to
Gk a\> ‘again’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJA I 64-65; ÇABEJ Etim. II 58-59; H a m p
Numerals 8 3 6 (-q identical with OPrus quai)', DEMIRAJ AE 80.
 AR — ARE 7

ar m ‘g o ld ’. B o rro w ed from Lat aurum id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente

4; MEYER Wb. 14). 0 M e y e r -LU b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1047, 1056; M a n n
Language XXVI 381; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 12; HAARMANN 112;
Ç a b e j Etim. II 59-60; L a n d i Lat. 72.

arbër ~ arbën m, pl. arbër ~ arbën ‘Albanian (particularly, of Italy and

Greece)’. A Proto-Albanian loanword with the assimilation of liquids,
from Rom *albanus rendering the West Balkan ethnonym attested as
Illyr ’AA.ßavoi (Ptol.). The form arbëresh ~ arbënesh ‘Italo- or
Graeco-Albanian’ reflects Rom *albanensis (JOKL Arch. Rom. XXIV
137). 0 C a m a r d a I 30; M e y e r Wb. 14; P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I299 (to
Gk ôpipavoç ‘orphan’); <I>0YPIKIX ’A0r|v& XL1II 3-7, XLVI 9-12 (to the
name of the Alps and Illyr Arbona): S p it ze r M RIW I 334; T r o m b e t ­
ti AArbSt III 1-6 (from proto-Indo-European); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
71-72 (“sicuramente indigeno”); MAYER Illyrier I I 4 (to Gk ôp(pvôç ‘dark’);
LANGE-K o w a l ZfBalk XVIII/2 134-136 (< *arb- parallel to *alb-)\
K a c o r i EB 1977/1 122-129; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 327; L u k a KKF
281-291; Ç a b e j St. I 37-38, V 62-67; Etim. II 61-68 (to Lat arvum);
LUKA HD XXIV 47-51.

ardhi f ‘vine, grapes’. The word is known in many phonetic variants:

hardhi, erdhi, rdhi, dhri, urdhi, orli. It may go back to *ardhe and, further,
to PAlb *ardz- related to the aorist stem erdha (see vij), cf. CAMAJ Alb.
Worth. 51; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 6 5 -6 6 . Semantically, ‘vine’ < ‘climb­
ing, going’ as in Slav *loza ‘vine’ ~ *loziti, *lezti ‘to climb’ (cf. BRUCK­
NER AfsiPh XXXIX 4; VASMER I I 512). An alternative etymology (M ey er
Wb. 147) is based on the variant rdhi and connects it with IE *ureg-
‘to break, to cut'. 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 1 6 1 -1 6 2 (to Arm o r f ‘vine’); PE­
DERSEN BB XX 2 3 1 , KZ XXXVI 341 (follows BUGGE); JOKL Sprache
IX 152; PISANI Saggi 120; BARIÇ Hymje 4 3 , 57 (compares ardhi with
Basque ardao ‘wine’); POKORNY I 1 1 8 1 -1 1 8 2 ; POLÁK ZfBalk I 87 (to
Basque ardao ‘wine’); WEITENBERG KZ LXXXIX 6 8 -7 0 ; ÇABEJ St. I
38 (a phonetically difficult comparison with urth), Etim. II 6 9 -7 0 ; OREL
Koll. Idg. Ges. 355; DEMIRAJ AE 1 9 5 -1 9 6 .

arë f. pi. ara ‘field’. From PAlb *ara etymologically connected with
Latv eira id. (GÄTERS KZ LXXIII 108-109) and, probably, with Hitt
arha- ‘border, area’, Lyd aara- ‘farmstead, land’, Mess aran (HAMP
KZ LXXV 237-238). 0 C a m a r d a I 96 (to Gk ocpovpoc ‘tilled land’);
MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3 (from Lat área ‘ground, space, thresh-
8 A RËZ ~ A NEZ — ARI

ing-floor’); M e y e r Wb. 14 (from Lat area or from arvurn ‘plowed land’

but -rv- would be rendered as -rr-); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I
1041, 1048 (from Lat ärea): F r a e n k e l 5 1 8 ; Ç a b e j St. 1 39 (follows
G A t e r s ) , Ç a b e j Etim. II 7 1 -7 2 ; H a a r m a n 111 (from Lat àrea);
POLÁK Orbis XVI 128 (to Georg are ‘field’); ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani
6 8 8 -6 8 9 (to Gk ày p ô ç ‘field, land’); HAMP St. Whatmough 7 7, RRL XXI
51 (same as ÖLBERG, reconstructs are < *ager in view of the dialec­
tal long a: in the anlaut); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 149; HULD 38; TISCHLER
1/1 55-56; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 4 4 (adds Arm arawr ‘plow’); KARULIS
LEV I 76; DEMIRAJ AE 8 0 -8 1 .

arëz ~ an ëz f, pl. arëza ~ am a ‘wasp’. Continues PAlb *auna derived

from IE *au(d)- ‘to weave’ similarly to Lith vapsà, Slav *osa and the
like based on IE *uebh- ‘to weave’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 14 (borrowing from
Turk ari ‘bee’ with a suffix -ëz - but how to explain the rhotacism in
Tosk?), Alb. St. V 68; B a r i Í ARSt. I 8 3 -8 4 (reconstructs *aícna com­
pared with Lat acüleus ‘sting’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 70; ÇABEJ St.
4 0 -4 1 (agrees with B a r i C); ÇABEJ Etim. II 8 7 -8 8 (from *aíc- ‘sharp’ ).

arëzë f, pl. arëza ‘nape’. Note a more phonetically conservative variant

arrëzë. Another derivative of the same stem is represented by arrç ‘upper
jugular vertebra’. Both words are based on arre in its metaphoric sense
of a round protuberance ( C a m a r d a 1 1 8 1 ; M e y e r Wb. 7 ). 0 Ç a b e j St.
141, Etim. II 90.

argësh m ‘crude raft supported by skin bladders, crude bridge o f c r o ss­

bars, h a r r o w ’. F rom P A lb *argusa related to Skt argala- ‘b o lt’, OE
reced ‘b u ild in g , h o u s e ’. 0 P o k o r n y I 65; Ç a b e j St. I 3 9 (co m p a riso n
w ith IE *yerg- ‘to w ork , to d o ’).

argjend ~ argjand m ‘silver’. Borrowed from Lat argentum id. (M lK ­

LOSICH Rom. Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 15). 0 C a m a r d a I 55 (unspec­
ified comparison with Lat argentum); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 1
I 1052; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 237; M a n n Language XVII 22; H a m p
St. Whatmough 77; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 12; HAARMANN 111; ÇABEJ
Etim. II 7 5 -7 6 ; LANDI Lat. 5 4 , 7 9 , 116.

ari m, pi. arinj ‘bear’. From PAlb *arina (JO K L LKUBA 310) derived
from *ara > OAlb ar (B O G D A N I). The feminine froms are arushe and
areshë. A tabooistic transformation of IE *rkso- ~ *rkto- id.: Hitt hartag-
 ARK — ARNOJ 9

ga-, Skt fksa-, Gk apK ioc, Lat ursus and the like (CAMARDAI 86; MEYER
Wb. 15, Alb. St. IV 20). T he exp ected A lb *arth m ust have b een treated
as a dim inutive in -th, from w here the existing form ar w as later derived
(DEMIRAJ AE 82 ). 0 STIER KZ XI 146; M e y e r Gr. Gr. 2 3 2 , 344; PE­
DERSEN KZ XXXVI 106, Kelt. Gr. I 8 9 , B B X X 231; JOKL LKUBA 310;
TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 1 3 2 -1 3 3 ; MANN Language XVII 16:
POKORNY I 875; M a y r h o f e r I 118; H am p Laryngeals 1 4 0 -1 4 1 ;
WATKINS ¡ESt II 5 0 4 -5 3 9 ; OREL ZfBalk X X III/ 1 6 6 (er ro n eo u sly
co n n ects ari w ith G k a p v u p a i ‘to ob tain , to g et, to r e c e iv e ’ and the
lik e); H u l d 38; Ç a b e j Etim. II 77; K ö d d e r i t z s c h Festschr. Mac Eoin
66 .

ark m. pi. arqe ‘bow’. Borrowed from Lat arcus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 3; M e y e r Wb. 15). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß1 1 1042;
MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 12; H a a r m a n n 111; L a n d i Lat. 79, 148-
149.

arkg f, pi. arka ‘chest, box, coffin’. Borrowed from Lat area id.
(C a m a r d a I 186; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3; MEYER Wb. 15). 0
M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1042; J o k l LKUBA 126; T a g l ia v in i
Dalmazia 72; HAARMANN 111; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 21; ÇABEJ
Etim. II 78-79; LANDI Lat. 175.

armë f, pi. arme ‘weapon’. Borrowed frrom Lat arma id. (G il ’f e r d -

in g Otn. 25; M ik l o sic h Rom. Elemente 3; M e y e r Wb. 15). 0 M e y e r -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1042; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV / 1-2 12; H a a r m a n n
111; Ç a b e j Etim. II 81; L a n d i Lat. 79.

armik ~ anëmik m, pl. armiq ~ anemiq ‘enem y’. Borrowed from Lat
inimïcus id. (CAMARDA I 38; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 33; M e y e r
Wb. 15). 0 GlL’FERDING Otn. 25 (derived from arme); MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 23; HAARMANN 131;
JANSON Unt. 49; ÇABEJ Etim. II 81.

arnoj aor. arnova ‘to mend, to repair’. Note a more conservative form
arënoj as well as a back formation am ë ‘patch’. The source is Lat renovare
‘to renew ’ (MEYER Wb. 16). 0 CAMARDA I 140 (to Gk àp a p ia icco ‘to
produce, to m ake’); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 73; M i h ä e s c u RESEE
IV / 1-2 24; ÇABEJ St. Il 4 0 (to harr ‘to weed’), Etim. II 8 3 -8 4 ; HAAR­
MANN 145; M a n n Comp. 3 4 -3 5 (related to Gmc *armiz ‘arm ’).
10 A R Q .IT Ë — ASHKË

arqitë f, pl. arqita ‘rod (for basket weaving)’. Borrowed from Slav *orkyta
‘broom (plant), kind of willow’ (cf. in particular SCr rakita, Bulg rakita)
in its form preceding the metathesis in the *TorT- group (Ç a b e j Etim.
II 85 ). 0 S v a n e 128.

a rsye f, pi. arsye ‘reason, understanding’. From Lat ratiönem id. (M lK ­

LOSICH Rom. Elemente 54; M e y er Wb. 14). ö M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grund­
r iß 2 1 1051; Jo k l Stud. 10; O r e l FIJI V III/ 1-2 37; M ih ä e s c u RESEE
I V /1-2 24; Ç a b e j Etim. II 85-86; H a a RiMANN 145.

arrç m, pl. arrça ‘cricket’. Derived from ar ‘bear’, cf. ari. For the seman­
tic development cf. Russ medvedka ‘cricket’ based on medved’ ‘bear’.
0 Ç a b e j St. I 41 (identifies arrç with harç ‘uncastrated pig’ and arrç
‘thorny bush'), Etim. II 89.

arrç m. pl. arrça ‘kind of thorny bush, Rhamnus’. Derived from arre.
0 ÇABEJ St. I 41 (identifies arrç with harç ‘uncastrated p ig ’), Etim. II
89.
 ASHPËR — ATJE 11

IE *aícs- ‘a x is’: Skt áksa-, Gk ä^cov, Lat axis and the like (OREL Festschr.
Shevoroshkin 2 5 8 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 34 (from N ea p o l asea
for aschia ‘sp lin te r’ ); M e y e r Wh. 17 (b o rro w ed from R om * ascia)',
J ok l. LKUBA 104-105 (supports M e y e r ); F risk 1116; C am aj Alb. Worth.
114 (su ffix -key, M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV / 1-2 12; H a a r m a n 111; Ç a b e j
Etim. II 100; LANDI Lat. 7 9 , 110.

ashpër adj. ‘hard, sharp, rough’. Borrow ed from Lat asper ‘rough, uneven’
( C a m a r d a I 86; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 34; M e y e r Wb. 19). 0
M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1042, 1053; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-
2 12; H a a r m a n n 111; Ç a b e j Etim. II 100-101; L a n d i Lat. 79, 136.

asht m, pl. eshtra ~ eshtëna ‘bone’. From PAlb *asti or *asta further
connected w ith IE *ost(i) - ‘bone’: Hitt hastai, Skt dsthi, Gk òoxéov and
the like (XYLANDER 298; BOPP 461; GlL'FERDING Otn. 22; CAMARDA
1 36; M e y e r Wb. 19). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 2 3 , 62; P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr.
I 85; T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 86; P o k o r n y 1 783; F r isk II 43 6 -4 3 7 ;
MAYRHOFER I 67; T is c h l e r 1 /2 2 0 2 -2 0 3 ; H a m p Laryngeals 133, Rie.
 12 ATY — AV IH . I.

St. Ill 2 5 ), cf. tut je. 0 P e d e r s e n Pzon. 315 (-tje < -teje)-, Ç a b e j Etim.
II 108.

aty adv. ‘th e r e ’. A com p oun d o f a and ty < *tiI w ith a le n g th en in g , ety -
m o lo g ic a lly c lo se to -tu o f ashtu. 0 M e y e r Wb. 20 (-ty co n n ected w ith
the p ronom inal stem *to-); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 73 (fo llo w s MEYER);
Ç a b e j Etim. II 109.

athët adj. ‘harsh, sour, rancid’. From PAlb *ats-eta etymologically related
to IE *ak- ‘sharp’, with some derivatives developing the meaning ‘sour’
as Lat acidus (M e y e r Wb. 2, Alb. St. Ill 13). 0 C a m a r d a I 161 (com­
pares athët with uthull); MEYER Gr. Gr. 99; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 332;
Jo k l Reallex. Vorgesch. I 89, LKUBA 49; O r el Ètnogenez 110-114 (athët
as a source of Slav *ocbfh ‘vinegar’); Ç a b e j Etim. II 109-110; M a n n
Comp. 12 (identical with Gk (xktîç ‘ray of light’); KORTLANDT Arm-
IE 44; DEMIRAJ AE 83-84.

avdos m ‘chaffinch’. Identical with avdos ‘ice-floe’ (see avër), for the
semantic development cf. bors. 0 POKORNY I 86; ÇABEJ Etim. II 110
(related to bors ); D e m ir a j AE 84-85 (compound of two elements: av-
related to Lat avis ‘bird’ and dose).

avër f, pi. avra ‘ic e - f lo e ’. C f. also avdos id. P ro b a b ly , co n n ected with

IE *ayer-, *aued- ‘to m ake w e t’. 0 P o k o r n y I 7 8 -7 9 ; ÇABEJ St. I 4 5
(to varrë), Etim. II 112-113 (avdos d erived from borë); LUKA HD XXIV
60-61.

avull m. pi. avuj ‘steam, vapor’. From PAlb *abula continuing an earlier
*nbh(u)lo- (H a m p RRL XX 499-500: reconstructs *nbhlo- but erroneously
compares it with Skt abhrá- ‘cloud’ with a definite *-r- > -r-). Thus,
*abula is close to OHG nebul ‘fog’, OS nifol < Gmc *nebulaz < *nebhelo.
Etymologically, belongs to IE *nebh- ‘wet, water; fog, cloud’. As to
-v-, it reflects the unfinished process of spirantization and loss of inter­
vocalic voiced stops; the expected change of -v- to zero did not occur
as it p reced ed a back rounded vow el. Rum abur ‘fo g ’ was
borrowed from Proto-Albanian. 0 CAMARDA I 57 (to Gk àéXXa
‘tempest’); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 69 (from Lat vapor id.); MEYER
Wb. 21 (comparison with Skt abhrá- ‘cloud’; ultimately, to *nebh-),
Alb. St. Ill 36, 81; JOHANSON IF IV 139; Jo k l LKUBA 270-271 (par­
ticle a- and -v w // connected with vale); W e ig a n d BA III 210(ofT hra-
 BABË - BAG ËM 13

cian origin); HASDEU EMR I 106; PASCU RE 21 (reconstructs Rom

*vapulus); PU§CARIU EWR 1; B aric ARSt 107-108, Lingv. stud. 39 (avull
< *o-g'î- compared with Germ Qualm ‘fumes, smoke’); L a P ia n a Studi
99; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 14 (comparison with Messap atabulus ‘sirocco’);
PISANI REIE IV 17 (from Rom *nebla, a variant of Lat nebula ‘mist,
fog’); ZALIZN’AK Ètimologija 1964 175; PETROVICI CL X 357-358 (to
Lat Boreas ‘North wind’); PoGHiRC 1st. limb. rom. II 335; R o se t t i ILR
I 271; Ç a b e j St. I 45-46 (follows J o k l ); H a m p Si. Whatmough 80-81
(same as SCHMIDT), ÏA XXIX 90; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 144; HULD 39-
40; M a n n Comp. 46 (follows C a m a r d a ); Ç a bej Etim. II 116-117;
DEMIRAJ AE 85 (to aft and afsh).

B
babë f ‘old woman’. Borrowed from Slav *baba ‘woman’ (MlKLOSICH
Slav. Elemente 15). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 183; TAGLIAVINI
Stratificazione 111-112; Ç a b e j Etim. II 120; S v a n e 189.

bac m, pi. baca ‘elder brother, uncle’. From PAlb *batja, a Lallwort
similar and, perhaps, related to Slav *bat'a ~ *batja ‘elder brother,
father’ (OREL Subst. 4 ). The Albanian word is the source of Rum baci
‘chief shepherd, cheese-maker’, Megleno-Rum bats id. from where
Slavic and Hungarian words for ‘shepherd’ were borrowed (MEYER
Wb. 29). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 15: B a r i É ARSt 2-3 (from *bar-
c, to bari)', TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 112; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom.
II 335; R o setti ILR I 272; TRUBACEV Term, rodstva 21, 195-196, ÈSSJa
I 163-164; ÇABEJ Etim. II 122-124; S v a n e 188.

badër f, pi. badra ‘narcissus, daffodil’. More phonetically advanced vari­

ants are badhe'r and, especially, bather (HAHN). The word is identi­
cal with Skt bhdstra ‘bellows’, further based on *bhes- ‘to blow’. Alb
-d(ë)r- goes back to IE *-str- as in thadër ( O r e l Fort. 78-79).
0 MEYER Wb. 22 (borrowed from Turk badruk ‘basil’); ÇABEJ St. I
46-47 (with a metathesis, from bardhë), Etim. II 124-125; MURATI Pro­
bleme 63-66 (same as ÇABEJ).

b agëm m ‘oil for anointment’. Borrowed from Gk ß<iima|aa ‘baptism'

( M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350; Ç a b e j St. I 48, Etim. II 128). For the
phonetic development of the inlaut cf. pagëzoj.
14 BACJËTI ~ RAKTI BAKULL

bagëti ~ bakti f, pl. ‘domestic animal, (head of) cattle’. Based on an

unattested adjective borrowed from Slav *bogatb ‘rich’ (S e liS C e v Slav,
naselenie 165) or going back to the otherwise unregistered Slav *bogatjbe
‘richness’ (OREL ZfSlaw XXX/6 912, Ètimologija 1983 137-138). 0
G i l ’FERDING Otn. 20 (to Skt pas'u- ‘cattle’); M e y e r Wb. 22 (compares
with OFr bague ‘bundle’ and the like’); JOKL Studien 5-6 (links
bagëti with Skt bhdga- ‘prosperity, happiness’, Slav *s-bboibje ‘prop­
erty, cattle’), Slavia XIII 310; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 77, Stratifi­
cazione 147; HOLUB-KOPECNY 261 (to OHG packe ‘pack’ and the like);
S k o k I 179; Ç a b e j St. I 48, Etim. II 129-130.

bahe f, pi. bahe ‘sling’. A singularized plural based on a more archaic

form bahë < PAlb *baja etymologically close to Slav *bojb ‘fight’.
Both forms are further related to IE *bhei- ‘to strike, to beat’ (OREL
FLH VH I/1-2 45). 0 MEYER Wb. 22-23 (to ON baugr ‘ring’, IE *bheugh-
‘to bend’), Alb. St. Ill 35; ÇABEJ St. I 47 (compares with Gmc
*bautan ‘to beat’, Lat fusti s ‘knobbed stick, cudgel’), Etim. II 126-127;
POKORNY I 117-118.

bajgë f, pi. bajga ‘dung’. A more archaic form is balëg(ë), bulge. The
word is also attested in a metathesized form bagël. Goes back to PAlb
*balga probably related to Gk ßoXßuov ‘cow dung’ if the latter is based
on *bolg“- (OS t ir AArbSt II 370). It is the source of Rum balegä id.
0 MEYER Wb. 23, IF VI 116 (from Nital bagola, bagula); TAGLIAVI­
NI Dalmazia 11 (from SCr balega id.); L a PIANA Studi 1 77; C apidan
DR I I 467-470 (borrowed from substratum); B a ri C IF II 297-298 (recon­
structs *bdlno-gl'â, cf. Slav *govbno ‘dung’ < IE *g“öu- ‘cattle’),
AArbSt II 80-81, Hymje 22; iLINSKIJ JF V 183-185 (bajgë borrowed
from Slavic); HASDEU EMR III 124; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 335;
ROSETTI ILR I 272; M o u t so s ZfBalk X/2 68-72 (from NGk y(K )aßaX a
< Lat caballus ‘horse (dung)’); ROHR ZfBalk X V II/1 80; ÇABEJ St. I
49 (agrees with OS t ir ), Etim. II 132-133; DEMIRAJ AE 86-87.

bajzë f, pi. bajza ‘coot, kind of water-fowl’. The same word is attest­
ed as balzë and may be interpreted as a derivative of *bal- ‘white’
( D o d b ib a St. Leks. 256). 0 CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 125; ÇABEJ St. 1 50,
Etim. II 134-135 (to Lat fúlica).

bakull adj. ‘robust, vigorous’. Derived from bakë ‘belly’, a variant of

 BAL - BALTE 15

bark (ÇABEJ Etim. II 137). 0 M a n n Comp. 62 (to Gk (paKeÀoç

‘bunch’).

bal m, p. bala ‘dog with a white spot on its forehead’, adj. ‘white-haired’.
Also bale ‘white spot’. From PAlb *bala etymologically close to Lith
bâlas ‘white’, Latv bàls ‘pale’, Gk (paXóq■Àeuicôç (Hes.) and the like.
As to balash, balosh ‘horse or ox with a white spot on its forehead’,
it was borrowed from Slav *belasb. *belosb ‘white animal’ (MEYER
Wb. 25; O rel Ètimologija 1983 133-134) with *-é- rendered as -a- under
the influence of bal. 0 MEYER NGriech. St. IT 69 (treats balash, balosh
as cognates of Lith bâlas and the like); MANN Language XXVI 380
(to Bret bal' id.), XXVIII 36; F r a e n k e l 32; F r is k II 988-989;
POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 328; KLEPIKOVA SPI 65; HAMP Anc. IE 112;
ÇABEJ St. I 50-51, Etim. II 138-140; KALUZsk a ja Slavjanovedenie 1992/2
80-86; D e m ir a j AE 87.

balçëm m ‘balm’. Attested in a more archaic form balshëm in Old Alban­

ian (BUZUKU). Borrowed from Lat balsamum id. (MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 5; M e y e r Alb. St. IV 25; JOKL LKUBA 115 n .l). 0 MEYER
Wb. 2 4 -2 5 (together with balsam id. treated as a Turkish loanword);
MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 21; HAARMAN 112; ÇABEJ St. I 5 1 , Etim. II
1 43-144; LANDI Lat. 111.

b alë f, pi. ‘badger’. Related to bal taking into account the light-
colored spots on the badger’s snout.

b altë f, pl. balte ‘swamp, marsh, dirt, earth'. Goes back to PAlb
*balta (singularized pi. neut.) closely related to Slav *bolto with which
it continues IE *bhohtom (MEYER Wb. 25). This form belongs to the
paradigm of the adjective *bhohto- ‘white’ represented in Lith bdltas
further derived from IE *bheh- ‘shining, white’. Rum baltä ‘swamp’,
NGk ßaA/coq id. seem to be borrowed from Albanian. 0 GlL’FERDlNG
Otn. 20 (to Skt pi thvi ‘earth’); B r ü CH Glotta VII 83 f. (balte as an
autochtonous Illyrian word in Albanian); MEYER BB XIX 154;
SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 242 (from Lomb palta); T r e m e r ZfromPhil.
XXXVIII 392 (borrowed from Slav *bolto); SKOK AArbSt. II 114, Slavia
III 115 (accepts the Slavic origin of balte); B a r i C AArbSt. II 386; TROM­
BETTI AArbSt. Ill 21-22; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 86; TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 78, Origini 309; HASDEU EMR III 135; M a n n Language XXVI
385 (from Slavic); PORZIG Gliederung 159, 175; F r a e n k e l 32, KZ LIV
 16 BALLE - BAR

294-295; VASMER I 190; PISANI Saggi 123 (isogloss uniting Albanian

with Balto-Slavic); POKORNY I 118-120; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II
328; ROSETTI ILR I 2 7 2 ,1st. limb. rom. II 97 (Slavic *bolto in Balkan
languages); HUBSCHMID RRL XXIV/4 343-352; H a m p L S XIV/2 14,
Anc. IE 109; TOPOROV PJa I 189 (reconstructs OPrus *balt-)\ SOLTA
Balkanlinguistik 47, 100; ÇABEJ St. I 51-52, Etim. II 144-147; OREL
Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; MURATI Probleme 127; DEMIRAJ AE 87-88.

ballë m/n, pi. balle ‘fo r e h e a d ’. S in g u la rized pl. neut. *balâ related to
Skt bhäla- id., O P rus ballo id. (GlL'FERDING Otn. 20; MEYER Wb. 2 4 ,
Alb. St. Ill 33). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIH 544; JOKL ZONE X 194, Sprache
IX 128; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 7 8 , Stratificazione 86; M a n n Language
XXVI 3 8 0 (reco n stru cts an /-stem ); MAYRHOFER II 4 9 6 -4 9 7 ; H a m p
St. Whatmough 77; POKORNY I 118-119; OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 144; Ç a bej
St. I 5 3 , Etim. II 148 -1 5 0 ; HULD 40; DEMIRAJ AE 8 8 -8 9 .

ballungë f, pi. ballunga ‘bump, swelling’. With a secondary assimila­

tion of vowels, also bullungë. A derivative in -unge based on balle. 0
MEYER Wb. 53 (borrowed from Rom *bulluca and related to buie and/or
to mellé); SCHMIDT KZ L 236 (to bulë < *bhulnâ in connection with
Gk cpúAAov ‘le a f); BARIC AArbSt. I 144-145 (follows M e y e r ’ s com-
n a r i s o n w i t h m ë llë i- C a h k i St I 8 ? i a o r w c w i t h R a u h * ' !

bares aor. barita ‘to go for a walk, to stroll’. From PAlb *bar-ötja derived
from *bar ‘shepherd’ preserved in bari (WEIGAND Balkan-Archiv I
252-253). 0 JOKL Die Sprache IX 144 (to rnbaj); ÇABEJ Etim. II 164
(denominative of bar ‘grass’).

bari m, pi. barinj ‘shepherd’. Based on an unattested *bar < PAlb *bara
(the derivation is similar to that of ari, njeri, cf. DEMIRAJ AE 91) related
to OHG baro ‘(free) m an’. As to OAlb bëruo ‘shepherd’ (BUZUKU,
Budi), it is not connected with bari and should be rather analyzed as
a loanword from Lat bärönem ‘simpleton’. 0 CAMARDA I 341 (mis­
taken translation of bari as ‘bestiame’; comparison with Gk ßapixov
cxpveç, Hes.); MEYER Alb. St. I 69, Wb. 27, 33 (to berr); JOKL
Mélanges Pedersen 156 (follows MEYER); WEIGAND Balkan-Archiv I
252-253 (compares bari with bares ‘to go for a walk, to stroll’); T a g l i ­
a v in i Stratificazione 147; CiMOCHOWSKI LP IV 191 (to bar); HAMP
 BARDHË — BA R I 17

related to Lat fa r ‘sort of grain, spelt’ < *bhars-, ON ban- ‘spelt’ and
the like (CAMARDA I 336; MEYER Wb. 2 6 , Alb. St. Ill 7 1 ). 0 POTT KZ
VI 321 (to Lat herba id.); MEYER Alb. St. Ill 33 (to Gk (pôpoç ‘(agri­
cultural) yield’); KRETSCHMER Gioita III 3 3 8 -3 3 9 , VI 9 6 (to Gk
cpáppaicov ‘drug, healing rem edy’); J o k l Vox Rom. VIII 192 (Alpine
Romance parallels); BA R IÍ ARSt. I 30 (to NPers bar ‘fruit’); M a n n
Language XVII 16; C h a n t r a in e 1179; H a m p ZfceltPh XXXIX 9 0 (close
to K r e t s c h m e r ); Ç a b e j St. I 54 (agrees with K r e t s c h m e r ), Etim.
II 156-158; D e m ir a j AE 8 9 -9 0 (from IE *bheu- ‘to g r o w ').

bardhë adj. ‘w h ite’. From PA lb *bardza continuing *bhordgo-, a d eriv ­

ative o f IE *bher9g- ‘to sh ine; w h ite ’, c f. Skt bhräjate ‘(h e) sh in es,
b eam s, g litte r s ’, G oth bairhts ‘lig h t, sh in in g ’ and a lso the w ord for
‘b ir c h ’: Lith berzas, S lav *berza (MEYER Wb. 29, Alb. St. Ill 17, 33,
72). P A lb *bardza is p articu larly c lo s e to Skt bhdrga- ‘sh in in g ’ w ith
an irregular d ev elo p m en t o f T he A lb an ian w ord is the so u rce
o f R um barzä ‘sto rk ’. 0 HASDEU EMR III 216; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
79; L a P ia n a Studi 141; F r a e n k e l 40-41; M a y r h o f e r II 479-480,
529-530; POKORNY I 139-140; K l e p ik o v a SPT 68-69; POGHIRC 1st.
limb. rom. IT 336; ROSETTI ILR I 272-273; ÖLBERG Beitr. Idg. 57; GREPPIN
JIES V/2-3 203-207 (D a c *barÖo- ‘sto rk ’ related to A rm brdor ‘1am-
m erpever’1: Hi.I D 40: C a b e j Etim. II 161-1*4 (to r .l mnnmy.:.......
uânë f, pi. bana ‘dwelling’. From PAlb *banti, a rci/'-derivative of bëj
‘to make, to do’ (for semantic parallels see ÇABEJ I 52). 0 JOKL Studien
6-8 (from IE *bhoyono-, cf. Skt bhavana- ‘dwelling, home’ despite
the irregularity of Tosk -n- < *-«-); M a n n Language XXVI 382; Ç a b e j
I 5 1 -5 2 (explains bane as a Geg participle of bëj identical with Tosk
bërë but banë is well attested in both dialects of Albanian), Etim. II
1 51-153; M a y r h o f e r 1 1 4 8 5 -4 8 6 ; O r e l SBJa Leksikol. 148 (explains
bane as a phonetic variant of adv. mbanë ‘near, nearby’); D e m ir a j
AE 89.

banjë f, pi. banja ‘bath’. Borrowed from Slav *banja id.: OCS banja,
Bulg ban’a, SCr banja and the like (MlKLOSICHSlav. Elemente 15; MEYER
Wb. 24; WEIGAND 4 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4; (from Latin);
H e l b ig 90 (from Italian); ÇABEJ Etim. II 155 (from Rom *banea or
Ital bagno).

bar m, pi. bar èra ~ barèna ‘grass’. From PAlb *bara etymologically
18 BARK — BARRË

ZfceltPh XXXIX 212 (same as ClMOCHOWSKl); ÇABEJ St. I 55-56 (sug­

gests an etymological link to bie, mbar), 64 (compares bari with bëruo),
Etim. II 165-167; DEMIRAJ AE 92 (both bari and bëruo borrowed from
Lat barö, barönis).

bark m, pi. barqe ‘b e lly , w om b , ab d o m en ’. F rom P A lb *baruka id en ­

tical w ith ßap{\>>Ka- a iô o îo v rcapà T a p a v n v o iç (DURANTE Ric. Ling.
Ill 158; KRAHE Spr. Illyr. 41) and, furth er, co n tin u in g *bhor-uko-, a
derivative o f IE *bher- ‘to carry’ (MEYER Wb. 27). The loss o f the inlaut
-u- points to the stress on the first syllab le in P A lb *bdruka, cf. barukë
< *baritkä. 0 CAMARDA 1 58 (correctly com pares bark and barre)', PED­
ERSEN KZ XXXVI 327 ( fo llo w s MEYER), BB XX 238, Pron. 344 (to
Gk (pápvy^); WIEDEMANN BB XXVIII 231 (to Lat farciO ‘to cram , to
s t u f f ) ; B a r i í ARSt I 22; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 79, Stratificazione 86;
MANN Language XVII 7 (com parison w ith W brych ‘afterbirth’, W bru
‘b e lly ’); FRISK I 221; CAMAJ 29, 114 (a ccep ts M e y e r ’s v ie w ); O r e l
Zßalk XXin 145; ÇABEJ St. I 56-57, Etim. II 167-169; HULD 41; DEMIRAJ
AE 92.

barkë f , pi. barka ‘boat’. B orrow ed from Lat barca id. (MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 5; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042); LANDI Lat. 9 3 .

barmë f ‘bast’. A parallel form is masculine barm. From PAlb

*bardzmâ ~ *bardzma derived from *bardza > bardhë ‘white’, with
a typical semantic pattern for the nomination of bark and bast (ÇABEJ
St. I 57, Etim. II 170), cf. Slav *lyko ‘bast’ from IE *leuk- ‘to shine;
shining, white’. 0 MANN Language XVII 19 (to Gk (poppôç); TRUBACEV
Rem. term. 164-166; OREL Linguistica XXVI 172; D e m ir a j AE 90.

barukë f ‘fleece’. From PAlb *baruka derived from *barwa > berr
‘sheep, goat’ (OREL Linguistica XXVI 172-173). 0 DEMIRAJ AE 92 (to
barre).

barrë f, pl. barrë ‘load, burden’. From PAlb *barä further related to
bie and mbar (B O P P 4 71; MEYER Wb. 2 8 , Alb. St. Ill 7 3 ) and partic­
ularly close to G k (popá ‘load’ ( Ç a b e j Etim. II 174). 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g
Otn. 21 ; B u g g e KZ XX X II 4; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 78-79; PISANI Saggi
103, 121; BARIC Lingv. stud. 3 4 (stresses the similarity with G k (pépvr|
‘dow ry’); M a n n Language XVII 19; F r is k II 1 0 0 3 -1 0 0 5 ; P o k o r n y
 BARRË — BATHË 19

T 128-132; HAMP ZfceltPh XXXIX 210 (from *bhornä); Ç a b e j 5/. I

57; M a n n Comp. 94 (from IE *bhormä); H u l d 41; D e m ir a j AE 92-
93 (a g r e e s w ith ÇABEJ).

barrë f. pl. barre ‘fetus’. From PAlb *barnâ, a singularized plural cognate
with Gmc *barnan ‘child’. The word must be strictly differentiated
from barré ‘load, burden’. 0 Z a liz n ’ak Ètimologija 139; ÇABEJ
Etim. II 173-174.

bashkë f ‘fleece’. From PAlb *bar(u)ska etymologically connected with

barukë id. and derived from berr ‘sheep, goat’ (OREL Linguistica XXVI
172-173). For a similar semantic development cf. Skt ajina- ‘skin, hide’
~ ajó- ‘goat’. The Albanian word was borrowed to Rum based id. 0
B a r t h o l o m a e IF IX 252 (to Av varasa- ‘hair’); MEYER Wb. 28 (from
*vars-ké connected with Cyren ßaoaapoc ‘fox’); JOKL LKUBA 170;
POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 3236; ROSETTI ILR I 273; R e st e ll i R/L XCI
467 (to Germ Bürste); ÖLBERG Festschr. Bonfante 566; MANN Language
XVII 13, Comp. 67 (identical with bashkë ‘together’; was borrowed
from Thracian or ancient Macedonian); VRACIU LB VIII 20 (from sub­
stratum); ÇABEJ I 58 (to Gk (papooç ‘piece, part’ and its cognates),
Etim. II 178-180; D e m ir a j AE 93 (identical with bashkë ‘together’).

bashkë adv. ‘together’. Goes back to PAlb *bakska related to Lat fastis
‘bundle’, fascia ‘band, bandage’ (MEYER Alb. St. IV 80, IF VI 106).
0 G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 21 (to Skt pas'cá- ‘back, posterior’); B a r i C ARSt.
1 95, AArbSt III 215 (follows MEYER); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 77; JOKL
LKUBA 170 (to Skt badhate); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 80 (agrees with
Jo k l ); M a n n Language XVII 13; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 459-460; O rel
Sprache XXXI 282; ÇABEJ I 58-59 (follows M e y e r ), Etim. II 180-181;
D e m ir a j AE 93-94.

batis aor. batisa ‘to press together’. Borrowed from Slav *batiti ‘to
beat’, presently preserved in South Slavic only as SCr botiti ‘to rebound,
to jump away’.

bathë bathe ‘broad b ean ’. C ontinues PAlb *bat sä < IE *bhakâ also
f, pi.
p reserv ed in G k <paKÍj‘d ish o f le n tils’, «paicôç ‘le n til’ (MEYER Wb. 22,
Alb. St. Ill 13, 33). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 332; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia
80; M a n n Language XXVI 380; PISANI Saggi 118; JUCQUOIS Muséon
LXXVIII 445; POKORNY I 106; F r isk I I 985; CHANTRAINE 1173, 1180;
20 BE — B E LB IC E

CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 18; HULD41-42 (finds a parallel in Burushaski bu.'kak

‘beans’); OREL Ètimologija 1985 181; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 145; Koll.
Idg. Ges. 356; Ç a b e j Etim. II 184-185; D e m ir a j AE 94.

b e f, pi. be ‘oath’. From P A lb *baida connected with Slav *beda ‘d is ­

aster’, Lat foedus ‘league, treaty’ and other nominal derivatives of
IE *bheidh- ‘to persuade, to force’ (MEYER Wb. 30, Alb. St. Ill 33).
0 E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 233; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 81-82; S c h m id t KZ
LVII 26; M a n n Language XXVI 385; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 149;
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa II 54-56; P o k o r n y 1117; H a m p AZ LXXVII 252-
253; HULD 42; ÇABEJ Etim. II 186-187 (to Gk jiîg u ç, Lat fidês
‘b e lie f ’); DEMIRAJ AE 94-95.

b egatë adj. ‘rich’. Other variants are bëgatë and bugatë. Borrowed from
Slav *bogat-i id., cf., in particular, South Slavic: OCS bogati,, Bulg
bogat, SCr bogat (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16; MEYER Wb. 50). 0
S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 326; ÇABEJ Etim. II 190-191; S V A N E 267.

bejkë f ‘white sheep’. Borrowed from Slav *bel-hka ‘white animal, white
sheep’ (Ç a b e j Etim. II 192).

bekoj aor. bekova ‘to bless’. A more phonetically conservative variant

is bënkoj. Borrowed from Lat benedlcere id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 6; M e y e r Wb. 3 1 ). 0 C a m a r d a 1 1 4 1 (to be and besëf, M e y e r -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß11 1052; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 81; KÖDDERITZSCH
Asp. Alb. 121-130; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 21; HAARMAN 112; ÇABEJ
Etim. II 193.

b elb ë adj. ‘stammering, dumb’. Borrowed from Lat balbus ‘stammering,

stuttering’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4; M e y e r Wb. 31). From
belbë such synonymous forms as belbër and belbët were derived. 0
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 13;
HAARMAN 112; ÇABEJ Etim. II 194-195 (onomatopoeia).

b e lb ic ë f, pi. belbica ‘kind of trout’. Another variant is belvice. Bor­

rowed from B u lg belvica id. (WEIGAND 6 , JOKL Slavia XIII 311) . 0
MEYER Wb. 3 2 (from Lat barbus ‘barbel’); K r is TOFORIDHI 43;
V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 7; Ç a b e j Etim. II 195, St. IV 9 7 -9 8 ; S v a n e
150.
 BELCË — RF.RR 21

belcë f ‘wool cover’. Borrowed from Slav *helica ‘white object’ (Ç abej
Etim. II 195).

beng m, pl. hengje, bengë ‘oriole, finch’. Borrowed from one of the con­
tinuants of (West) Gmc *finkan ‘finch’, cf. especially Bavarian pienk
(M e y e r Wb. 3 2 ). 0 H a h n 13 (to zbehem); Ç a b e j Etim. II 198 (agrees
with M e y e r ).

ber m ‘bow, arrow, spear’. From PAlb *böra, derivative of bie < *bera
‘to strike, to fall’ (JOKL LKUBA 244). 0 ÇABEJ I 61, Etim. II 199-200
(to Gk (pâpoç ‘plow ’); OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 67; DEMIRAJ AE 95 (to
bri).

berk m ‘bast’. From PAlb *bardz(i)ka derived from PAlb *bardza >
bardhë ‘white’ (OREL Linguistica XXVI 172). For the semantic evo­
lution cf. barmë. 0 CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 114 (suffix -k); ÇABEJ Etim.
II 201 (from Slav *ob(T>)vbrtka > Russ obertka).

beronjë f, pi. beronja ‘barren woman; holly; kind of serpent’. Another

phonetic variant is buronjë. A derivative with a feminine suffix -onjë
of an unattested *ber < PAlb *bara ‘naked, barren’, borrowed from
Gmc *bazaz: OHG bar ‘bare’, O N berr id. (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin
258). 0 M e y e r Wb. 33 (comparison with berr and Slav *baram> ‘ram ’);
BUGGE BB x v m 174 (from Romance, cf. OFr baraigne ‘barren’); TAGLI­
AVINI Stratificazione 147; ÇABEJ Etim. II 201-202; DEMIRAJ AE 95
(derived, as two separate words for ‘barren woman’ and ‘holly’, from
ber and berr).

berr m, pi. berra ‘sheep, goat’. From P A lb *barwa etymologically con­

nected with ON borgr ‘hog’, O H G barug, baruh id., Slav *borvz> ‘boar’
( O r e l Linguistica XXVI 173; M a n n Comp. 95). Note a deminutive
berk ‘goat’ only in era berk ‘stench of a goat’ (ÇABEJ Etim. II 201).
0 S t i e r KZ XI 208 (to Gk ß a p tx o i- apveç, Hes.); M e y e r Wb. 33 (an
Alpine Wanderwort)\ JOKL LKUBA 242 (from an interjection used to
address the sheep); HASDEU EMR III 637; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 253
(to Engad bar and other Alpine words); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 81, Strat­
ificazione 132-133; HUBSCHMID V o x Romanica XIV 195; TRAUTMANN
27 (*bhoru- as an areal word for ‘sheep and goats’); POGHIRC 1st. limb,
rom. II 3237; R o s e t t i ILR I 273 (to Rum bîr, cry with which the shep­
22 BESË — BËRKOQ .

herd calls the sheep); ÇABEJ Gioita XXXVI 50, St. 161, Etim. II 202-
204; D e m ir a j AE 95-96.

besë f, pi. besa 'pledge, truce, trust’. From PAlb *baitsä traced back
to IE *bhoidh-tä (H a m p KZ LXXVII 252-253 follows S t ier KZ VII
160 and CAMARDA I 43 in reconstructing *bhidh-tä as an exact
equivalent of Gk 7uaTÔç ‘faithful, trustworthy’) or *bhoidh-tià (PISANI
Saggi 129) further connected with IE *bheidh- ‘to persuade, to force’
and Alb be. 0 M ey er Wb. 33 (compares with Alb bind and reconstructs
*bhendhtia), Alb. St. II 50, III 25, IV 97; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 308
(thinks of *bhendhta); WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 201; BUGGE BB XVIII
163; JOKL LKUBA 262 n. 2; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 26 (derivative of *bheidh-
in *-ätiä); T r e im e r KZ LXV 110; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 81-82;
P isa n i Saggi 129; F risk I I 487-488; P o k o r n y 1 117; O rel Z ßA lk XXin
148; Ç a b e j St. I 61-62, Etim. II 204-206; HULD 42; WATKINS Dragon
83; DEMIRAJ AE 96-97.

bëj ~ bâj aor. be'ra ~ bana ‘to do, to make’. From PAlb *banja com ­
pared with Gk (potivco ‘to appear’ (MEYER Wb. 23-24, Alb. St. Ill 33),
a zero grade further connected with IE *bha-. For the semantic devel­
opment cf. Oír bann ‘deed’ of the same root (BUGGE BB XVIII 162).
0 C a m a r d a I 48 (to IE *bhu- ‘to grow ’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 84-
85; K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 113; H u l d 43; Ç a b e j Etim. I I 207-208;
D e m ir a j AE 97-98.

bërcel m ‘kind of wheat, Triticum monococcum’. Derived from an unat­

tested *bërcë ~ *bricé' borrowed from Slav *borica > Bulg brica ‘kind
of white wheat’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258). 0 JOKL apud ÇABEJ
St. 1 62 (related to bardhë)', T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa III 125; ÇABEJ Etim. II
209-210 (from Maced pcenica ‘wheat’ < Slav *pbsenica).

bërçik m bërçikë ‘span (b e tw ee n thum b and in d e x )’. B o r ro w e d from

S lav *b'irëik'b, cf. B u lg bn.cka ‘fo ld , w r in k le ’. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 4 (to
an unattested B u lg prbza); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 7 (b o rro w ed
from SCr *br¿ik related to P ol bark ‘a rm ’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa III 125;
Ç a b e j Etim. II 210; S v a n e 89.

bërkoq m ‘little p ig ’. A n oth er variant is bërkuq. D eriv ed from berk,

see berr. 0 Jo k l IF X L IV 5 6 (borrow ed from Lat porcus)\ Ç a bej Etim.
II 211 (to koqe).
 BËRS1 — BËRRYL 23

bërsi f, pl. bérsi ‘husks of grapes, m arc’. Borrowed from Rom *brütea
reflecting Thracian ß p itx ea . 0 MEYER Wb. 3 4 (from Lat brisa);
BRÜCH IF XL 2 4 1 -2 4 4 (from “Illyrian”, cf. Thr ßpütov ‘beer’);
HAARMAN 113; ÇABEJ Etim. II 2 1 2 (reconstructs *bris-); DEMIRAJ AE
98 (borrowed from Thracian).

(G) bërshc m ‘juniper’. Continues *eburusa, a form somehow connected

with OIr ibar id., Gaulish eburo- (JOKL Festschr. Rozwadowski I 2 3 5 -
2 3 7 ). 0 B e r t o l d WuS XI 155 (fo llo w s Jo k l ); Ç abej Etim. II 2 1 2 -2 1 3 ;
DEMIRAJ AE 9 8 -9 9 (critical o f the Celtic parallels).

bërtas aor. brita ‘to shout, to cry’. Borrowed from Slav *b'brtvati ~
*b'brtviti ‘to babble’, cf. Bulg b i’h tv ’a. 0 C a m a r d a I 68 (compares
bërtas with Gk ß p u x a o (ia i ‘to bellow’); MEYER Wb. 4 7 0 (to verras),
Alb. St. Ill 38; M a c h e k LP V 5 9 -6 0 (follows C a m a r d a ); T r u b a c e v
ÈSSJa III 132; Ç a b e j St. I 63 (to Latv brèkt ‘to cry’, OIr bressim id.),
Etim. II 213.

bërthamë f, pl. bërthama ‘(fruit) stone’. A compound consisting of bërth

< birth (with a vocalic shift in the unstressed position) and amë; thus,
bërth-amë is something like ‘mother of the fruit’. Its synonym,
bërthokël is to be analyzed as a formation with two suffixes -ok- and
-ël of the same root. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 4 (from Rom *petramen derived
from petra ‘stone’); B a r i Í ARSt. I 3 0 (divides bërthamë into bër and
tha(l)më, the latter to be compared with thelb); ÇABEJ St. I 6 3 -6 4 (a
derivative of bathë > *barthë), Etim. II 2 1 3 -2 1 4 ; M u r a t i Probleme
6 6 -6 7 (root bër-).

bërrakë f, pl. bërraka ‘muddy pool, pond, swamp’. Derivative of birë.

Note a similar change of -r- > -rr- in bërryl. 0 M EY ER Wb. 33 (to Slav
*bara ‘pool, rivulet’; JO K L Reallex. Vorgesch. I 84-87 (identifies the
root of bërrakë with the ancient Balkan stem bar- in river-names); M LADE­
NOV lORJaS XV n/4 228-230 (to Skt barbará-); ÇABEJ St. I 64 (to ßpciyoc •
ëÀoç, Hes.), Etim. II 215-217.

bërryl m, pl. bërryla, bërryle ‘elbow, forearm ’. Other variants reflect

an original -II in the auslaut. From PAlb *börei ul(e)nû ‘turn of the
bow’ > ‘elbow’ (for the first element - ÇA BEJ I 65, Etim. II 217-219).
Thus, the structure of the word is close to that of Gmc *alinobogon
‘elbow ’: OHG elinbogo, ON olnbogi and the like ( O r e l ZfBalk
26 BIR — B IR Q

apud W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1495 (to Skt bädhate ‘to push, to press’); P isa n i

Saggi 129; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 26; M a n n Language XXVI 385; HAMP
KZ LXXVII 253 (a g re es w ith BOPP); ÇABEJ St. I 66-67, Etim. II 235-
236 (from IE *bhedh-no); D e m ir a j AE 101.

bir m, pi. bij ‘son’. From PAlb *bira compared with Goth baur ‘son’
< IE *bhcro- ( P e d e r s e n BB XIX 295; KZ XXXIII 541), with further
link to IE *bher- ‘to give birth’. 0 C A M A R D A I 79 (to Gk inôç ‘son’);
M EYER Wb. 37 (from IE *bhü-l-, cf. Gk (pûXov ‘race, tribe’). Alb. St.
Ill 33; SO LM SEN KZ XXXIV 4; W IED EM A N N BB XXVII 220; JOKL IF
XXXVII 109, LKUBA 194 (to Latfllius ‘son’); R lB E Z Z O Riv. Alb. I 136
(bir as a secondary formation based on bijë); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione
112-113; P i s a n i Saggi 226; B a r i ç Hymje 57; H a m p BSL LXVII 213-
217 follows P e d e r s e n ) ; H u l d 44-45; Ç a b e j Etim. II 239-240; K l i n -
GENSCHMITT LIdg. 103 (to bij): DEM IRAJ AE 102 (agrees with K l i n -
GENSCHM ITT).

birë f, pi. bira ‘hole’. From PAlb *birä, a zero-grade derivative of IE

*bher-: Lat foro ‘to bore, to pierce’, OHG borön id. and the like (MEYER
Wb. 37). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 541 ; JOKL IF XXXVII 94; LA PIANA
Studi I 91; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 83; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 249; W a l d e -
H o f m a n n I 481-482; H a m p RRL XXI 51 (from IE *bhid-ra), ZfceltPh
XXXIX 211 (from IE *hherHuâ); ÇABEJ Etim. II 241-242; DEMIRAJ
AE 102-103 (to brej).

birko adv. ‘good, fine, excellent’. Related to birq ( Or e l Linguistica XXVI

174). 0 M e y e r Wb. 37 (compares with mire); B a r i C ARSt 3 (compound
of *bher- as in mbarë and ko- < kohë); Ç a b e j Etim. II 242 (derived
from bir).

birq m ‘heap, heap of sand, sand-dune’. In Tosk also berq. Diminu­

tive birth ‘pimple’ is derived from birq. A singularized plural of PAlb
*bit'ka formally identical with an isolated Slav *b-brki> ‘moustache,
hair, trunk’. Thus, the original meaning of the Albanian word could
be ‘upright, vertical (heap)’. 0 CAM ARDA 59 (identical with pirg ‘tower’
< NGk Tcùpyoç id.); M EY ER Wb. 98 (follows C A M A R D A ); TR U BA C EV
ÈSSJa III 128-129; O R EL Linguistica XXVI 173-174 (to IE *bher- ‘to
bring’, cf. Russ borona ‘many, a great amount’ going back to the same
root according to V a r b o t Praslav. 170-171); Ç a b e j Etim. II 242.
 RISEDÈ — B1SHTAJË 27

b ised ë f, pl. biseda ‘talk, conversation, speech’. Borrowing from Slav

*besêda id., cf., in particular, South Slavic forms: OCS beseda, Bulg
beseda, SCr beseda (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16; MEYER Wb. 33).
0 SELlSCEV Slav, naselenie 143, 192; MANN Language XXVIII 35; ÇABEJ
Etim. II 243; S v a n e 1220, 23 0 .

b isk m, pi. bisq, bisqe ‘branch, twig’. Borrowed from a diminutive Slav
*bicbki, derived from *bicb ‘whip’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258).
A s to bisk ‘rivulet’, it may also belong here. 0 MEYER Wb. 37 (from
NGk ß i i a a ‘switch, rod’ borrowed from Bulg vita id.); ÇABEJ Etim.
II 2 4 3 -2 4 5 (borrowed from Slav *bicb or derived from mbij); M a n n
Comp. 78 (to Lith biskis, biskis ‘bit, fragment’ - a German [East Pruss­
ian] loanword); PAGLIARO Shêjzat X 3 1 5 -3 1 7 ; DEMIRAJ AE 101
(derived from mbij).

b istër adj. ‘agile, nimble, sour’. Borrowed from Slav *bystr-h ‘agile,
quick’, cf. South Slavic forms: OCS by stri,, Bulg bister, SCr bistar
(D e s n ic k a j a Slav. zaim. 13). 0 Ç a b e j Etim. II 246; S v a n e 150.

b ish ë f, pi. bisha ‘b east, wild a n im a l’ . Borrowed from Lat béstia id.
(M e y er Wb. 38). 0 M ihäescu RESEE IV /1-2 21; H a a r m a n n 112; Ç abej
Etim. II 246-247; L a n d i Lat. 119.

b ish t m, pi. bishta, bishtra ~ bishtna ‘ta il’. F rom P A lb *büsta, d e r iv ­

a tive o f IE *bhü- ‘to g r o w ’. T h e m etaphor v ie w s the tail as a b o d ily
ou tgrow th . 0 XYLANDER 2 8 7 (to B asq u e bustan id.); CAMARDA I 58
(to Gk Ö7uo0ev ‘b ack, b e h in d ’); MEYER Wb. 38; JOHANNSON IF XIV
268 (from *bhid-to- and, further, to Lat findere ‘to clea v e’); JOKL LKUBA
261 n. 2; OSTIR AArbSt. I 127; T r e im e r KZ L X V 109 (fo llo w s
J o h a n n s o n ) ; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIX 429; T a g l i a v i n i RIEB I 165 n.
1, Dalmazia 8 3 -8 4 (again st JOHANNSON), Stratificazione 143; B a r i ç
Hymje 57; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 102; ÇABEJ Sí. I 6 7 -6 8 (fro m *mb-ith-
sht, to ith), Etim. II 2 4 8 -2 5 0 ; H u l d 45 (d is a g r e e s w ith Ç a b e j);
D e m ir a j AE 103 (to bij).

bishtajë f, pi. bishtaja ‘pod, hull, pea, green bean’. Borrowed from Rom
*pistalia > Rum pästaie ‘pod, hull’, cf. Lat pistare ‘to pound’
(C a n d r e a - D e n s u § ia n u I 2 0 4 ). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 68 (to bisht), Etim. II
250.
28 BJERR — BLEGËRIJ ~ BLEGËRÎJ

bjerr aor. borra ‘to lose’. Numerous phonetic variants of the anlaut are
attested in dialects: djerr, dëbjerr, vdjerr, dzjerr. They seem to go back
to PAlb *dis-bera or *dis-berna further related to bie ‘to fall’ (PEDERSEN
KZ XXXVI 325). 0 MEYER Wb. 70 (to Gk Ôépco ‘to skin’, Slav
*dbrati ‘to tear’ and the like), Alb. St. Ill 73; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia
83; L a P ia n a Varia 21 (related to djerr)', M a n n Language XXVIII 33
(to Gk (pSeipco ‘to destroy’ or Lai ferió ‘to strike’); H am p ZfceltPh XXXIX
210 (to Lith berti ‘to disperse’); Ç a b e j Etim. II 253-255; D e m ir a j AE
104 (follows H a m p ).

bjeshkë f, pl. bjeshkë ‘mountain pasture’. Borrowed from Rom *pastica

based on Lat pastus ‘pasture’. Note that this word belongs to a
compact group of Latin loans with p- rendered as b-. 0 M EYER Wb.
58 (identifies bjeshkë with byshkë and connects it with Romance words
for ‘splinter’, cf. Ital busca)', SK O K ZfslavPhil II 3 9 6 -3 9 7 (from Lat
basilica ‘church’ despite the differences in meaning); J o k l LKUBA 165-
167 (from *bjershkë as a derivative of bie ‘to fall’); CAM AJ Alb. Worth.
114; TR U BACEV Nazv. 281 (against the connection with the name of
the Beskidy); ÇABEJ St. I 68 (follows J o k l and derives the name of
the Beskidy Mountains from bjeshkë), Etim. II 2 5 5 -2 5 6 ; O REL Antic,
balk. 5 32 (from *bheug-iska).

blanë f, pi. blana ‘heart of tree; sapwood; scar, mark, pockmark’. Bor­
rowed from Slav *bolna, cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg blana ‘turf, piece
of dried dung’, SCr blana ‘coopers instrument’ (OREL Ètimologija 1983
1 3 4 -1 3 5 ). Closer meanings have been preserved in East Slavic: Russ
botona ‘young wood between the bark and the trunk; lump or scar on
the bark’. 0 T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa II 1 75-177; ÇABEJ Etim. II 2 5 7 ; SVANE
120 .

blatë f, pl. blatë ‘w a fe r ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat oblata id. (MlKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 44; MEYER Wb. 38). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1040, 1049; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV /1-2 24; H a a r m a n 138; L a n d i Lat.
87, 109, 158.

blegërij ~ blegërîj aor. blegëriva ‘to bleat’. Onomatopoeia (M EY ER Wb.

38-39, cf. Gk ßÄrixaojiai id.). 0 P o k o r n y I 102; Ç a b e j Etim. II 258
(same as M e y e r ) ; D e m i r a j AE 104.
 BLEUI RE — B IJ ~ BLÎ 29

blehurë adj. ‘p a le ’. F rom PAlb *blaid-ura rela ted to S la v *blëdrh id.,

OE blát id. (M e y e r Wb. 38 ). 0 P o k o r n y I 160; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa II
1 11-112; D e m ir a j AE 105.

blej aor. bleva ‘to buy’. Borrowed from Rom *able váre ‘to lift up, to
relieve (from )’ (MEYER Wb. 3 9 ). 0 JOKL Studien 4 4 (divides blej into
a prefix b- < mb- and a root identical with that of laj in its meaning
‘to pay’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 84; B o r g e a u d RRL 4 (1 9 7 3 ) 3 2 7-331;
HAMP St. albanica X / 2 8 3 -8 5 ; ÇABEJ 5?. I 71 (to Latv blènst ‘to see
badly; to look’ and its other Baltic cognates), Etim. II 2 5 9 -2 6 0 .

blertë adj. ‘green’. There exists a derivationally more archaic variant

Italo-Alb hiere. The word goes back to PAlb *blöra related to Lat floras
‘shining, bright’, Oír blár ‘gray’, W blawr id. < IE *bhlôros ( Ç a b e j
Etim. II 260-261). 0 M EYER Wb. 38 (compares with Slav *blëéh ‘pale’);
W a l d e - H o f m a n n 1 513-514; H u ld 45 (from *hhlëudhro-, to IE *bhleuo-
‘light-colored’); DEM IRAJ AE 104-105.

bletë f, pl. bletë ‘bee, swarm, hive’. Goes back to *mblete borrowed
from Rom *melettum, cf. mellûrium ‘beehive, apiary’ (JOKL LKUBA
284-296). 0 POTT KZ VI 321 (comparison with Gk p i / U n a ‘bee’);
C a m a r d a I 44 (the same); M e y e r Alb. St. II 79 (from Rom *albiet-
tus, cf. Rum albina ‘bee’), Wb. 39 (from Rom *apetta - *abetta ‘bee’);
S c h m id t KZ L 235 (follows C a m a r d a in deriving bletë from *melit);
SKOK AArbSt I 225 (from Rom *albeâta), Arch. Roman. VIII 148-150;
TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 84 (agrees with JOKL); PISANI Saggi 120 (from
Gk *niXiTja); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350 (follows POTT); ÖLBERG
IBK XVII 38 (borrowed from Gk (lEÀtaoeov ‘beehive’); Ç a b e j St. I
69-70 (borrowed from Gk ju'Àuxa with a shift of accent), Etim. I I 261-
263; DEMIRAJ AE 105 (from P A lb *m(e)lita).

blëndës ~ blandës m, pi, blëndësa ~ blandësa ‘paunch, stomach’.

Another form is blënxë ~ blanxë. Variants of plëndës ~ plandës.

bli ~ blî m, pl. blirë, blinj ‘linden’. From PAlb *blina further connected
with Lith blindis, blendls ‘Salix caprea’ (ÇABEJ St. I 7 0 -7 1 , Etim. II
2 6 4 ) and derived from *bhlen- ‘to shine’, semantically motivated by
the color of the bast and bark typical of linden (OREL Linguistica XXVI
174). 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 0 (treats bli as a loanword from Rom *(li)brinam);
F r a e n k e l 49.
related to
the moti­ Slav, naselenie 154; ÇABEJ Etim. II 271. SVANE 73.
vivi 174).
Gk <pàXÀ,T| bludë f ‘(film of) mould, scum on wine, skin on milk’. Borrowed from
SK I 242- an unattested South Slavic continuant of Slav *bigda reflected in Bulg
>c); Ç abej dial, hl-bda ‘unclean pimples’ and Slovene bloda ‘mistake’. 0 MEYER
Wb. 40 (from SCr bluta ‘mould’); M e y e r -L ü b k e REW 32 (from Rom
*abluta ‘rinse water’); ÇABEJ St. 1 72, Etim. I I 271; SVANE 117; TRUBAÍEV
lut variant ÈSSJa II 125.
\ Prefisso
itical with boj aor. bova ‘to mate’. Usually, attested in passive as bohet. Metaphor­
ic use of boj ‘to drive’ attested in North Geg. From PAlb *bagnja related
to Lith begti ‘to ru n ’, Latv bêgt id., OPrus begeyte id., Slav *begti id.,
i from IE Gk (peßo^ai id. (ÇABEJ St. I 1 1 9 ). For the semantic development in
L a P ia n a Albanian cf. Russ gon ‘heat (of animals)’ < gnat’ ‘to drive’. 0 MEYER
60; Ç a b e j Wb. 4 1 -4 2 (to NGk .unaivea); T reim er MRIW I 3 7 3 -3 7 5 (to Germ Bahn
‘road’); B u G G E ß ß XVIII 174 (from Rom *disbinö); BARld ARSt 6 8 -
6 9 (from *bhöreiö); Jo k l IF XXXVII 103, 118 (related to mbaj, bie);
ong grade L a P ia n a St. Varia 2 3 -2 4 (from *deboj further connected with Lith
N blekkja vyti ‘to drive (away)’ and the like); M a n n Language XXVIII 3 2 (to
POKORNY Gk jiToéo) ‘to frighten’); FRAENKEL 38; FRISK II 9 9 8 -9 9 9 ; ÇABEJ St.
1 73 (follows La P i a n a ); D e m ir a j AE 1 0 5 -1 0 6 .

lb. Worth. bolbë f ‘accident, disaster, sorrow’. Borrowed from the otherwise unat­
)Iack\ Gk tested Slav *bolbba, derivative of *bolh ‘pain’ (KRISTOFORIDHI487;
EJ St. 1 7 1 , SeliS cev Slav, naselenie 193). C VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 8 (against
0 (to Lat Slavic etymology); JOKL Slavia XIII 322 (from Rom *volva or from
IE *bhel-); Ç a b e j St. I 73, IV 98, Etim. II 281-282 (to Lat bulla, OIr
bolach).
? id. (MlK-
lerivatives bolle pi. ‘testicles’. From PAlb *balnai connected with IE *bhhno-\
ER-LÜBKE Gk ipaXkóq ‘phallus’, Latfollis ‘bellows’, OIr ball ‘limb, member’ (OREL
azia 84; Zfôalk X X III/1 67-68). 0 M e y e r Wb. 41 (from Itai bolla ‘lump, knob’
(from IE or balla ‘testicle’); R o h r ZfBalk XVII/1 80; FRISK II 987-988;
W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 524-525; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 23; V e n d r y e s B-12;
POKORNY I 120; Ç a b e j Etim. II 282 (“elementary creation”); M a n n
orm binde Comp. 63-64 (to Skt bhala- ‘forehead’).
, cf. South
IlKLOSICH bolle r, pi. bolla ‘kind of harmless snake’ Borrowed from Rom *bola,
 BLUDË — BOLLE 31

M ------------ 7 1 ) . Further
the same IE *bhlen- ‘to shine’ as bli ‘linden’; in this case,
vation is based on the color of the fish (OREL Linguistica X
0 ClMOCHOWSKl LP 1 165-182 (further connections o f bli with
‘w h a le ’ and the lik e); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 133; F r
243; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350 (borrow ed from Gk ß?uv
Etim. II 264-265 (id e n tic a l w ith bli ‘lin d en ’).

bligë f ‘forked piece of wood’. From PAlb *bligâ, a zero abl

related to Gk (páXay^ ‘stem ’, ON bialki ‘log’. 0 L a P ia n
14 (from *ie-bigë); POKORNY I 122; Ç a b e j Etim. I I 265 (ide
Mge).

blokër f ‘rubbish, trash’. Continues PAlb *bläukä derive

*bhlëuos ‘blue, yellow’, cf. Lat flavas ‘yellow’ and the like. C
Prefisso 15 (préfixai form related to Lat baca); POKORNY I I
Etim. 267 (to bluaj).

blorë f ‘sling’. Continues PAlb *blâgrâ, a form reflecting a

variant comparable with Lat flagrum ‘whip’, cf. further C
‘to beat, to strike’. 0 La PIANA Prefisso 15 (from *le-borë);
1 154; Ç a b e j Etim.268 (derivative of bahe).

blozë f, pl. blozé, bioza ‘s o o t’. D er iv a tiv e o f bluaj (CAMAJ /

124). 0 MEYER Wb. 40; JOKL Studien 8-9 (to Skt malina- ‘
p,É/laç id .); LA PIANA Prefìsso 1 3 -1 4 (fr o m *le-bozè')\ ÇAB
Etim. II 269-270 (a g r e e s w ith CAMAJ); M a n k Comp. Í
fiam m a ‘fla m e ’).

bluaj bluej aor. blova ‘to grind’. Borrowed from Lat moler
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 42; M e y eR Wb. 40). Among various i
note bluaslike, blloshkë ‘splinter’ (Ç a b e j St. I 71). 0 M e y
Gr. G rundriß2 1 1054; JOKL IF XLIX 291; TAGLIAVINI Da
K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Verbum 146; H a m p IF LX V II 147
*mel-); Ç a b e j Etim. II 270-271.

blud f, pi. binde ‘wooden bowl’. Singularized plural of the !

attested in dialects. Borrowed from Slav *bl’udo ‘dish, plate
Slavic forms: OCS bijudo, Bulg b l’udo, SCr bljudo (1\
32 BORE -— B O SH T

cf. Lat bolea ‘salamander’ (JOKL ZRomPh XLI 228-230). 0 M e y e r Wb.

41 (borrowed from Lat bêlua ‘beast, m onster’); SPITZER M RIW I 295
n. 1 (to Skt bhdla- ‘with shining skin’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 85, Stra­
tificazione 133; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 328; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-
2 31; HAARMAN 112; ÇABEJ Etim. II 283-285 (from IE *bhul- ‘to swell’);
L a n d i Lat. 126.

borë f, pl. bore, borëra ~ borna ‘snow’. Dialectal variants dè'bor, vdor,
zborë, xborë and the like reflect PAlb *dis-bârâ with a borrowed suffix
(JOKL IF XXXVII 193) or, rather, *is-bârâ with a Proto-Albanian suffix.
The semantic structure of the word is similar to Rum zapada ‘snow’
< Slav *zapada ‘falling down (snow)’ and, therefore, *-bärä is
linked to bie ‘to fall’ (ibid.; ClORANESCU DER II 9 1 0 ). In fact, borë
may be a caique of the Slavic word (TRUBACEV Slav. jaz. XI 19). Its
verbal correlate is zbjerr ‘to lose’ < *-ber-na. 0 CAMARDA I 100 (to
Gk popéaç ‘North wind’); MEYER Wb. 4 2 (to Rum bora ‘North
wind’ and - at the same time! - Slav *bur'a ‘storm ’); T h u m b IF X X V I
5 (from Gk ßopea«; ‘North wind’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 85; HASDEU
EMR I 106; L a PIANA St. Varia 2 4 -2 5 (to var); KRAHE IF LVII 113-
114 (to Maced Bora); CAMAJ 38; H a m p ZfceltPh XXXIX 210; ÇABEJ
St. I 7 3 -7 4 (follows JOKL), Etim. II 2 8 7 -2 8 9 ; HULD 45-46; DEMIRAJ
AE 1 0 6 -1 0 7 .

borigë f, pi. boriga ‘kind o f pine; sp lin te r’. A nother variant is borikë.
B o r ro w e d from South S lavic: B u lg borika ‘f ir -tr e e ’, SCr borika
‘pine’ (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16; M e y e r Wb. 42). 0 JOKL/F XXXVII
94-95 (related to G k (pápuyí; ‘throat’ and IE *bher- ‘to cu t’); SELlSCEV
Slav, naselenie 164; ÖLBERG /FLX X III 206 (fo llo w s J o k l) ; GAMKRE­
LIDZE - I v a n o v n 707 (follow Ö lb e r g ); Ç a b ej St. 1 74 (supports M e y e r ),
Etim. II 289; S v a n e 125; D e m ir a j AE 107.

bors m, pi. borsa ‘chaffinch, Fringilla’. Derived from borë as shown

by names of chaffinch in other languages, cf. Fr pinson de neige, Germ
Schneefink and the like (Ç a b e j St. I 7 5 , Etim. II 2 9 0 -2 9 1 ). 0 M e y e r
Wb. 4 8 2 (borrowed from Slav * s k v o r b C b ‘starling’).

bosht m, pi. boshte, boshtinj ‘spindle, axis, axle’. From PAlb *bästa
close to Gmc *bôsta > OHG buost ‘rope made of bast’. Further related
to Gmc *bastaz ‘bast’ as well as Lat fastis, Alb bashkë (O r el
Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258). The spindle is, thus, described as ‘junc-
 BO TË — BRAZË 33

ture’. Note that boshtër ‘Forsythia’ is derived from bosht ( Ç a b e j St.

I 75). 0 M e y e r Wb. 42 (derived from Ital bosso ‘box-tree’); GUYON
St. Glott. Ital. V 11 (borrowed from Slav * b o d b C b ‘thorn, sharp stick’);
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 86; K l u g e 55; Z a l i z n ’a k Ètimologija ¡964 166;
C a m a j Alb. Worth. 102 (préfixai b-)\ Ç a b e j Etim. II 292-293 (to bie
‘to carry’ or to Skt bhrsti-).

botë f. pi. bota ‘earth; world’. From PAlb *bwûtâ based on IE *bheu-
~ *bhfi- ‘to be, to grow ’ (JOKL Studien 7). Among derivatives of botë
note botëm ‘pale’. 0 M EYER Wb. 43 (comparison with Lat bëtere, baetere
‘to go’); M a n n Language XXVI 380 (to Skt bhâta- ‘shining’, cf. Rum
lume), Comp. 67; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 144; Ç a b e j Etim. II 294-296;
D e m i r a j AE 107.

bram m ‘residue, scoria, rust, ear-wax’. From PAlb *bradma connected

with Skt bradhná- ‘reddish, yellow’, Slav *brom, ‘colored’ < *brodrvh
(Ç a b e j Etim. II 300; OREL Linguistica XXVI 174). For the semantic
development cf. OHG rost ‘ru st’ based on IE *reudh- ‘red ’. 0
M a y r h o f e r I I 4 51; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa III 41-42; M a n n C om p. 9 8 (to
Lat fragmen ‘scrap, fragm ent’).

branë f, pi. brana ‘harrow ’. Continues a South Slavic reflex of Slav

*borna id.: Bulg brana, SCr brana (M ey er Wb. 44-45, mistakenly claims
the Bulgarian form non-existent). The verb branis ‘to harrow ’ is bor­
rowed from S lav * borni ti. 0 SELlSCEV Slav, naselenie 15, 156; ÇABEJ
Etim. II 301; S v a n e 31, 253.

bravë f ‘herd’. Borrowed from Slav *borvT> ~ *borva ‘cattle’, cf. in

particular Bulg brava, SCr pi. bravi (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17;
M e y e r Wb. 4 5 ). 0 S k o k I 203; Ç a b e j Etim. II 3 0 1 -3 0 2 ; S v a n e 134.

bravë f, pi. brava ‘door-lock’. A relatively late borrowing from SCr

brava id. (SKOK I 203) which might be connected with Rom *barra
‘bar’ (M ey er Wb. 45),0 S eli Sc e v Slav, naselenie 150, 306; Ç abej Etim.
II 302; S v a n e 83.

braze f, pi. braza ‘furrow ’. Another (and more conservative) variant

is brazdë. Borrowed from Slav *borzda id., cf. South Slavic forms:
Bulg brazda, SCr brazda (WEIGAND 9; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 158,
3 2 2 ) 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 158; Ç a b e j Etim. II 3 0 2 .; S v a n e 37.
 BREKË — BRF.SHËR BRESHËN 35
34 BRAZIM BREJ ~ BREJ

JËGERS KZ L X X X 109. 0 M e y e r Alb.St. V 7 0 - 7 1 (to U n f rendó); JOKL

brazim m 'hoar-frost’. Derivative based on braze and semantically moti­
vated by the form of hoar-frost looking like wrinkles or furrows. 0 Studien 9; L a P ia n a Studi I 73 (fro m *bhoreiö); MAYRHOFER II 5 3 2 -
533; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 5 4 9 ; R a s m u s s e n Morph, (re co n str u c ts
M e y e r Wb. 45 (from Venet brosa id., Friul brose id.); H UBSC H M ID
Vox Rom. Ill 133 (from Venet bro.zima id.); Ç a b e j St. I 75 (derived *bhr-n-H-elo-); S v a n e GjA II 39 (brij < brej in flu en ced by aorist);
D e m ir a j AE 1 0 8 -1 0 9 .
from mraz), Etim. II 302; SV A N E 173.

bredh m, pi. bredha ‘fir-tree’. From PAlb *brada etymologically con­ brekë pi. ‘pants’. B orrow ed from Lat bracae ‘trousers, b reech es’ (M lK­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 7; MEYER Wb. 4 6 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
nected with Slav *bredrh ‘willow’ and, further, with *brodrh ‘ford’,
Lith bradas id., all these forms based on IE *bhredh-, cf. bredh ‘to Grundriß2 1 1043; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 13; HAARMANN 112; ÇABEJ
jump, to spring’ (O REL Ètimologija 1985 29-30). For the semantic moti­ Etim. II 3 0 7 -3 0 8 ; LANDI Lat. 2 7 , 38.
vation, similar to that of Slav *bredT, (a tree growing or “walking”
along the rivers or hill-slopes), cf. VASM ER I 210 and TRUBACEV ÈSSJa brendaadv. ‘inside’. Together with other phonetic and morphonological
III 11-12. R u m brad ‘fir-tree’ is a Proto-Albanian loanword reflect­ variants, brënda and mbrënda ~ mbrenda, continues a sequence of prepo­
ing the original root vowel of PAlb *brada. Note a derivative breshtë sitions and adverbs PAlb *(en) per enta (C a m a r d a I 3 1 8 ). For the last
‘fir-tree forest’. 0 C a m a r d a II 62 (to Lat bratus); D i e f e n b a c h I 50 component cf. nde. The derivative brëndës ‘intestines’, is the source
(to Latv priëdé ‘pine’); JOKL IF XXX 208-210 (from IE *bhrozdh-); of the Balkan word for goat- and sheep-cheese prepared in sheep’s
M e y e r Wb. 45-46 (compares bredh with the IE *bherag- ‘birch’); ClM O-
stomach, cf. Rum brînzâ. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 33 (from Lat
CHOWSKl LP II 231 (to ON barr ‘pine needle’); F r a e n k e l 58-59; C a m a j
intra); MEYER Wb. 4 7 -4 8 ; M a n n Language XVII 20-21 (from *en-pre-
121, 123 (reconstructs suffix *-dh-)\ POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 3237; en-do); PASCU RE 27 (Rum brînzâ related to berr); RUSSU Etnogeneza
R o s e t t i ILR I 273; P i s a n i Saggi 126 (reconstructs *bhreg- and links
2 7 0 -2 7 3 ; Ç a b e j Etim. II 30 8 -3 1 0 ; H a a r m a n n 141 (from Lat per intu).
bredh to the IE name of birch, following M e y e r ) : H U L D KZ XCIX
247 (borrowed from Gk ßpaOu); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa III 13, 36-37; ÇABEJ brengë f, pi. brenga ‘grief, sorrow ’. From PAlb *brain(i)ka connect­
Etim. II 303-305 (follows C A M A R D A ); DEM IRAJ AE 107-108. ed with *brainja > brej ‘to gnaw’. For the semantic development cf.
E remorse ( O r e l ZfBalk X X III/1 68). Rum brinca denoting a conta­
bredh aor. brodha ‘to jump, to spring’. From PAlb *breda identical with gious disease was borrowed from the intermediate Albanian form *brenka
Slav *bredç, *bresti ‘to wade, to ford’, Lith brendu, basti id. (M e y e r < *brain(i)kä and, quite probably, preserves its earlier meaning; thus,
Wb. 4 6, Alb. St. Ill 28, 35, 71). 0 F r a e n k e l 58; P is a n i Saggi 125; H a m p ‘illness’ > ‘grief’ ( Ç a b e j St. 1 7 6 , Etim. II 311 -3 1 2 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 46;
PHILIPPIDE Viat_a romaneascâ XVII 39; DiCU LESCU DR IV 4 7 7 (to Rum
ZfBalk X X V 43; ÇABEJ St. 1 7 5 -7 6 (to O E bregdan ‘to stir’), Etim. II
305; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 113 (prefix b-); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa III 14-15; brîncâ < Gk ppàyxoç); M a n n Comp. 5 3 -5 4 (to Goth ana-praggan ‘to
D e m ir a j AE 108. oppress’).

breg m, pi. brigje, bregje ‘hill, bank’. Borrowed from Slav *bergb ‘bank, breshër ~ breshën m ‘hail’. Singularized plural of *brash (Ç A B E J St.
-----------■■■■■---...I. r;;;■ff'.f.i W? ■ X O , ^ fiirtli

3 b reak ’ : Oír brúu id., M W breu ‘fr a g ile ’, OHG brosma breg (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17; MEYER Wb. 46). 0 SELISCEV Slav, IE *bhreus- ‘I
'er Wb. 47, Alb. Studien III 35, 61, 72). 0 C a m a r d a I naselenie 188; ÇABEJ Etim. II 305-306: SVANE 161. ‘c r u m b ’ (M e
X® 'to w e t’); W ie d e m a n n BB XXVII 245-247; P e d e r - 78 (to Gk ßpi
rgues against the above etym ology). Kelt. Gr. I 55; T a g LI- brej ~ brêj aor. brejta ~ brêjta ‘to gnaw’. From PAlb *brainja further SEN IF V 38 (£
a 87; L e w is -P e d e r se n 17; POKORNY I 171; CAMAJ Alb. connected with IE *bhrei- ‘to cut’: Skt bhrïnâti ‘(he) injures', Lat frió A VINI Dalmaz
-resh-ën 'fa llin g ’); ÖLBERG IF LXXII1 217; OREL ZfBalk ‘to ru b ’, Slav *briti ‘to shave’ and the like (ORELZfBalk X X III/1 68; Wortb. 53 (< I
econ stru cts *bhroisino- and co n n ects breshër ~ breshën Ç a b e j Etim. II 306-307). For similar semantic development see X X III/1 69 (i
38 BRUKK — BRYMË

brymës id. (derivative of brymë) under the influence of brej (DEM IRAJ
AE 1 1 1 ) . 0 M e y e r Wb. 50 (derived from brej).

brukë f ‘tamarind’. From PAlb *bruka identical with Slav *b’b rkh ‘twig,
stalk, sharp end’. 0 H A M P Anc. IE 102; TRU BA C EV ÈSSJa III 128-129;
ÇABEJ Etim. II 332 (borrowed from Gk jiuptKri via Dor *ßpt)Kt|).

brume m, pl. brumë ‘dough’. Derived from mbruaj ~ mbruej, mbryj ‘to
knead’ (ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 3 3 -3 3 4 ). From P A lb *bruma related to Gmc
*barma ‘yeast’ (O E beorma) and Lat fermentimi ‘leaven, yeast’
(MEYER Wb. 49). 0 JOKL Studien 11, LKUBA 263; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
89; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 230; P is a n i Saggi 126; M a n n Language XVII
15 (reconstructs *bhreumo-)\ KLUGE 52; DEMIRAJ AE 111.

brushtull f, pi. brushtulla ‘heather’. From PAlb *brust-ula related to

Slav *br~hstb ‘sprout, bud’ and OS brustian ‘to shoot, to sprout’. 0 VAN
W ij k /F X X I V 235; PUDIC IX ICL 8 6 2 -8 6 4 (from EGmc *brustilô, cf.
E bristle); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rum. II 329 (to Dac riborasta, plant name);
NEROZNAK Paleob. 197 (follows POGHIRC); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa III 58;
G in d in - K a l u 2 s k a j a - OREL Bissi. 249; ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 3 5 -3 3 6 (bor­
rowed from Slav *bl’uscb).

bruz adj. ‘blue, indigo’. From PAlb *brudja comparable with Slav *brudrb
‘dirt’, *brudbm, ‘dirty’ < IE *bhrou-dh-, cf. *bhrou-t- in Thrac
Ppoûxoç ‘barley beer’ (OREL Linguistica XXVI 175). 0 DETSCHEW Thr.
Sprachreste 93; ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 3 6 (to barrë); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa II 44.

brydh adj. ‘weak, pliant, mild’. From PAlb *brüdza related to Lat früx
‘fruit’, Goth brukjan ‘to use’ (where IE *g should be reconstructed)
The meaning in Albanian is based on the original notion of ‘used, worn
out’. 0 MANN Language XXVIII 34 (to Slav *bT>rzT>), Comp. 5 4 , 111
(to W brydd ‘feeble, ailing’); POKORNY T 173; OREL Linguistica
XXVI 175 (to Slav *bryd-bki, ‘disgusting, sharp’); Ç a b e j Etim. II 33 7 -
3 3 8 (to bredh ‘to jum p’).

brymë f. ‘frost’. Borrowed from Lat bruma ‘cold, frost’ (CAMARDA

I 53; M e y e r Wb. 49 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 53 (from Lat pruína
id.); C a m a j 4 7 (to IE *bher-); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1046;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 13; H a a r m a n 113; H u l d 46; Ç a b e j Etim.
II 338; L a n d i Lat. 6 8 -6 9 .
 BU A U . ~ BUELL BUKË 39

buall ~ buell m , pl. buaj ~ buej 'buffalo’. An early borrowing from Slav
*byvoh> id. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 2 4 3 )
with the diphtongization of the group *-yvo- similar to that in patkua.
The feminine form buallicë ~ buellicë goes back to Slav *byvolica. 0
STIER KZ XI 150 (borrowed from Lat bübalus id.); MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 1 (from Lat bübalus or Gk ßo\)ßaXo<;); MEYER Alb. St. I 6 4 ,
Wb. 5 0 (same etymology); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1048 (agrees
with M e y e r ); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 5 3 5 ,5 4 1 ; M n iä e s c u RESEE IV / 1-
2 13; H a a r m a n 113; Ç a bej St. I 7 9 (questions the phonetic validity
of M e y e r ’ s etymology), Etim. II 3 3 9 -3 4 0 (identical with Thracian
pôÀivôoç ‘bull’); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa III 1 58-15 9 ; L a n d i Lat. 107, 137.

buças aor. buçita ‘to roar, to thunder’. Borrowed from Slav * bucati
id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg buca, SCr bucati (DESNICKAJA Slav,
zaini. 1 6 ) . 0 ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 4 5 (from SCr bucati)', SV A N E 2 6 0 .

buj ~ bûj aor. bujta ~ bâjta ‘to accommodate (a guest); to stay

overnight’. From PA lb *bunja related to Goth bauan ‘to stay’ and other
derivatives of IE *bheu- ~ *bhü- ‘to be, to grow’ (CAMARDA 1 59; MEYER
Wb. 5 1 , Alb. St. Ill 3 3 ). As to bunë ‘alpine hut', it continues *bunta
derived from buj, cf. Lith butas ‘dwelling’ and OIr both ‘hut’ derived
from IE *bhü-, 0 B UGGE BB XVIII 163; M e y e r Alb. St. V 71 (from
IE *bheug(h)- ‘to bend’); FEIST Goth. 83-84; HASDEU EMR I 101; JOKL
Studien 7 -8 , Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87; PORZIG Gliederung 150; PISANI
Saggi 117, 121; GEORGIEV Issledovanija 119 (bunë to Thrac -ßouvov);
ÇABEJ St. I 8 0 -8 1 (reconstructs *budnja and connects it with Slav *buditi
‘to wake up’ and its cognates), Etim. II 3 5 1 -3 5 3 ; DEMIRAJ AE 111-
112.

bujk m , pi. bujq ‘peasant’. Also attested as bulk. Borrowed from Lat
bubulcus 'ploughman, herdsm an’ ( C a m a r d a I 180; M e y e r Wb. 53).
From this stem, bulk, bulkth, burkth ‘cricket’ is derived. 0 MEYER Wb.
55 (burkth to *murk- ‘black’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1050;
TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 133; POGHIRC LB VI 99-100 (to murk);
M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 30-31; H a a r m a n 113; M a n n Comp. 112
(burkth related to O E beorcan ‘to bark’); ÇABEJ Etim. II 356; LANDI
Lat. 89, 135-136.

bukë f, pl. bukë ‘bread; m eal, m e a l-tim e ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat bucca

‘m o u th ’ w h ich in B alkan R om an ce m ean s ‘f o o d ’ as in R um bucà, cf.
40 BIJK ËI, — BULBËR

also Rom *buccella ‘bread’, Ital baccella ‘mouthful’ (CAMARDA I 132;

MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 7; MEYER Wb. 51). This semantic shift is
typical of all the Carpatho-Balkan area (H am p AT?/, XXIV 315). 0 XYLAN­
DER 277 (to Phryg ßeico; ‘bread’); PU§CARIU EWR 19; MEYER -
LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1046; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 46, Stratificazione
133; O S tir AArbSt I 84; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 90, Origini 190;
MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 27; H a a r m a n 113; H am p RomPh XXX1V/4
434; HULD 46; ÇABEJ Etim. II 357-358; DESNICKAJA Sravn. 317-323;
L a n d i Lat. 66, 134.

bukël f, pl. bukla ‘weasel’. From PAlb *buklä connected with bukur
(MEYER Wb. 51-52). The variant bungël seems to be secondary (influ­
enced by bung?). Taking into account the lust as a specific feature of
weasel (cf. bukur), to be further connected with IE *bheu- ‘to swell’,
with its characteristic semantic development in Slavic (OCS bui
lucopôç, òuppcov, Slav *bujbni> ‘violent, wild, lusty, fertile’), and in par­
ticular with Germanic formations in *-k-: OHG buhil ‘hill’ < *bhuk-
/-, ON boia ‘lump, knob’ < *bhukl-ön- (OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 69-70).0
B a riC AArbSt. II 79-80 (to Mir bocc, Skt bhugna-); TAGLIAVINI Strat­
ificazione 133 (thinks of a Romance loanword); SCHUCHARDT ZfromPh
XXXIV 215 (to MFr bacoule id.); POKORNY I 98 f.; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb.
119; MANN Comp. 124; Ç a b e j Etim. II 358.

bukur adj. ‘beautiful, fine, nice, pretty; good, noble; dim’. From PAlb
* bukur a etymologically connected with bukël, cf. Slav *laska ‘weasel’
~ ‘caress’, Lith loksnus ‘tender’ (SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 254; M e y e r
Wb. 51; O r e l ZfBalk X X III/ 1 6 9 -7 0 ). The semantic tertium compa-
rationis is the weasel’s remarkable lust occasionally related to the notion
of beauty and good (TRUBACEV in VASMER II 4 6 2 ; TOPOROV PJa III
2 7 9 -2 8 0 : on OPrus caune ‘m arten’). From (Proto-)Albanian the word
was borrowed to Rum bucur (MEYER Wb. 5 2 ). 0 STIER KZ VII 160
(identical with Lat pulcher)-, ClHAC II 715 (borrowed from Turk buhur
‘incense’); BARIC AArbSt. II 7 9 -8 0 (to Ir boce ‘ark’); TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 133; H a a s LB I 3 5 , 4 3 , III 51 (to Gk ß a u K p o q ) ; R O S E T T I ILR
I 274; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 338 (explains both Albanian and Ruman­
ian words from the Balkan substratum); CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 119; ÇABEJ
Etim. II 3 6 0 -3 6 2 .

bulbër m ‘street dust’. Borrowed from Lat pulverem ‘dust’. Note the
 BULË — HUNG 41

irregular voiced anlaut. 0 MEYER Alb.St V 71 (from Ital polvere id.);

H e l b ig 39; Ç a b e j Etim. II 362.

bulë f, pi. bula ‘b ud ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat bulla ‘b ub ble, b o ss, k n o b ’

( M e y e r Wb. 5 3 ). 0 S c h m i d t KZ L 2 3 6 (to Gk tpúM-ov ‘le a f ’); B a r iC
AArbSt I 145; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 536; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 90;
MANN Language XXVI 387 (follow s S ch m id t); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-
2 13; H a a r m a n n 113; M a n n Comp. 122 (to M H G bolle ‘bud’); Ç a b e j
St. I 81 (a ccep ts M e y e r ’s e ty m o lo g y ), Etim. II 3 6 2 -3 6 3 ; L A N D I Lat.
93.

bulë f ‘soft flesh (on the rear side of the finger)’. Borrowed from MLat
bulla ‘seal’ (Ç A B E J Etim. II 3 6 3 ). 0 H e l b i g 8 4 (from Ital bolla, Venet
hola id.).

bullar m. pl. bullarë ‘blindworm ’. Together with its variant bollar this
word is derived from bolle (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 9 0 ). It is the
source of Rum bälaur ‘dragon’ from where other Balkan forms were
borrowed. 0 M e y e r Wb. 41; B ari C ARSt 3-5 (from *bala ‘water, marsh’
and *var ‘snake’); PASCU RE 25 (reconstructs Rom *belluarius); D u r a n t e
Rie. Ling. 1950, 2 7 0 -2 7 1 ; SKOK ZfromPh L 5 1 3 -5 1 7 ; ROSETTI ILR I
272; OREL Vestnik MGU. Filologija 1 9 8 1 /2 7 2 -7 6 (ancient Balkan ties
of bullar)\ Ç a b e j Etim. II 3 6 6 -3 6 7 .

bullog m ‘dragon’s dwelling’. Transformed from *burllog under the

influence oí bullar. Borrowed from South Slav *b-hiiogb < Slav *bhiiogb
‘den, dwelling’, cf. Bulg b-brlog, Slovene brlog. Alb -ur- < South Slav
-~br- indicates an early loanword. Another trace of Slav *bbtiogT> is
bërllok ‘den’ (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16 on bëtilok). 0 OREL Koll.
Idg. Ges. 356; ÇABEJ Etim. II 211; SVANE 4 3 .

bullungë f, pi. bullunga ‘lump, knob’. Formation in -unge (JOKL RIEt-

Balk. II 7 6 ) derived from *bull < PAlb * buina, etymologically con­
nected with IE *bheh- ‘to swell’ (OREL Zflìalk X X III/1 68). 0 MEYER
Wb. 53 (from Rom *bullüca); SCHMIDT KZ L 2 3 6 (compares with Gk
(p'úA.A.ov ‘leaf’); B a r i £ AArbSt 1 /1 -2 1 4 4 -1 4 5 (< bu- + lungë)', ÇABEJ
St. I 8 2 (connects bullungë with ballë), Etim. II 3 6 8 -3 7 0 (to mullâ ~
mullë).

bung m, pl. bunga ‘kind of oak, Quercus sessiflora’. From PAlb

 42 BURDHË — BURRË I

* b u n fi f**«m TP ^ ‘t o rrro.w’ iiriH plo«p lv r^la tprl. to Arm ìli

/ord was Trakite 74 (same as GEORGIEV); Ç.ABEJ St. I 84-85 (accepts WIEDE­
son with MANN’s etymology), Etim. II 389-391; K l u g e 57; H u l d 46-47; K l in -
inword); GENSCHMITT apud DEMIRAJ (from PAlb *burnas); D e m ir a j AE 113-
‘thick’); 114.
onsume’
102-103 bush m ‘boxwood’. Borrowed from Lat buxus id. (WEIGAND 10). 0 M eyer
1; M a n n Wb. 56 (from SCr bus id.); H elb ig 43, 76 (from Ital bosso); ÇABEJ
•8; H a m p Etim. II 392 (follows W eig an d 10).
UEDRICH
II 3238; bushtër f, pi. bushtra ‘bitch’, adj. ‘raging, wild’. An early borrowing
ïL ZfBalk from Slav *bystrh, fem. *bystra ‘quick’ (TREIMER AArbSt I 27), cf.
Russ borzoj ‘borzoi’ < ‘fast’. 0 C a m a r d a I 162 (to Lat bustum); M eyer
Wb. 56 (to ON bikkja id., E bitch or to Lat bestia); JOHANSSON IF IV
)m PAlb 268 (to Lat findö); La P ia n a Prefisso 14-15 (to bush ‘bogy, werewolf’);
Ige’, OE Ç a b e j Etim. II 394-395 (same as LA P i a n a ); M a n n Comp. 127
•); H a m p (related to Slav *by stri,).

but m, pl. bute ‘big barrel’. Borrowed from Lat buttis id. (M eyer-Lübke
: *burg- Gr. Grundriß21 1046). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 6 (from Ital botte);
e (O r e l H a a rm a n 113; Ç abej Etim. II 396; L andi Lat. 83-85.
D iefen -
CH Rom. b utë a d j. ’soft, smooth’. From PAlb *buta < IE *bhugh-to- compara­
prelim- ble with Nlr bog ‘soft’ < *bhugho-, Arm but‘ ‘blunt’ (PEDERSEN KZ
i. II 379- XXXVI 341). The source of both forms is IE *bheugh- ‘to bend’. 0
M e y er Wb. 57; P e d e rs e n Kelt. Gr. I 159; J o k l/F X L IV 54; M la d e ­
n ov IF XXXVIII 169-171; P o k o rn y I 152-153; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII/1
ï gibüro 70 (to buj); Ç abej Etim. II 397-398; M ann Comp. 121; K o r t l a n d t
:r *gb- > Arm-IE 114; DEMIRAJ AE 114.
j IL’FER-
ogically b uzë f, pi buzë ‘lip, end, edge, bank, stitch, rock’. The word goes back
III 74; to PAlb *budja identical with Lith budë ‘tree-fungus, tinder, whet­
(follows stone’ (O r e l LB XXVII 4 9 f.); semantically, cf. Slav *gçba ‘lip, tree-
- further fungus’ (TOPOROV Balcanica 2 4 3 f.) and Rum buzä (see below). Both
(follows the Lithuanian and the Albanian words are related to IE *bhudh-men
1 (agrees ‘bottom’ (Ç abej St. I 86, KALUZSKAJA SBJa Leksikol. 152 f.); the devel­
h V 368- opment of meaning is paralleled in Alb fund ‘bottom, end, edge’. Alb
iNI Saggi buzë is the source of Rum buzä ‘lip, edge, sharp edge, top of a rock’,
IEV Issle- Arum hudzä ‘lip, edge’. The latter forms were borrowed into Slavic:
XXXIX Bulg buza ‘cheek’, Maced buza ‘lip’, SCr budza ‘mouth, lip’, buza
 BUSH — BUZË 43

P a u a i O ^ f l- T > t T D J i^ a ^ T Q sV
p'm/ï irunK (Ç’Âôtÿ'ôil i o3, ¿urn, n J / J - 375). The Albanian i
borrowed to Rum bunget ‘thicket’. 0 MEYER Wib. 5 4 (compar
Slav *buky, *buki, ‘beech’ which, however, is a Germanic lo
BARIC I 103 f. (to Lith bìngìis ‘brave, courageous’ or Gk nay\y.
JOKL LKUBA 1 7 7 -1 7 9 (to Skt bhundkti ‘to enjoy, to use, to c
because of the edible nature of acorns!); LA PIANA Studi I
(to Gk <pàyoç and Phryg Bayatoç); ACAREAN HAB I 4 8 3 -4 8
Language XXVI 387 (to OHG bunga ‘lum p’); POKORNY I 1 4 6 -1■
LB X X 117 (to the Indo-European name of ‘beech’ *bhâgnâ)\ F
Trees 108; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 118; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom.
R o setti ILR I 274; H a m p I ß X X / 1-2 117 (from *bhäg-n-)\ O r
X X III/ 1 70; D em ir a j AE 1 1 2 -1 1 3 (supports H a m p ).

burdhë f ‘kind of sack’. Attested in Albanian of Greece. Fr

*burdä < IE *bhrdh- further related to ON bord ‘board, e
bord id. 0 POKORNY I 138; Ç a b e j SCL X 556 (to Germ Biird,
RRL IV 335 (reconstructs *bhorH-da)\ D e m ir a j AE 113.

burg m, pi. burgje ‘prison, stable’. B orrow ed from Gm

‘borough, fenced area’: Goth baurgs, OHG burg and the lil
Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258). 0 C a m a r d a I I 145 (to Gk rcùpyoç)
BACH apud M e y e r Wb. 54-55 (from M Lat burica ); MlKLOS
Elemente 7 (from Rom *burgus)\ MEYER Wb. 54-55 (variou
itiary guesses); ZALlZN’AK Ètimologija 1964 206; ÇABEJ Etir
383 (follows C a m a r d a ).

burrfi m, pi. burra ‘m an, h u sb a n d ’. B o r r o w e d fro m OH<

‘p easan t, v illa g e r ’ w ith the sim p lifica tio n o f the anlaut clu st
b-. C f. a sim ilar so u rc e o f H ung por id. < O B avar *pour. 0
DING Otn. 21 (to Skt púrusa- ‘m a n ’); M e y e r Wb. 55 (etym o
id en tifie s burrë w ith O H G gibiiro, G erm Bauer), Alb. Si
SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 254 (fro m M Lat barro)-, PISANI Saggi
M e y e r ); W i e d e m a n n BB X X V II 219 (reco n stru cts *bhornc
co n n ected w ith O H G baro ‘(fr e e ) m a n ’); JOKL LKUBA 230
W ie d e m a n n and reconstructs *bherno-); T ag lia v in i Dalmazia i
w ith Jo k l ), T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 113; V a s m e r Zfslavf
369 (to Illyr B oû p oi); RlBEZZO Riv. Alb. II 135 n ote 1; Pis.
121; M a n n Language X V II 13 (reconstructs *hhfnio-); G eorg
dovanija 119 (to Thrac -ßoup); H a m p St. Whatmough 76, ZfceltPi
44 BYR — CA

‘mouth, lip, kiss’. T h e status of Pol buzia ‘mouth, face’ and Ukr buz'a
id. (< Polish?) is dubious. Alb buzëm ‘edge, stone at the edge of the
hearth, piece of wood burned down at Christm as’ is a late derivative
of buzë and, therefore, cannot be a base for a deep semantic recon­
struction as suggested by TOPOROV (Ètimologija 1976 1 3 6 f.) in con­
nection with SCr badnjak. 0 C A M A R D A I 5 2 (cognate of Lat bucca
‘mouth’); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 5 (from Lat basium ‘kiss’); MEYER
Wb. 5 7 (from *bus-zë compared with Lat bucca ‘mouth’ and derived
from IE *buk-); PU §C A R IU EWR 2 1 , LR I 1 7 7 ; PEDERSEN Alb. Texte
1 1 4 (compares with Lith burna ‘mouth’, Arm heran id.); JOKL Studien
1 1 -1 2 , LKUBA 1 4 3 , 2 7 8 (follows PEDERSEN; identifies -zë as a collective
suffix); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 8 7 (onomatopoeia); L A PIANA Studi
I 1 0 3 (from IE *bheu<)- ‘to swell’); PISA N I Paideia XXI 3 4 3 ; POGHIRC
1st. limb. rom. II 3 2 9 ; POK O RNY I 1 7 4 (to IE *bu- ‘lip, kiss’); ÇABEJ
St. I 8 6 - 8 7 (derives buzë from *bhrdhja and compares it with E board'.),
Etim. II 4 0 0 - 4 0 2 ; NIK O LA EV Antic, balk. 5 30 (buzë borrowed from
North Caucasian); BU G A I 3 2 4 (identifies Lith bucle ‘fungus’ and Imcle
‘whetstone’); F r a e n k e l 6 1 - 6 2 ; B a r iç Hymje 6 6 ; V a il l a n t BL X IV
1 6 (Rum buzä < Slav *loh-hza): BER I 8 7 ; ROSETTI ILR I 2 7 4 ; OREL
Roll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 6 ; D e m ir a j AE 1 1 4 - 1 1 5 .

byr aor. byra ‘to carry out, to perform , to execute’. Continues PAlb
*büra related (as a causative) to IE *bhü- ‘to be, to grow ’. It is prob­
able that the Proto-Albanian verb is a denominative based on an unat­
tested abstract noun *bhürom > *büra. 0 X H U V A N I KLetr 1/3 2
(based on bëj); Ç A B E J Etim. TI 408-409 (derived from bie).

bythë f, pl. bythë ‘backside, buttocks’. A Proto-Albanian compound of

mbë and vit he, with -v- resulting from PAlb *-iwi- as in qytet. 0 B a r i C
AArbSt I 141-142 (compound of mbë and ith); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione
87; S c h m id t KZ L 236 (to IE *bhü-); H a m p ZfceltPh XXXIX 211-212;
Ç abej Etim. I I 410-411; M a n n Comp. 57-58 (from IE *busd(h)b, related
to Gk Puaoôç ‘depth’).

c
ca pron.‘some’. From the sequence of article të and pronoun sa (P E D ­
ERSEN Alb. Texte 20, KZ XXXVI 316). 0 C A M A R D A 1214 (links ca to
 CA LIK CEP 45

sa); M e y e r Wb. 383 (connects ca with the pronominal stem s-);

Ç a b e j St. I 87 (follows P e d e r s e n ), Etim. Ill 3-4.

calik m, pl. calikë ‘goat-skin'. Borrowed from Slav *celikh ‘whole object’,
in this case, ‘whole skin’ (OREL Ètimologija 1983 135). 0 Mey'ER Wb.
439; POLÁK Orbis X V I131 (to Gk GaÀÀiç); ÇABEJ St. I 87 (unacceptable
comparison with cull), Etim. 6-7.

camërdhok m ‘little b o y ’. O f unclear o rig in . 0 G a z u l l i 18 (p refix

ca-); ÇABEJ Etim. 8 (to callok id.).

carac m, pi. caraca ‘nettle tree’. Of unknown origin. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 88

(cognate of ther).

carbë f, pi. carba ‘scrap, rag’. Borrowed from Slav *carbba ‘daub, dirt’
attested only in Czech carba but believed to be of much wider distri­
bution originally. 0 M e y e r Wb. 439 (to NGk xaepßot>A,ia ‘kind of shoe’
and the like); ÇABEJ St. I 88 (to carac and ther).

care f, pi. care ‘witch’. Borrowed from Slav *cara ‘witchcraft’, cf. South
Slavic forms: SCr cara, Slovene cara id. (M e y e r Wb. 439; OREL Ètimo­
logija 1983 138). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 185; SVANE 214.

carrok m, pl. carrokë ‘lad, youth’. The etymology is uncertain. 0

ÇABEJ St. I 88-89 (to carac and ther).

cek aor. ceka ‘to touch’. A variant of cerk. The noun ceke ‘intention,
aim’ is a deverbative. 0 ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 16-17 (onomatopoeia).

cemtë adj. ‘cold (of w ater)’. Derived from cermë ‘cold’ (ÇABEJ Etim.
Ill 18-19).

cenis aor. cenita ‘to value’. Borrowed from Slav *ceniti id., cf. in South
Slavic: Bulg cen'a, SCr ceniti (JOKL Studien 103). 0 SKOK AArbSt II
3 43 n. 3 (identical with cmoj); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 2 0 (follows JOKL).

cep ra, pi. cepe ‘angle, edge’. Phonetic variant of thep (JOKLBalkangerm.
125). 0 M e y e r Wb. 446 (mistaken spelling çep); Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 20-
21 (agrees with JOKL); DEMIRAJ AE 115-116.
46 CERK C IL I

cerk aor. cerka ‘to hit’. From PAlb *tserka related to ther. The form
cerk preserved the original affricate.

cermë f ‘arthritis’. Borrowed from Slav *cbrnrb ‘inflammation’ attest­

ed in South Slavic as Slovene crm (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin
258). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 90 (historically identical with thermë - this view
can be only accepted for cërmë ‘cramp, spasm’), Etim. Ill 22-23.

cermë adj. ‘cold, cool’. Continues PAlb *tserma related to Lith sarmh
‘frost’, Latv sarma id . 0 Ç a b e j St. I 9 0 (identical w it h cermë ‘arthri­
tis’).

cëmoj aor. cëmova ‘to hurt’. Derived from thermë with a dialectal change
of th-. Thus, cëmoj < *thermoj. 0 JOKL LKUBA 3 1 8 - 3 1 9 (related to thimth,
thumb)', ÇABEJ St. I 9 0 (same as JOKL), Etim. Ill 2 4 - 2 5 .

cërij aor. cërita ‘to m elt b u tter’. B ased on P A lb *tsira rela ted to Skt
srdyati ‘to cook, to fry’, Gk KÍpvT|pi ‘to m ix’. 0 FRISK I 824-825; POKORNY
I 582; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 25 (o n o m a to p o eia cër cër o f b o ilin g o il).

cëril m ‘thrush’. Another variant is cërlle. An early Slavic loanword,

borrowed from *c¡,rnidlo ‘black (object)’ (MEYER Wb. 440). 0 K r ist o -
FORIDHI 202; Skok I 278 (same as MEYER); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch.
I 62-63 (from Romance, cf. Ital merla id.); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 25-27 (ono­
matopoeia).

cfurk m, pi. cfurqe ‘pitchfork’. Derived from fu rkë (M ey er Wb. 114).

cicë f, pi. cica ‘breast, nipple’. An element of the child language, cf.
thithë (T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 290). 0 M e y e r Wb. 90 (adduces S la v ic
and Romance parallels), Alb. St. Ill 44; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 255 (from
Romance); JOKL Balkangerm. 127-128; ClMOCHOWSKl LP II 234;
Ç a b e j 5/. I 91 (follows T a g l ia v in i ), Etim. Ill 30-31.

cili pron. ‘which’. Together with its older variant cilë, cili continues
*të silë, cf. ca (MEYER Wb. 383). As to *silè\ it appears to be a recent
formation based on si (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 316). 0 JOKL LKUBA 50
(derives -/- of cili from *-/«-); LAMBERTZ IF XXXIV 113 n. 2 (recon­
structs a suffix *-/- in cili similar to that of Lat talis ‘such’); Ç a b e j
St. I 91-92 (follows PEDERSEN), Etim. Ill 34-38.
 C.'IMB CM AG 47

cimb m, pi. cimba ‘sting’. A dialectal form related to thimth as well as

cimak id. (JOKL Idg. Jb. XXIV 217). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 92, Etim. Ill 39.

cip m ‘point, tip; upper part’. A d ialectal form stand in g for *thip and
co n n ected w ith thep id. 0 ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 2 0 -2 1 .

cipë f, pi. cipa ‘thin skin; milk skin’. Derived from cip in its meaning
of ‘upper part’ (Ç a b e j £ ? îw . Ill 44-45). 0 MEYER Wb. 441 (borrowed
from Slavic).

cirlë f, pi. cirla ‘blackbird’. An onomatopoeia similar to that of Slav

*cirbk'b ‘teal’. 0 MEYER Wb. 440 (mistakenly reconstructs *cënilie as
borrowed from Slav *cbrnidlo).

citë adj. ‘full, brim -full’. From PAlb *tseita etymologically identical
with Slav *cifh ‘whole’, Lith kietas ‘hard’ and continuing IE *k“eiatos.
The verb eis ‘to saturate, to stuff < *tsitja also belongs here. 0 C a m a r d a
1 8 7 -8 8 (cis to Gk c u e t x o ‘to feed’); MEYER Wb. 4 41 (compared with
NGk Tcmoùvo) ‘to fill holes with lim e’); VAILLANT RÉS VI 1 0 6-107;
F r a e n k e l 252; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IV 1 24-1 2 5 ; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 4 8 -4 9
(from Slavic).

cjap m, pi. cjep ‘he-goat’. Various forms including cap and sqap con­
tinue P A lb *tsapa which, together with Slavic *cap-h id., Rum lap id.
and Ital zappo id., reflects an Oriental Wanderwort of Iranian or Altaic
origin, cf. NPers capis ‘one year old goat’, Osset ccew ‘goat’, OTurk
cäbis ‘six-months old kid’. 0 POTT KZ IV 7 0 (connected with Lat caper
‘he-goat’); M e y e r Wb. 3 8 7 -3 8 8 (the same); PHILIPPIDE Or. Rom. II 738
(Rum lap from Albanian); DENSUSIANU GS I 2 4 3 -2 4 4 (against the Latin
etymology of Rum lap)-, SPITZER MRIW I 2 9 2 (Rumanian loanword);
R o z w a d o w s k i Roczn. S4aw. II 109 (Iranian parallels); R o h l f s
ZfromPh XLV 6 6 2 -6 6 4 (independent sources of Romance, Albanian
and other words for ‘goat’); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 1 3 3 -1 3 4 ;
A b a e v I 307; HUBSCHMID Pyren. 4 9, Kult. SOE 89; RUSSU TD 203 (Rum
lap from Dacian); TRUBACEV ¿iv. 89; ROHLFS ZfromPh XIV 6 2 4 (pre-
Romance nature of Rum lap = Ital dial, zappo id.); R o se t t i ILR I 282;
K l e p ik o v a SPT 4 8-50; M eier Etym. 56; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IV 172-173;
Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 4 9 -5 1 (follows M e y e r ).

cmag m, pl. cmage ‘peg’. Another variant is cmak. Together with

48 CUB CV S

cimak this w ord is related to cimò (ÇABEJ St. I 9 3 , Etim. Ill 5 1 -5 2 ). 0

V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 6 2 -6 3 .

cub adj. ‘with a short tail, with a tail cut o ff. An early borrowing from
Slav *cub:b ‘tuft of hair’ and also ‘stump, a cut off piece’. 0 M e y e r
442 (to SCr cupa ‘tuft of h air’); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 58-59 (to cup).

cu b m ‘robber, brigand’. Borrowed from a Germanic source, cf. Goth

piubs ‘thief’, OHG diob ( M a n n Language XXVI 384). 0 Ç a b e j Etim.
Ill 58 (to cub ‘with a short tail’).

c u cë f, pi. cuca ‘girl, maiden’. An onomatopoeic form with parallel for­

mations in Slavic as well as in Hung csucsa ‘loved one’ (M e y e r Wb.
443). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17; JOKL apud ÇABEJ St. 1 93-94 (from
*cull-ce to cull)\ TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 113; MANN Language XXVI
384-385 (to Goth piwi); BRÎNCU§ SCL 1 (1961) 25-28; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill
59-60.

cu ll m, pi. culle ‘youth, boy’. A relatively recent loanword from Ital ciullo
‘nincompoop’ < fnaciullo (MEYER Wb. 4 4 9 -4 5 0 ; TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 3 1 5 -3 1 6 ). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 95 (reconstructs the original meaning
as ‘skin’), Etim. Ill 6 3 -6 5 .

cup adj. ‘odd (uneven)’. Continues PAlb *tsupa from IE *i(e)u-po-, based
on *keu(a)- ‘to swell’, cf. in particular Skt sünyá- ‘em pty’. As far as
the suffix is concerned, cf. Skt só-pha- ‘swelling’. 0 POKORNY 1 5 9 2 -
5 9 3 ; ÇABEJ Etim. I l l 6 7 (identical with sup).

curr aor. curra ‘to prick up (ears)’. A phonetic and semantic variant
of thur.

curr m, pi. curra ‘high rock’. A nominal derivative of the verb curr. 0
JOKL Studien 115-116 (borrowed from Hbr sòr ‘rock’); BARIÍ ARSt.
I 104 (reconstructs *krno-, to OIr cam), AArbSt. II 388; ÇABEJ St. I
96 (to Arm sur ‘sword’, Goth hairus id.), Etim. Ill 68-69.

c y s aor. cyta ‘to spur on, to tease’. A difficult word. Maybe, a secondary
formation in -s based on thyej. 0 JOKL Mélanges Pedersen 105-106, 149
(to qoj and, further, to Lat ciere ‘to move’); M a n n Language XXVIII
 CYTH — ÇAM 49

31-32 (from *teudio)\ ÇABEJ St. I 96-97, II 327 (related to nxis), Etim.
Ill 71; DEM IRAJ AE 116.

cyth aor. cytha ‘to prick’. An onomatopoeia or an unusual derivative

of thyej. Not at all clear.

Ç
çafkë f, pl. çajka ‘heron’. Borrowed from Slav *cavbka ‘daw, magpie’,
cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg cavka. SCr cavka (M E Y E R Wb. 443). A
homonymie çafkë ‘glass, cup’ is borrowed from Slav *casbka ‘small
bowl’. 0 ÇA BEJ St. I 97 (adducing dialectal cap id., reconstructs
*capkë > çafkë), Etim. Ill 75-76 (from çap)\ SV A N E 145.

çaj aor. çava ‘to split, to cleave, to smash, to batter, to chop up’. A par­
allel variant is NGeg shaj. From PAlb *tsenja, formed on the basis of
IE *sked- ‘to split’: Skt skhadate id., Gk OKe5ávv\)(j.v id. and the like
(JOKL IF X X X 196). Note çazë ‘le a f representing a derivative in -zë.
0 M EY ER Wb. 444 (to Gk a x â Ç c o ‘to cut, to incise’); TAG LIA VIN I Dal­
mazia 97; PISANI Saggi 119; POKORNY I 918-919; M AYRHOFER III 507;
F r i s k II 721; C a m a j Alb. Wotb. 60; O r e l Z ß a lk X X III/1 71; Ç a b e j
St. I 98, Etim. Ill 77; H ULD 47-48 (reconstructs *-a- in the Proto-Alban­
ian root); D e m i r a j AE 116-117 (çaj < *dë-shaj, related to Lat sariO
‘to weed’).

çajme f, pl. çajme ‘red-backed shrike, heron’. Derived from Slav

*caja, *cajbka ‘gull, lapwing’, cf. South Slavic forms: Maced âajka,
Slovene cdjka (Ç A B E J Etim. Ill 77). 0 M EY ER Wb. 443 (uncertain rela­
tion to Slav *capja ‘heron’).

çalë a d j. ‘lame’. From PAlb *stsala related to Gk c t k o A.i ô ç ‘crooked’,

Lat scelus and their cognates (M E Y E R Wb. 443). 0 JOKL IF X X X 194
(from IE *skel-no-); M A N N Language XXVIII 40 (from IE *eks-
skolffios); PISANI Saggi 128; F r i s k II 723-724; CH ANTRAINE 1013;
P o k o r n y I 928; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 80 (to shale); D e m i r a j AE 117-118
(reconstructs *dë-shalë).

çam m, pl. çamë, çamër ‘Chamerian, inhabitant of the western part of

Epirus’. Borrowed from early dial. Slav *camb or *cama rendering
50 ÇANDER — ÇA S

an earlier *tjama, the latter reflecting the Greek river-name 0 ù a |iiç

of Epirus. 0 L e a k e Greece 13 (establishes the connection between çam
and 0{kxuic); ÇABEJ St. 198 (treats çam as a direct continuation of 0ùa|iiç),
Etim. Ill 82-83.

çandër f, pl. çandra ‘prop, support’. F rom *stsentra reflecting a sin-

gularized plural of the Indo-European neut. *skentrom with j-mobile,
close to IE *kentrom (O r el Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 5 9 ): Gk K cvtpov
‘goad, spur’, cf. also Latv sits ‘spear, lance’ < Balt *sintas. The anlaut
ç(a)- excludes the possibility of a borrowing from Latin or a Romance
language, cf. qendër. 0 POKORNY I 5 6 7 ; F r is k I 8 2 0 -8 2 1 ; OREL
ZfBalk X X III/ 1 71 (mistaken comparison with çaj); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill
8 4 (variant of dialectal qandër < qendër).

çap aor. çapa ‘to chew’. From P A lb *stsepa connected with IE *sícep-
‘to cut, to split’ (J o k l IF XXX 192-193). Note that çapë ‘step’, çap
‘to step, to pace, to go’ represent a metaphoric usage of çapë ‘bite, piece’,
çap ‘to chew’. 0 MEYER Wb. 444 (connects çapë ‘step’ with Turk çapmak
‘to run’ as well as with Slav *stgpiti ‘to step’); MANN Language XXVIII
40 (prefix *eks- followed by hap); POKORNY I 930-932; OREL ZfBalk
XXIII/1 72; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 84-85.

çapua ~ çap u e m, pl. çaponj ‘spur (of a rooster)’. Derivative of çapë

‘step’ (ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 89).

çarë f, pl. çara ‘fissure, crack’. Borrowed from Slav *cara ‘line, rent,
cleft’, presently attested in South Slavic only in Slovene cara (O r el
Ètimologija 1983 135-136). 0 OREL ZfSlaw XXX/6 914.

çars aor. Çarta ‘to d estro y , to s p o il’. F rom P A lb *stsertja b a sed on IE

*sker-ti-, cf. O N skera ‘to cu t’, Lith skirti id. and the lik e (Jo k l IF XXX
195-196, XXXVII, 1 0 0 -1 0 1 , LKUBA 156). 0 F r a e n k e l 8 0 3 ; P o k o r n y
I 9 3 8 -9 4 2 ; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 9 1 -9 2 ; D e m ir a j AE 118 (o r ig in a lly , from
*dë-shart-).

ças m, pl. çase ‘moment, tim e’. Another variant is çast (with -t gener­
alized from locative as in në çast, cf. ÇABEJ Etim. III 9 3 -9 4 ). Borrowed
from Slav *casi> ‘tim e’, cf., in particular, South Slavic forms: OCS
casi>, Bulg cas, SCr cas (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17; M e y e r Wb.
4 4 5 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 197; SVANE 176.
 ÇEK — ÇERDHE 51

çek aor. çeka ‘to to u c h ’. A n o n o m a to p o e ia ex istin g in m any p hon etic

v arian ts, cf. cek id ., cik id. and cok id. (Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 9 8 ).

çel aor. çela ‘to open’. From P A lb *stsela etymologically related to Hitt
iskallâi- ‘to tear up’, ON skilja ‘to split’, Lith skeliu, ske'lti id. (JOKL
IF XXX 194-195, WuS XII 70). 0 PISANI Saggi 125; MANN Language
XXVIII 40 (from IE *eks-skeliö)\ FRAENKEL 800; BORETZKY Z ß a lk
V III/1-2 21-26 (on çelës ‘key’ < ‘opener’ as an Oriental semantic caique);
ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 100-101; H a m p Münch. St. Spr. XL! 52 (< *dz-sel- <
IE *sel- ‘to put’).

çelê f ‘best part’. Borrowed from Slav *ëelo ‘head’, its South Slavic
reflexes (Bulg celo and SCr celo) having a specific meaning of a ‘front,
visible place’ and ‘end, edge’ (ÇABEJ St. I 98, Etim. Ill 101). 0 SVANE
180.

çelitet refi, ‘to recover, to get well’. Borrowed from Slav *celiti ‘to
heal’, cf. South Slavic continuants: OCS celiti, Bulg cel’a, SCr cijeli-
ti.

çelnik m, pl. çelnikë ‘senior shepherd’. Borrowed from Slav *celbnikT>

‘leader, head’, cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg celnik, SCr ceonik (S eli Scev
Slav, naselenie 179). As to geling ‘senior shepherd’, it goes back to NGk
xoéXiyKaç id., ultimately, from the same Slavic source (ÇABEJ St. I 98).
The variant çelik was influenced by an Albanian Turkism çelik ‘steel’.
0 S v a n e 194; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 102.

çem aor. çema ‘to bring to light, to disclose, to reveal, to broach’. From
PAlb *stsepna etymologically connected with çap (OREL ZfBalk
X X III/1 72). For the semantic development cf. O N skilja ‘to separate,
to divide’ > ‘to understand’ (BUCK 1207). 0 JOKL Studien 91 (divides
çem into prefix ç- and -em < *apniö compared with Lat apiö ‘to fasten,
to attach’); ÇABEJ St. I 98-99, Etim. Ill 103.

çerdhe f, pl. çerdhe ‘nest’. A singularised plural of the original *çerdhë.

An early borrowing from Slav *cerda ‘row, herd, flock’ (Bulg creda,
SCr (reda) with a particularly interesting shift of meaning (MEYER Wh.
4 4 6 ). 0 JOKL AArbSt I 38 (reconstructs *skerdh- related to Lith
skerdzius ‘shepherd’ and its cognates); ÇABEJ LP VII 199, St. I 99, Etim.
Ill 108-109.
52 ÇE R R — ÇMOJ

çerr m, pl. çerra ‘w ren ’. A substantivized use o f a borrow ed S lavic adjec­

tive *cbrm> ‘b la ck ’ (OREL Festschr, Shevoroshkin 2 5 9 ). 0 Ç a b e j Etim.
I ll 111 (o n o m a to p o eia ).

çe të f, pl. çeta ‘clan , arm ed g r o u p ’. B o r ro w e d from S la v *ceta id ., cf.

S outh S la v ic form s: B u lg ceta , SC r ceta (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente
17; M e y e r Wb. 4 4 6 -4 4 7 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 184; S v a n e 202;
Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 112.

çetinë f, pl. çetina ‘pine-tree’. Borrow ed from Slav *cetina ‘bristle, needles’,
cf. in particular South Slavic: B u lg cetina, SCr cetina ( Ç a b e j St. I 9 9).
0 S v a n e 125; Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 112.

çë pron. ‘w hat’. W ith a fu ll redu ction o f v o w e l, a lso is u sed in the form

o f ç ’. F rom P A lb *tsi con tin u in g IE *k“id: H itt knit, Gk x i, Lat quid
and the lik e (B a r iC AArbSt I 2 0 6 , II 399; H u ld 4 7 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 218
(b orrow ed from R um ce id.); PEDERSEN KZ X X X V I 3 2 8 (from *qish);
TREIMER KZ L X V 3 88 (b o rro w ed from SCr ca id.); M a n n Language
X X V III 35; F r is k II 9 0 3 -9 0 4 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 4 0 4 -4 0 5 ; Ç a b e j
St. I 97 (id en tica l w ith që), Etim. I ll 7 3 -7 4 .

çim k ë f, pl. çimka ‘b u g ’. A nother variant is qimkë. B o r ro w e d from Lat

clmicem id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 14). A nother w ord for ‘b u g ’,
çimërr, se em s to be an e x p r e ssiv e form a tio n b ased on çimkë. 0 STIER
KZ X I 137; MEYER Wb. 2 2 7 (from SC r kimak id.); TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 146; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 117; Ç a b e j Etim.
I ll 1 1 9 -1 2 0 (fo llo w s M ik l o s ic h ).

çjerr aor. çorra ‘to tear up’. From P A lb *stsera e ty m o lo g ic a lly related
to OIr scaraim ‘to se p a r a te’, O N skera ‘to c u t’, Lith skiriii, skirti ‘to
separate’ and the like (C a m a r d a I 69, 87; M e y e r Wb. 410-411). 0 M a n n
Language X X V III 4 0 (from *eh-skerjö); F r a e n k e l 808; VENDRYES
[SJ 3 3 -3 4 ; Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 124.

çm oj aor. çmova ‘to e s tim a te ’. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat aestimäre id.

(M e y e r Wb. 4 4 8 ). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1052; M a n n
Language X X V III 35 (related to Gk iifiá co ); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-
2 12; H a a r m a n 110; Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 1 2 6 -1 2 7 .
 ÇNDEROJ — ÇU N 53

çn d eroj aor. çnderova ‘to dishonor’. Borrowed from Lat exhonoräre

id.

çoj aor. çova ‘to bring, to rise, to send’. Borrowed from Lat excire, exciëre
‘to call out, to cause, to wake’. 0 C a m a r d a I 68 (to Gk kíco); M e y e r
Wb. 4 4 8 (from Lat excitare); T r e im e r MRIW I 341 (against M e y e r ,
reconstructs *skë- in the anlaut); JOKL Studien 81 (accepts the view of
CAMARDA), Mélanges Pedersen 145 (close to CAMARDA’ s view, from
*ds-qoj); B a r iC ARSt. I 73 (to Goth skewjan ‘to go’); TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 9 8 (agrees with MEYER); SCHMIDT KZ LVII 8 -1 0 (to Lat sâgiô
‘to feel’); MANN Language XXVIII 40 (from *eks-skëuio); Ç a bej Etim.
Ill 128 -1 3 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE 119.

ç o tillë f, pl. çotilla ‘stamp, kind of long blender’. A metathesized form

of toçillë (Ç a b e j St. I 102, Etim. Ill 134). 0 B a r i C ARSt. I 73, AArbSt
I 1 5 6 -1 5 7 (compares with Lat quatiO ‘to wield, to beat’); JOKL
Mélanges Pedersen 145 n. 1 (to çutër ‘stream, brook’).

çu b ë f, pl. çuba ‘bush, shrubbery’. Borrowed from Slav *cuba ‘lock,

forelock, curl’ (SCr cuba) with a semantic innovation. 0 MANN Lan­
guage XXVI 380 (related to Slav *cuba); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 135-136 (related
to kaçubë).

çu d is aor. çudita ‘to astonish’. Borrowed from Slav *¿uditi id. as well
as Geg çudë ‘wonder’ - from Slav *cudo id. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente
18; M e y e r Wb. 449). As to çudi id., it is an Albanian derivative of çudis.
0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 1 9 1 , 3 2 3 ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 98;
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IV 1 27-129; S v a n e 231; Ç a b e j Etim. III 1 3 6 -1 3 7 .

ç u k ë f. pl. çuka ‘peak’. Borrowed from South Slav *cuka id. 0 M e y e r

Wb. 449; MLADENOV AfslPh XXXIV 385 (borrowed from Bulgarian);
S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 189; POGHIRC Ist. limb. rom. II 339; R o s e t t i
ILR I 275 (comparison with Rum ciuco); Ç a b e j St. I 103, Etim. Ill 138-
MO; S v a n e 1 61, 181.

ç u llë f ‘sheep with little ears’. Borrowed from Slav * c u I t> id., cf. in
South Slavic: Bulg cula, SCr cula. 0 ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 141-142 (Balkan
parallels).

çun m. pl. ç una ‘boy, youth’. Together with çunë ‘penis’, borrowed from
 54 DAC — DALTË DALLÊNDYSHE DANGË 55

Ila! donno ‘p e n is’ (MEYER Wb. 4 4 9 -4 5 0 ). 0 CAMARDA II 6 7 (from Ital (M e y e r Wb. 6 0 ). 0 S k o k Slavia III 1 1 5 -1 1 6 ; B a r iç Hymje 75; J o k l
dullo ‘little ’); L a P ia n a St. Varia 77 (from *qun b o rro w ed from S lav Slavia XIII 3 0 5 -3 0 6 ; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 173, 319; Ç a b e j St. 105
*cçdo ‘c h ild ’); MOUTSOS ZfBalk VII 101 (çunë b o rro w ed fro m N G k (treats daltë as a co g n a te o f S lav *delbto or o f Skt ddlayati ‘to sp lit’),
T ooovvt ‘branch, tw ig , p e n is ’); ÇABEJ St. I 103-104 (related to cung Etim. I ll 1 5 4 -1 5 6 ; SVANE 78; MURATI Probleme 1 2 9 -1 3 0 .
‘stu m p ’), Etim. I ll 142-143; SVANE 88.
d a llën d y sh e t', pl. dallëndyshe ‘swallow’. A relatively recent com­
pound motivated by the swallow’s forked or “double” tail - *dalluan
D dysh ‘appearing to be double’, with *dalluan > Tosk dalluar, Geg dalluen
representing the participle of dalloj (OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 72-73 with
dac m, pi. daca ‘cat’. An onomatopoeic formation or a hypocoristic based some differences). 0 CAMARDA I 37 (to Gk laÀavieùco ‘to swing, to
on a personal name (MEYER Wb. 62). 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 134. rock, to shake’); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 31 (from Lat hirundö); M eyer
Wb. 59-60 (from Lat hirundinem ‘swallow’ + suffix -yshë, influenced
daj aor. dava ‘to divide’. Often used with prefix n- as ndaj id. Goes back by dallëndis ‘to take heart, to be brave’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 544
to PAlb *danja, transform ed from *daja under the influence of other (to Gk xeÀiòcóv ‘swallow’); B aric ARSt I 5 (contamination of Lat hirundö
verbs in -nja. Further connected with Gk 8aio|iou ‘to divide’, Skt daya te and *dallë, to Germ Schwalbe ‘swallow’); SCHMIDT K Z L 236-237 (to
id. (B o p p 483; C a m a r d a 1 144; M e y e r Wb. 59, Alb. St. Ill 26). 0 Jo k l Germ Schwalbe)', MAYER KZ LXVI 89-96 (comparison with Illyr Taulan-
Ids. Jb. IX 58 (to Skt ddlavati ‘to split"). Sprache IX 128 (folUm ^ _
K tiS 1 b L L l K l i
. a l i ¿ t /r - 4 /z ; m a n n Language aX V I 381; CAMAJ Alb. XeÀiSoviotç, H ecat.); H a s d e u E M R II 51; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione
Wortb. 54; C
MOCHOWSKI LP II 2 3 9 (verb in *-niö); F r is k I 3 4 1 -3 4 2 ; 134; H altmi GjA (1 9 7 2 ) 124 (fro m *da-në-dyshe); KNOBLOCH AIAK
K l in g e n s c l
MITT Verbum 117; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 150 -1 5 1 ; DEMIRAJ AE 3 3 5 -3 3 7 (a g re es with P e d e r s e n ); Ç a b e j St. I 1 0 5 -1 0 6 , Etim. Ill 157-
119-120.
159.

dak m ‘big r;
m ’. From PAlb *dauka further related to Lith dvêkti ‘to d a llg ë f, pl. dallgë, dallga ‘wave’.
breathe’, dvâ
:as ‘breath’ and other derivatives of *dheu- on which dash
is also based
(Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 153: related to dash). dalloj aor. dallova ‘to discern, to recognize’. Continues PAlb *dalnänja
based on an adjective in *-no- - *dalna related to Skt ddlayati ‘to split’,
dal aor, dola
'to go out’. From PAlb *dala etymologically related to Lat dolö ‘to chip, to hew’ and the like (JOKL Studien 12). 0 ClMOCHOWSKI
Gk 9àÀA.(0 ‘1
3 bloom ’, i.e. ‘to appear, to come out’ (MEYER Wb. 60, LP I I 239; M a y r h o f e r I I 24; W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1 3 6 4 -3 6 6 ; X h u v a n i
Alb. St. Ill 2
)). 0 PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 114-115, Kelt. Gr. II 648 (to KLetr. 1 / 1 1 2 (to daj); Ç a b e j St. Etim. Ill 1 5 9 -1 6 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE
OIr dui ‘go’)
, KZ XXXIII 542; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 99; M a n n Lan- 121 .
guage XXVI
380, XXVIII 36; PISANI Saggi 121; POKORNY Vox Rom.
X 241 (to Fr
daille < Gaul *dal(l)ja); F r is k I 649-650; ClMOCHOWS- d an gë f ‘belly’. Another variant is dëngë. Goes back to PAlb *dangâ
KI LP II 24
), St. IE 43 (from *dainô); C a m a j Alt. Wortb. 37; etymologically identical with Lith dangà ‘table-cloth, cover’, Latv dañga
C h a n t r a in e
421 ; HAMP Sprache XXX/2 156-157 (< IE *dhalniO); OREL ‘puddle, m arshland’, Slav *dçga ‘arc’ ( O r e l Festschr. Shevoroshkin
ZfBalk X X II1
6-77; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 172; Ç a b e j Sí. 104 (recon- 2 5 9 ). All these forms are deverbatives related to Lith dengiu, deñgti
structs *daln
5 and compares dal with Lat dolo ‘to cut’), Etim. III 153- ‘to cover’. Adjectival dëng ‘full, stuffed up’ continues PAlb *danga
and also belongs here. As to deng ‘bundle, full sack’, it is rather a bor­ 154; C l a c k s
DN LR 118; D e m ir a j A E 120.
rowing from Turk denk ‘bale’ (MEYER Wb. 6 3 ) than a cognate of the
daltë f, pi. dah
i ‘chisel’. An early borrowing from Slav *dolbto id., pre- above forms. 0 MEYER Wb. 61 (to Slovene danka ‘rectum’); FRAENKEL
8 8 -8 9 ; Ç a b e j St. I 106 (to deng), 121, Etim. Ill 162 (back formation
served in Soi
th Slavic as Bulg dlato and also borrowed as Rum daltä
56 DARDHË — DAROVF.

of Turk dangalak ‘stu p id ’ > Alb dëngallak); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 9 8 -

9 9.

dardhë f, pi. dardha ‘pear, pear-tree’. From PAlb *darda, a derivative

of derdh ‘to tip out, to pour’ < PAlb *derda (OREL Ètimologija 1986-
1987 220-221) with a semantic motivation established for Slav *grusa,
*krusa ‘pear, pear-tree’ < *grusiti, *krusiti ‘to crumble, to break’, IE
*peisom ‘pear’ < *peis- (TRUBACEV ÈSSIa VII 156). 0 H a h n I 236 (con­
nects dardhë with the name of Dardania); MEYER Wb. 61 (follows H a h n ),
Gr. Gr. 50; BUGGE BB XVIII 164 (to G k axepSoç, àxpàç ‘wild pear,
wild pear-tree’); JOKL Festschr. Kretschmer 89-90 (to IE *gher(s)- ‘to
stiffen’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 106; MANN Language XVII 17 (recon­
structs *nghrdis), XXVIII 34 (from IE *ghard-); PISANI Saggi 118; JUC-
QUOIS Muse'on LXXVIII 440; FRISK I 199, 203; CAMAJ Alb.Wortb. 121
(to *der- ‘to split’); G in d in Onom. 124; Ç abej St. I 107 (to OIr draigen
‘wild p ear’), Etim. Ill 165-167; H u l d 48; D e m ir a j AE 121-122.

darë ~ danë f, pl. darë - danë ‘pincers, tongs’. From PAlb *dana, a par­
ticipial form related to daj (ÇABEJ St. I 107-108, Etim. Ill 1167-168).
0 CAMARDA II 61 (to Gk òàtcvio ‘to bite’); M e y er Wb. 61 (considers
the unchanged Tosk -a- to indicate a lost consonant before -r----- «-);
JOKL Studien 12-13 (develops C a m a r d a ’ s etymology based on IE *denk);
ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 239 (to OHG zanga id.); MANN Language XXVIII
40; HAMP LP XXVIII 78 (same as ClMOCHOWSKI); JUCQUOIS Le Muse'on
LXXVIII 442; L e h m a n n GED 338 (follows Jo k l ); O lberg apud D emiraj
(to IE *dhau-); JANSON Unt. 21; DEMIRAJ AE 122.

darkë f, pi. darka ‘supper’. From PAlb *darka, originally a singular -

ize neut. pi. of IE *dork“om reflected in Gk ôôprcov id. (CAMARDA I
67; M e y e r Wb. 6 1 ). On the other hand, the connection with drekë is
doubtless. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 3, 26, 72, Gr. Gr. 245; B u g g e BB XVIII
189; PEDERSEN BB XX 231 (reconstructs *d{3k'1- in order to explain
drekë); KRETSCHMER Einleitung 101 n. 3; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 99-100;
ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 239; M a n n Language XVII 19, XXVI 384;
P is a n i Saggi 118; PORZIO Gliederung 178; POKORNY Vox Rom. X 2 3 9
(to Illyr ApocKottxva < *darkuinä); PISANI Saggi 118; H a m P/4/ îc. IE 116
(adds Bret dibri ‘to eat’); FRISK 1 4 1 0 -4 1 1 ; CHANTRAINE 294; ANTTILA
Schw. 2 9 , 100; ÖLBERG Festschr. Bonfante 563; ÇABEJ St. I 108, Etim.
Ill 1 68 -1 6 9 ; H u l d 4 8 -4 9 ; D e m ir a j AE 1 2 2 -1 2 3 .

d a ro v ë ‘bride’s gift’. Borrowed from Slav *darovb ‘gratuitous’. The

 DASMË — DEH 57

corresp ond ing verb darovis ‘to m ake a present, to g iv e m oney as a g ift’
seem s to continue an unattested Slav *daroviti, cf. the widespread *darovati
‘to make a present’ (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 18; M eyer Wb. 61) w hile
dari ‘d o w r y ’ is b ased on *dar b o rro w ed from S la v *dari, ‘g ift,
p resen t’. 0 S e li Sc e v Slav, naselenie 183; S v a n e 2 1 2 , 2 3 1 , 252; Ç a b e j
Etim. I ll 169.

d asm ë pi. dasma ‘wedding’. Another widespread and historically

important variant is darsmë. Goes back to PAlb *dartsima, original­
ly, * ‘wedding feast’, derived from darkë (ÖLBERG apud DEMIRAJ; Ç a b ej
St. I 108-109, Etim. Ill 169-170). 0 MEYER Wb. 62 (to Rum zestre ‘dowry’);
P e d e r s e n BB XX 2 3 2 , KZ XXXVI 3 0 9 (reconstructs *dam-ësë to be
compared with Gk yà|ioç ‘marriage, wedding’); JOKL LKUBA 14; H u ld
49; D e m ir a j AE 12 3-124.

dash m, pi desh ‘ram ’. From PAlb *dausa reflecting IE *dhouso- ‘breath,

breathing, animal’ (MANN Language XXVI 387 ), cf. Gmc *deuzan ‘wild
animal’ (Goth dius, O N dyr), Lith pl. daüsos ‘paradise’, Slav *dux-h
‘breath, spirit’. The Albanian word was borrowed to Rum da$. 0
C a m a r d a II 7 0 (to Gk 5ôokiA,à,oç ‘kind offish’); M e y e r Wb. 62; B ariC
ARSt. 6 (dash < *dalsh connected with dele); JOKL LKUBA 2 4 0 -2 4 1 ,
3 2 9 f. (compares dash < *dhuosj- with Lat béstia ‘anim al’); T a g l i a ­
v in i Stratificazione 134-135; LA PIANA Studi I 91 (dash ~ Lat dênsus,
difficult both semantically and phonetically); BUGGE BB XVIII 164 (links
dash to desha); IVANESCU SAO VIII 2 7 4 - 2 7 6 ; POKORNY I 2 7 0 ;
F r a e n k e l 1 15-116; F e i s t Goth. 1 2 1 -1 2 2 ; Z a l i z n ’a k Ètimologija
139; POGHIRC ist. limb. rom. II 341; ROSETTI ILR I 276; O r e l Die Sprache
XXXI 28 0 , Z ß a lk XXIII 144, Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 1 , 356; ÇABEJ St. I 109-
110, Etim. I ll 1 7 1 -1 7 3 (to Goth tagl ‘hair’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa V 153-
154; D e m ir a j AE 1 2 4 -1 2 5 (related to dem).

degë f, pl. degé, dega ‘twig, branch’. From PAlb *dwaigä etymologi­
cally related to OHG zwïg id., Germ Zweig (M e y e r Wb. 6 2 , Alb. St.
Ill 9, 2 6 , 39 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 80 (to Gk tckvov ‘child, sprout’); B u g a
II 319; Jo k l Studien 15; PISANI Saggi 103, 122; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II
240; K l u g e 897; HAMP Trends LV II 906; HULD 145 (against MEYER);
Ç a b e j Etim. III 179-180 (dubious Alpine-Romance parallels); DEMIRAJ
AE 1 2 5 -1 2 6 .

deh aor. deha ‘to in eb riate’. From PA lb *degska. At the sam e tim e, co n ­
58 DFJ - UEI.F,

tinuants of *degnja are attested in dej - de'nj id. Both *degska and *degnja
are related to djeg. 0 BOPP 539 (to IE *dhe(i)- ‘to suckle’); MEYER Wb.
62-63 (to Goth dauns ‘vapor’), Alb. St. Ill 29, 90; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch.
I 88 (to dyllë); SCHMIDT KZ LVIl 6-7; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 110; MANN
Language XXVIII 32 (to IE *dhues- ‘to destroy’); ÇABEJ Sí. I 111 (com­
pares deh with dend), Eîim. Ill 182-183; DEMIRAJ AE 125-126.

dej adv. ‘the day after tom orrow’. From PAlb *daja continuing IE loc.
dual *duoi-ous (DEMIRAJ AE 127). For the development of IE *duo-
> PAlb *da- see OREL Antic, balk. 3 37-39. 0 CAMARDA I 310 (to Gk
8r|v); MEYER Wb. 62, Alb. St. Ill 39 (to IE *duoin-l*duein-): JOKL Reallex.
Vorgesch. I 88; OStir AArbSt. I I 307; F ra en k e l 108; O rel ZfBalk XXIII/1
73 (close to MEYER); Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 183-184 (back formation based
on andej.

(G) dêjë f ‘place where the snow melts, low place’. Denominative forms:
dejet ~ dêjet. From PAlb *danja related to Skt dhdnvan- ‘dry land’,
OHG tenni ‘threshing-floor’ (D EM IR A J AE 1 2 7 ) . 0 JOKL Reallex.
Vorgesch. I 8 8 (to deh)-, SCHM IDT LVII 6 - 7 (to Skt ádhvanlt ‘to burn
out, to fade away’); M a n n Language XXVIII 3 2 (to IE *dhues-); POKORNY
I 2 4 9 ; ÇA BEJ Etim. Ill 1 8 0 - 1 8 2 (to ndej).

dele f, pi dele, dhen, dhën ‘sh e e p ’. T he G eg variant delme rep resen ts

a form ation in *-ma (and hardly has anything in com m on with the nam e
o f Dalm atia pace M e y e r Wb. 63 and ÇABEJ St. I 111). The w ord is based
on P A lb *daila ‘sh e e p ’ < ‘su c k lin g ’ and related to v a rio u s /-d e r iv a ­
tiv e s from IE *dhe(i)- ‘to su c k le ’ ( M e y e r Wb. 63, Alb. St. Ill 29 o p e r ­
ates w ith *dailja < IE *dhailiâ or *dhoiliâ), cf., in particular, A rm dayl
‘c o lo str u m ’ < IE *dhailo-. S u p p le tiv e p lural fo rm s dhen, dhën sh o u ld
b e treated sep arately as a P roto-A lb a n ia n (c o lle c tiv e ) d e r iv a tiv e in
*-anti b ased on dhi ‘s h e -g o a t’. T h us, the so u rce o f dhen, dhën is to be
re co n stru cted as *aiganti-, w ith ap h eresis o f the anlaut v o w e l (OREL
Koll. Idg. Ges. 357). 0 B r u g m a n n 117; P e t e r s s o n LUÀ XIX/6 12;
B ariC ARSt. 6 (dhën com pared with IE *dhe(i)-)\ JOKL LKUBA 239 (m is­
takenly ex p la in s -I- from * -/« -), 251-253 (co m p a res dhen, dhën w ith
C elt *damatos ‘sh e e p ’ > W dafad, Bret dauat or w ith « -d e riv a tiv e s o f
IE *dhe(i)- ‘to s u c k le ’, in p articu lar, w ith Skt dhenä ‘m ilk c o w ’, cf.
a lso OIr dinu ia m b ’ and the lik e ), Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87 (tra ces o f
this ro o t in B alk an p la ce n am es); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 101, Stratifi­
cazione 135; L a P ia n a St. Varia 77-78; SCHMIDT KZ L 238; PORZIG
 DELTINË — DEND 59

Gliederung 150; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240-241; M a n n Language XVII

20-21 (dhen to Latgê«s ‘kin, tribe’); POKORNY I 241-242; D u r id a n o v
2a XVIII 37 {dhen - to Thr AavSaÀrjxai); Ç a b e j St. I 152 (compari­
son of dhen, dhën with Gk Strick; ‘fat’), Etim. Ill 184-186 (follows Meyer);
H u l d 143; K ö d d e r it z sc h LB X X X I108; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 52; O re l
Koll. Idg. Ges. 357; D e m ir a j AE 127-128, 157-158 (agrees with
M a n n ).

deltinë f ‘clay’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *delbtina further

connected with *delbto ~ *dolbto ‘chisel’. The semantic development
seems possible but not quite obvious: ‘clay’ < *‘pounded mass’? 0 JOKL
ArRom XXIV 24 (from *ndë-baltinë)', ÇABEJ St. I 112 (compares deltinë
with daltë), Etim. Ill 187-188 (to dyllë).

dell m, pi. dej ‘tendon’. From PAlb *daisla probably related to Lith gysla
‘blood-vessel, tendon’, Slav *zila ‘tendon’ (MEYER Wb. 63, Alb. St. Ill
18) if the latter are treated separately from Skt jiyd- ‘bow-string’, Gk
ßioq ‘bow’ (B r u g m a n n Grundr. I 345). 0 C a m a r d a 171 (to Gk ôéco
‘to tie’); P e d e r s e n IF V 68 (to Lat ftlum ‘thread’), KZ XXXVI 326
(agrees with M e y e r ); JOKL Studien 13 (comparison with Gk Séco ‘to
bind’); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 87-88; FRAENKEL 150; FRISK I 237;
M a y r h o f e r I 448; V a s m e r II 57-58; C im o c h o w s k i LP II 239;
ÇABEJ St. I 112-113 (connects dell with Slav *dotb ‘valley’ and Gk 0ôA,oç
‘mud’ - those two having nothing in common), Etim. Ill 189-190; DEMIRAJ
AE 128 (against ÇABEJ).

dem m, pi. dema ‘young bull’. From PAlb *dama etymologically

related to OIr dam ‘ox’ and, probably, to Gk Ôà(iaÀ,oç ‘calf (CAMARDA
I 73; MEYER Wb. 6 3 , Alb. St. Ill 26, 6 4 ). 0 PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 164;
JOKL Festschr. Kretschmer 9 2 , Festschr. Rozwadowski I 236; TAGLI­
AVINI Stratificazione 135; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 239; M a n n Language
XXVI 385; F r is k I 345; Ç a b e j St. I 113, Etim. Ill 1 9 0 -1 9 1 ; D em ir a j
AE 12 8-129.

dend aor. denda ‘to stuff’. An archaic non-assimilated variant is NGeg

tend. From PAlb *tenda related to Skt tandate ‘to weaken’, Lat tendo
‘to stretch’. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 21 (based on Lat densus); M eyer
Wb. 65 (related to Lat dënsus). Alb. St. V 72 (borrowed from Lat tendere)',
B a r t h o l o m a e IF I 300 (to Lat densus ‘thick’); JOKI, apud WALDE-
H o f m a n n I 341 (to gdhënd); MANN Language XVII 19; ClMOCHOWSKI
 60 DENJË — (T) DERË DERGJ — df .t 61

L P II 239; POKORNY I 1065-1066; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 193-194 (agrees with d ergj aor. dorgja ‘to lie d o w n , to lay sic k , to be i l l ’. A m ore frequ en t
JOKL); DEMIRAJ AE 129 (to ndej). fo rm o f p resen t is p a ss.-re fi, dergjem. F rom P A lb *dergja further e ty ­
m ologically connected with Lith dirginti ‘to m o v e’, dirgti ‘to lose energy,
denjë adj. ‘worth’. Borrowed from Lat dignus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­ to b eco m e w ea k ’, S lav *dbrgati ‘to pluck, to p u ll’ and particularly with
mente 21). 0 M e y e r Wb. 63 (borrowed from Ital degno); Ç a b e j Etim. G m c *targjan ‘t o tea r’ : M H G zergen ‘to p lu ck , to p u ll’ (VASMER Alb.
Ill 195. Wortforsch. 9 ). 0 PEDERSEN ß ß XX 2 3 8 (to L ith sergit ‘to be ill’, OIr
serg ‘illn e s s ’ su p p o sin g IE *su- > A lb d-), Kelt. Gr. I 71; TRAUTMANN
d ep ërtoj aor. dep irto m ‘to penetrate’. Borrowed from Rom *dë- BSlWb. 56; F r a e n k e l 96; V a s m e r I 5 0 0 -5 0 1 ; H am p IF LXXIX 155
peneträre (MEYER Wb. 65). 0 MANN Hist. Gr. 146 (borrowed from Lat (fo llo w s PEDERSEN ); Ç a b e j St. I 1 1 5 -1 1 6 (to Lith ddrga ‘rain y
dêpartïre); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 195-196 (derived from ndëpër ‘across’). w eather’, Slav *dorga ‘road’), Etim. Ill 201-203; HULD49-50; LlNDEMAN
IF XCVIII 4 8 -5 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE 131 (a g re es w ith VASMER).
derdh aor. derdha ‘to pour out’. In Old Albanian the stem is not umlau­
ticized: dardh (BUZUKU, BUDI). Continues PAlb *darda close to ono- d eri prep, ‘to, up to, t ill’. F rom P A lb *deur(e)i h a v in g the sam e stru c-
niflfnnoe.ic Lith darde'ti ‘to rattle’. Latv dàrdêt ‘to crea k ', W go-dyrMUm
m u m m e, to gru m o ie . v iv it ït K v y ú . o^ lu o i ;
E M «
*dori ‘to’); Alb. St. Ill 13, 26; F r a e n k e l 83; P e d e r s e n BB XX 238 n. 2 (to Skt Elemente 18; MEYER Wb. 2 9 9 (b o r ro w ed from South S lav
Fraenk el srjdti ‘to sell off, to discharge’ ), KZ XXXVI 289, Kelt. Gr. I 494; JOKL M a n n Language X X V I 383 (to Lat ferì); F r isk I 'ill-3 1 2
Studien 13-14 (to Skt dharä ‘stream ’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 101; LA 26; BARTHOLOMAE 175.
PIANA Studi I 42-43 (to Skt ksarati ‘to flow’); ÇABEJ St. I 114-115 (to

Gk x o îp o ç Gk Oopôç ‘sperm ’), Etim. I ll 197-198. derr m, pi. derra ‘p ig ’. F rom P A lb * darja co n n ecte d wit!
t d eriv a tiv e id. < IE *ghorjos (CAMARDA I 96; MEYER Wb. 6 4 ). N o te
II 18; JOKL d erë f, pi. dyer ‘door’. From PAlb *dwörä, a secondary a-stem based derk ‘p ig le t’ co n tin u in g P A lb *darika. 0 MEYER Alb. St.
OERSEN KZ on IE *dhuer- id.: Skt dvdr-, Gk 0úpa, Tokh B twere and the like Festschr. Kretschmer 78 f. (re co n str u c ts *ghör-n-); PE
Pia n a Studi (C a m a r d a I 17; M e y e r £ 5 VIII 188, Wb. 63, Alb. St. Ill 29, 39, 71). XXXVI 333 (to dose); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 135; LA
230; P is a n i 0 JOKL IF XXXVI 132, LKUBA 240, 255; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 101; ClMO- I 4 5 -4 6 (to Skt -dòri- ‘m aking b urst’); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II
*suoinro-); CHOWSKI LP II 240; MANN Language XXVIII 32 (reconstructs Saggi 116, 118; F r is k II 1 1 0 7 -1 1 0 8 ; HULD 148 (from IE
im. Ill 205- * dhuer es); PISANI Saggi 103; FRISK I 695-696; MAYRHOFER II 83-84; ÇABEJ St. 1 1 1 6 (ex p la in s -rr- by ex p r e ssiv e gem in a tio n ), E
-rj- > -rr-); POKORNY I 278; OREL Antic, balk. 3 37-39 (on the development of the 206; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 147; FLH V III/ 1-2 39 (on P A lb
anlaut); HAMP LP XX 9; KLINGENSCHMITT Münch. St. Spr. XL 104, 125; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X 220; D e m ir a j AE 1 3 1 -1 3 2 .
H u l d 49; O r e l ZjBalk XXIII 149; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 198-201; D e m ir a j
IE *dheub- AE 129-130. d et m, pi. dete ‘s e a ’. F rom P A lb *deubeta ‘d ep th ’ based on
e phonetic ‘d e e p ’ ( J o k l Studien 1 4 -1 5 ). In term ed ia ry sta g es o f tl
¡t, dejet and (T) derë adj. ‘bitter; difficult’. From PAlb *deuna etymologically iden­ d ev elop m en t are preserved in the uncontracted Italo-A lb dt
is particu- tical with OS tiono ‘evil’, OE teoria ‘wrong’ ( J o k l Studien 1 9 -2 0 with in d ia lecta l fo rm s w ith a lo n g v o w e l - dêt. P A lb *deubetc
j dêpede, E further erroneous link to dhunë). 0 H a h n 29 (connected with dhunë); larly c lo s e to G m c *deupipo ‘d ep th ’ > M D u diepde, ML<
) go out’); M e y e r Wb. 87 (accepts H a h n ’s etym ology with some doubt); depth. 0 BUGGE BB X V III 165 (co n n e cted w ith dal ‘t
ss), Wb. 64 H o l t h a u s e n AEW 346; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 241; ÖLBERG Festschr. M e y e r BB V III 187 (to Gk © étiç , n am e o f the sea-godde
ra), Alb. St. Pisani I 689; ÇABEJ St. I 115 (to the Indo-European word for ‘tear’: (reco n stru cts dejt < *delt to be com p ared w ith Gk 0 á^ ao<
15 f. (recon- G k ô o c K p u ) , Etim. Ill 201; DEMIRAJ AE 130 (dialectal phonetic devel­ IV 54 (follow s BUGGE); RIBEZZO Riv. Indo-greco-italica X V I
T a g l ia v i - opment of hidhur). structs *dakti com p ared w ith Epir ó á ^ a • GdcXaaaa H es.)
62 DETYRE — DËGJOJ

ni Dalmazia 102; Ç a b e j St. 1118, Etim. Ill 209-210; P o k o r n y I 267-

268; ONIONS 258; OREL SBJa Lekiskol. 148-149 (Baltic toponymie par­
allels: Lith Duobyté, Latv Daublte); H u l d 50.

detyrë f, pi. detyra ‘duty, debt’. Borrowing from Rom *debitüra id. (M l­
KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 20; MEYER Wb. 66). The verb detoj ~ de tonj
reflects Rom *debitare. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1047;
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 111; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 15; H a a r m a n n
122; ÇABEJ St. I 118-119 (derived from detorës ‘debtor’), Etim. Ill 210-
211; L a n d i Lat. 39, 41, 82-83.

dëboj aor. dèbova to drive away . Other variants are zboj, xboj, eboj.
Related to boj (ÇABEJ St. I 119, Etim. Ill 212-214). 0 BUGGE BB XVIII
174 (borrowed from Rom *disbinare); MEYER Alb. St. IV 44 (agrees
with BUGGE); JO K L/f XXXVII 119 (reconstructs *bhöreiö connect­
ed with bie); L a P ia n a St. Varia 23-24 (to IE *yei-); M a n n Language
XXVIII 32 (to Gk Tixoéco < *de-bhoiëiô).

d ëfrej aor. dëfreva ‘to enjoy oneself’. Based on the recombination of

its antonym, shëfrej, shufrej ‘to suffer’ < Lat sufferäre id., as a pré­
fixai formation in shë- (ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 214-215). 0 MEYER Wb. i l l
(from Rom *disfrenare or *dëfrenare); KRISTOFORIDHI 98 (to fryj).

d ëftoj aor. dëftova to show, to point . Borrowed from Rom 'indictate

(MEYER Wb. 64-65, Alb. St. IV 41). ô CAMARDA I 64 (derives dëftoj
from IE *deiíc-); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2I 1054 (borrowed from
Rom *doctäre); JOKL RIEB II 65-67 (analyzes the verb as *dë-fëtoj, its
root borrowed from MGk cpcoxiÇco ‘to shine, to illuminate’); BARIÇHymje
63 (follows M e y e r ); Jo k l RIEB II 65-67 (based on *ftoj, to fo ti ‘oil
lam p’); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 23; HAARMANN 122, 130; D l
GIOVINE Gruppo -et- 16-24; ÇABEJ St. I 120 (to *f-tonj further related
to Gk Gxéycû ‘to cover’, Lat tegö id.), ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 215-217 (from
Lat digitare).

d ëgjoj aor. dëgjova ‘to hear’. Dialectal forms ndëgoj and, particular­
ly, dëlgonj, diligonj reflect the obvious Latin source - intelligere ‘to per­
ceive’ (M e y er Wb. 66-67).0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1054; B a ri C
ARSt 33-34 (related to Gk ôtKoùœ ‘to hear’, Goth hausjan id.); ÇABEJ
Etim. Ill 217-218.
 DËKOJ — DËRMOJ 63

dëkoj aor. dëkova ‘to hit, to strike’. Borrowed from Lat indicere in its
specific meaning ‘to impose, to inflict’ > * ‘to inflict pain’. 0 M e y e r
Wb. 65 (from R om *dêcôleâre based on cöleus ‘bag, sack’); G a z u l l i
19 (-koj to Gk xéoj); P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V 5 39 -5 6 0 (agrees with M e y e r );
Ç a b e j St. I 120-121 (connects dëkoj with koj and mëkoj); Ç a b e j Etim.
Ill 2 1 8 -2 0 0 (from *dërkoj, to darkë).

d ëlir aor. delira ‘to clean, to cleanse, to deliver’. The variant dëliroj
is morphologically more regular. Continues Rom *deliberäre and is
connected with lirë (CAMARDA 1 172; MEYER Wb. 247). 0 PEDERSEN
KZ XXXIII 538 (derived from lire); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 221 (agrees with
P e d e r s e n ).

d ëllin jë f, pl. dëllinja ‘juniper’. A more archaic variant dëllënjë seems

to reflect PAlb *daislanja (for the derivational structure cf. mëllën-
jë) related to dell < *daislä (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 5 9 ).
Semantically, the juniper is described as a wiry, sinewy plant, cf. Russ
mozzevel’nik id. derived from Slav *mozgb ‘brain, marrow’, Lith mazgas
‘knot’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 65 (from Rom *cedrulanea or *cedrulina derived
from cedrus ‘cedar, juniper’); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 9 -1 0 (to Lith
dûlis ‘fog’, Skt dhiili- ‘dust’ and the like); JOKL LKUBA 1 9 1 -193 (same
as VASMER); JAG«: AfslPh VIII 6 5 4 -6 5 5 ; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 241;
F r a e n k e l 4 2 6 -4 2 7 ; VASMER II 637; Ç a b e j St. I 121 (related to daltë
and dalloj), ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 222; DEMIRAJ AE 132.

d ëm ~ dam m. pi. déme ~ dame ‘damage’. Borrowed from Lat damnum

‘hurt, harm, damage’. As to dënoj ‘to condemn, to punish’, it is an Italian
loanword (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 6 0 ). 0 MEYER-
LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042, 1047, 1050; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2
15; H a a r m a n n 122; Ç a b e j St. I 121, Etim. Ill 2 2 2 -2 2 4 ; L a n d i Lat.
4 8 , 9 4 , 115.

d ërgoj aor. dërgova ‘to send’. Borrowed from Lat delegare id. with an
irregular change of liquida (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 259). 0
C a m a r d a 1 67 (to Gk xpé^co ‘to run’); M e y e r Wb. 65 (borrowing from
Lat dirigere ‘to arrange, to lay straight’); JOKL IF L 43; MlHÄESCU RESEE
I V /1-2 27; H a a r m a n n 122; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 226 (follows M e y e r ).

dërm oj aor. dërmova ‘to cut into pieces, to plummet down’. Borrowed
from Lat *de rama re, cf. Rum dáríma ‘to tear o ff (M e y e r Wb. 65, Alb.
64 DËRRASË — Dl

St. IV 56). Note a derivative dërmë ‘steep slope’. 0 PU§CARIU EWR 42;
Ç a b fj St. I 122 (reconstructs *dromoj and connects it with dromeë),
Etim. Ill 227-229.

dërrasë f, pl. dërrasa ‘board, stone plate’. From PAlb *deratja based
on IE *der- ‘to tear, to split’, see djerr (ClMOCHOWSKI LP III 158-161:
to Slav *dbrati ‘to tear’). 0 CAMARDA II 143 (to dru ); MEYER Wb. 66
(from Ital terrazza ‘terrace’); MANN Language XXVIII 33 (to Gk xápa^);
C im o c h o w s k i LP III 158-159; H e lb i g 70; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 230-231
(derived from rrasë ‘flat stone’).

dëshiroj aor. dëshirova ‘to wish’. Borrowed from Lat desiderare ‘to long
for, to desire’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 21; MEYER Wb. 6 5 ). As to
the noun dëshirë ‘desire’, it seems to be a deverbative rather than a
continuant of Lat dësïderium id. (Ç a b e j St. I 123, Etim. Ill 2 3 3 ). 0
CAMARDA I 176 (wavers between the correct etymology and the
comparison with dashur, participle of dua); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 2 1 1048, 1052; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 15; HAARMANN 122.

d ësh m oj aor. dëshmova ‘to testify’. Borrowed from Rom * testimoniare

(MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 66; MEYER Wb. 64). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 124, Etim.
Ill 233-234 (denominative); HAARMANN 153.

d ësh p ëroj aor. dëshpërova ‘to make desperate’. Borrowed from Lat
desperare ‘to despair’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 22). 0 MEYER Wb.
68 (from Ital disperare id.); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 235.

dështoj aor. dështova ‘to have a m iscarriage’. Borrowed from Rom

.*depositare used as a replacement of dëpônere in its meaning ‘to give
birth’ (MEYER Wb. 66, Alb. St. V 72). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21
1049; SPITZER MR IW I 318-319 (connects dështoj with Ital tosto ‘fast,
quick’); BARIC ARSt I 38 (derives the verb dështoj from a noun
*dushytë ‘m iscarriage’ explained as IE *dus-siito- ‘badly born’);
ÇABEJ St. I 124 (a préfixai derivative of shtoj), Etim. Ill 235-236.

d ì aor dita ‘to know’. From PAlb *dlja connected with IE *dhei(a)- ‘to
see’, cf. Skt dhyati, dhyayati ‘to observe, to feel, to think’, Av dä(y)-
‘to see’ (MEYER Wb. 66, Alb. St. Ill 29; OREL FLH V III/1-2 46). Aorist
dita and participle ditur ~ ditun are based on PAlb *dita, a formation
in *-to-, cf. Skt part, dhyata- and dhlta-. 0 G lL’FERDING Otn. 22 (to
 DIÇ — DIKTOJ 65

Skt vid- ‘to know’); M EYER Alb. St. Ill 29; JOKL IF XXXVI 112, Sprache
IX 128; T a g l i a v i n i 104; C i m o c h o w s k i LP II 240; P o k o r n y 243;
M a y r h o f e r I I 45; H u l d 152; Ç a b e j St. I 125 (reconstructs PAlb *din-
< IE *gen<>- ‘to know’), Etim. Ill 237-238; D e m i r a j AE 132-133 (di
< *dhiH-m).

diç pron. ‘something’. As all other pronouns in di-, contains an element

identical with the verb di as the first part of the compound (C A M A R D A
I 214; M e y e r Wb. 66). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I316; T a g l i a v i n i Dal­
mazia 105; Ç a b e j * . I 125.

diel f ‘Sunday’. Derivative in * -ja or in *-n& based on diell, a caique

of Lat dies solis id. (PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 43). 0 ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 240-
241.

diell m, pi. diej ‘sun’. From PAlb *delwa, a tabooistic substitute of the
original word for the sun based on a color adjective, cf. Skt hdri- ‘pale,
yellowish’, Av zairi- id., Lat helvus ‘yellowish’, Lith zelvas id. 0 BOPP
513 n. 3 (to Skt diva ‘by day’); C a m a r d a I 123 (comparisons with Gk
íí/aoc ‘sun’ and, on the other hand, with ôiaÀ.oç- (pavepôç, Àa|in:pôç);
M E Y E R Wb. 69 (links diell to dal or, alternatively, reconstructs
*dheg“h-lo-, cf. djeg); PEDERSEN BB XX 238 (to IE *suel- ‘sun’, cf.
C A M A R D A ); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 103; M a n n Language XXVIII 36
(follows M EYER in reconstructing *dheg'hdlos)\ M AYRHOFER III 581;
W a l d e - H o f m a n n I 639; P i s a n i Saggi 118 (to Gk azXaq ‘light,
shine’); FRAENKEL 1297; ÇABEJ St. I 125-126 (to Oír delirad ‘shine’,
OE dealt ‘bold, splendid’, Arm delin ‘green’), Etim. Ill 241-242; H u l d
50-51 (accepts PE D E R SE N ’ s etymology).

dihas aor. dihata ‘to pant’. Borrowed from Slav *dyxati ‘to breathe’,
cf. in particular South Slavic forms: OCS dyxati, Bulg dixam, SCr diluiti
( M e y e r Wb. 67). 0 S v a n e 256; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 242.

dike f ‘desire, lust’. Continues PAlb *dïkâ, a substantivized fem. adj.

related to Lith dÿkas ‘idle, empty’, Slav *diki> ‘wild’. 0 FRAENKEL 95;
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 29-30; ÇA BEJ Etim. Ill 243 (borrowed from SCr
dika ‘pride’).

diktoj aor. diktova ‘to discover, to find out’. Borrowed from Rom
*dëcaptare. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 61 (from Lat dëtegere); JO K L RIEB II 59-60
 DIMËN D iri. DJALË DJATHTR 67
66 DIMËR

(from Rom *dis-captäre); ÇABEJ Etim. III 243-244 (unclear). dienà id.), Alb. St. Ill 26; PEDERSEN BB XX 230 (to -di in perëndï), KZ
XXXIV 546 (follows M e y e r ); Jo k l Studien 22; M l a d e n o v 1st. 216;
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 103; O n io n s 923; Z a l iz n ’ a k Ètimologija 1964
dimër ~ HimSn m, pi. dìmra ~ dimna ‘w inter’. From PAlb *deimena related
to IE *gheimen- id.: Skt heman loc. ‘in w in te r’, G k xeì^cx ‘w in te r’ and
190; M a y r h o fe r II 44-45; Ç a b e j St. I 126-127, Etim. Ill 251-253; H u l d
the like (G il ’ferding Otri:, M eyer Wh. 67, Alh. St. ID 18 ,6 4 ). 0 C a m a r d a
51-52.
I 9 6 (to G k ö|xßpo<; ‘ra in ’, Lat imher id.); BUGGE BB XVIII 164; JOKL
d jalë m, pi. djem, djelm ‘boy, youth’. From PAlb *deia probably con­
IF XXXVI 130, Sprache IX 123; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 103; PEDER-
SEN KZ XXXVI 3 3 3 , Kelt. Gr. I 66; L a PIANA Studi I 5 2 -5 3 (to tym);
nected with Latv dels ‘son’, Lat film s id. as a derivative of IE *dhei-
ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 229; E r n o u t -M eil l e t 294; PORZIG Gliederung
‘to suck’ (XYLANDER 317; ÇABEJ St. I 127-128). Note that the vocal-
190; PISANI Saggi 99; MANN Language XXVI 384 (erroneous com parison
ism in Proto-Albanian is irregular so that a secondary transformation
w ith O E tima ‘tim e ’); MAYRHOFER III 6 0 7 ; F r is k II 1 0 7 9 -1 0 8 1 ;
of the stem must be presumed. 0 M e y e r Wb. 60 (derives djalë from
A n t t il a Schw. 3 5 ,1 3 4 ; H a m p IF L X V I 5 2 -5 5 ; H u l d 51; O r e l Z/BAlk
dal). Alb. St. Ill 29; KRETSCHMER Gioita XIV 310-311 (to dal); JOKL
XXIII 146; JANSON Unt. 2 1-23; Ç a bej Etim. Ill 245; D e m ir a j AE 133. IF X X X V I 115; OS t ir AArbSt. I 114 (to Gk xâXiç ‘maiden’); V a s m e r
ZfslavPh III 269 (to Thr -TfÀ.|itç); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 113-114;
ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240; PISANI Saggi 121; H a m p S ì . Whatmough 78;
din (3 sg.) aor. diu ‘to break (of the day)’. Also appears as reti, dihet
HULD 52; O r el ZfBalk XXIII 143; Ç a b e j Etim. III 255-258; DEMIRA i
ua) vjivL àìna- ‘d a y ’, S la v +dbnb 1 ,rn
MEYER Wb. 6 8 (d e riv a tiv e o f dite); JOKL Studien 2 2 (a d érivât

Rom. Eli-mena: 21;MEYER Wb. 60, Alh St. V 73). 0 CAMARDA l 98 (con­
nection with Gk StdßoXoc id.); T hum b IF XXVI 12-13 (from Gk
SiaßoXoc): M e y e r-L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1041, PEDERSEN KZ
XXXIII 535: JOKL LKUBA 20 (from G reek): H a a r m a n n 122; ÇABEJ
Bulg dir'a :
Etim. ti> 258-259: L a n d i Lai. 75. 137-138. III 248.

djathe m/n, pl. djathëra ~ djathna ‘ch eese’. A dim inutive in -the
dishtë t. pi. i
(C am aj Alb. Worth. 12 1) o f *djadh < PAlb *dedi-, the latter to be com ­ from Lat a
pared with Skt dad hi 'sour milk ’ and O Prus dudan ‘m ilk’, derivatives Wortb. 123
of *dhèi- ‘io suck' (JOKI, Studien 15-16, WuS XII 70). For the irreg­
ular developm ent of the root vowel cf. djalë. 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia dishull m, pi
102, Stratificazione 147; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240; TRAUTMANN
variants (dyi
APSpr. 316; PISANI Saggi 123; MAYRHOFER IT 15; POKORNY J 2 4 1; MANN types of foil
Hist. Gr. 54, 91, 97 (from IE *ghesito-)\ Hamp Word IX 140, KZ LXXXIV B orrow ed t
140-141; T o p o ro v PJa I 284-286; H u l d 52-53; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 259-
o f leaves. (■
260; D e m ira j AE 135-136.
diti I pi. dit.
djathte adj. rig h t'. Old A lbanian lexis preserve djathë ‘right (sid e)’
Gmc *ttdiz
(B u z u k u ), thus showing that djathte is a relatively new form ation in
d o r’ ( V a s v
-të based on PAlb *detsa (PEDERSEN KZ XXX VI 291; Ç a b e î St. Í 128- Otn. 22 (to ‘
129), The latter is etym ologically connected with IE *deks- ‘right:: Ski Wb. 68 (fro
68 DJ E — D JE P

dàksina-, G k ô e ^ i ô ç , L a t dexter a n d the like (M E Y E R Wb. 6 9 ) . O

M e y e r Alb. St. I I 17, ill 13, 26; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 291, Kelt. Gr.
I 36; ClM OCHOW SKI LP II 239; PISA N I Saggi 131; M AYRHO FER II 10-
11; W a l d e - H o f m a n n I 346-347; M a n n Language XXVI 383; F r i s k
I 366-367; POK O RNY I 190; JUCQUOIS Le Muse'on LXXVIII 445 (pho­
netically impossible *deksto- with *-kst- reflected as Alb H AM P
RESEE XIX/1 141-145 (reconstructs *deksino-)\ H u l d 53; ÇABEJ Etim.
Ill 260-261 (to Lat decus ‘beauty, decoration’); DEM IRAJ AE 137-138.

dje adv. ‘yesterday’. From P A lb *de etymologically identical with Skt

hyás id., Gk %0éç id., Lat. heri id. and the like (CAMARDA I 96; MEYER
Wb. 69, Alb. St. Ill 18, 63). 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 37, 345; PEDERSEN KZ
XXXVI 333, Kelt. Gr. I 89; ]OKL LKUBA 26; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 103;
E r n o u t -M e il l e t 292; M a y r h o f e r II 29; P is a n i Saggi 101; F r is k II
1097-1098; H a m p BSE LXVI 222; H u l d 53; Çabej Etim. Ili 261; P u h v e l
Festschr. Hoenigswald 317; DEMIRAJ AL 138.

d jeg aor. dogja ‘to burn’. From PAlb *dega etymologically related to
IE *dheg“h- ‘to burn’: Skt ddhati, Tokh AB tsak-, tsäk-, Lit degù, dègù
and the like (B O P P 5 0 8 ; G i l ’FERDING Otn. 2 2 ; M e y e r Wb. 6 9 , Alb. St.
I l l 9 , 2 9 ) . 0 M EYER Gr. Gr. 2 7 5 ; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 2 3 - 3 2 4 , Kelt.
Gr. I 1 0 8 ; TAG LIA V IN I Dalmazia 1 0 3 ; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 2 5 0 ; M a n n
Language XXVI 3 8 2 , XXVIII 3 6 ; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 2 4 0 ; P i s a n i Saggi
1 2 5 ; F r a e n k e l 8 5 - 8 5 ; I v a n o v Slav. 1 2 9 ; H u l d 5 3 - 5 4 , KZ CVII 1 6 6 ;
KLINGENSCHM ITT Münch. St. Spr. X L 1 0 1 , 1 2 7 ; ÇABEJ Etim. I l l 2 6 1 -
2 6 2 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 3 8 - 1 3 9 .

(G) d jem ën pi. ‘demons, devils’. A lexicalized plural of djall similar

to that of djalë ~ djem (SKOK AArbSt I 220-221). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 20 (from Lat daemönem ‘demon’); MEYER Wb. 69 (same as
MlKLOSICH - but the stress is placed differently); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr.
Grundriß 2 1 1043; THUMB IF X X V I 13 (borrowed from Gk ôaifioveç
id. - but the development of -ai- > -je- would be quite unique); JOKL
LKUBA 18 (agrees with T h u m b ), IF X L IV 13 n. 1 (follows SKOK);
V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 10-11 (borrowed from OCS demorrh id.);
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350 (follows T h u m b ); Ç a b e j St. I 129
(repeats T h u m b ’s etymology), Etim. Ill 262-264; L a n d i Lat. 72, 83.

djep m, pi. djepe, djepa ‘cradle’. Borrowed from Gk ôém ç ‘beaker, goblet’
(C a m a r d a II 191). For the semantic development cf. E cradle ~ OHG
 DJERSË — nom s 69

kratto ‘basket’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 69-70 (related to Slav *zyb-hka id.), Alb.

St. Ill 18, 36; PEnERSEN KZ XXXVI 333; Jo k l IF XXXVI 158-159,
Melanges Pedersen 155 (reconstructs *ghoiibha thus slightly correct­
ing M e y e r ); B a r i çH ym je 77; Ç a b e j Sr. I 129-130 (from IE *dheubh-
~ *dheup-\ Gk ôércaç is explained as an ancient Albanian loanword),
Etim. Ill 264-265.

d jersë f, pl. djersë ‘perspiration’. Another variant is dirsë. From PAlb

*widertjä with the loss of the unstressed first syllable. Further related
to Gk iôpcibç id. < *siiidröt-s, cf. also Latv sviêdri id., Lat sudor id. (PE­
DERSEN KZ XXXVI 288-290). 0 CAMARDA I 48, 96 (to Gk epon ‘dew’);
MEYER Alb. St. I 81 (to Gk ôpôcoç ‘dew’), Wb. 70 (to Gk 8<xkvco ‘to
bite’); BUGGE BB XVIII 165 (to zjarr); J o k l Studien 92-93 (accepts
P e d e r s e n ’ s etymology); F r isk 1710-711; C h a n t r a in e 456; W a l d e -
H o f m a n n II 623-624; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 265-266; HULD 148; KORTLANDT
SSGL X 219; DEMIRAJ AE 139-140.

djerr aor. dora ‘to destroy’. From PAlb *dera or *derna related to Skt
drnáti ‘to burst, to tear’, Gk ôépco ‘to skin’, Goth gatairan ‘to tear’ and
the like (MEYER Wb. 70, Alb. St. Ill 26). 0 JOKL Studien 8; FRISK I 368-
370; M a y r h o f e r II 59; F e is t Goth. 203.

djerr m, pi. djerre ‘fallow lan d ’. From P A lb *dersa ety m o lo g ic a lly id en ­

tical with Gk %épooç ‘dry land' (CAMARDA 196) < IE *ghersos. 0 R e st e l -
Ll RIL LXXXIX - XC 412 (sam e as CAMARDA); MEYER Wb. 70 (to djerr
‘to destroy’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 325-326 (to bie ‘to bear’); La PIANA
St. Varia 21-23 (to var, vjerr); FRISK II 1089-1090; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 266-
268 (to bie ‘to f a ll’).

d ob ët adj. ‘weak’. Derived from dobë id. The latter is borrowed from
Slav *dob-h ‘good, fine’ unattested in South Slavic where a more usual
*dob>~h id. is widespread. Note dobi ‘profit, use’ related to dobë. 0 PISANI
Saggi 129 (to Lat de bilis)', Ç a bej St. I 131 (based on udob ), Ç a b e j Etim.
Ill 272-273; S v a n e 273.

d ob is aor. dobita ‘to win’. Borrowed from Slav *dobyti ‘to acquire, to
win’ (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 18; MEYER Wb. 70). The Albanian verb
is semantically closer to SCr dobiti than to Bulg dobija. 0 SELISCEV
Slav, naselenie 178; OREL Ètimologija 1983 136; SVANE 199-200; ÇABEJ
Etim. Ill 273.
70 D O JK Ë — D O R F,

dojkë f, pl. dojka ‘nurse’. Borrowed from Slav *dojka id., cf. in par­
ticular South Slavic continuants: Bulg dojka, SCr dojka (Ç a b e j St. I
131, Etim. Ill 2 7 7 ). 0 S v a n e 190.

doke f ‘trad ition s’. B o rro w ed from Gk S o k t ) ‘o p in io n , v ie w , m ea n in g ’.

0 J o k l LKUBA 5 3 -5 6 (related to duket); Ç a b e j St. 1 1 3 1 (a g re es w ith
JOKL), Etim. Ill 2 7 7 -2 7 8 .

dokërr f, pi. dokrra ‘big bone, bone of arm or leg’. Derived from *dok
(for the formation pattern cf. kokërr), borrowed from Gk S o k o ç
‘rafter, beam’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 260). 0 CAMARDA 1 85 (to
Gk ôÔKava ‘a structure of two joined upright bars’); M e y e r Wb. 70
(to Turk dogru ‘direct’); B a r iG ARSt I 8 (from *dorkr- composed of
dorë and krah); CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 119 (suffix -ërr); ÇABEJ St. I 132
(an expressive form compared with doçkë ‘little hand’ and the like).

doline f, pi. dolina ‘valley’. Borrowed from Slav *dolina id., cf. South
Slavic forms: Bulg dolina, SCr dolina. 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 106 (bor­
rowed from SCr dolina).

dorbëri f ‘herd’. A secondary phonetic transformation of *doberi derived

from Slav *dobro ‘property’ (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 12-13). 0 M e y e r
Wb. 71 (borrowed from Ital turba ‘crow d’); JOKL Studien 1 6 -1 7 , IF
X X X V II 100 (a compound consisting of dor- < IE *ghuer- ‘animal,
beast’ and -beri compared with Lith bürÿs ‘crow d’); BARIC AArbSt I
215; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 147; ÇABEJ St. I 133 (derived from *torbar
based on torbe ‘shepherd’s bag; knapsack’), Etim. Ill 2 8 6 -2 8 7 .

dorë f, pi. duar ~ duer ‘h an d ’. A sin g u la rized neut. p lural P A lb *därä

< IE *ghesr- (PISANI Saggi 121; H a m p Anc. IE Dial. 115) rela ted to Gk
Xeîp id., H itt kessar id., T okh A tsar- id., B sar- id., Arm jern id. (BOPP
492; M e y e r Wb. 72, Alb. St. Ill 18, 71). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. I 92 (to Gk
ôrôpov ‘p a lm ’); Gr. Gr. 81; JOKL LKUBA 90, IF XXXVI 132, XLIX
274; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 101, Stratificazione 88; ClMOCHOWSKI LP
II 230; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 295, 300; M a n n Language XXVIII 34 (from
*ghard-s-); FRISK II 1082-1083; CHANTRAINE 305; PORZIG Gliederung
187; P is a n i Saggi 99, 121; P o k o r n y I 203; V a n W in d e k e n s I 521;
H a m p Anc. IE 115; H u l d 54; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 40; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill
288-291; S c h r u v e r BC 58; D e m ir a j AE 140.
 DOSE — DRAGË 71

dose f, pl. dosa ‘pig, sow’. From PAlb *dû(i)tjâ, a derivative of IE *dhë(i)~
‘to suckle’ (Ö LBERG apud D e m i r a j ; Ç a b e j T 1 3 4 - 1 3 5 ) . 0 CAM A RDA
II 2 0 3 (to Gk 0cûç ‘jackal’); J o k l Studien 17 (reconstructs IE *sijätiä
further connected with *sü- ‘pig’); Baric"' ARSt 1 6 - 7 (from *dërgiü related
to derk < *dergo- as darkë to dasmë)', PEDERSEN KZ X X X V I I I 3 9 3 (to
derk, dirk, from *dêrk4jay, VA SM ER Alb. Wortforsch. I 13 (borrowed
from Bulgaro-Turk do%s ‘pig’); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 1 0 0 (agrees with
JOKL), Stratificazione 1 3 5 ; RIBEZZO RivAlb I 1 4 0 , II 1 4 4 (from *ghëtiû,
to Maced yo x áv úv); H U L D 1 4 8 (follows JOKL); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 2 9 3 -
2 9 6 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 4 0 - 1 4 1 .

dot part, o f irreal. A lexicalized sequence o f tw o particles, do and të (LAM­

BERTZ LP VII 9 2 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 7 2 (b orrow ed from Lat in tötö)\ PED­
ERSEN BB XX 2 3 3 - 2 3 5 , KZ XXXVII 2 3 6 -2 3 8 (r e c o n str u c ts acc.
*dhëtim o f a d everb ative related to IE *dhë- ‘to p u t’); M a n n Language
XXVI 381; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 2 0 (from Lat tötum ); ÇABEJ St.
I 135 (fo llo w s LAMBERTZ), Etim. Ill 2 9 6 -2 9 7 ; M a n n Comp. 129
(id en tical w ith Gk ôi]Ta); H a a r m a n n 154 (sa m e as M ih ä e s c u ).

dra ~ drâ f ‘o il-ca k e, m elted butter’. R eflects P A lb * draga (MEYER Wb.

7 2 -7 3 , Alb. St. I ll 2 9 , 37, 7 2 w ith b asic e ty m o lo g ic a l p a ra llels) w ith
secon d ary n asalization in G eg and the lo ss o f (he co n so n a n t p reserv ed
in the variant w ith a lo n g v o w e l drâ. C lo se p a ra llels are foun d in G e r­
m anic (O N pi. dreggiar ‘y e a s t’) and in B altic: O P rus dragios ‘y e a s t’
( if not b o rrow ed from G erm a n ic), O L ith dragis id. ( if not from O ld
P ru ssian ), Lett dial, dradzi ‘sed im en t in m elted b u tter’. C f. a lso S la v
*drozdzi ‘y e a s t’ (but B u lg drozde ‘so m eth in g ea sy to m elt or b rea k ’ !)
and a corresponding verb *drozgati ‘to press, to knead’. The w ord seem s
to r e p r e se n t a N o r th E u ro p ea n in n o v a tio n in In d o -E u ro p ea n . 0
C a m a r d a I 74 (to Gk rpúu ‘m ust’); M e y e r Gr. Gr. 69; J o k l IF X X X V I
101; Die Sprache IX 149; PISANI Saggi 124; REICHELT KZ X L V I 322;
D u r i d a n o v Thr.-Dak. 9 4 (re co n str u c ts D ac *draga)', H i r t BODS
X X III 3 49 f. (O ld P russian < G erm anic); T o p o r o v PJa I 3 6 3 f.; BOGA
RR III 2 0 6 (on L ett dradzi); T r a u t m a n n APSpr. 322; ENDZELIN KZ
X L IV 65; F r a e n k e l 100; P is a n i Saggi 124; A n t t i l a Schw. 122;
P o k o r n y 1 251; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 128 f. (on the Slavic form as derived
from *drozg~): VASMER I 5 4 0 (S la v *drozga < *drogska)\ OREL ZfBalk
X X III 140, Koll. Idg. Ges. 357; DEMIRAJ AE 141.

dragfi f, pi. draga ‘avalanche’. Borrow ed from Slav *dorga ‘ravine’ (Ç abej
72 DRAGUA ~ 1>Ra (n )G U E — 1)R I. ~ DRK

St. I 136) unattested in the meaning ‘avalanche’. 0 J o k l IF XLIII 47-

49 (reconstructs *dë-ra-gë and connects it with rashë); SV A N E 81, 161;
Ç A B E J Etim. Ill 299-300.

dragua - dra(n)gue m, pi. dragonj ~ drangoj ‘dragon’. Another variant

is (T) drangua. It represents a borrowing from Rom *drancônem, a
modification of Lat dracönem id. (M EY ER -LÜ BK E Gr. Grundriß 21 1 0 4 6 ,
1 0 5 0 : also considers the possibility of borrowing from Italian). 0 STIER
KZ X I 1 3 4 (borrowed from G k SpcxKcov id.); C a m a r d a I 8 2 (to G k
öpaKcov id.); M EYER Alb. St. I 5 2 , Wb. 7 3 (directly from dracönem or
from Ital dragone); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 2 2 ; HAARMANN 123; ÇABEJ
Etim. Ill 3 0 0 - 3 0 2 (from Latin).

drang m, pi. drangje ‘barge-pole, punting-pole; young creature, cub’.

From PAlb *dranga further to be compared with ON drangr ‘stone pillar’,
drengr ‘thick trunk’, Lith dránga ‘perch, pole’, Slav *drggi> ~ *drçga
 DREDH — O R E JT Ë 73

(and also ‘bug’) ~ *bykati ‘to roar, to bellow’. 0 STIER KZ VII 1 6 0 (to
Messap ßpev8o v è'Xacpov); SCHEFTELOWITZ BB XXVIII 2 9 7 (to Arm
er in] ‘heifer’); CHARPENTIER KZ XL 4 3 2 ; V A SM E R ZfslavPh III 2 8 8
(to Thr Apéviç); TAG LIAVINI Stratificazione 1 3 5 - 1 3 6 ; GEORGIEV Issle­
dovanija 1 2 0 (to a Thracian name Apévtç); M AYRHOFER II 1 1 5 - 1 1 6 ;
ÇA BEJ Sr. I 1 3 6 - 1 3 7 (to OIr darn ‘head’, cf. G k icápa ‘head’ - îcépaç
‘horn’ ~ Lat cervus ‘deer’), Etim. Ill 3 0 5 - 3 0 7 ; DEM IRAJ AE 1 4 2 - 1 4 3
(from *d-ran- based on IE *UfHn ).

dredh aor. drodha ‘to turn, to rotate’. From PAlb *dredza continuing
IE *dregh- closely related to Arm darnam ‘to turn’, d a r}'curve, turn’
< IE *dfgh- (LlDÉN Arm. Studien 1 0 1 - 1 0 2 ) . Note a derivative of
dredh - dridh ‘to shake, to vibrate’. As to dredhëz ‘straw berry’, it is
identical with dredhëz ‘cord, string’ derived from dredh. 0 CAMARDA
I 74 (to Gk xpéo) ‘to flee’); M eyer Wb. 74 (secondary connection between
dredhëz and dredh), Alb. St. Ill 18, 29, 72, IF V 181 (related to Gk ipá^m
74 DREKË — DRINJË

drekë f, pl. drekë ‘lunch, dinner, midday m eal’. Connected with darkë
and reflecting PAlb *drika related to darkë (M EYER Wb. 61) and reflect­
ing a zero-grade *drk“a close to Bret dibri ‘lunch’, OBret diprim ‘to
eat’ (H A M P i4 « c . IE Dial. 116). However, the development of *-i- >
-e- remains unclear. 0 M EYER Gr. Gr. 245; PEDERSEN BB XX 231 (recon­
structs *dn>k"-)\ HlRT Ablaut 126; PORZIG Gliederung 178; CAM AJ Alb.
Wortb. 114 (suffix -kë)\ L e w t s - P e d e r s e n 314; HAMP KZ LXXVII 253;
M a n n FL\ED6\ (zero grade in the root); A n t t i l a Schw. 29, 100; Ç a b e j
St. I 108, Etim. HI 315-316; H u l d 48-49; KÖDDERITZSH Festschr. Mac
Eoin 62-63; D e m i r a j AE 144-145.

dremis aor. dremita ‘to slum ber’. Borrowed from South Slav *dremiti
‘to doze, to slum ber’, cf. Maced dremit, SCr dramiti. Cf. also a
Slavic derivative in drëmkë ‘nap’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 65 (borrowed from
Slav *drëmati id.); POLÁK ZfBalk I 78 (from SCr drijemati); SvANE
253; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 4 8 4 .

drenjë f, pi. drenja ‘quail’. From PAlb *dranja, derivative from dre ~
drê (Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 3 1 6 ). 0 C a m a r d a II 159 (to G k xexpáwv);
M e y e r Wb. 7 4 (from Rom *tetraonem, cf. Lat tetraönem ‘heath-cock’);
SPITZER M RIW l 3 1 9 -3 2 0 (to dr a).

dreq m, pl. dreqër ~ dreqën ‘d e v il’. B o r ro w e d fro m the n om . sg . or pi.

o f Lat dracô ‘d ra g o n ’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 22; M e y e r Wb. 7 3).
0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1043, 1051; JOKL IF XXX 291;
S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 246; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 107; M i h ä e s c u
RESEE I V /I -2 28; HAARMANN 123; ÇABEJ St. I 140, Etim. Ill 3 1 6 -3 1 7
(from Gk Spáiccov); L a n d i Lat. 28, 112, 1 4 3 -1 4 5 .

drënjë f ‘cornel-cherry’, adj. ‘h ealth y, sound’. From PAlb * d r a u n j ä ,

a derivative of IE *dreu- ‘tree’. For the evolution of meaning cf. Slav
‘healthy’ ~ *dervo ‘tree’ and Lat röbustus ‘healthy’ ~ robur
* S T > -d o rv b
‘oak’. 0 MEILLET Etudes I 88; BENVENlSTE Word X 2 5 9 , Inst. I 108-
110 (semantic analysis of *dreu-); VASMER II 90; ÇABEJ St. I 140 (deriva­
tion based on B u lg or Maced dren ‘cornel-cherry’), Etim. Ill 31 8 .

drinjë f, pi. d r i n j a ‘brushwood’. From PAlb * d r ü n j ä related to d r u and

the Indo-European word for ‘tree’. Ô JOKL/F XXXVI 101 n. 1 (from
SCr d r i j e n ‘cornel-cherry’); Ç a b e j E t i m . Ill 320-321 (from Slavic).
 DRTTF, — DROKTH 75

dritë f, pl. drita ‘light, luster, pupil (of an eye)’. From *drikta based
on IE *deríc- ‘to look’ and, in particular, close to OE torht ‘bright’,
OHG zoraht (M E Y E R Wb. 7 4 , Alb. Sr. Ill 2 7 , 4 3 ) . 0 BR U G M A N N 1 3 1 ;
JOKL Studien 5 3 , Reallex. Vorgesch. I 9 0 , Sprache IX 1 2 0 ; PEDERSEN
Kelt. Gr. I 4 2 ; M a n n Language XXVIII 3 3 ; PORZIG Gliederung 1 4 9 ;
POKORNY 1 2 1 3 ; C h a n t r a i n e 2 6 5 ; Ö l b e r g Festschr. Pisani I I 6 8 8 ; Ç a b e j
St. I 1 4 0 - 1 4 1 (to Lith zeriii, zerëti ‘to shine’, Slav *zbreti ‘to see’ and
the like), Etim. Ill 3 2 2 - 3 2 3 ; H u l d 5 5 ; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 1 4 8 ;
D e m i r a j AE 1 4 5 .

drithë m /n, pl. drithëra ~ drithna ‘grain’. From PAlb *dritsa etymologically
connected with Lat hordeum ‘barley’, O H G gersta id. < IE *ghrzd- (JOKL
IF XXX 302). In Albanian, the development of the voiced Indo-Euro­
pean cluster seems to be surprising. 0 HOLTHAUSEN AEW 351; SPITZER
MRIW I 335 (from *ghrsuo-)\ TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 108; W a l d e -
HOFMANN I 656-657; MANN Language XXVIII 40; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t
299; PISANI Saggi 118; P o r z i g Gliederung 209; C h a n t r a i n e 583;
POKORNY I 446; SGGJa I 88; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 123; ÖLBERG
Festschr. Pisani II 685; HAMP KZ LXXVI 277; Ç A B E J BUShT X V / 3 57
(to IE *der- ‘to tear’), Etim. Ill 323-325; H u ld 55-56; RASMUSSEN Morph.
91; D e m ir a j AE 145-146.

drizë (', pi. driza ‘blackthorn, sloe’. From PAlb *dridzjä etymologically
connected with IE *dergh- ‘to hold, to be firm ’: Skt drhyati ‘to be firm ’,
Slav *dbrzati to hold’ < *dwzjati and, in particular, *dbrza > Russ dereza
‘kind of thorny plant’ (with a secondary polnoglasie), see K a lu Z S K A J A
Antic, balk. 3 27. 0 M e y e r Wb. 75 (related to dru); J o k l IF XXXVI
101, LKUBA 248 (suffix -zë); M AYRHO FER II 61-62; VA SM ER I 502;
M a n n Hist. gr. 34 (to OIr driss ‘blackthorn’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa V 231;
H a m p KZ LXXVI 275; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 38; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t apud
D e m i r a j (to Gk ôpioç ‘bush’); Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 325-326 (to drithë);
D e m i r a j AE 146.

drobis aor. drobita ‘to tire ’. Borrowed from Slav *drobiti ‘to break,
to crush’ in an otherwise unattested meaning (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim.
16). 0 ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 326-327 (from Maced dr obi); S v a n e 232.

drokth m, pi. droktha ‘broom ’. A deminutive based on *drok probably

borrowed from Slav *drok-b ‘genista’ which, however, is not attested
in South Slavic.
76 DROM GË DRUDHE

dromcë f, pl. dromca ‘crumb, bit’. Borrowed from Slav *drobbnica ‘trifle,
small object’, cf. in particular South Slavic forms: Maced drobnica ‘trifle’,
Bulg drobnica ‘pear-tree with small fruit’, SCr drobnica ‘particle’ (Ml­
KLOSICH Slav. Elemente 18; M e y e r Alb. St. I 82, Wb. 75). 0 Ç.ABEJ St.
I 142 (connects dromcë with drudhe and IE *der- ‘to tear’ or *dhreu-
‘to break’), Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 329-331.

dru ~ drû m, pi. drunj, drurë ~ drun ‘tree; wood (f, pl. dru)'. From PAlb
*druwa etymologically compared with Slav *drhvo ‘wood’, Skt dru-
id., Av dru- id., Gk Spûç ‘tree, oak’ (BOPP 541; G il ’FERDING Otn. 22;
CAMARDA I 76; M e y e r Wb. 75). The nasalization in Geg is secondary
(Ç a b e j St. I 142-143) and, probably, influenced by the plural forms.
The word was borrowed to Rum druete ‘thick and short tree’.O
M e y e r Alb. St. I ll 27, 72, Gr. Gr. 232, 269; B r u g m a n n - D e l b r ü c k
I I / 1 161 (borrowing from Slav *drbva); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIV 291,
Kelt. Gr. I 144; JOKL IF XXXVI 100-102; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 109;
MANN Language XVII 15 (from IE *drno-)\ MAYRHOFER II 36; FRISK
I 421-422; PISANI Saggi 123; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 330; ROSETTI
ILR I 276-277; H a m p KZ LXXVI 275 (original «-stem), LB XXV 78
(collective *druuä); A n t t il a Schw. 16; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 141-142;
H u l d 56; Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 332-334; D e m ir a j AE 146-147.

draaj ~ druej aor. druajta, drojta, drova ‘to be afraid’. From PAlb *draunja
derived from dre, droe ‘fear’ < PAlb *drawa. T he noun is related to
Latv druvas ‘fear’ and, further, to Lith draudziu, drausti ‘to forbid,
to deter, to scare off’. 0 CAMARDA I 73 (to Skt trdsati ‘to be afraid’,
Gk ipécù ‘to flee in fright’); MEYER Wb. 75 (etymologically connect­
ed with OHG droa ‘threat’ but its anlaut continues IE *t-),Alb. St. Ill
24 (explains Alb d- from *en-t-); TREIMER MRIW I 371 (to Gk
ToepaGoco ‘to stir, to frighten’); M a n n Language XXVI 382 (to Lith
drovà ‘self-consciousness, awkwardness’ which is, in fact, a Germanic
loanword); FRAENKEL 102; ROSETTI ILR I 276 (to Rum droaie ‘band,
gang; a lot’); Ç a b e j St. I 143-144 (to E dread), Etim. Ill 334-337.

drudhe f, pi. drudhe ‘cr u m b ’. A sin g u la rized plural o f *drudhë. F rom

P A lb *drudza related to Lith drhzgas ‘sp lin ter, fra g m en t’, driizti ‘to
b ecom e w ea k ’. 0 CAMARDA I 115 (to Gk Bpwruco ‘to tear’); MEYER Wb.
370 (to rrudhë ‘w rinkle’); FRAENKEL 107; L a PIANA St. Varia 26 (derived
from -rrudh related to rrjedh); M a n n Hist. Gr. 176 (to OIr druidim
 DRUG E — DUA ~ DUE 77

‘to close’); CAM AJ Alb. Wortb. 121 (suffix -dhe); SlR O K O V ZFL
X X IV /1 14 (to Lith dirginti ‘to puli’); Ç a b e j St. I 144 (connects drudhe
with dromcë and IE *dhreu- ‘to break’), Etim. Ill 231-233.

drugë f, pi. druga ‘spindle, shuttle’. Borrowed from SCr druga id. < Slav
*drçga ( M e y e r Wb. 75). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 171, 295; JOKL
Slavia XIII 313-314 (from NGk Tpoúya, ôpoùya ‘thread’); B a r i ç Hymje
74, 79; POLÁK ZfBalk I 81; ÇABEJ St. I 144, Etim. Ill 337-338; SV A N E
47, 81.

drushtë f, pi. drushta ‘pole, mast’. From PAlb *drusta further connected
with dru.

druth m ‘wrath’. A derivative in -th of droe, dre ‘fear’, cf. druaj ~ druenj.

(G) dry m ‘kind of lock, bolt’. From PAlb *dr fina related to the Indo-
European word for ‘tree’ and, probably, referring to the strength of
the lock, cf. Gk Spoóv- íoxupóv (B U G G E BB XVIII 1 6 5 ) . The closest
formal parallels of PAlb *drüna are Skt druna- ‘bow ’, Iran *drüna-
‘bow’ in Pers durüna ‘rainbow’, Ossetic cerdyn ( H a m p KZ LXXVI 2 7 6 )
and Slav *drynrh ‘stick, pole’. 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 165 (to OIr dron ‘hard,
strong’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 1 0 9 (suggests Skt dróna- ‘wooden trough’
as an exact parallel); M ILLER Oss. 3 0 ; F r isk 1 4 1 9 ; M AYRHOFER II 7 8 ;
ÇABEJ St. I 1 4 5 , Etim. Ill 3 3 9 - 3 4 1 ; T r u b a c e v VJa 1 9 7 5 / 1 1 3 5 , ÈSSJa
V 1 4 5 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 4 8 - 1 4 9 .

drydhët adj. ‘easy to plane (of wood)’. Continues PAlb *drüdza (with
a secondary suffix -ët) close to Slav *dry:gati, *druzgati ‘to squeeze,
to crush’. 0 T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 133, 145.

dryshk m ‘rust’. From PAlb *drildz(i)ska derived from *drüdza > drydh(ët).
0 M e y e r Wb. 76 (explains the verb ndryshk ‘to rust’ from Rom *in-
russicö based on russus ‘rusty’); H A A R M A N N 131; ÇABEJ St. I 372-373
(a préfixai derivative of IE *reudh- ‘red ’).

dua ~ due aor. desha ‘to love’. From PAlb *dâusna connected with IE
*geus- ‘to taste’, cf. Skt jósati ‘to be fond o f , Gk y£V>o(tou and the like
(JOKL/F XXXVII 101-102, LKUBA 127). The diphthongization of the
root vowel into -ua- may be explained by the original long diphthong
in Proto-Albanian *dausna (JOKL). The aorist goes back to PAlb *deusa.
 78 DUAJ ~ DUE] — DUQ.

O M lK LO SICH Rom. Elemente 2 0 (from Lat dêbeo ‘must’); M e y e r Wb.

76, Alb. St. Ill 1 7 , 6 1 , 9 0 ; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 3 3 , Kelt. Gr. I 8 0 ;
P i s a n i Saggi 9 9 , 1 0 1 ; ClM OCHOW SKI LP II 2 3 0 ; L a P i a n a Studi I 4 9 -
51 (to Gk ôéojiat ‘to lack, to miss’); E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 2 8 6 ; M a y r h o f e r
1 4 4 1 ; FRISK I 3 0 2 ; POKORNY I 3 9 9 - 4 0 0 ; H u l d 1 4 4 ; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t
Verbum 1 5 1 , Münch. St. Spr. XL 1 2 4 ; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 1 7 3 - 1 7 5 ; OREL
Sprache XXXI 2 8 0 , Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 1 {-sh- < *-s- in de sha < IE *geusrp
according to the “ruki” rule); DEM IRAJ AE 1 4 9 .

du aj ~ d u ej pi. ‘sheaf’. Continues PAlb *dönja related to Skt dhäna ‘grain,

cereals’, dhänyd- ‘grain’, Lith dúona ‘bread’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 7 8 , Alb.
St. Ill 26, 86 (to Gk ôéco ‘to tie’); JOKL Sprache IX 117; SCHMIDT KZ
L 2 3 8 ; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 2 2 3 , 2 3 9 ; POKORNY 1 2 4 2 ; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb.
3 7 ; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 1 4 5 ; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 3 4 1 - 3 4 2 (plural of dorë);
DEMIRAJ AE 1 4 9 - 1 5 0 (to Skt daman- ‘band’).

d u d ë f, pi. duda ‘gum’. An onomatopoeic formation (ÇABEJ Etim. Ill

3 4 2 -3 4 3 ).

its widespread variant tuke seems to be more conservative. In Old Alban­

ian as well as in some dialects one also finds tue (BUZUKU) and tu
( B o g d a n i ) . All these particles reflect compounds of tu (for the ety­
mology see këtu) and ke (identical with ku) or e (PED ER SEN Alb. Texte
1 2 0 ) . 0 Ç a b e j St. I 1 4 6 - 1 4 7 (from tuke where e is a proclitic pronoun),
Etim. Ill 3 4 9 - 3 5 2 .

duket r e f i, ‘to appear, to be visible’. Borrowed from MGk or NGk ô o k e î

‘to seem, to appear’. 0 C a m a r d a 1 5 3 (to Gk ô o k é c o ‘to see, to observe’);

M e y e r Wb. 7 6 - 7 7 (follows CAMARDA and, alternatively, compares duket
with Goth pugkjan ‘to think’); THUMB IF X X V 1 2 (against comparisons
with Gk ô o k ê c o ) ; JOKL Studien 18 (to Lith zvâkè ‘light’, Lat fa x ‘torch’
and the like), LKUBA 5 3 - 5 5 ; PISANI Saggi 1 1 8 ; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 3 5 2 -
354.

d u q m. pi. duqe ‘bung; cock (of a gun)’. Borrowed from Lat ducem appear­
ing in similar meanings in several Romance languages (Ç abej St. I 1 4 8 ).
0 M e y e r Wb. 7 7 (from Lat ductus ‘connection’, *‘canal’); M ih ä e s c u
RESEE I V / 1 - 2 2 2 ; H a a r m a n n 1 2 3 ; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 3 5 9 ; L a n d i Lat.
8 3, 112.
 DUROJ DYNU 79

duroj aor. durava ‘to be p a tie n t’. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat düräre id.
( G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 25; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 77).
N o te , h o w e v er , that the reflex o f Lat -ft- is irregular. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1049; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 15; HAARMANN 123;
ÇABEJ St. I 148 (from Ital durare), Etim. Ill 3 6 1 -3 6 2 .

dushk m, pi. dushqe ‘oak’. Another variant of this word is drushk. It

continues PAlb *druska, a derivative of dru (DIEFENBACH I 49;
■ M e y e r Wb. 77). 0 C a m a r d a 1 50 (to Gk tó^ov ‘bow’); Jo k l LKUBA
! 166, Vox Rom. VIII 151-152 (from Alpine Illyrian substratum); SKOK
ZfromPh XLVIII 411, AG lt XXIV 19 (from Rom *drusculum)\
S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 254 (to Raeto-Rom dasa ‘branch of a conifer’);
PISANI KZ LXXI 62-63 (to Lat dümus ‘smoke’ < *dus-mos and OHG
; züsach ‘bushes’); CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 117; ÇABEJSY. I 148-149 (follows
M e y e r ), Etim. Ill 363-365; DEMIRAJ AE 148, 150-151.

dy num. ‘two’. From PAlb *duwo, fem. *duwai with a contraction similar
i to that of qytet and grykë. Further parallels are reflexes of IE
*d(u)uö(u), fem . *d(uiuaL ^Ropp 511: C a m a r d a I 53: M e y e r Alb. St.
II 2 7 , III 2 6 , IV 4 6 ). Ó MEYER Wb. 78 (th in ks ot it i *dü ana com p a res
with Lith dà); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 282 (from IE *duoie); SKOK AArbSt
II 307 (from *dui); L a PIANA St. Varia 35 (from *duui > *dui); TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 109; M a n n Language XXVIII 32; ÇABEJ St. I 149-150
(reco n stru cts *dui-), Etim. Ill 366-369; HULD 56-57 (co m p a res fem .
dy: w ith S lav *di>ve); HAMP Numerals 905-906; DEMIRAJ AE 151-152.

dyllë m/n ‘wax’. From PAlb *dilla related to Gk x "u  ô ç ‘juice’ ( M E Y E R

Wb. 78, Alb. St. Ill 18, 76 but reconstructing *ghü-dlo-). Both forms,
going back to IE *gheu- ‘to pour’, appear to reflect *ghu-slo- with a
compensatory lengthening. 0 JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 88 (to IE
*dheu- ‘to flow’), Sprache IX 154; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 334; T a g l i ­
a v i n i Dalmazia 110 (follows M e y e r ); L a P i a n a Studi 1 54-55 (to Gk

ôodôç ‘burning wood’); P IS A N I Saggi 118 (reconstructs *ghülo-);

ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 230; B a r i ÇHymje 36; F risk 1123-1124; POLÁK
Orbis XVI 132-133 (same as L a PIANA); ÇABEJ St. I 150-151 (com­
pares dyll with IE *ghel- ‘yellow’), Etim. Ill 371-373 (to Gk Gì)oc ‘burning
offering’); HULD 57, KZ XC 181; LlUKKONEN SSF X 58 (identical with
Slav part. *davih, ‘pressing, squeezing’); DEMIRAJ AE 152.

dynd aor. dynda ‘to shake’. An onomatopoeia. Note a deverbative dyn-

80 D Y S JI — DHE

dalle ‘flo o d , in u n d ation ’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 150 (a variant o f (lend), Etim.

Ill 3 7 3 -3 7 5 .

d ysh m, pi. dysha ‘two, pair’. A derivative based on dy (MEYER Wb. 78)
and reflecting PAlb *dwis identical with Skt dvfh ‘twice’, Gk ôiç id.,
Lat bis id. 0 M a y r h o f e r II 86; F r is k I 398-399; W a l d e -H o f m a n n
I 107; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 376-377.

Dh

dhallë ~ dhalltë f ‘b u tterm ilk ’. From P A lb *dzala related to Gk yáXa,

gen . yàÀocKxoç ‘m ilk ’ (MEYER Wb. 83). A pp arently, the A lbanian form
is the result o f a d eep m orp h ological transform ation as far as Gk yaXa
co n tin u es *yáXaKx. N o te that p h o n etica lly *dzalä < *ghkt- is sim ilar
to *ara ‘b e a r ’ < *rkto- (cf. ari). R um zarä is an A lb anian lo a n w o rd .
0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 334; JOKL LKUBA 273 (follow s MEYER), Sprache
IX 153 (to dele); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 147-148; M a n n Language
XVII 17 (recon stru cts *galakto-); LA PIANA Vocale 33 (from *dlagos);
ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 228; PISANI Saggi 118; F r is k I 2 8 3 -2 8 4 ; POGHIRC
1st. limb. rom. II 354; ROSETTI ILR I 283; RUSSU Etnogeneza 4 1 9 -4 2 1 ;
REICHENKRON Dakische 170 (substratum w ord); Hamp KZ LXXVI 27 6 -
2 7 7 (reco n stru cts *golH-); ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani II 686; HULD 57;
K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 41 (to dele); D e m ir a j AE 1 5 3 -1 5 4 (to Skt jala-
‘w a te r ’).

dhe m/f/n, pi. dhera ~ dhena ‘earth, land’. From PAlb *dzö reflecting
IE *dhghöm ‘earth’: Hitt tekan, Tokh A tkam, B kem, Skt ksam-, G k
X0CÓV (M e y e r Wb. 83, Alb. St. Ill 18). 0 G i l ’f e r d in g Otn. 22 (to Gk
yri ‘earth’, örj id.); CAMARDA I 46 (same as G i l ' f e r d in g ); M e y e r Wb.
83 (does not exclude the connection with yfj); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI
334, Kelt. Gr. I 89; J o k l IF XXXVI 135-136; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
170; SCHMIDT KZ L 237-238 (equal to Arm *ti ‘earth’); MANN Lan­
guage XXVI 382-383 (follows C a m a r d a ); L a P ia n a Vocale 32; P i s a ­
n i Saggi 101; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 228, ABS III 37-40; MAYRHOFER I
288-289; F ris k II 1098-1099; POKORNY I 414-415; H a m p Minos IX 199
(different anlauts of dje and dhe make the connection with *dhghöm
less probable), FLH IV 137, KZ CI1I 289-292 (from IE *dhegHo-);
V a n W in d e k e n s 1 506-507; S c h in d l e r Sprache XIII 200; H u l d 58
 DHEL — D H E M JE 81

(dhe < *dhoigho-, to Gk xoîxoç ‘wall’); OREL Balcanica 110-112, Koll.

Idg. Ges. 357; ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ (to the first component of Ati-ht)tt|p);
D e m ir a j AE 155-156.

dhel aor. dhela ‘to fondle, to caress, to flatter . Metathesis of ledhê (ÇABEJ
St. I 151). Note that its derivatives dhelatoj id. and dhelatar ‘only son’
also have their counterparts in unmetathesized ledhatoj and ledhatar.
0 M e y e r Wb. 84 (treats dhelatar as a borrowing from Ital diletto ‘delight,
pleasure’); TAG LIAVINI Stratificazione 114-115.

dhelpër ~ dhelpën f, pl. dhelpra ~ dhelpna ‘f o x ’. F rom P A lb *dzelpinâ

transform ed by a taboo typical o f w ords for ‘fo x ’ (MEILLET BSL XXVIII
45) from *welpinä, a d erivative co n n ected w ith Lith vilpisÿs ‘w ild ca t’
(STIER KZ XI 143-144; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 15) and, further,
w ith other irregular form s: L at volpês ‘f o x ’, Gk àÀ,(Ó7tr|ì; id. and the
lik e. T h e d ev elo p m en t o f *welpinâ to *dze!pina c o u ld be in flu en ced
by dhel or by dhe. 0 CAMARDA I 96 (to G k á ta o rá , ‘f o x ’);
BUGGE BB XVIII 165 (from Lat volpês or a m odification o f CAMARDA’s
etym ology); M e y e r Alb. St. IV 16 (against BUGGE); lOKL LKUBA 297-
299 (to IE *ghel- ‘y e llo w ’); B aricÍ1AArbSt. I 214; TAGLIAVINI Strati­
ficazione 136; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 229; FRAENKEL 1254; WALDE-
H o f m a n n II 830; F r isk I 83; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 119 (suffix -p-); Ç abej
St. VII 217, 268; DEMIRAJ AE 156 (to Gk yccAir) ‘w e a s e l’).

dhemb aor. dhemba ‘to ache’. In Tosk also dhemb. From PAlb *dzemba
etymologically identical with Skt jdmbhate ‘to snap at’, Lith zembiu,
zembti ‘to cut’ and Slav *zebç. *zebti ‘to freeze, to feel cold’ (PEDERSEN
KZ X X X V I 3 3 4 ) . 0 BO PP 4 6 0 (to Skt dam- ‘to tam e’); M EYER Wb. 8 4 -
8 5 (to Lat gemö ‘to sigh, to groan’), Alb. St. I l l 1 6 , 6 4 ; TAG LIAVINI
Dalmazia 1 7 3 - 1 7 4 ; F r a e n k e l 1 2 8 9 ; P o k o r n y I 3 6 9 ; M a y r h o f e r I
4 1 9 ; V a s m e r II 1 1 1 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 5 6 - 1 5 7 .

dhemje f, pi, dhemje ‘caterpillar’. Another variant is vemje. Derivative

of dhe ( M e y e r Wb. 84; lO K L IF XXXVI 136) that may be reconstructed
as PAlb *dzömjd. 0 L i d é n AfslPh XXVIII 33; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI
335,Kelt. Gr. I 89; JOKL LKUBA 200; TAG LIAVINI Stratificazione 136;
ClM OCHOW SKI LP II 228-229, IV 189-191 (to ôe|xeÀ.éaç, 8e|ißÄ.ei<;-
ßSeMiou, Hes.); X H U V A N I BUShT XII 97-99 (analogical influence of
dhjes and dhemb in the secondary form in dh-)\ Ç a b e j St. II 276-277
(to ve ‘egg’); DEM IRAJ AE 157.
82 DHF.UT.Ë - DHËNDËR ~ D H A N D ËR

dheulë f. pl. dheula ‘an t’. A recen t d eriv a tiv e in -lë b ased on dheu, the
d efin ite form o f dhe (ÇABEJ St. T 153).

dhez aor. dheza ‘to set on fire, to burn’. From PAlb *dagja with a san-
dhial change of the initial *d-, cf. ndez id. Further connected with djeg.
0 MEYER Wb. 84 (separates dhez from djeg); JOKL LKUBA 333; ÇABEJ
St. VII 200, 235; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 38.

dhëmb ~ dhamb m, pl. dhëmbë ~ dhambë ‘tooth’. From PAlb *dzamba,

a dialectal Indo-European word for ‘tooth’ shared by Albanian togeth­
er with Tokh A kam ‘tooth’, B keme id., Latv zuobs id., Slav *zçbi,
id. (M EY ER Wb. 83, Alb. St. Ill 16, 35, 64). T h e original meaning seems
to be preserved in G k yôjt(poç ‘peg’, Skt jdmbha- ‘bit, peg’. 0 G lL ’FER-
DING Otn. 22 (to Skt dánta- ‘tooth’); M EYER Gr. Gr. 264; PEDERSEN
KZ XXXVI 334; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 89, Sprache IX 123; TA G LI­
AVINI Dalmazia 168, Stratificazione 88; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 228; M a n n
Language XVII 19, XXVIII 33; PORZIG Gliederung 185; PISA N I Saggi
100, 128; FRISK I 319-321; FRAENKEL 1288-1289; M AYRHOFER I 419;
V a n W i n d e k e n s I 186; H u l d 58; O r e l Sprache XXXI282, ZfBalk XXIII
143; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Roll. Idg. Ges. 225; DEM IRAJ AE 158.

dhëndër ~ dhandër m, pl. dhëndurë ~ dhandurë ‘bridegroom, son-in-

law’. In the auslaut -rr is also possible. From PAlb *dzanra with a sec­
ondary epenthesis in *-nr- > -nd(ë)r-, cf. ëndërr. The plural form in
-ur- is not clear. The word is etymologically identical with Skt järd-
‘suitor’, Gk ya (ip p ô ç ‘son-in-law’, Lat gener id. (SCHUCHARDT KZ X X
247; M a n n Language X X V I 383, X X V III 33). PAlb *-an- seems to con­
tinue IE *-ema- or a similar cluster. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 30
(from Lat gener); M e y e r Wb. 85 (to Lith zéntas ‘son-in-law’. Slav *zqtb
id.), Alb. St. I ll 16, 24, Gr. Gr. 250; ÌOKL LKUBA 46-48 (to Skt jämätar-
‘son-in-law’, Av zärnatar- id.); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 114 (com­
bines M e y e r ’ s and Jo k l ’ s views); E r n o u t -M e il l e t 270; L a P ia n a
Studi I 42 (reconstructs *genros); PISANI Saggi 130 (dhëndër as a con­
tamination of Skt jâmâtar- and Lat gener ‘son-in-law’); FRISK I 287;
C h a n t r a in e 209; M a y r h o f e r I 431 ; C im o c h o w sk i LP II 228 (from
*genater); FRAENKEL ZfslavPh X X III 348 (-ërr < *-urr influenced by
vjehërr); FRISK I 287; A n t t il a Schw. 132-133 (from *genH-tr-);
H u l d 58-59 (reconstructs IE *gomH-ter-); OREL 7.fBalk X X III 143;
D e m ir a j AE 159-160.
 D H I ---- DHJES 83

dhi f, pi dhi ‘sh e -g o a t’. F rom P A lb *aidzijá co r re sp o n d in g to Gk a ïç

id. (CAMARDA 75 w h o also adduces L acon 8 iÇa- aï£, and A rm aye id.).
T h e A lb an ian w ord m ay b e an an cien t ad jectiv e, c f. Gk a v y e(i)o ç ‘o f
a goat’. 0 P o t t KZ IV 70; MEYER Wb. 85 (com pares with Skt ajd- ‘g o a t’,
Lith ozÿs id. or w ith OHG ziga, L acon S iÇ a- oui;), Alb. St. Ill 28, 37;
PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 320, 335; J o k l Festschr. Rozwadowski I 241,
Sprache IX 149; T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 136; A c a r e a n HAB I 169-
170; B o n f a n t e R E IE II 61-63; P o r z i g Gliederung 181; P is a n i Saggi
122 (to OHG ziga)\ BARIÇ Hymje 77; JOKL Symb. gramm. I 241 ; FRISK
I 41-42; H a m p Laryngeals 140; H u l d 59 (supports P ISA N I); K a r u l i s
LE V I 56 (to Lith oda ‘skin‘, Latv cida id.), 94 (to Lith ozÿs ‘goat’, Latv
âzis id.); OREL FLH V ili/1-2 47, Koll. Idg. Ges. 358; KORTLANDT Arm-
IE 38; D e m i r a j AE 160.

dhjamë f, pl. dhjamëra ~ dhjamna ‘(animal) fat, lard, suet, tallow’. The
dialectal variant vjam, vjamë is secondary. From PAlb *dzel-ma,
related to dhallë. 0 MEYER Wb. 86 (to Gk ôr|(iôç ‘fat’ but how to explain
the initial *d-l), Alb. St. Ill 28; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 15 (treats
vjam as the original form); JOKL Sprache IX 153; ClMOCHOWSKI LP
II 241; C h a n t r a i n e 274; P o k o r n y I 175; P i s a n i Saggi 118 (follows
M e y e r but does not explain the short * e vs. Gk -r|-); PORZIG Gliederung
126, 178; F r i s k I 381; C h a n t r a i n e 274; M a n n Hist. Gr. 55; H u l d
59-60; Ö LBERG IBK XVII 47 (borrowed from Late Gk Çé)j.a ‘decoc­
tion, cooking’); OREL ZfBalk XX III/1 74 (derivative of ve as Slav *sadlo
‘fat’ goes back to *saditi ‘to put, to place’); DEM IRAJ AE 161.

dhjes aor. dhjeva ‘to d e fe c a te ’. F rom P A lb *dzetsa or *dzetja related

to Skt hadati id., Gk xéÇto id. (C a m a r d a I 96; MEYER Wb. 86, Alb.
St. Ill 18, 27). A s far as n eith er *-ts- nor *~tj- co u ld co rresp o n d to IE
*-d-, the resu lting form in A lbanian m ay be exp lain ed either by a taboo
tran sform ation or as a r e fle x o f a verb al form based on a p a rticip le
*ghed-to-\ the latter w o u ld re g u la rly y ie ld *dzetsa. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr.
274; JOKL Studien 61; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 335, Kelt. Gr. I 160; L a
P ia n a Studi I 55-56 (to Gk ô e î a a ‘d irt’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 172;
P is a n i Saggi 117; C im o c h o w s k i LP II 237; F r is k I 1078-1079;
C h a n t r a in e 1250; M a y r h o f e r III 573; K l in g e n sc h m it t Münch. St.
Spr. XL 109; ÇABEJ St. I 153-154 (to ON dr ita ‘to d e fe c a te ’, E dirt,
Slav *driskati ~ *dristati ‘to d efeca te); ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ (to Lat
foria ‘d iarrh ea ’); DEMIRAJ AE 161-162 (reco n stru cts *gh(e)de'tio-).
84 DHJF.TË — OHUROJ

d hjetë num . ‘ten ’. A re la tiv ely recen t d eriv a tiv e in -të based on *dhjeth
< *detsa e ty m o lo g ic a lly co n n ecte d w ith IE *dekm ‘ten ’: Skt dds'a, Gk
S éra , Lat decerti and the like (BOPP 459-460; GlL'FERDING Otn. 21; M e y e r
Wb. 86). T he irregular in itial dh- < *d- is ex p la in ed by sandhi in the
n um erals from 11 to 19 w h ere *-d- is p reced ed by v o w e ls ( M e y e r -
LÜBKE Idg. Anz. II 184). 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 14, 28 (fro m *dekr¡iti -
p h o n etica lly im p o s sib le as the sy lla b ic *-m- m ust be v o c a liz e d );
B l a n k e n s t e i n IF XXI 110-111; P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. 1 46, KZ XXXVI
284-285; JOKL Balkangerm. 131; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 172; MANN Lan­
guage XXVIII 33; P is a n i Saggi 106; SZEMERÉNYI Numerals 70-71, 112-
114; M a y r h o f e r II 26; F r is k I 359-360; W a ld e - H o f m a n n 1327-329;
H u ld 60; K ö d d e r i t z s c h St. albanica X X /2 123-124; H am p Trends
LVII 901-902, 916-917, Numerals 916-918; DEMIRAJ AE 162-163.

dhu në f, pl. dhunë ‘labor p ain s, sh am e, d isg r a c e ’. F rom P A lb *edunti

or *adunti, further com p ared w ith Gk ò8ijvr| ‘labor p a in s’, A rm erkn
id. (O r e l LB XXVIII/4 51-52, AArmL VIII 17-19). T h ese fo rm s m ay
be d eriv ed from *ed- ‘to e a t’ (FRISK II 351). 0 CAMARDA I 160 (to Gk
8 é v v o ç ‘reproach , in su lt’); MEYER Wb. 87 (co m p a res w ith derë, dherë
‘b itter’); JOKL Studien 19-20 (recon stru cts *dus-n-â and lin k s it to Skt
dus- ‘e v il, bad, d iffic u lt’, dunóti, (h e) b u rn s’, Gk 8aio> ‘to ligh t up, to
k in d le’); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 251-252; L a PIANA Studi I 63 f. (fo llo w s
C a m a r d a ); A c a r e a n HAB II 64; P is a n i Saggi 118 (to Gk a io p jv r i,
re con stru cts *ghunâ); MAYRHOFER II 49-50; POKORNY I 180; ÇABEJ
BShkSh II/4 34 (to Lat fuscus ‘dark b ro w n ’, St. I 154-155; ÖLBERG IBK
XIV 112 (to G erm dunkel ‘d ark ’); OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; JANSON
Unt. 91-92; DEMIRAJ AE 163-164 (fo llo w s OREL).

dhuroj aor. dhurova ~ dhunova ‘to make a present’. Borrowed from Lat
donare id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 22; MEYER Wb. 8 7 ). In Geg the
form *dhunoj was replaced by Tosk dhuroj. The intervocalic Geg -n-
is, however, preserved in derivatives, such as dhurëti ~ dhunëti
‘present, donation’. Occasionally, the forms with the “correct” d- have
been attested in dialects. Forms with initial dh- may reflect *addönäre.
0 C a m a r d a I 4 3 (to Gk Sropéoirai ‘to make a present’); JOKL LKUBA
300; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 123; Ç a b e j St. I 155-
156; JANSON Unt. 4 9 -5 0 .
 E — EDHE 85

E
e conj. ‘and, also’. From PAlb *ö(d) (OREL SBJa Leksikol. 145-146) going
back to IE *ëd ~ *ôd, abl. sg. of the pronominal stem *e-/*o-, cf. Skt
at ‘then, and’, Av at, äat id., Lith ö ‘and, but’ (if not borrowed from
Slavic, S a d n i k - AlTZETM ÜLLER Vgl. Wb. I 1-2), Slav *a and, but’. 0
M EYER Wb. 93 (from Lat et ‘and’ with an inexplicably preserved -1);
M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Grundr. rom. Phil. I 1057 (questions the Latin origin
of e)\ PUÇCARIU Etym. Wb. I 565 (< Lat et); TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 111
(follows M e y e r ) ; F r a e n k e l 514; M a y r h o f e r 1 72; Ç a b e j St. 1 156;
M A N N Language XXVI 380; H A M P Bono homine donum 127-131 (e <
*ioi); O REL Koll. Idg. Ges. 358; H U L D 60-61.

ec(i) aor. eca ‘to go, to run’. Another variant is ecê'j. From *etes < PAlb
*aitatja based on a derivative in *-to- of IE *ei- ‘to go’ (O R E L
Festschr. Shevoroshkin 260). 0 CAM ARDA 195 (to Gk eifxi ‘to go’); M EYER
Wb. 97 (from Rom *itiö replacing itô ‘to go’); B ariC ARSt. 118 (to
erdha); JOKL apud ÇABEJ St. I 158 (related to hedh); ÇABEJ St. I 157-
158 (reconstructs *itiö as a source).

edh m, pi. edha ‘he-goat’. From PAlb *aidza connected with Gk die, ‘goat’,
Arm aye id. ( T r e i m e r ZfRomPh XXXVIII 408; M A N N XXVI 381), cf.
dhi. 0 M EYER Wb. 98 (borrowed from Lat haedus ‘kid’); M EYER-LÜ BK E
Gr. Grundriß 21 1043; A c a r e a n HAB I 169-170; JAH UK IAN OA1 122;
C i m o c h o w s k i LP IV 201; F r i s k I 41-42; C l a c k s o n LR 90; Ç a b e j I
158 (to Skt ajd- ‘goat’, Lith ozÿs id.); H U L D 61.

edhe conj. ‘and, also’. A sequence of enclitics e and dhe, with -dh- <
*-d- in the intervocalic position. The first element e is identical with
e ‘and, also’. As for dhe, it reflects PAlb *dö < IE *dö (in the inter­
vocalic position) as preserved in Slav *da ‘and, so that’. Note Slovene
ada < Slav *a da, a full correspondence of edhe. The variant dhe is
secondary ( Ç a b e j St. I 151). The Geg form ende may be explained as
a different compound including en- < IE *ani (cf. POK O RNY I 39) and
de < PAlb *dö. 0 M EYER Wb. 83 (derives dhe from Turk de ‘and’);
Ç a b e j St. I 158; OREL SBJa Leksikol. 146 (mistakenly derives edhe from
IE *öge and compares it with Lith àgi where there are no traces of a
palatal); BenvenisTEÄ . Balt. Ill 121 f. (pronominal sources of *dö);
H a m p St. Whatmough 78, Bono homine donum 127-131 (dhe < *ghö
86 EGER ELB

related to Lat hoc); OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 358; H u l d 60-61 (dhe < *ghoi
compared with Lat huit).

egër adj. ‘wild’. Borrowed from Gk aypioç id. (VASM ER Alh. Wortforsch.
I 1 5 ) . 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 2 5 (from Lat agrestis); C A M A R D A I 2 8 , 3 6
(comparison with Gk âypioç); M e y e r Wb. 9 4 (borrowed from Lat âcer
‘sharp, violent’), Alb. St. I V 10; SC HU CH ARD T KZ X X 2 4 8 ; L A PIA N A
Studi I 6 6 (follows C a m a r d a ) ; B A R ld ARSt. I 15 (reconstructs *n-g"ori-
‘living in the mountains’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 1 1 1 - 1 1 2 (agrees with
VASM ER); ö l b e r g Festschr. Pisani II 6 8 7 (from Indo-European); ÇABEJ
I 159.

egjëll adv. ‘on an empty stomach’. A compound of a privative parti­

cle c- < PAlb *a- < IE *tj- and gjell; thus, egjëll means ‘without food’
( P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 4 5 ) . See also esëll. 0 M EYER Wb. 9 4 (connect­
ed with esëll); ÇABEJ I 1 5 9 (to agull ‘dawn’, derivative of agoj).

egjër f ‘Lolium temulentunv. Borrowed from Lat ebria f. ‘drunk’, prob­

ably, influenced at some stage by egër. For the semantic development
cf. the French name of the same plant ivraie < Lat ebriâca (MEYER Wb.
94). 0 JOKL WuS XII 78-79 (privative e- followed by gjër ‘soup’ which
is compared with Lith sóra ‘millet’; thus, the resulting meaning is ‘not
m illet’ > ‘wild grass’); ÇABEJ I 159-160 (identifies egjër with egër or,
alternatively, follows JOKL but compares -gjër with grurë).

eh aor. eha ‘to sharpen’. From PA lb *akska derived from IE *ak- ‘sharp’:
( M e y e r Wb. 3 5 2 ) . 0 P o k o r n y 1 1 8 - 2 2 ; F r is k 1 5 2 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n
I 8.

ehull m, pi. ehuj ‘icicle’. Derivative of eh (ClMOCHOWSKI LP ITI 191-

192). However, cf. a similarly looking akull. 0 ÇABEJ I 160 (compound
consisting of the prefix e- and hell); M a n n Comp. 13 (related to Gk
ocKUÂ.oç ‘edible acorn’).

elb m. pl. elbëra ~ elbëna ‘barley’. From PAlb *albi identical with Gk
a?u p i ‘kind of grain’ ( C a m a r d a I 6 0 ; M e y e r Wb. 9 4 , Alb. St. Ill 3 6 ) .
0 VA SM ER Alb. Wortforsch. 1 6 (looks for Iranian and Altaic parallels
to the Greek - Albanian isogloss); JOKL Festschr. Kretschmer 9 2 , Festschr.
Rozwadowski I 2 3 5 (to Turk arpa); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 1 1 2 ; M a n n
 EMËR ~ EMËN END 87

Language XXVI 380, XXVIII 36; PORZIG Gliederung 178; PISANI Saggi
119; F r isk I 81; C h a n t r a in e 67; P o k o r n y I 29; B e r n a r d LB IX /2
86; HAMP Laryngeals 132; H u l d 61; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 146; KORT-
LANDT Arm-IE 44; DEMIRAJ AE 164-165.

emër - emën m, pi. entra ~ emna ‘n a m e ’. F rom P A lb *enmen- or *in-

men-, ety m o lo g ica lly c lo se to O ír ainm id., S lav *jhmç id.. OPrus eni nes
id. and, further, to other con tin u a tio n s o f IE *(o)noHmç (G il ’f e r d -
ING Otn. 22; CAMARDA I 41; MEYER Wb. 9 4 ). 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 114;
PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 46; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 112 (reconstructs *enmen);
FRAENKEL T Ï III 4 8 4 (on the first sy lla b le in B a ltic); MANN Language
XVII 21; P is a n i Saggi 132; P o k o r n y I 321; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 5;
V e n d r y e s [A ] 3 6 -3 7 ; C h a n t r a in e 804; S z e m e r é n y i Syncope 2 4 4 -
245; A nttila Schw. 126; V a il l a n t G r comp. 1 96; H u l d 61-62; Ö lberg
Unt. 79; HAMP AlON-L II 1 8 5 -1 9 0 , Laryngeals 138; KLINGENSCHMITT
Verbum 68; B e e k e s Sprache XXXIII 5, Lar. 102; Ç a b e j St. VII 272;
JANSON Unt. 2 3 -2 6 ; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VIII 2 2 7 -2 2 8 ; KORTLANDT
Arm-IE 44; OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 146; DEMIRAJ AE 165.

emtë f, pi. emta ‘au n t’. B o r r o w e d from Lat amita ‘paternal au n t’

(MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 2; MEYER Wb. 94). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
Grundriß 2 1 1042; TAGLIAVINI Origini 189; M a n n Language XVII 23;
H a m p St. Whatmough 82; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 12; HAARMAN 110;
L a n d i Lat. 47-48, 129.

end m ‘pollen’. From PAlb *anda etymologically connected with Skt

dndhas- ‘herb’, Gk âvôoç ‘flow er’ (CAMARDA I 55; MEYER BB VIII
184). Note a denominative verb end ‘to blossom’ < PAlb *anda. 0 M ey er
Wb. 9 4 (to ej)\ SCHMIDT KZ LVII 3 0 (to O H G anado ‘w rath’); M a n n
Language XVII 2 0 -2 1 (to G k axto^iai), XXVI 380; F r is k I 1 0 8 -1 0 9 ;
C h a n t r a in e 136; M a y r h o f e r I 36; K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 113;
HAMP Laryngeals 141 (to Arm and ‘field’); OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 147;
K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 44; ÇABEJ I 160-161 (borrowed from or related
to Gk avGoç); DEMIRAJ AE 166.

end aor. enda ‘to weave’. From PAlb *enda, a secondary formation based
on an unattested noun *anda ‘weaving tool’ related to Lith iñdas‘vessel’,
Latv endas ‘part of sledge’, Slav *çda ‘fishing rod’ - all of these reflect­
ing *en-dhe- ‘instrument, something applied’ with various vocaliza-
88 END — ENJTE

tio n s o f the p refix . 0 M e y e r Wb. 95 (related to vej). Alb. St. I ll 2 4 (to

Gk a iT o jia i); M a n n Language XVII 21; F r a e n k e l 92; V a s m e r IV
148; D e m ir a j AE 1 6 6 -1 6 7 .

end aor. enda ‘to lay eggs (of flies)’. Etymologically identical with end
‘to blossom’.

endem reti ‘to r o a m ’. M eta p h o rica lly u sed end ‘to w e a v e ’.0 ÇABEJ St.
II 161 (to Illyr a v Ô iv o ç ’ 7tEpirca'Coç); DEMIRAJ AE 167 (to D or evG eîv
‘to c o m e ’ but it is a d ia lecta l form o f *éA,0eîv).

enë f, pl. enë ‘vessel’. Singularized plural of anë id., see an.

eng m ‘deaf and dumb’. From PAlb *anga etymologically related to

Lith angiis ‘sluggish, lazy, idle’, e'ngti ‘to strangle’, Latv îgt ‘to wear
off, to languish’. 0 FRAENKEL 10; M a n n Comp. 25 (to Goth aggwus
‘narrow ’ and the like).

engjëll m, pl. engjëj ‘a n g el’. B orro w ed from Lat angelus id. (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 2; MEYER Wb. 9 5 ). 0 CAMARDA I 13 (to Gk rr/yeÂoç
id.); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1 -
2 12; H a a r m a n 110; L a n d i Lat. 4 7 -4 8 , 117.

enjë f ‘juniper, yew’. Another variant is venjë displaying a phoneti­

cally secondary initial v-. From PAlb *aignja related to the Indo-Euro­
pean, and in particular Germanic, word for ‘oak’: ON eik, OHG eih
(O r e l Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 6 0 ). 0 ÇABEJ II 281 (to Lat acus
‘needle’, Lith astriis ‘sharp’).

enjë ~ êjë f, pl. enja ~ êja ‘dairy goat’. From PAlb *agnja connected
with Gk <x|avôç iam b ’, Lat agnus id. (ÇABEJ I 162). 0 JoklLK U BA 237-
238 (to Gk o\)9ap ‘udder’ and the like); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 148;
F r is k I 93-94; P o k o r n y I 9; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 23; Ç a b e j St. VII
187; JANSON Unt. 79-81.

enjte f, pi. enjte ‘Thursday’. A morphologically more conservative form

is outdated enjtë, an adjective in -të. As other Albanian words of week­
days rendering Latin names, this words seems to translate Lat Iovis
diem. If so, enj- must be an early Albanian equivalent of Jupiter. It con­
tinues PAlb *agni-, presumably, reflecting the archaic Indo-European
 EPEM ERR 89

word for ‘fire’ (T r e im e r AArbSt I 32 ). For the phonetic development

cf. enjë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 9 5 (“dunkel”); OSTIR AArbSt II 31 or 2 8 2 (to
Etr ais ‘god’!); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 112-1 1 3 ; M je d e apud Ç a b e j I
162 (from Gk evr| ‘the day after tom orrow ’).

epem refi, ‘to bow down, to bend’. Related to ap ~ jap, cf. Germ nachgeben
‘to give way, to stretch’ (ÇABEJ I 1 6 2 -1 6 3 ). The variant hepem has a
secondary h-.O R e s t e l l i RIL LXXXIX - XC 4 1 7 -4 1 8 (to Gk g k cx ^ Ô ç
‘curved, crooked’).

epër adj. ‘upper’. From PAlb *eupera, a secondary analogical ablaut

variant of IE *uperos id.: Skt lipara- ‘low er’, Av upara- ‘upper’, Gk
ünepoç id. (BA R IÍ ARSt. I 1 7 -1 8 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 9 6 (derivative of IE
*epi), Alb. St. Ill 86; FRISK II 9 6 6 -9 6 7 ; CHANTRAINE 357; MAYRHOFER
I 105; HAMP Laryngeals 136 (to Goth iup); Ç a b e j I 163 (prefix e- fol­
lowed by për)\ DEMIRAJ AE 1 6 7 -1 6 8 .

erë f, pl. erëra ~ erëna ‘wind’. From Rom *er(a) based on Lat üër ‘a ir’
(MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3; MEYER Wb. 96: reconstruction of Rom
*aira). The feminine form in Albanian may go back to an original pi.
neut., the gender o f erë being motivated by its meaning. 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e
Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1043, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 113 (from Lat aer);
M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 12; Ç a b e j St. I 165; H u l d 62.

ergjënd ~ argjand m ‘silv er’. Borrow ed from Lat argentum id.

(G i l ’f e r d in g Otn. 25; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 3; M e y e r Wb. 15).
0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044.

ergjëz m, pl. ergjëz, ergjëzë ‘young louse’. Another variant is ergjiz. A

derivative in -ëz based on arg id. attested in Italo-Albanian < PAlb *arga
related to Arm orjil io u se ’ and its more problematic cognates Skt liksä
‘nit’, Lith erke ‘tick’ (MEYER Wb. 15; BUGGE Beiträge 17). 0 PEDER­
SEN KZ XXXVI 99, 329; H e r m a n n KZ X L I 48; P isa n i Saggi 120; T a g l i -
A v in i Stratificazione 136; POKORNY I 335 ; A n t t il a Schw. 106;
M a y r h o f e r III 100; F r a e n k e l 122; Ç a b e j * . I 1 6 5 -1 6 6 (to IE *ak-
‘sharp’); KORTLANDT KZ XCIV 2 47; DEMIRAJ AE 81.

err m ‘darkness’. From PAlb *ausra related, with a frequent change

of meaning from ‘morning dawn’ to ‘evening dawn’, to Lith ausrà ‘dawn’,
Gk ëcoç id. and the like. The verb err ‘to keep smb. till late in the night’
90 ESËLL — ET

is a d en o m in a tiv e. 0 MEYER Wb. 9 6 -9 7 ; Alb. St. IV; Jo k l Studien 21

(to G k ep eß o g ‘d a rk n e ss o f the u n d e r w o r ld ’); F r ís k I 6 0 5 -6 0 6 ;
FRAENKEL 27; Ç a b e j St. I 1 6 6 -1 6 7 (a n a ly z es err as c o n sis tin g o f the
p refix e- and a root id en tical w ith re ‘c lo u d ’).

esëll adv. ‘on an empty stomach’. Another variant is esuli. A compound

consisting of a privative e- < PAlb *a- < IE *n- and the root identi­
cal with siile (PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 45). 0 CAMARDA I 131 (to Gk èaQXóq
‘courageous, brave’); MEYER Wb. 97 (comparison with egjëll)', ÇABEJ
St. I 167 (agrees with PEDERSEN).

esh m, pl. eshë ‘h e d g e h o g ’. A b ack -form a tio n or a p h o n etic m utation

o f the attested and, ob viou sly, m ore con servative variant eshk. T he latter
re fle c ts P A lb *etska < *edz-k-a e ty m o lo g ic a lly related to Gk è%îvoç
id ., OHG igil id ., Lith ezÿs id ., S la v *ezb id. 0 STIER KZ XI 141 (b o r­
rowed from Slavic); MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 21; M e y e r Wb. 97 (follow s
STIER); TRAUTMANN BSWb 73; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 199; FRAENKEL
118; K l u g e 324; F r is k 1 601; Ç a b e j St. VII 266; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VI
37; S v a n e 142.

eshke f, pi. eshke ‘kidney’. Singularized plural of an earlier form *eshkë

continuing *aiskä. The latter continues IE *oid-ska to be compared with
Slav *ji,sto id. and O N eista ‘testicle’ < *oidsto-, derived from IE *oid-
‘to swell’ (P e d e r s e n KZ XXXII 273). For the semantic development
cf. Slav *prbtjbka ‘kidney’ from IE *peu-t- ‘to swell’. As to Alb veshke,
it is a contamination of eshke and veshje (OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 74).
0 M ey er Wb. 97 (to eshke)\ SCHEFTELOWITZ KZ LVI 209 f. (to Lat inguen
‘groin’); Ç a b e j St. II 283-284; POKORNY I 774; T r u b a Ce v ÈSSJa VIII
242-243.

eshk ë f ‘fungus’. Borrowed from Lat esca ‘food, bait’ (MlKLOSICHRom.

Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 9 7 ). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß 2 1 1044;
H a a r m a n n 123; O r e l ZfBalk X X III/1 7 4 .

eshtë f, pl. esh ta ‘fiber, m uscle fib er’. E tym ologically identical w ith ashte
as a variant o f its sin g u la riz ed plural. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 192.

et m ‘thirst’. From PAlb *alk-ti- closely related to Lith dlkti ‘to be hungry’,
Slav *olkati id., OHG ilgi ‘hunger’. 0 CAMARDA I 15 (to Gk odGoç ‘fire’);
M eyer Wb. 97 (to IE *eus-ti- or to Gk aixéco ‘to demand, to beg’); TAGLIA-
 ETHE — ËNDË ~ ANDE 91

VINI Dalmazia 114; ClMOCHOWSKI LP III 161-163 (repeats C a m a r d a ’ s

etymology); F r a e n k e l 8; O a c m e p II 4 5 2 ; Ç a b e j St. I 1 6 7 -1 6 8
(accepts M e y e r ’s view).

eth e pi. ‘fever’. Singularized plural of *eth, a derivative in -th based

on PAlb *aida. The latter is etymologically close to Skt edhas- ‘fire­
wood, fuel’, Gk a i0 o ç ‘fire’ and the like (CAMARDA I 77; ClMOCHOWSKI
LP III 1 6 2 -1 6 3 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 93 (to IE *eus- ‘to burn’); BARlC ARSt.
I 112 (related to athët)', M a n n Language XXVI 381 (to Lat aestas)\
F r is k 1 37; M a y r h o f e r 1 128; P is a n i Saggi 120 (borrowing from Gk
cciGôç ‘burning’); Ç a b e j St. I 16 8 -1 6 9 (follows B a r i £ ); F r is k I 3 7 -38;
H u l d 62; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 147; D e m ir a j AE 1 6 8 -1 6 9 .

Ë
ëj ~ âj aor. ëjta ~ âjta ‘to blow, to swell’. From PAlb *anj related to
Skt dniti ‘to breathe’, Goth us-anan ‘to blow out’ and the like (MEYER
Wb. 5, Alb. St. IV 67). 0 CAMARDA I 57 (to Gk oiôéra, oiôàco ‘to swell’,
111 (to Gk aio ‘to blow’); JOKL Studien 37; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 210
(follows M e y e r ); P o k o r n y I 39; M a y r h o f e r I 33; F e is t Goth. 538;
H a m p Laryngeals 131; ÇABEJ St. I 171 (follows CAMARDA I 57); ÖLBERG
KZ LXXXVI 128; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 256-257; HULD 63;
KORTLANDT Arm-IE 44 (repeats ÇABEJ’s etymology); DEMIRAJ AE 171-
172.

ëm b ël ~ am bël adj. ‘sweet’. From PAlb *amla identical with Skt amld-
‘sour’ (T o m a s c h e k ZÖG 1875, 529). Ô M e y e r Wb. 10 (agrees with
TOMASCHEK); JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 69;
M a y r h o fer 146; M a n n Language XVII 19 (reconstructs *amlos); ÇABEJ
St. 1 170 (to mjaltë), V II230; D em iraj AE 169-170 (against T o m a sc h e k
on semantic grounds; reconstructs *Hen-m(e)lit-).

ë n d ë - andë f ‘appetite, desire, wish’. From PAlb *antà derived from

*anja > ëj (M e y e r Wb. 5-6) and specifically close to Gk a v ra i - ävenoi,
àvrâç- rcvoàç, Hes. (DEMIRAJ AE 170). 0 Ba r i Í ARSt I 19 (reconstructs
*handë < *khonti with further fantastic comparisons); ÇABEJ St. I 170-
171 (follows MEYER but, at the same time compares ëndë with Hitt anza-
‘desire’); MANN Comp. 21-22 (comparisons with non-existent Tokha-
rian and Irish forms).
 92 (T) ËNDE FAJKË FAJKUA ~ FAJKUE FARË 93

v ony û __ j..» • i> A 11-. / I . t ì v i 'H t 'r n m * u n í a > g y i n t L f a i l n ia ~ fa iln u »

I; M iklosich Rom. Elemente 24; M e y e r Wb. 98), 0 S tier thu s, h isto r ic a lly id en tica l w ith ëndë ‘d e s ir e ’. 0 MANN Language (C a m a r d a II 7i
iER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1046; Jo k l /F X X X V I137, XVII 22; Ç a b e j Sí. I 171 (to end). KZ XI 136; M e
HÄESCU RESEE IV/1 -2 22; HAARMANN 125; ÇABEJ St. LKUBA 306; M
at. 143, 145. ëndërr ~ andërr f, pl. ëndrra ~ andrra 'dream , sleep’. C o n tin u es PAlb 1 173; L a n d i L
*anrja with an epenthetic -d-. Identical with the Indo-European word
ive, to present, to offer’, refi, ‘to set (of the sun)’. From for sleep *oner- (Gk ovap) ~ *onerio- (Gk öveipov, ovetpoç, Arm anurj), fai ao r fata ‘to j
mologically connected with Gk c<páM.(o 'to overthrow’ cf. C a m a r d a I 38; M e y e r Wb. 11, Alb. St. Ill 66. Note that the Alban­ PAlb *spala et]
>)■ 0 MEYER Wb. 98 (borrowed from Slav *xvaliti ‘to ian feminine noun corresponds to the original Indo-European neuter (C a m a rd a I 7
IV 61; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 192 (follows MEYER); and may go back to a singularized plural form. For the development praise’), Alb. Si
I 15 (follows M e y e r ); BARIÓ ARSt 24, Hymje 35 (repeats of the cluster *-nr- cf. dhëndër. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 101 ; BA R lé ARSt 1- HAMP LB XIV/
ymology); FRISK II 827-828; ÇABEJ St. I 173-174 2 (to Gk e5ap0ov, aor. ‘to sleep’, Lat dormiö ‘to sleep’); JOKL IF XXXVI CAMARDA’s e
RDA). 133, LKUBA 6; MANN Language XVII 19; PISANI Saggi 121; PORZIG (follows CAMÍ
Gliederung 179; FRISK II 393; CHANTRAINE 802; POKORNY 1779; A nttila
:putation, rum or’. Borrowed from Lat fam a ‘rumor, Schw. 127; H a m p AION-L II/2 187; ÇABEJ St. VII 208, 230, Etim. IV famë f ‘good r
apud D em iraj (to nder)\ H u l d 63; CLACKSON LR 236; O r el FLH V III/1- fam e’.
2 39 (on PAlb *-rj- > -rr), Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; DEMIRAJ AE 171 (to
nuj ‘godchild’. Borrowed from Lat fam ulus ‘servant, famuli m, pi. fa,
Skt nidra ‘sleepiness, drowsiness’, formally possible).
wise lost by Romance languages (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele- attendant’, othe
5R Wb. 9 9 ). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 535; HAARMANN mente 25; M ey
[ 174; L a n d i Lat. 137. 125; Ç a b e j St.

ce, cheek’. As many other feminines of this morphological faqe t. pi.faqe ‘fc
faj m, pt. faje ‘gu ilt, sin ’. B o rro w ed from R om *fallia, d eriv a tiv e o f Lat
5to continue an earlier *faq. Borrowed from Lat faciès ty p e ,/i/i/e seem
fallere ‘to d e c e iv e , to tr ic k ’ (MEYER Wb. 9 8 , Alb. St. IV 16). 0
lud HULD 63; G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 26; CAMARDA I 338; ‘f a c e ’ (R a s k aj
T r e im e r KZ L X V 9 6 (fro m IE *spel- ‘to b rea k ’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
■z. Elemente 24; MEYER Wb. 98). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. MlKLOSICH Roi
Grundriß2 1 1050; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 22; HAARMANN 125; ÇABEI G rundriß21 10
H; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 124-125;
St. I 172; L a n d i Lat. 126. H u l d 63; L ani
>1 Lat. 83-85, 149-150.
(G) fâj aor. fana ‘to fill, to cram, to surfeit’. From PAlb *spanja related farë f, pi .fare, f
ira ‘seed, semen, kin’. From PAlb *spara < IE *spora
to Gmc *spannjan ‘to tighten’ with a secondary expressive gemina­ c lo s e ly co n n ec
ed with Gk fem. O7iopá ‘seed’ and further related to
tion (ON spenna and the like). 0 BARlé ARSt I 22-23 (to Skt pürna- *sper- ‘to sp ill,
to sow’: Gk aneipoj id., arcépiia ‘semen, seed1 (BARIÍ
‘fuir and the like, with/- < *ph-)\ KLUGE 720; ÇABEJSt. I 172 (to dialec­ ARSt 24; MAN>
Language XVII 17, MANN XXVI 386-387; OREL SBJa
tal fe'ngem ‘to eat much’ ). Leksikol. 147.)
As to fa r o f faros ‘to destroy, to exterm inate’, it is a
ised on fare (ÇABEJ St. I 175). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele- d en o m in a tiv e b
fajkë t, pi.fajka ‘side (of a ship)’. Borrowed from the Dalmatian reflex mente 25; M e y i
RWb. 100 (Germanic loanword, cf. Langob fara ‘descen-
of Lat facies (ÇABEJ St. I 172 - 173). Note a derivative in fa j koj ‘to dants, fa m ily , k
n ’); B ARIC ARSt 24 (faroj from IE *spher- ‘to kick with
polish’. 0 C a m a r d a I I 7 0 (treats fajkoj as a variant o ffërkoj); MEYER a f o o t ’);TAGLl
WINI Dalmazia 114 (follows M e y e r ), Origini 295;
; F r is k II 762-763; H u l d 62-63; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges.
Wb. 103 (follows C a m a r d a ) ; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 5 5 0 . POKORNYI 9 9 2
352.
94 FARKË — FFAIC

farkë f. pi.farka ‘smithy’. Borrowed from hat fabrica ‘workshop’ (M eyer

Wb. 9 9 ). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1054; MlHÄESCU RESEE
I V / 1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 124; Ç a b e j * . VII 280; L a n d i Lat. 9 4 , 111,
118.

fashqe f, pi.fashqe ‘d iap er’. A sin gu larized plural o f *fashqë also attest­
ed as fashë ‘diaper, strip e’. B o rro w ed from Lat fascia ‘band, bandage'
( M e y e r Wb. 100). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 15; Ç a b e j St. VII 184;
H a a r m a n n 125; L a n d i La?. 120.

fat m , pi fate ‘fate; bridegroom, husband, friend’. Borrowed from Lat

fätum. Undoubtedly, fa t ‘fate’ is identical with fa t ‘fate’ (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 25; MEYER Wb. 100) - a widely attested metaphor, cf.
Alb shortë ‘fate; spouse, wife’ < Lat sorte(m) (ÇABEJ St. I 1 7 6 -1 7 7 ).
0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1041; JOKL Studien 107, LKUBA 15
(fa t ‘bridegroom ’ borrowed from Goth *fadi- ‘master, lord’); BARIÍ
ARSt 2 4 -2 5 , Hymje 71 (arbitrary comparison with Skt sphayate ‘(he)
grows fat, increases’); PUDIC IX Ling. Cong. 862; MlHÄESCU RESEE
I V /1 -2 22; H a a r m a n n 125; O re l Koll. Idg. Ges. 358; L a n d i Lat. 109.

fe f, pi.fe ‘belief, religion’. Borrowed from Lat fidem ‘faith’ (MlKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 26) as the long [ë] in fe reflects a contraction of the
intermediate *feë (ÇABEJ St. I 177). The verb fejoj ‘to betroth’ is a late
derivative of fe (ÇABEJ St. I 178). 0 MEYER Wb. 101 (from Ital fe id.),
106-107 (f ejoj borrowed from Ital fidare ‘to entrust’); MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß11 1045 (from Italian); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 22; HAAR­
MANN 126; L a n d i Lat. 46, 133.

feje pi. ‘nostrils’. A plural form offyell, normally appearing in a phrase

fejet e hundës id. (ÇABEJ St. VII 224, 235).

felë f, pi .fela ‘honeycomb’. Borrowed from Rom Sfavalia, cf. Ital fiale
id. (M e y e r Wb. 101). The homonymous fe lë ‘piece, slice’ is, in fact,
a phonetic variant of thelë. 0 T r e im e r KZ LXV 98 (from IE *spel-)\
ÇABEJ Sí. VII 235.

feme m ‘sting (of insects)’. A phonetic variant of thimth, thimc (J O K L

//X X IV VII 217). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. V 76 (to themboj ‘to bore’); T r e i m e r
KZ LVI 98 (connects fem e with Lat spina ‘thorn’); T a g l i a v i n i Strat­
ificazione 8144; Ç a b e j St. I 178 (to feme ‘awl’).
 FEM ËR ~ FEMËN — FËNDYELL 95

femër ~ femën f, pi .femra ~ femna ‘w om an '. Borrowed from Lat f emina

id. (C a m a r d a I 122; M ik l o s ic h Æèwî. Elemente 25; M e y e r Wb. 101).
0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
115; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 126; JANSON Unt. 50.

fend hot. fenda ‘to fart’. From PAlb *spenda related to Skt spandale
‘to shiver', Gk acpaSâÇco ‘to shiver, to tremble’. 0 F r isk II 825; POKORNY
1 989.

ferr m ‘h e ll’. B o r ro w e d from Lat infernum id. (MEYER Wb. 1 01). 0

SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 248; M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1049;
MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 23; H a a r m a n n 131.

ferrë f, pi. ferra ‘thorn, thorny bush’. From PAlb *sperna derived from
IE *sper- ‘spear, stick’: Lat sparus ‘short spear’, Gmc *speru- ‘spear’
> ON spjçr ( c f . OREL SBJa Leksikol. 1 4 7 ). Note a derivative / m ë / ‘stalk,
stem’ ( Ç a b e j St. I 179). 0 M EYER Wb. 101 (to ther ‘to cut’), 102 (ferrei
borrow ed from Lat ferula ‘fennel-giant’); JOKL LKUBA 217-218
(follows M E Y E R ); T r e i m e r KZ LXV 99 (to W ffern ‘talus, malleolus’,
Lat spernö ‘to sever, to separate’); M A N N Language XXVIII 37;
W a l d e - H o f m a n n I I 568; P o k o r n y 1 990-991 ; Z a l i z n ’a k Ètimologija
1 9 6 4 225.

fëiiigë f ‘ignominy, shame’. A variant of this word seems to be

fëllegë ‘sloppy work’. The verb fëlliq ‘to make dirty’ also belongs here
as a denominative. The form fëlligë is an irregular transformation of
fëdigë ‘tiredness, strain, w ork’ borrowed from Ital (Venetian) fadiga
id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 102 (fëdigë < Venetian fadiga', fëlliq < Lat fornicem
‘brothel’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 539; Ç a b e j St. I 180 (to t heile).

fëmijë m/f, p]. fëm ijë ‘child, family, spouse’. Borrowed from Lat
fam ilia ‘fam ily’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 24-25; M e y er Wb. 103).
0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1045, 1047 (from Ital famiglia id.);
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 120; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 15; Ç a b e j St. VII
280; H a a r m a n n 125; H u l d 64; L a n d i Lat. 80, 108, 126.

fëndyell m, pi.fëndyej ‘awl’. A derivative of fund. 0 CAMARDA I 201

(to Gk C(pôvô\)A,oç ‘cervical vertebra’); M e y e r Wb. 103 (to Lat
findere ‘to cleave, to split’); Ç a b e j St. I 180 (related io feme).
96 FENG ~ FANG — (G) FIJAN

feng ~ fang m, pi.fëngje ~ fangje ‘v irgin land, land d ifficu lt to cu ltivate,

law n, m ea d ow ’. B orrow ed from hai fango ‘m ud ’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 25 ). 0 JOKL Balkangerm. 120-121 (fro m G oth waggs ‘p a ra d ise’
< *’meadow’); PUDlC IX Ling. Cong. 862 (follows Jo k l ); ÇABEJ St. I
180-181 (agrees with MlKLOSICH).

fergoj aoT.fé'rgova ‘to roast, to fry’. Borrowed from Lat frlgere id. (M lK­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 103). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
r iß 2 1 1055; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 260; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 16;
H a a r m a n n 127.

férkoj aoT.fërkova ‘to rub’. Borrowed from Lat fricare id. (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 28; M e y e r Wb. 103). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2
1 1050; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 260; Ç a b e j St. V I I 198; M ih ä e sc u RESEE
IV/1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 127; H u l d 64.

fërroj not. fërrova ‘to grind roughly’. Clearly connected with ferrate
‘gruel’ (borrowed from Rom Sfarinata) and seems to continue Rom
Sfarinare related to Lat farina ‘ground corn, flour’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 182
(related to ther).

fic aor .fica ‘to make soft’. Derived from an unattested *fij < PAlb *spija
related to Skt spháyate ‘to become fat’, Slav *spéti ‘to ripen’. 0 POKORNY
1 983; V a s m e r III 734.

fier m ‘fern’. From PAlb *spera or *sperna that may be somehow con­
nected with other Indo-European words for ‘fern’ (presumably based
on the word for ‘wing’), e.g. Gmc *farnaz: OHG far(a)n. In any case,
in the name of fern various irregular changes of taboo origin cannot
be excluded. 0 B a r i C ARSt 25 (to Slav *paporotb id.); M a n n Language
XXVIII 40 (to Gk Jtxépiç id.); F r i s k II 611; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-
2 22 (from Latin), 3-4 350 (from Gk Trxépiç); Ç a b e j St. VII 250; H a a r ­
m a n n 126 (from Rom *filicaria).

(G) fijan m , pi.fijanë ‘child to be baptized’. A Geg church form of Rom

*filianus (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 104). 0 MEYER-
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1039; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 536; MlHÄESCU j
RESEE IV /1-2 15; HAARMANN 126; Ç a b e j St. I 183; L a n d i Lat. 75,
1 2 6 ,1 3 3 .
j
 FIK — K1SHKËLLOJ 97

fík m, p\.fiq ‘fig’. Borrowed from Lat ficus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 26; M e y e r Wb. 104). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1 I 1044;
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 116; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 15; H a a r m a n n
126; L a n d i Lat. 113, 140.

fik aor .fika ‘to extinguish (of fire); to bring misfortune, to ruin, to destroy’.
From PAlb *speika related to Lith peikti ‘to despise, to scold’, pÿkti
‘to be angry’, Latv pelkt ‘to be spoilt’. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
2 6 (from Ital ficcare); TREIMER KZ LXV 100-101 (to Lat spTca ‘point,
top’); F r a e n k e l 5 2 5 ; Ç a b e j St. I 183-184 (to Swedish spink ‘lean man’,
Norw spiken ‘dry ’).

fill m, pi.fij.fije ‘thread’. Borrowed from L at filum id. (MlKLOSICH Rom.

Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 104). The verb filloj ‘to begin’ is derived from
fill as it is clear from zë fill ‘to begin’ (CAMARDA I 76). Note that the
morpheme -fish in dyfish ‘twice’, trifish ‘thrice’, appearing as -fijesh
in Old Albanian ( B u d i , BOGDANI) goes back to abl. pi. of fill (K r is t o -
FORlDHi 427). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1044, 1050, 1053; M a n n
Language XXVIII 39 (to Gk cnuXoç); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; HAAR­
MANN 126; SlROKOV ZFL X X IV /1 14 (to OHG spll ‘spear tip’);
ÇABEJ St. I 186 (accepts K r is t o f o r id h i ’ s explanation of -fish), IV 95-
96; L a n d i Lat. 142.

fink m, p i .finkë ‘finch’. Recent borrowing from Germ Fink id. As to

sfingës id., it comes from NGk CJtiyyoç id. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 185 (onomatopoeia
or a cognate of Gmc *finkan ~ *finkjan ‘finch’).

finjë f, pi .finja ‘soapwater, soap suds’. Historically identical with thinjë

(ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 233). 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 166 (identical with hie);
T r e im e r KZ LXV 101 (to OHG spi5 ‘spit’); Ç a b e j St. I 185-186 (to
SCr sinjav ‘grey’).

fishkem ~ fyshkem refi, ‘to wither, to fade’. Based on the adjectivefishkët

withering, dry’. Goes back to PAlb *spiiska etymologically related
to Lith pìiskas, pùskas ‘blister, fin, pim ple’, Latv pusks ‘tuft’. 0
M e y e r Wb. 468 (together with its variant veshkem ~ vyshkem, to Lat
vescus ‘small, week, feeble’); J O K L IF XLIV 35-38; F R A E N K E L 680;
Ç a b e j St. I 186 (related to fyell).

fishkëlloj aor.fishkëllova ‘to whistle’. Belongs to a group of phonetic

 1 FLAM E — FLEGË 99
98 FISHNJAR — FLAKË
iKe. / \ n n ie se ' variants such as véshlloj, féshëlloj, frusMculiij ana me
112 ). 0 çabej
187 (onomatopoeia). forms continue Rom *fistulàre or *fisciù re (M e y e r Wb.
St. I 186 (onomatopoeia).
fla m ë f ‘cold (illness), epilepsy, cholera (of animals)’. Borrowed
ariant is fu sh- from Lat nom. sg. flamen ‘blowing, blast’ used metaphorically as Russ fishnjar m, pVfishnjarë ‘harpoon’. A more conservative ■
ictly an earlier povetrie ‘infection’. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 27 (from Lat njar, itself derived from fushnje id. The latter, or more ex
cinici, deriva­ fiamma); M e y e r Wb. 107 (from Ital flemma ‘phlegm’); LA P ia n a Vocale and unattested *fushnje, was borrowed from Rom *fu
si. IV 60). 0 50 (related to flake); T r e im e r KZ LXV 101 (to Germ flink ‘nimble, tive of Lat fascina ‘trident’ (MEYER Wb. 106, Alb.
I 201 (on Old quick’); ÇABEJ St. I 187-188; L a n d i Lat. 103, 135. M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV /1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 127; Ç a b e j Si
Albanian fushqinë id.).
fla s not. fo la ‘to speak’. The present fla s is obviously a recent form a­
with fishnjar tion based on the lost *fal, and the verb belonged to a group with the fish njar m, pi.fishnjaré ‘m arten’. Historically identica
quantitative ablaut in aorist (MEYER Wb. 106). Continues P A lb *psala, ‘harpoon’.
further related to fjalë. 0 MEYER Wb. 106 (from Lat fäbulö ‘to speak’,
etymological- cf. in particular Dalm faular); ANTTILA Schw. 100; MlHÄESCU RESEE fja lë f, pi .fja lë ‘w ord , sp ee ch , ta le'. F rom P A lb *spelei
;tory, speech’, IV/1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 124; O r e l SBJa Leksikol. 146. ly co n n ected w ith G oth spill ‘sto ry , fa b le ', ON spjall ‘
e' (OREL SBJa OE spell id ., OHG spel, spell id. and A rm araspel ‘fab
irrowing from fla sh k ët adj. ‘sluggish, lame’. Phonetic development of *plashket con­ Leksikol. 146-148; H u l d 64-65). 0 M e y e r Wb. 106 (bi
r. Grundriß 21 tinuing P A lb *plakska identical with L ith plókscias‘flat’, Slav *ploski, Lat fabella ‘fa b le , sh ort sto ry , ta le ’); M e y e r -L ü b k e G
(from *spelgä, id. and, in particular, Slav *plox~b ‘flat, bad, evil, poor’. 0 B r ü c k n e r 1044; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 252; T r e im e r KZ LXV 103
3 I I 6 (follows 419; P o k o r n y I 831-832. to Lat flagro ‘to fla m e , to b la z e ’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazi
VII 272; H a a r - M e y e r ), Origini 190; A c a r ea n HAB 1253-254; Ç abej St.
sp-'y, p o k o r n y flatër f, pl.flatra ‘wing’. A singularized plural of flete. 0 Ç abej Si. I MANN 84-85; M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (on A lb /- < IE !
188 (“elementary formation” cognate with fleté). I 985; H a a r m a n n 124; L a n d i Lat. 50, 107.

7, derived with fle ~ flê aor.fleté, fjeta ‘to sleep’. From PAlb *awa-leja etymologically
fla kà O T . f l a k a ‘to throw, to fling’. From PAlb *awa-lak

MHG lecken connected with Slav *lëjç, *léjati ‘to doze, to slumber’ (O rel FLH V III/1- a prefix *awa- from IE *lek— *bk- to bend, to jump
lèkt ‘to spring, 2 46). 0 C a m a r d a I 108-109 (to Gk <pA,dcto 'to crush’); M e y e r Wb. 107- ‘to throw back, to spring’, Lith lekiù, lëkti ‘to fly', Latv
ER Wb. 107 (to
108 (borrowing from Lat fio ‘to blow’, with insurmountable difficul­ to jum p’ and the like (OREL Z ß a lk X X III/1 75). 0 M e ì
ARSt I 251 (to ties in semantics), Alb. St. IV 67; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 544 f. (to Gk Lat flaccus ‘flabby’, Ital fiaccare ‘to weaken’ ); BARIC
•J St. I 186-187
KÀivco 'to lean, to bend’ with Alb f- < th- < *k-): BARld ARSt 21-22
Gk 0 <páM.cú ‘to overthrow’); F r a e n k e l 353-354; Ç a b
throw on the (to *fell ‘to blow’); SCHMIDT KZ XLVI1 1 f. (from IE *bhlend-); TREIMER (from flakë; semantically, cf. Ital dial, lampare ‘to
i of derivation *Z L X V 103 (reconstructs IE *sphlend-); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 116- ground, to drop' ~ lampo ‘lightning’ but the directio
H 7; G o r ' a c e v a Ètimologija 1981 76; ÇABEJ Sí. I 188-189 (to Slav
is opposite there).
*lenh laziness’, Lith lënas ‘quiet’).
sed on an unat- flakë f, Pl.flakëra ~ flakëna ‘flame’. A back formation b;
fle g ë f. pl. flegë ‘splinter'. From PAlb *awa-laga, a préfixai derivative
I Rom *flacula tested *flakull. The latter is a borrowing from dialecti
ng f acula ‘little of IE *legh- ‘to lie' in 0-grade, cf. Gk Xóxoq ‘ambush’. Derived from reflected in Ital fiaccola id., Rum flacärä id. and replac
a metathesized flege (as its singularized plural?) is flegër, fregali ‘nostril, door-leaf, torch’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 107 (borrowed from Rom *flac
AJA Sravn. 231
probably, reflecting a secondary influence of fleté on its semantics. from *facla < Lat facula); Pi s c a r iu EWR 53; DESNICI
100 I-1.1. I h — FLOSKË

0 J O K L LKUBA 149 (to flugë)-, F r i s k II 111-112; Ç a b e j Sr. I 188 (“ele­

mentary form ation” cognate with fiele and flugë), O r e l F O R T . 79

fletè f, pi .fletè' ‘wing, le a f. From PAlb *awa-lekta, a préfixai deriva­

tive of IE *iek- ‘to fly’: Lith lekiit, lékti, Latv lekt, OHG lecken ‘to jump,
to kick’. 0 C a m a r d a II 192 (to flutur); M e y e r Wb. 108 (borrowed from
Ital foglietta ‘little barrel’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1049; TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 117; SKOK AArbSt I 226 (borrowed from Lat fem. foliota
‘leaved, leafy’ - but the cluster -li- [lj] would yield Alb -/'-); L a PIANA
Studi 1 104 (to OHG blat ‘leaf’ and the like); F r a e n k e l 353-354; Ç a b e j
St. I 189-190 (“elementary formation”).

fli ~ flî f. pl./// ~ flî ‘sacrifice’. Identical with f eli, ferii ‘kind of pastry’
(originally baked to celebrate baptism) and borrowed from Rom
*firigittnum ( M e y e r Wb. 103). 0 J o k l Balkangerm. 121,/FX L IV 30-
32 (borrowed from MGk evXojia ‘wafer, communion bread’ - but how
to account for the Geg nasal?); Ç a b e j St. I 179 (agrees with J o k l ).

flojere f, pi. flojere ‘flute’. Known to all languages of the Carpathian

and Balkan areas, this is a relatively late borrowing from Rum fluier
id. continuing Lat adj. flütûrûlis ‘blowing’, cf. flâtüra ‘blowing’.
Q C a m a r d a 1161 (comparison with Lat flare ‘to blow’); M ik l o s ic h
Wander. 23 (to fryj)\ MEYER Wb. 108 (borrowed from Rom *flatuäria;
on the other hand, connected with fyellY, GlUGLEA Dacoromania III 587-
589 (borrowed from Gk *(pA.ouxpiov based on cpXoiôç ‘bark’); SKOK
Glasnik SND II 302 (borrowed from Rum fluier < Rom *vivulellus)\
POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 341; ROSETTI ILR I 277; ÇABEJ St. I 190-
191 (to Geg/Zuer ‘draw er’); DEMIRAJ AE 172 (against ÇABEJ).

flok m, pi.flo k ë ‘h a ir’. B o r ro w e d from Lat floccus ‘lo c k , f lo c k ’ (M l­

KLOSICH Rom, Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 1 0 8 -1 0 9 ). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e
Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1 045, 1054; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 1 1 6 -1 1 7 , Stratifi­
cazione 84; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 126; L a n d i Lat.
103, 139.

fiori ~ fiorì m, pi.florinj ‘gold; (pl.) golden coins’. Borrowed from MLat
florlnus ‘gold piece’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 27; MEYER Wb.
109). 0 H a a r m a n n 126; Ç a b e j Si. I 191-192.

floskë f ‘layer (of snow)’. Borrowed from Slav *ploska unknown in

 FLUG l'O RTL 101

this meaning in South Slavic languages. Cf., however, Bulg fem. sg.
ploska ‘flat’ and SCr ploska ‘flat vessel’.

flu g m ‘swing, zest, zeal’. Continues P A l b *awa-luga that may be con­

nected with IE *leug- ‘to break’ (see flugë) or wilh *leugh- ‘to lie’: Goth
liugan, Slav *fegati. 0 M e y e r Wb. 109 (borrowed from NGk <pA,ôyoç
‘flam e’); V a s m e r II 469; P O K O R N Y I 686-687; F e i s t Goth. 334;
Ç A B E J St. I 192 (“elementary form ation”).

flu g ë f, p i .fluga ‘shingle’. From PAlb *awa-luga, a préfixai derivative

of IE *leug-, cf. Skt rujdti ‘to break’, Lat lügeö ‘to mourn, to deplore’
0 JOKL LKUBA 146-150 (to luge); TR E IM E R KZ LXV 102 (to MUG splïzen
‘to split’); M a y r h o f e r III 6 4 -6 5 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 8 3 0 -8 3 1 ;
P o k o r n y I 686; Ç a b e j St. I 192 (“elementary form ation”); D e m ir a j
AE 1 7 2 -1 7 3 .

flutur f, pi.flutura ‘butterfly’. A back formation based on fluturoj ‘to

fly’. The latter is borrowed from Rom *fluctuläre, a modification of
Lat fluctuare ‘to move in waves, to move to and fro’ (MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 109). 0 CAMARDA II 192 (related to flete);
M e ier Etym. 92; C a n d r e a -H e c h t Romania XXXI 310-311; ÇABF.J St.
VII 244; Di GIOVINE Gruppo -ct- 33-39 (opposes the Latin etymolo­
gy); Io n e s c u LR 6 (1984) 476-479.

flladis aor. flladita ‘to cool’. Borrowed from Slav *xolditi id., cf., in
particular, SCr hladiti ( S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 193, 3 0 6 ). 0 S v a n e
175, 23 2 .

forbël f, pi forbla 'peelings, sweepings (of nuts), empty nut-shell’. Other

variants ar e form ël and forlë. Borrowed from bai formella ‘small form’
(O R E L Festschr. Shevoroshkin 260). 0 C A M A R D A IT 64 (compares
formël with G k ( p o p u ô ç ‘basket’); M E Y E R Wb. 110 (derives forbël from
*vorbël < Rom *orbulus and form ël from Ital forfore ‘scabs’); Ç A B E J
St. I 192-193 (“of unclear origin”).

fortë adj. ‘stro n g ’. B orrow ed from Lat fortis id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 27; C a m a r d a 1 167). 0 M e y e r Wb. 110 (from Ital forte id.); M e y e r -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1045 ¡TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 117; Ç a b e j St. VII
281.
102 FO SH N JË — FRE ~ FRÊ

foshnjë f, pi.foshnja ‘infant’. The Geg form is foslii. Both forms reflect
an unattested *fosh that may result (irregularly as far as the anlaut is
concerned) from *ftosh, the latter being a borrowing from Lat fëtôsus,
to fetus ‘offspring’. 0 MEYER Wb. 100 (related to fashqe); B a r k M Æ S î
23-24 (to Skt phanas- ‘foam’); ÇABEJ St. VII 184.

fqinjë m/f, pi-fqinjë ‘n e ig h b o r ’. B o r ro w e d fro m R om *vïcînius based

on Lat vîcuius id. (CAMARDA 1 92; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 71; M eyer
Wb. 107). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044, 1048; MlHÄESCU
RESEE I V /1 - 2 21; HAARMANN 157.

fqollë f, pi.fqolla ‘flax ready for spinning; first combings of flax’. Another
variant of this word is fjollë. Borrowed from MGk (paKiôXriç ‘hand­
kerchief. napkin’ (M e y e r Wb. 107). 0 M ey er Wb. 106 (separates fjollë
as a continuation of Rom *fileötum)\ M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1
1045; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 125; Ç a b e j Sí. 1 193.

fraq m,pl.fraqra ~ fraqna 'biting cold, frost’. Singularized form of the

original *frak continuing PAlb *awa-raka, a préfixai formation ety­
mologically related to Lith raku, ràkti ‘to peck open, to lance’, Latv
rakt ‘to dig’. 0 JOKL Festschr. Rozwadowski I 248 (reconstructs * ve­
ra/:-/«?- related to OIr diorain ‘to sprinkle’); SGGJa I 55; FRAENKEL
694; ÇABEJ St. I 193-194 (considers dialectal thrak in mot thrak ‘cold
period’ to be the older form and uses it to reconstruct *ther-ak, further
to ther).

frashër ~ frashën m, pi.frashëra ~ frashna ‘a sh -tr e e ’. B o r ro w e d from

Lat frax inus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 111). 0
M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1048; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 16;
Ç a b e j Sí. VII 244; H a a r m a n n 127; J a n s o n Unt. 51; L a n d i Lat. 102,
124.

frashuall ~ frashuell m ‘haricot’. Borrowed from Lat phaseolus ‘kind

of bean’ ( Ç A B E J St. I 175) with a secondary epenthetic -r- ( M E Y E R -
L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß21 1045). In Tosk the NGk cpcxooij/a id. was adapted
as fasul. O H a a r m a n n 142; L a n d i Lat. 78, 85, 93.

fre - frê m, pl.frerë ~ frena, frenj ‘bridle; grape-stalk; comb’. Borrowed

from Lat frcnum id. ( M lK L O S I C H Rom. Elemente 28; M E Y E R Wb. 111).
0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1044; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 16;
 (G) FRU ER — FRYT 103

H a a r m a n n 127; Ç a b e j St. I 194; Ja n s o n Unt. 51; L a n d i Lat. 55.

(G) fruer m ‘February’. Borrowed from Lat februârius id. (MlKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 25; MEYER Wb. 109). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1043, 1054; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 125; Ç a b e j
St. I 194-195; La n d i Lat. 2 8 , 7 5 -7 6 , 127, 157.

frushkull m, pl. frushkuj ‘whip’. A transform ation of the original

*fushtull borrowed from Rom *fustulum, cf. Lat fustis ‘knobbed
stick, cudgel, club’. The variant fshikull is explained by the influence
of fshike. 0 M e y e r Wb. 112 (identifies this word with frushkull
‘whistle’); T R E IM E R KZ LV1 104 (connects frushkull with \Và\ frusta
‘whip’); ÇABEJ St. I 195 (onomatopoeia), 199.

frushkull f, pl. frushkulla ‘whistle’. Another variant is frushull. A radical

phonetic transformation of the original Lat fistula ‘pipe, tube’ (M e y e r
Wb. 112). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 195 (onomatopoeia).

fruth - frûth m ‘measles’. Deminutive or collective in -th based on PAlb

*spruga related to Skt sphurjati ‘to thunder, to rumble’, Gk aipapayeopcxt
‘to burst with a noise’, Lith sprdgstu, sprógti ‘to break, to crack up’
(M a n n Language XVII 13). 0 MEYER Wb. 154 (related to hurdhe), Alb.
St. Ill 32; BARIC ARSt. I 29; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 242; FRAENKEL 882-
883; F r is k II 828; MAYRHOFER III 5 4 5 -5 4 6 ; TlCHY Onom. 1 7 7 -1 8 1 ;
Ç a b e j St. I 195 (f-ruth related to IE *reudh- ‘red’).

fryj ~ fryj aor.fry va, fryjta ~ fryna ‘to blow’. Continues PAlb *sprügnja
etymologically connected with Lith sprûgstu, sprügti ‘to escape, to get
out’, Slav *prygati ‘to jump, to spring’. The nounfrym ë ‘breath’ is derived
from fryj. 0 CAMARDA 1 1 12 (to Gk nvéxo ‘to blow’); B a r i £ ARSt. I
26 (reconstructs *sphrügniö, to Gk acpapayéopai ‘to burst with a noise’);
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 98; L a P ia n a Studi I 94; M a n n Language
X V II15 (to Gk arcai pai), XXVIII 37; F r a e n k e l 883; Ç a b e j St. 1 195-
196; VASMER III 390-391; H u l d 65.

fryt m, pi.fryte ‘fruit’. Borrowed from Lat früctus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 112) through the intermediary stage of early
Alb *früjt. 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1054; SCHUCHARDT KZ
XX 259; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 127; Di G io v in e
Gruppo -ct- 39-41; LANDI Lat. 121, 148.
106 FU NI) — FU SH Ë

fund m, pi. funde ‘b ottom , e n d ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat fundus ‘b o tto m ’

(MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 114). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
Grundriß21 1046; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 127; L a n d i
Lat. 116, 139.

fuqi f, pi.fu q i ‘power, strength, force’. If the intermediary form was

*fujqi, it could be a borrowing based on Rom *fulcius, the latter derived
from fu ta re ‘to prop up, to support, to make strong’ (MEYER Wb. 114).
0 B A R lé ARSt 25 (to Latv spèks ‘strength’).

furfur it aor. furfurita ‘to sparkle, to shine’. A descriptive stem.

furkë f, pi.furka ‘distaff, fork’. Borrowed from Lat furca ‘fork’ (M l­

KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 28-29; M e y e r Wb. 114). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dal­
mazia 120, Origini 190, 239; ClMOCHOWSKI LP IV 190; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 16; ROHLFS Spr. 117; HAARMANN 127.

fuir m, pl.furre ‘oven’. Another variant is /a rre . Borrowed from Lat

furnus id. (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 29; M e y e r Wb. 114). 0 M e y e r -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1049; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; HAAR­
MANN 127; LANDI Lat. 114.

furrik m, plfurriqë, furriqe ‘chicken-coop, fowl-pen, roost, nesting-box’.

Another variant of singular h fu rriq . The modern form furrik is a back
formation based on the original furriq borrowed from Lat fornicem ‘arch,
vault’. 0 MEYER Wb. 115 (uncertain comparison with /«; /); JOKL AArhSl
1 39-41 (to farë); Ç a b e j St. I 201; L a n d i Lat. 112-114, 158.

fus aor .futa ‘to put in, to thrust in, to insert; to plant’. From PAlb *sputja,
a form with .v mobile etymologically related to Lat puto ‘to trim, to
prune’, Tokh A, B putk- ‘to divide’. 0 CAMARDA I 132 (to Gk cpijonou
‘to grow ’); T r e im e r KZ LXV 107 (to Lith spdudyti ‘to smooth with,
to m ash’); W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 393-394; V a n W in d e k e n s I 397.

fushë f, pl.fusha ‘plain, open field, meadow’. Borrowed from Lat fossa
‘ditch, trench, gutter’, also ‘furrow ’, and originally describing an irri­
gated plot of land. Note that fushate ‘campaign’ was formed already
in Albanian, probably, as a caique of Ital campagna ‘country, campaign’.
0 M ey er Wb. 115 (borrowed from Lat füsum ‘pouring, poured'); B aric
 FYEJ GABONJE 107

ARSt. I 23 (reco n stru cts *pjthuiaml)', TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 120-121;

Ç a b e j St. VIT 238, 277.

fyej aor.feva ‘to offend, to insult, to make a mistake’. Identical with

fe'jej ‘to make a m istake’ derived from fa j (Ç a b e j St. I 201).

fyell ~ fyll m, pl. fyej, fej, fyje ‘flute’. Goes back to PAlb *spali- ety­
mologically related to Gk aJuiXaiov ‘cave, cavern’ < * ‘hollow’. 0 M ey er
Wb. 108 {to flojere), Alb. St. V 76; BARltMÄSf I 21-22 (to Gk (pDoáco
‘to blow’, Lat pustula ‘bubble, blister1); T relmer KZ LXV 103 (to Lith
pliüsë ‘rush, reed’); SKOK Glasnik SNDII 297-299 (borrowed from Rom
*vivula ‘viola’); F r is k II 765-766; ÇABEJ St. I 201-202 (from IE *spel-
‘to split’).

fyl adj. ‘hollow’. Akin to fyell (ÇABEJ St. I 202-203). Note fyçkë ‘hollow,
stupid’ and fyrbë ‘hollow’ < *fyl be derived from fyl. It is possible that
fyshtë ‘thoroughly baked (of bread)’ and fyshtër ‘Forsythia’ also
belong here (ibid.).

fyt m ‘throat, gullet’. F rom PAlb *spüta etymologically related to Lat

spuO ‘to spit’, sputum ‘spittle’, Gk m v w ‘to spit’ and the like ( B a r i ¿
ARSt I 25). 0 MEYER Wb. 115 (borrowed from Lat fui is ‘vessel,
pitcher’); T reim er KZ LXV 112 (to Skt sphâvayati ‘to fatten, to strength­
en’ and the like); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 121, Stratificazione 88; F r is k
II 617-618; WALDE-HOFMANN II 580-581; POKORNY I 999-1000;
Ç a b e j St. VII 217, 258.

fytyrë f, pi .fytyra ‘face’. Borrowed from Lat factura ‘formation, crea­

ture’ (MEYER Wb. 116). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 305 (from Lat
facies ‘face’); BARIÓAArbSt I 144; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1055
(from Ital fattura ‘magic’); TAGLIAVINI St. albanesi III - IV 222, Dal­
mazia 116 (follows M e y e r -L ü b k e ); M ih äescu RESEE IV /1-2 15; H a a r ­
m a n n 125; Dì G io v in e Gruppo -ct- 45-49; Ç a b e j St. 1 203 (agrees with
M e y e r ); L a n d i Lat. 68, 121.

G
gabonjë f, pl. gabonja ‘eagle’. A suffixal formation in -onjë based on
*gabë, related to shkabë id. The latter consists of the prefix sh- and
108 GAGE — GAI.INF,

the same stem (JOKL LKUBA 2 4 4 , 3 0 4 ). The source is PAlb *gaba that
seems to go back to a cultural Wanderwort also attested in Lat capys,
capus ‘bird of prey’ (ibid.). 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 140.

gacë f, pl. gaca ‘heat, hot ashes’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *garbca,
deminutive of *garb ‘ash, fire ’. 0 JOKL Studien 21 (from IE *g“hor-
ti-ä, to *g“her- ‘to be hot’), ZONF X 186; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 48; ÇABEJ
St. VII 234; D em ir a j AE 174-175 (borrowed from Turk garra ‘shining’
or kor).

gagaç m, pl.gagaçë ‘stammerer’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *gagacb

derived from *gagati ‘to cackle, to shout’, cf. in particular South Slavic
reflexes: Maced gaga, SCr gagati.

gajgë f, pi.gajga ‘kind of nut’. Borrowed from a deminutive Slav *galbka

derived from *gal’a ‘lump, pebble’.

gaju sh ë f, p\.gajusha ‘bush, shrubbery’. Derivative of *gaj borrowed

from Slav *gajh ‘grove, bush’, cf. South Slavic reflexes: SCr gaj, Slovene
gaj (POLÁK ZfBalk I 78).

gak m, pi. geqe ‘boar’. From P A lb *gauka, a derivative of IE *g“

öu- ‘dung,
excrem ents’, similar to Maced yoxáv (leg. yoûxav)- i>v (Hes.) 0
MEYER Wb. 117-118 (comparisons with Fr coche and Germ Hacksch
‘breeding boar’); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 328 (secondary form of
plural as demonstrated by the lack of palatalization in g-); TAGLIAVI­
NI Stratificazione 136-137; P o k o r n y I 484; Ç a b e j St. I 203-204
(related to hakoç).

galam sh m, pi. galamsha ‘lame person’. A préfixai derivative of lëmsh

(M e y e r Wb. 119, 243). 0 V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch.80-81 (from *gyou-
+ lam-sh); C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 107 (prefix ga-)\ ÇABEJ St. I 204.

galë f, pi .gala ‘jackdaw; black sheep’. Borrowed from Slav *gal ’a ‘black
animal, jackdaw ’ (M e y e r Wb. 118). While the meaning ‘black sheep’
is attested in SCr galja, the meaning ‘jackdaw ’ is known only in East
Slavic: ORuss and Russ gal’a. 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 198; SVANE
146.

galinë f ‘lump of earth’. A relatively early borrowing from Slav *golina

 GAM IS GARBË 109

‘empty place, hill withour grass’, with the unstressed *-o- rendered
as -a-.

garnis aor.gamita ‘to bark". Borrowed from Slav *gamiti ‘to shout, to
be noisy’ unattested in South Slavic.

gamule f, pi .gamule ‘heap’. A singularized plural of gamut ë id. going

back to PAlb *gamula and etymologically identical with Lith gämulas
‘bale, lump’, Slav *gomola id. The metathetized form magulë was bor­
rowed to Rum mägurä. 0 ClHAC I 152 (Rum mägurä from Lat macula
= maculimi ‘bag’); M e y e r Wb. 118- 119 (to Slav *mogyla ‘tomb, hill’);
V a sm e r Alb. Wortforsch. 18-19 (to Slav *mogç ‘I can’); SCHWARZ AfslPh
XLI 139 (borrowed from early Proto-Slavic *magiila)\ VALEK CMMZ
14 (to Pre-Rom ma- and Slav *gora ‘mountain’); S a h m a t o v AfslPh
XXXIII 91 (to Celt *mogo- ‘great’); CHARPENTIER KZ XL 467 (to Av
maya- ‘hole, pit’); G e o r g ie v Festschr. Rosetti 287-290; FRAENKEL 132;
P o p /?/5 234-257; R o s e t t i ILR I 279; Z a l i z n ’a k VSJa 40; T r u b a c e v
ÈSSJa VIT 18-19; OREL OLA 1981 301-306 (a suffixal derivative of IE
*dhghom ‘earth’).

gand m ‘accident, vice, defect’. From PAlb Uganda further connect­

ed with Lith gandas ‘rumor’, gañdinti ‘to frighten’, Latv gañdét ‘to spoil’.
0 H e l b i G 61, 121 (connected with gënjej ‘to deceive’, of Italian
origin); FRAENKEL 138-139; Ç a b e j St. I 204 (identical with ganë, par­
ticiple of gas, cf. ngas): A jeti ZfB alkV /2 142-143 (gandoj from SCr
ganuti).

gánguil adv. ‘whole; poached (of egg)’. Goes back to PAlb *gangula,
a suffixal derivative of *ganga connected with Lith ganga ‘movement’,
gdngytis ‘to move’. 0 MANN Language XXVI 3 8 2 (to Gk 70yyùÀoç);
F r a e n k e l 134.

gar be f, pi. garbe ‘flower-pot’. A singularized plural of the original garbë

going back to PAlb *gar(i)ba. As the Slavic word for ‘pot’ *ghrnrh derived
from the name of ‘oven’ * g i.n n , and further from IE *g%er- ‘to burn’,
the Albanian lexeme is derived from the same Indo-European root. 0
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII 210-211, Rem. term. 190-201.

garbë f, pi garba ‘notch, nick’. Goes back to PAlb *garba etymologi­

cally related to OIr gerbach ‘wrinkled’, ON korpna ‘to get wrinkled’,
110 G A RD H - GASHTF.I.I.F,

OPrus *garbis ‘mountain’, Slav *gbrbT> ‘hump’and the like (ORELFestschr.

Shevoroshkin 260). 0 T r a u t m a n n BSlWb. 78; FRAENKEL 135; SLAWSKI
SEP I 256.

gardh m, pl. gardhe, gjerdhe ‘fence’. Continues PAlb *garda related to

Goth gards ‘house’, Lith gardas ‘fence’, Slav *gordi, ‘town, fence’ and
the like (MEYER Wb. 119-120, Alb. St. Ill 9, 72). Geg gardhën ‘croze’
is derived from gardh. Rum gard is an early Albanian loanword. 0
WEIGAND BA IV 26-27 (borrowed from Slav *gordb)\ SKOK Slavia III
115 (follows WEIGAND); F e ist Goth. 197-198; SELISCEV Slav, nase­
lenie 147, 319 (a Slavic loanword); JOKL Slavia X III297-301 (corroborates
M e y e r ’ s view); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 122, Origini 308; MANN Lan­
guage XVII 19, Language XXVIII 35; PISANI Saggi 126; FRAENKEL 135;
ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 246; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 341; ROSETTI ILR
I 277; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VII 37-38; ÇABEJ St. I 205; OREL Z ß a lk XXIII
147; M u r a t i Probleme 130; D e m ir a j AE 175.

garë f, pl.gara ‘competition, race’. Continues PAlb *gara probably con­

nected with Gk xoupco ‘to rejoice’ and its derivatives, cf. in particu­
lar Gk xápttri ‘joy of battle; battle, fight’. Together with %aipco, garë
belongs to IE *gher- ‘to wish, to feel inclination’. 0 POKORNY I 440-
441; FRISK II 1062-1064.

garguii adv. ‘full’. From PAlb *garg-ula related to Lith gargalas, gargölas
‘thickening, knotted thread, thread' (O r e l Festschr. Shevoroshkin
2 6 0 ). 0 F r a e n k e l 134.

gargull m, pi, garguj ‘starling’. A more rare variant is garbull. The source
of this loanword is Rom *galbulus ‘blackbird’ (MEYER Wb. 119). 0
MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 26 (from Lat galgulus); HAARMANN 128; ÇAREJ
St. I 206.

garris aor. garrita ‘to neigh’. Borrowed from an expressive verb, Slav
*gavbriti ~ *gavbrati ‘to tease, to spoil’, cf. South Slavic continuants:
Bulg gavr 'a, SCr gavrati. 0 MEYER Wb. 119 (borrowed from Lat garrire
‘to chatter’); HAARMANN 128; TZITZILIS LB X X X /2 102; ÇABEJ St. I
2 0 6 (onomatopoeia); TRUBAÒEV ÈSSJa VI 1 1 2 -1 1 3 .

gashtellë f, pl. gashtellë ‘knee-cap’. A suffixal derivative of gashtë id.

 G A SH T Ë — GAZ 111

that m ay be id en tified w ith gashtë ‘w h e tsto n e’. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 2 4 4 (to

shtjell).

g a sh të f, pi. gashta ‘whetstone’. From PAlb *galstâ, a suffixal deriva­

tive related to Lith gälas ‘end’, Latv gals id. A similar motivation in
a word for ‘whetstone’ may be traced in Lith bade ‘fungus; whetstone’.
On the other hand, it is extremely tempting to compare gashtë with Lith
galgsti ‘to sharpen’, galástuvas ‘whetstone’, Latv galuôda ‘whetstone’
but this is only possible if these verbs are analyzed as *gal-and-, i.e.
not according to the accepted view according to which *gland- is recon­
structed. 0 BOGA I 324; FRAENKEL 130; ÇABEJ St. VII 195, 2 44.

gatëf, pi. gata ‘heron’. From PAlb *gata continuing *ghnta, a deriva­
tional variant of IE *ghan-s- ‘goose’, cf. Gmc *ganta < IE *ghand-.
0 MEYER Wb. 121 (borrowed from Rom *ganta ‘stork, wild goose’ >
Fr jante, Prov ganta with serious phonetic and dialectal complications);
P is a n i Saggi 123; P o k o r n y 1 412-413; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 31
(from Rom *catta)', Ç a b e j St. VII 195; H a a r m a n n 116.

gatuaj ~ gatuej aor. gatova ‘make ready, prepare’. Note that gat
‘ready’, gati id. are secondary formations based on the verb which is
an early Slavic loanword, from *gotovati, *gotoviti ‘make ready, pre­
pare’. As in patkua < *podi>kova, -ua- < *-<?«- (MlKLOSICH Slav. Ele­
mente 19; JOKL IF XLIX 277) renders Slav *-ova- with a bilabial v [u]
(O r e l LÆ XXIX/4 70). Rum gata ‘ready’ was borrowed from Alban­
ian. 0 CAMARDA I 130 (to Gk àyaGoç ‘good, fine’); MEYER Wb. 121
(treats gat and Slav *gotovh ‘ready’ as cognates), Alb. St. Ill 7, 23; JOKL
IF XLIX 290, L 36; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 122; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom.
II 3341; ROSETTI ILR I 277; Hamp RRL X V III/4 333-345; ÇABEJ St.
VII 198; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VII 70-72; OREL SBJa Leksikol. 152.

gath m, pi.gathë ‘catkin’. A deminutive in -th of an unattested *gat bor­

rowed from Rom *gat(t)us ‘c a t’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 6 1 ).
For the meaning cf. Germ Kätzchen and E catkin.

gavër f, pi.gavra ‘hole’. From PAlb *ga-wara, a préfixai derivative related

to varr (MEYER Wb. 3 7 ). 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 184.

gaz m, pi. gaze ‘jo y , lau ghter’. From Lat gaudium ‘j o y ’ (MlKLOSICHRom.
Elemente 29; MEYER Wb. 120). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1052;
112 GDHE ~ GDHÊ — GF.LBAZË

T a g lia v in i Dalmazia 122; M a n n Language XXVI 382; MlHÄESCU RESEE

IV /1-2 22; Ç abej St. VII 230, 267; H a a r m a n n 128; H u l d 65-66; L a n d i
Lat. 72, 125.

gdhe ~ g d h è m, pi. gdhenj 'gnarl, knot’. Another variant in Tosk is gdhë.

From PAlb *ga-daina, a préfixai formation based on an adjective in
*-no- that belongs to the same root as Skt dáyate ‘to divide’, Gk Saiopai
id. 0 MEYER Wb. 471 (links gdhe to gdhend and, further, to vgje); ÇABEJ
St. I 207 (connects gdhe with gdhend)-, ÖLBERG apud DEMIRAJ (to OHG
tanna ‘fir-tree’); DEMIRAJ AE 175.

gdhend aor.gdhenda ‘to plane’. In Old Albanian there is a parallel form

dhend (BOGDANI). A denominative verb derived from gdhe with a suffix
-d- < *-t-. Thus, one might reconstruct PAlb *ga-den-ta 0 MEYER Wb.
471 (compares gdhend with vgje); JOKL Studien 21-22 (to ON detta ‘to
hit, to strike’); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 241; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 106; FRISK
1 341-342; M a y r h o f e r I I 20-21; P o k o r n y 1 175-176; Ç a b e j St. 1 207
(follows J o k l ); D e m ir a j AE 175-176.

gdhij ~ gdhîj aor. gdhiva ~ gdhina ‘to stay awake at night’. Also used
impersonally as u gdhi ‘the day began’. Goes back to a préfixai *ga-
deinja related to din (JOKL Studien 22). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 546;
ÇABEJ St. VII 242 (from *ditnja); DEMIRAJ AE 176.

g e g ë m, pi.gegë ‘Geg, North Albanian’. An onomatopoeia of babbling,

indistinct speech as contrasted to shqipe. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 193, 249.

g e m m ‘branch’. Together with gemb id., a phonetic variant of gjemb

(JOKL Studien 2 6 -2 8 ). The adjective gemtë ‘crooked’ is derived from
gem. 0 MEYER Wb. 122 (from Ital gambo ‘stem, stalk’); ÇABEJ St. I 207
(agrees with JOKL).

ger m, pi.gera ‘squirrel’. From P A lb *gaura related to Lith gaiiras ‘hair,

down, tuft of hair’, Latv gauri ‘pubic hair’, Mir gúaire ‘hair’ and describ­
ing the squirrel as ‘fu rry ’. 0 F r a e n k e l 140; POKORNY I 397-398.

g ëlb a zë f, pi.gëlbaza ‘liver illness of sheep caused by worms’. Another

variant is këlbazë. Borrowed from Slav *k-blbasa ‘stuffed gut, sausage’,
a derivative of *k-hlbi> ‘stomach (of anim als)’ (OREL Festschr.
Shevoroshkin 261). The irregular change of Slav *-s- > Alb -z- is explained
 G ËLOJ GËRDALLË 113

by the analogical influence of suffixal forms in -az(ë). Rum gälbeazä,

cälbeazä is borrowed from Albanian. 0 MEYER Wb. 222 (to qelb); POGHIRC
1st. limb. rom. 11 338 ; ROSETTI ILR I 274; DESNICKAJA Slav. jaz. VIII
155 (to kalb): ÇABEJ St. VII 224, 233.

gëloj aor. gelova ‘to burst out; to be gathered, to be accumulated, to blaze

(of fire)’. A denominative continuing PAlb *gal-anja related to OHG
quellan ‘to well up, to pour out, to stream from ’, Skt gálati ‘to drip,
to drop, to ooze’. 0 K l u g e 574; MAYRHOFER I 329; POKORNY I 4 7 1 -
472.

gëlltis aor.ge'llttta to swallow . Borrowed from Slav 'gioitati —:g~i>ltiti

id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg gßltam ‘to swallow’, SCr gutati ‘to
swallow’, gufiti ‘to squeeze’, Slovene goltiti ‘to swallow’ (S v a n e 254).

gëras aor. gerita ‘to creak’. An onomatopoeia of uncertain origin.

gërbë f, pl. gërba ‘hump’. Borrowed from S la v *gi>rba id. (M lK ­

LOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 1 23), cf. South Slavic contin­
uants: Bulg gbrba, SCr grba. 0 S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 188, 195; S v a n e
184.

gërbulë f ‘mange, scab, lepra’. From PAlb *garb-uli-. Derived from

garbë ‘notch, nick’ and thus formally identical with Lith garbulis ‘hair-
lock’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 125 (to gè'rvish); L a PIANA St. Varia 95 (deriva­
tive of kalby, F r a e n k e l 154; Ç a b e j St. 1 2 0 8 (agrees with L a P i a n a ).

gërç m ‘convulsion, cram p’. Borrowed from Slav *gi>rcb id., a variant
of *kbrcb, cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg grbc, SCr grc (M EYER Wb. 125).
0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 124; SV A N E 184,
232.

gërçak m ‘jug, pitcher’. Another variant is kërçak. Borrowed from Slav

*kbrcagb ‘clay vessel, pitcher’, cf. South Slavic continuants: OCS krbcagb,
Bulg kbrcag, SCr krcag (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb.
190). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 153; POLÁK ZfBalk I 78; SVANE 74.

gërdallë f ‘old horse’. D erivative based on Slav *gbrd-b ‘ugly, bad; proud’,
cf. gërditet.
114 G Ë R D IT E T — GËRK

gërditet refi, ‘to fe e l sic k e n e d , to be s ic k ’. B o r r o w e d fro m S la v

*gbrditi ‘to be p rou d ’, in som e lan guages a lso - ‘to fe e l bad, to be sic k ’
as in SCr grditi, S loven e grdeti se (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; MEYER
Wb. 123). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 1 91, 289; SVANE 182, 2 3 2 .

gërdhatë f, pl.gërdhata ‘barren, rugged mountain chain’. As well as ger-

dhele ‘boulder, clod’ and gerdhet ‘cellar’, a derivative of gardh. 0 ÇABEJ
St. I 208 (divides gerdhet into a prefix ge(r)- and a root dhe ‘earth’).

gërdhij a o r . gërdhiva ‘to scratch’. Continues PAlb *grad-ïnja, a denom­

inative verb with *grad- < *ghrridh- related to OE grindan ‘to grind’,
Lith gre'ndziu, gre'sti ‘to scrape, to sc ra tch ’. 0 FRAENKEL 167;
H o l t h a u s e n AEW 137-138.

gërfej m ‘cave with two entrances’. Apparently, this dialectal word from
Mirdita was misintepreted as far as its meaning is concerned. Perhaps,
the original meaning was ‘study, office room ’. Its source is, clearly,
MGk Ypowperov ‘record-office, registry’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 208 (prefix gër-
followed by -fej, plural o í fyell).

gërgaUe f, pi.gërgalle ‘rocky area’. A singularized plural of *gërgallë

further related to gargull and continuing PAlb *garg-alä.

gërgas aor. gërgita ‘to irritate, to in c ite ’. B o r ro w e d from SCr grgati ‘to
tinket, to putter, to pick (teeth or n ose)’. 0 MEYER Wb. 123 (onomatopoeia);
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 125; Ç a b e j St. V II 2 4 2 .

(G) gërhanë f, pl.gërhanë ‘card, hackle’. Another form is kërhanë. Sin­

gularized plural of krehër ~ krahen ‘comb’ (ÇABEJ St. I 208), Note the
voicing of the initial k- as in many other examples.

gërhas aor .gërhita ‘to sn o r e ’. B o rro w ed from S lav *ki,rxati ‘to co u g h ,

to ex p ec to ra te’, represented in South S lav ic by SCr krhati ( M e y e r Wb.
1 2 3 -1 2 4 , Alb. St. IV 103). 0 L a P ia n a Studi I 7 0 (reco n stru cts *gri-
khak-iô), St. Varia 32 -3 3 (from *gher-ghark-iö, to Skt gharghara- ‘thun­
d erin g , r in g in g ’); ÇABEJ St. I 2 0 8 -2 0 9 (o n o m a to p o eia or a co g n a te o f
grahmë ); SVANE 261.

gërk m, pl. gërqe ‘G reek ’. A p arallel form o f singular is gërq. B o rro w ed

from Slav *grbth id., cf. South Slavic form s: B ulg grbk, SCr grk (MEYER
 GËRLAC G Ë R SH E T 115

Wb. 124). The fem in in e form gërqinjë g o e s back to S lav *grbkyni (M lK­
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 2 0 ). C f. a lso grek. 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie
197; Ç a b e j St. I 21 3 .

gërlac m ‘windpipe’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *g-hrdlacb or

directly derived from Slav *gi>rdlo ‘throat’ ( M e y e r Wb. 124).

gërlas a o r . gërlata ‘to bend’. O f obscure origin.

gërlicë f ‘turtle dove’. Borrowed from Slav *gi,rd¡ica id., cf. South
Slavic forms: Bulg gw lica, SCr grlica (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 125).

gërmadhë f, pl.gërmadha ‘ruin’. A relatively early borrowing from Slav

*gromada ‘heap, m ass’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg gramada,
grhmada, SCr gramada (MEYER Wb. 124). 0 MANN Language XVII 12;
S v a n e 52.

gërm is aor. gërmita ‘to pick, to gnaw’. A denominative based on

grimë.

gërm oj aor. gërmova ‘to dig’. A denominative verb derived from

gërmë ‘letter’ in its otherwise unattested meaning ‘line, scratch’ so that
the original meaning of gërmoj would be ‘to scratch lines’. If so, gërmë
must be considered a borrowing from ancient Greek rather than a loan
from NGk ypdc,una the only meaning of which is ‘letter’ and which is
reflected in Albanian as grame. 0 MEYER Wb. 125 (to gënnsh), 128 (gërmë
< N G k yp á|a p a ); ÇABEJ St. VII 2 5 4 -2 5 5 .

gërm uq adv. ‘c r o o k e d ’. An e x p r e ssiv e d eriv a tiv e o f gërmoj.

gërshas aor. grisha ‘to in v ite ’. A variant o f grish, aor. grisha id. O r ig ­
in a lly , from PAlb *grisa, a ze r o grad e o f IE *g*er-: Skt grnati ‘to ca ll,
to in v o k e ’, L ith giriu, girti ‘to p r a is e ’ (JOKL IF XXX VI 133). 0
M e y e r Wb. 124 (to Lith garsas ‘sound’), Alb. St. Ill 7, 72; ClMOCHOWSKI
St. IE 44; F r a e n k e l 154; M a y r h o f e r I 343; P o k o r n y I 478; Ç a b e j
St. VII 201, 224; HAMP apud SCHRIJVER BC 143 (to C elt *bardos ‘bard’
< *barsdo- < * frs-)\ DEMIRAJ AE 180.

gërshet m. pi, gërsheta ‘plait’. A parallel form is kërshet. The source

of this word is Gk Kopatoxôç ‘tasseled (hair)’, cf. also Kopacoxrip ‘barber’.
 116 G R R SIIËR Ë ~ G Ë R SH A N Ë GËRRYEJ ~ GËRRYJ G ËSH TA LLË G ISH L 1 17

0 MEYER Wb. 124 (to Ital grisola ‘wicker-work'); ÇABEJ St. I 2 0 9 -2 1 0 Xpaivto); ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ (to various form s in gërr-lkër-)-,
(divides the word into gë(r)- and -shet, the latter to be compared with D e m ir a j AE 177-178 (prefix gë-).
shatë).
gësh ta llë f ‘splint, piece of wood’. A parallel form is kështallë. Goes
g ërsh ërë ~ gërshanë f, pl. gërshërë ~ gërshanë ‘scissors’. Borrowed from back to PAlb *ka-sta!nä, a préfixai derivative related to shtjell (ÇABEJ
Rom *carsänia, an irregular phonetic transformation of *caesânia, cf. St. I 210-211).
Ital cesoie id. < Rom *corsôria. 0 CAMARDA I 6 6 (to IE *kers- ‘to cut );
MEYER Wb. 124 (reconstructs Rom *carpsöria as a source); JOKL LKUBA gështenjë f, pi.gështenja ‘chestnut’. Together with a parallel form kësht-
1 5 5 -1 5 7 (to IE *sker- ‘to cut’); Ç a b e j St. VII 2 5 8 . enjë, borrowed from Lat castanea id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 12;
M e y e r Wb. 191). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042, 1048;
g ë rth a p ë pl. ‘garden scissors; claw, nipper (of a scorpion)’. Another M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 14; Ç a b ej St. V II279; H a a r m a n n 115; L a n d i
variant is gëthapë. Together with the umlauticized form gëthep ‘hook’, Lat. 47-48, 81, 97.
continues PAlb *ga-tsap- related to thep.
g ë z o f m, pl. gëzofë ‘fur, pelt’. Borrowed from Gk Yat>Ga7toç ‘frieze’
gërthas aor.gërthita ‘to cry, to shout’. A variant of kërcas, with the dialec­ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 29), the latter itself being an Oriental loan­
tal substitution -th- > -c- and the voicing of the anlaut. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII word (from Akk guzippu ~ kuzippu). The phonetic details of the Alban­
25 8 . ian word, however, remain irregular: the place of the stress, the voiced

ER I 169; F r is k I 789-780; apud WALDE-HOFMANN I 5 8 5 (borrowed from an ancient Balkan lan­ crab, c r a y fish ’, Lat cancer id. 0 MAYRHOF
! guage to Albanian and Greek), JOKL Beiträge (< *g“öu-di-äpos ‘bovine’); W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 151 ; P o k o r n y 1531.
F r is k I 202.
:r variant is gërvisht. As g ë rv ish aor. gërvisha ‘to scratch'. Anoth
formation based on *gërvij. gëzhojë f, pl. gëzhoja ‘nut s h e ll’. A sin gularized plural o f gëzhollë w hich other derivatives in -ish(t), this is a secondary
Æe y e r Wb. 125 (from Slav is a m etath etic fo rm o f zhgoll ~ zhguall. T he latter is a p réfix a i d e r iv ­ The source of the latter remains unclear. 0 ’
ative o f guall (Ç a b e j St. I 2 1 1 ). 0 H e lb i g 78 (borrow ed from Ital guscio *grebg ‘to rake up’).
‘nut s h e ll’).
*garatjâ, a suffixal deriv- g ë rre s ë f, pi.gërresa ‘scraper’. From PAlb
based on grij (M e y e r Wb. gica pi. ‘first teeth of an infant’. A word of the expressive vocabulary. ative of an unattested o-grade noune *gara
lien 9-10 (suffix -esë), 23- Cf. also gic ‘darling’. 130). Borrowed to Rum gresie. 0 JOKL Stu
POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 24 (related to OHG krazzôn ‘to scratch’);
g ilcë f, pi.gilca ‘sinew’. Other variants are gilzë ~ kilzë ‘groin, hollow 3342; R o se t t i ILR I 278.
of knee or elbow’. The word is derived from an unattested *kilë going
\ denominative verb con- back to PAlb *külä and identical with Lith kula ‘thickening, swelling’, g ë rric aor. gërrica ‘to scratch with nails’,
Slav *kyla id. 0 FRAENKEL 306; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIII 262-263. nected with gërresë.

our’. A denominative verb gisht m, pl. gishta, gishtëra ~ gishtna, gishtërinj ‘finger, thumb’. The Greek- gërry ej ~ g ërry j aor. gërreva ‘to scrape, to si
24 (from *gred-, cf. OHG Albanian and South Tosk form glisht leads to the reconstruction of PAlb connected with gërresë. 0 JOKL Studien 23
/II 15, XXVIII 35 (to Gk *glista. Related to Lith getti ‘to prick, to sting’, galas ‘end, tip’ and krazzôn ‘to scratch’); M a n n Language X
118 GLASE — G L IST E R

the like (P E D E R S E N KZ XXXIX 393; J O K L IF XXXVI 125). 0 B O P P 498

(to Skt añgusthá- ‘thumb’); M e y l r Wb. 141 (follows B O P P ); B R U G M A N N
1F XI 285-286 n. 1 (to Gk ßAi|xa^co ‘to feel hens to see if they are fat’);
B U G G E BB XVIII 167 (to Skt añgúli- ‘finger, thumb’); P E D E R S E N KZ
XXXIIT 547 (to Slav *gi,rstb ‘handful’), Kelt. Gr. I 79 (to Arm ciwt
‘twig, fin g er’); T A G L I A V I N I Dalmazia 123, Stratificazione 88-89;
P i s a n i Saggi 132; C a m a j Alh. Wortb. 124; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 147, Ètimo­
logija 1986-1987 222-224 (reconstructs *glista but connects it with ngjis);
Ç a b e j St. VII 200; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 40; D e m i r a j AE 178-179 (to
W bys, OCorn bis, bes ‘finger’).

glasë f, pi. glasa ‘bird’s droppings’. Borrowed from Rom *galiiatia, a

derivative of Lat gallus ‘rooster’, cf. Rum gâinaj ‘fowl’s droppings’
< *gallînâtia ( M E Y E R Wb. 122). 0 P U Ç C A R IU EWR 60; M lH Ä E S C U RESEE
IV /1-2 16 (from Lat gallinacea)', L A N D I Lat. 137-138.

gledhë f, pi. gledha ‘caress’. From P A lb *gladä, a substantivized adjec­

tive related to Lat glaber ‘smooth’, OHG^/öf ‘shining, even, smooth’,
Lith glodus ‘sm ooth’, Slav *glad’bk’b id., *gladiti ‘to caress’. 0
FRAENKEL 158; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 603; POKORNY I 4 3 2 ; T r u b a c e v
ÈSSJa VI 1 14-116.

glepë f, pl. glepa ‘matter from eyes, rheum (in eyes)’. Also attested as
gëlepë. From PAlb *ka-laipa, derived from IE *leip- ‘to smear with
fat’ (JOKL LKUBA 314). For the development of the prefix *ka- see gloq.
0 MEYER Wb. 125 (thinks of OHG chlëbên ‘to glue’), Alb. St. Ill 31;
MANN Language XXVIII 34 (to MHG klepe)', POKORNY I 670-671 ; CAMAJ
Alb. Wortb. 101 (adduces a dubious variant gëlapë); ÖLBERG IF
LXXIII 2 1 4 (against C a m a j ); OREL Linguistica XXIV 427; ÇABEJ apud
D e m ir a j (to lyej); D e m ir a j AE 1 7 6 -1 7 7 (to Gk Âorcôç ‘shell, scale’).

glinë f ‘c la y ’. B orro w ed from S lav *glina ‘c la y ’, cf. in particular South

S la v ic re flex e s: B u lg glina, SC r glina (JOKL Studien 109). 0 S e l i Sc e v
Slav, naselenie 173, 308; S v a n e 169.

gliqe pi. ‘k nee ten d o n s’. A su ffixal d eriv a tiv e g o in g back to *gëliqe and
further co n n ecte d w ith gilcë. 0 MEYER Wb. 126 (b o r ro w ed from S lav
* kl’uka ‘stick , c a n e ’).

glistër f, pi. glistra ‘r a in w o rm ’. D er iv ed from *glistë b o rro w ed from

 GLOQ. - GODIS 119

Slav *glista ‘w orm ’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg glista, SCr glista
(S v a n e 157).

gioq m, p!.gloq ‘matter from eyes, rheum (in eyes), testis’. Note a dialec­
tal form gëluq. Goes back to PAlb *ka-laukja, a formation with a prefix
*ka- occasionally voiced in Albanian. The stem reflects a lengthening
of IE *leuk- ‘to shine; shining, white’ and is also found in loqe (OREL
Linguistica XXIV 427). 0 POKORNY I 687-690.

gllanik m, pi.gllanikë ‘hearth stone’. Borrowed from Slav *golvbniki>

derived from *golvn’a ‘charred log, charcoal’, cf. Bulg glavn’a, SCr
glavnja (JOKL Studien 108, LKUBA 3 1 5 ). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch.
1 9 -2 0 (from Bulg klanik ‘space between the fireplace and the wall’);
BARIC AArbSt I 2 1 6 (agrees with JOKL); SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 149,
307; K r is t o f o r i 64; ÇABEJ St. I 2 1 1 -2 1 2 (supports VASMER); SVANE
56.

gllavinë f, pi.gllavina ‘wheel hub’. Borrowed from Slav *golvina id.,

cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg glavina, SCr glavina (DESNICKAJA
Slav. zaim. 11). 0 SVANE 35.

gobellë f, pi.gobella ‘deep place (in water)’. Together with gobetë ‘hollow’,
derived from *gobë continuing PAlb *gâubâ, further etymologically
connected with ~Li\hgaübti ‘to cover, to w rap’, Slav *ghbnçti ‘to bend’.
0 F r a e n k e l 140; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII 18 8 -1 8 9 .

gocë f, pl. goca ‘g ir l’. D er iv ed from gop.

gocë f, pl. goca ‘o y s te r ’. O ther v arian ts are guacë, guaskë, guazë

d esc rib in g any sh ell. A d eriv a tiv e o f guall (ÇABEJ St. I 2 1 2 ).

godas aor.godita ‘to strik e, to b ea t’. B o r ro w e d fro m Slav *goditi used

in a m ean ing unattested in South S la v ic (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 19;
M e y e r Wb. 126). 0 S v a n e 2 2 9 , 23 2 .

godinë f, pi. godina ‘b u ild in g ’. A n A lb an ian d eriv a tiv e o f godis.

godis aor. godita ‘to b u ild ’. H isto r ica lly id en tica l with godas , this v erb
has a m ean in g d ev elo p p ed in A lb anian from a d ifferen t u sa g e o f godis
120 GOGËL — G O ST IS

‘to fit, to adjust’ (T ag lia v in i Dalmazia 123). 0 MLADENOV 1st. 77; R eiter
Z ß a lk V II/1-2 125-129.

gogël f, pi.gogla ‘ball, acorn’. A descriptive stem. 0 M e y e r Alb. St. V

78 (to gogë, an expressive word denoting ‘Vlach’); JOKL Studien 24-
25 (to OHG chliuwa ‘ball’, Lat galla ‘gall-nut’ and the like); DEMIRAJ
AE 179 (reduplicated stem related to Arm kaiin ‘acorn’, Gk ßaXavoq
id.).

gogësij dOT. gogësiva, gogësita ‘to yawn’. An expressive formation (MEYER

Wb. 126). 0 D e m ir a j AE 179 (to Gk xocgkcd ‘to yawn’).

gojë f, pi.goje ‘mouth’. As immediately clear from the variant gole pre­
serving -/-, this element of the basic vocabulary is an Italian loanword
from gola id. (MEYER Wb. 126). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 31 (from
Lat gula); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 123.

golle f, pl. golle ‘hole’. A singularized plural based on *goll borrowed

from Gk YW^eôç ‘cave, cavern’.

gomë f, pl. goma ‘resin’. Borrowed from Rom *gumma, a variant of Lat
gummi.

gomilë f, pi. gomita ‘heap of stones, stone hill’. Borrowed from South
Slavic: Bulg gomila id., SCr gomita id., metathesis of Slav *mogyla (MlK­
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 19).

gop m ‘vagina, vulva’. From PAlb *gâupâ related to Gk ywtri ‘cave’,

ON kofi id. (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 21). 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione
89; F ris k I 335; P o k o r n y I 395-396.

gorricë f, pi. gorrica ‘wild pear’. Borrowed from Slav *gorbnica, cf.
South Slavic continuants: Bulg gornica (MEYER Wb. 127). 0 SELISCEV
Slav, naselenie 164, 309; SVANE 125.

gosë f, pi. gosa ‘water-hole’. Continues PAlb *gâtjâ formally close to

Slav *gatb/*gati> ‘dam, pool’ and Skt gütú- ‘passage, way’. 0 TRUBACEV
ÈSSJa VI 108-109.

g o stís aor.gostita ‘to receive guests’. Borrowed from Slav *gostiti id.
 GO ZH DË GRAM 12 1

Bulg gost'a, SCr gostiii (MlKLOSICHSlav. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wh. 127),

0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 183, 191; M l a d e n o v 1st. 77; M a n n Lan­
guage X V II 12; S v a n e 212, 233.

gozhdë f. pl. gozhdë, gozhda ‘nail’. Borrowed from Slav *gvozdb id.,
cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg gvozd, dialectal gozd, SCr gvozd (MlKLOSICH
Slav. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 128). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie
172; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 124; H a m p LB XIV/2 12; S v a n e 30, 88,
229.

gozhup m. p\.gozhupa ‘lambskin waistcoat’. Borrowed from Bulg dial.

kozuf, kuzuf ‘leather-coat, fur-coat’, Maced kozuv id. continuing Slav
*kozuxb.

grabë f. pi. graba ‘erosion, hollowing out’. From PAlb *graba etymo­
logically related to OHG graft ‘grave’, Slav *grobi> id. and other deriv­
atives of IE *ghrebh- ‘to dig’ (MANN Language XXVI 380). 0 POKORNY
1 455-456; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VII 133-134.

grabis aor. grahita ‘to steal, to r o b ’. B o r ro w e d fro m S lav *grabiti id.,

cf. South S la v ic r e fle x e s: B u lg grab’a, SCr grabiti (MlKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 19; MEYER Wb. 128). 0 B o p p G /\ comp. I 6 6 (rela ted to Slav
*grabiti); JOKL IF XLIX 295; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 124; S eli Sc e v Slav,
naselenie 178, 191; MLADENOV 1st. 77; SVANE 233.

gradë f, p].grada ‘nest’. Borrowed from Slav *gordrb ‘fence, wall, town’,
cf. Bulg grad, SCr grad. Note the change of gender in Albanian.

gradine f, pi .gradina ‘garden’. Borrowed from Slav *gordina, cf. South

Slavic continuants: Bulg gradina, SCr gradina. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Ele­
mente 19; MEYER Wb. 128). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 151; SVANE
58.

grah ~ graf aor. graha —grafa to spur on, to call, to roar . From PAlb
*graska etymologically related to Skt grnati ‘to call, to invoke’, Lith
giriti, girti ‘to praise’. 0 MEYER Wb. 128 (to Goth hrops ‘call’ and the
like); F r a e n k e l 154; M a y r h o f e r I 343; P o k o r n y I 478; Ç a b e j St.
VII 200-201.

g ra m m, pi. grama, gramra ~ gramna ‘c o u c h -g r a ss, k n o t-g r a ss’. B o r ­

12 2 G R A SH IN Ë — G RELLE

row ed from R om *gräma (> Spanish grama) replacing Lat grämen ‘grass’
(M e y e r Wb. 128). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 23; H a a r m a n n 128;
L a n d i Lat. 103, 147.

grashinë f, pi. grashina ‘vetch, sweet pea’. Borrowed from Slav

*gorsina ‘pea’, cf. in South Slavic: SCr grasina (JOKL LKUBA 185).
0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 162, 326; SVANE 104.

grath m, pl. grathë ‘tooth, prong (of a device), bristle’. A deminutive

derived from PAlb *graba, an o-grade noun related to kreh.

gravë f, pi. grava ‘cave, den, lair’. From PAlb *grava etymologically
identical with Lith griovà, Latv grava, gçava ‘ravine, precipitous
valley’, OPrus grauwus ‘side’ further connected with Lith griuti ‘to decline,
to collapse’, Latv gçüt id. (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 261). 0
T r a u t m a n n APSpr. 342; F r a e n k e l 171.

grazhd m, pi.grazhde ‘m anger’. Borrowed from South-Eastern Slavic,

cf. Bulg grazd id. < Slav *gordjb (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; M e y e r
Wb. 129). 0 M l a d e n o v 1st. 77.

grebash m, pi.grebasha ‘rake’. Borrowed from Slav *grebasb, a deriv­

ative based on *grebç, *grebti ‘to rake’. 0 TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VII 109-
110.

grehull m. pi. grehuj ‘thicket’. Derived from greh, a variant of kreh.

grek m, pl. grekë ‘G reek’. Borrowed from Lat graecus id. (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 30). 0 M e y e r Wb. 124 (from Ital greco); SELISCEV Slav,
naselenie 197 (agrees with M e y e r ); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21
1043; MILETIC Sp. BAN XVI/9 35-42 (from West Macedonian with *7,
> [äj); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 128; Ç a b f j St. 1 213
(follows M e y e r -LU b k e ); L a n d i Lat. 71, 140.

grellë f, pi. grella ‘deep place’. Continues PAlb *gritla with a secondary
e < *i based on the analogy with i < *e in singularized plurals. PAlb
*gritla is formally identical with Lith gurklÿs ‘crop’, OPrus gurcle ‘throat’,
Slav *g-brdlo id., cf. also *zerdlo ‘river-bed; opening’. Together with
Balto-Slavic, the Proto-Albanian word reflects IE *gftlom (O r e l Fort.
7 9 ). 0 P o k o r n y I 4 7 5 ; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII 2 0 4 -2 0 5 .
 G REP G RIG J 123

grep m, pi.grepa ‘hook, fish-hook’. A more archaic form of the word

is preserved in its variant gërjepë. It continues PAlb *ga-repa related
to rjep. Note grremç < *grepç id. as one of derivatives of grep. 0 M e y e r
Wb. 129 (borrowed from Ital grappa ‘hook’); SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 242;
POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 3342; ROSETTI ILR I 277; ÇABEJ St. I 218
(on grremç as derived from grem ~ grep).

grerë ~ g re n z ë f, pi.grera, grerëz ~ grenëz, grenza ‘wasp, hornet’. From

PAlb *graisna < *grisnâ that, despite its voiced anlaut, must be
equated with Lat cräbrö ‘hornet’, OHG horna$ id., Lith sirsuö id., Slav
*sbr$enb id. 0 CAMARDA I 346 (to Skt gar- ‘to swallow’); JOKL
LKUBA 89 (singularized plural in Geg); K l u g e 316; M a n n Language
XXVIII 32 (to Gk ßpovxfj), Language XXVIII 35; FRAENKEL 988; WALDE-
HOFMANN I 283-284; POKORNY I 576; VASMER IV 432; ÇABEJ St. VII
258.

greth m ‘flax-combings’. Derived from kreh (MEYER Wb. 204).

g rëm ëratë f ‘beestings, clots of curdled m ilk’. Borrowed from Lat

glomerâtum, participle of glomerâre ‘to wind into a ball, to gather into
a round heap’, with assimilation of liquida. Borrowed to NGk ypcc^eváTa
with a dissimilation of sonorants. 0 MEYER Wb. 130 (from Rom
* crémorcltum), Alb. St. V 7 8 -7 9 (goes back to Lat glomus ‘ball’); PASCU
RE 56 (from Arum *grumurata)\ ÇABEJ St. VII 2 0 4 , 2 5 8 .

g rifsh ë f, pi. grifsha ‘jay, m agpie’. Borrowed from Rom *gripsa based
on Lat gryps ‘griffin’. The form grizhël magpie’ seems to be a form
of grifshë. 0 CAMARDA II 71 (from Gk y p w ‘griffin’); MEYER Wb. 130
(from Friul gripp ‘kind of bird’ or Italgn'va ‘thrush’); ÇABEJ St. I 214-
215 (related to krip ‘hair’, krife).

g r ifsh ë f, pi. grifsha ‘arbutus, wild straw berry-tree’. A metaphoric use

of grifshë ‘mane’ for a bushy tree. Other variants are krifshë and kripçë.
0 ÇABEJ St. I 2 9 1 -2 9 2 (to krife).

g rifsh ë f, pi. grifsha ‘m ane’. Derived from *grifë id., a variant of krife.

grigj m, pi. grigje ‘flock, herd’. Another variant is fem. grigjë. Borrowed
from Lat gregem id. (G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
126 G R U SH T - G U I.

w ith MlKLOSICH); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1043, 1054 (fo llo w s

MEYER); B a r i Ó A4rW>/. II 4 1 4 (links grurë to Lith grudas ‘grain, w heat’,
Latv graüds id ., OHG grûz ‘g r o a ts ’); M a n n Language X V II 13;
M a y r h o f e r I 4 3 9 , 443; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 8; F e is t Goth. 3 0 9 -3 1 0 ;
W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 6 1 8 -6 1 9 ; V a s m e r II 9 5 -9 6 ; F r a e n k e l 1314;
P o k o r n y I 391; ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani I I 684; H a m p KZ L X X V I 2 7 8 -
279; Ç a b e j St. I 2 1 8 -2 1 9 ; O r e l Koll. Ig. Ges. 351 (*-/■//- > *-f- > -ru-
after lab ials and la b io v ela rs); JANSON Unt. 8 3 -8 4 .

grusht m, pi. grushte, grushta ‘fist’. Early borrowing from (South-Eastern)

Slav *gbrstb ‘handful, hand’ (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; MEYER
Wb. 133). Ô B a r i C ARSt 32-33 (related to Slav *g-brstb)\ JOKL LKUBA
33; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 143; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 126; M a n n
Language XVII 13; HAMP LB XIV/2 14.

grykë f, pl.gryka ‘throat’ From PAlb *grlwïkâ related to IE *grlua ‘neck’:

Skt grivd, Av grîvâ, Latv griva ‘river mouth’, Slav *griva ‘mane’ (OREL
Linguistica XXIV 438). 0 CAMARDA 65 (correctly links grykë to IE *g“er-
‘to swallow, to eat’); M e y e r Wb. 133 (compares, without certainty, with
Slav *kbrkb ‘neck’, ON kverk ‘throat’ and the like); TAGLIAVINI Strati­
ficazione 89; MANN Language XVII 15-16; M a y r lio fer 1 3 5 3 -3 5 4 ;
POKORNY I 475; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 114 (suffix -kë); TRUBACEV
ÈSSJa VII 129-1 3 0 ; ÇABEJ St. VII 25 7 .

grrykë f, pl. grryqe ‘cool wind’. A derivative of gërryej: a cool wind

described as a scratching one.

guall m, pl. guaj ‘shell, skull’. From PAlb *gala, a long-grade deriva­
tive related to the dialectal Indo-European word for ‘head’ (and, orig­
inally, also ‘tum or’): Arm glux < *ghôlu-, Lith galvà, Slav *golva. 0
A c a r e a n HAB I 5 6 5 -5 6 6 ; F r a e n k e l 1 3 1 -1 3 2 ; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VI
2 2 1 -2 2 2 ; P o k o r n y I 350; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 3 6 .

gugë f, pl. guga ‘baby shirt’. An expressive word.

gul adj. ‘hornless’. Attested only in Italo-Albanian. From PAlb *gula

further related to OHG kalo ‘naked, bald’, Slav *gol-b 'naked' *guliti
‘to skin’. 0 MEYER Wb. 209 (to ON kolla ‘hornless animal’); TRUBACEV
ÈSSJa VII 15; D e m ir a j AE 181.
 G U LÇO J GU RM AZ 127

gulçoj aor.gulçova ‘to w o rry , to d istu rb ’. A nother form is kulçoj. B o r ­

r o w e d from R om *colluctiàre, c f. Lat colluctârï ‘to str u g g le , to
c o n ten d ’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 0 9 (uncertain com p a riso n w ith N G k kotcò ‘to
r is k ’).

gulm m, pl.gulma ‘w o r r y ’. A d eriv a tiv e o f gulçoj co n tin u in g *gulçm.

gultoj aor.gultova ‘to get rid o ff'. B orrow ed from Lat colluctârï ‘to strug­
g le , to co n te n d ’. C f. gulçoj.

gunë f, pl. guna ‘g oatsk in co a t w ith h o o d ’. B o r r o w e d fro m M G k

you v a ‘fur’ (MEYER Wb. 134-135). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 31 (from
M Lat gunna); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046 (fr o m R om
*gunna); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1 -2 23; Z a l i z n ’a k VSJa 39; H a a r m a n n
129; ZOJZI St. albanica III 3 1 9 -3 3 7 ; LANDI Lat. 101.

gungë f, pl. gunga ‘bum p, s w e llin g ’. F rom P A lb *gunga e ty m o lo g ic a l­

ly con n ected w ith Lith gugà ‘hum p, h illo c k ’, gungà id. (MANN Language
X X V III 3 4 ). 0 F r a e n k e l 1 74-175; Ç a b e j St. 1 2 1 9 -2 2 0 .

gur m, pl.gure ‘stone, rock’. From PAlb *gura continuing the zero-grade
of IE *g“er- ‘mountain’: Skt giri-, Av gairi-, Lith girià ‘wood’, Latv
dziria id., Slav *gora ‘mountain, wood* (CAMARDA I 50; MEYER Wb.
135 with much uncertainty). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 1 8 -3 1 9 (follows
M e y e r and reconstructs *g“er-); ; BARTHOLOMAE 514; JOKL IF XLIV
50, LKUBA 230, Sprache IX 150; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 127; MANN Lan­
guage XVII 13; P o r z ig Gliederung 198; P is a n i Saggi 126; F r a e n k e l
153; M a y r h o f e r I 335; P o k o r n y I 4 7 7 -4 7 8 ; H am p BSE L 45;
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII 2 9 -3 1 ; H u ld 6 6 -6 7 ; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 144;
W a t k in s Dragon 164 (from IE *gfH-u-); D e m ir a j AE 181.

gurmac m, pi.gurmacë ‘sm all round sto n e ’. D eriv ed from *gurm based
on gur.

gurmaz m ‘g u lle t’. A d eriv a tiv e o f kurm w ith a seco n d a ry v o ic in g o f

the anlaut k-. B orrow ed to Rum grumaz. 0 PU§CARIU EWR 63-64; PASCU
RE 56; P o g h ir c 1st. limb. rom. II 343; ROSETTI ILR I 278; K a l u Zsk a ja
- O r e l SBJa Kontakty 17-22 (com p arison w ith G k ßapocGpov throat’).
128 G U SH Ë — GJAJ

gushë f, p\.gusha ‘th roat’. B o rro w ed fro m Rum gu$à id. (TAGLIAVINI
Dalmazia 127 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20 (from S la v ic); MEYER
Wb. 135-136; PU^CARIU EWR 64; MEYER-LÜBKE ZfromPhil XV 242;
BARIC ARSt. I 106-107 (fro m IE *gursia, related to grykë); PUSCARIU
EWR I 64; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 343; ROSETTI ILR I 278; MURATI
Probleme 130.

gusht m ‘August’. Borrowed from Lat augustus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom.

Elemente 4; MEYER Wb. 136). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1046;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 12; H a a r m a n 112; L a n d i L ai. 91, 177.

gushtericë i. pl. gushterica ‘lizard’. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf.

Bulg gusterica id., SCr gusterica (ÇABEJ St. I 220).

gutë f ‘gout’. Borrowed from Rom *gutta ‘drop’ used as a name of

the disease, cf. Rum gutä id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 31). 0 MEYER
Wb. 136 (from SCr guta id.); PU§CARIU EWR 65; M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr.
Grundriß 2 1 1046 (same as MlKLOSICH); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 16;
H a a r m a n n 129; Ç a b e j St. 1 220 (follows M e y e r -L ü b k e ; L a n d i Lat.
101, 127.

Gj
gjaj aor. gjava, gjajta ‘to resemble, to be like; to suit, to become; to seem;
to happen’. Dialectal forms glaj, gëlaj require the reconstruction of PAlb
*ga-lanja < *ga-lab-nja, a denominative verb based on *lab- etymo­
logically identical with Lith läbas ‘good’, Latv labs id. (OREL Festschr.
Shevoroshkin 261). Thus, the original meaning must have been ‘to suit,
to become’. Note another verbal form gjas ‘to resem ble’ also belong­
ing here and continuing *ga-labtja. 0 CAMARDA I 336 (to Gk yXaóaoco
‘to shine’, an obvious derivative of ytacuKoc ‘shining’); MEYER Wb.
137 (related to qas), Alb. Studien V 79 (to Gk ßaM.a> ‘to launch, to
reach’, Skt gdlati ‘(he) drops, falls down’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 331 ;
JOKL apud Ç a b e j St. I 221 (compares with Germ glänzen ‘to shine’);
P is a n i Saggi 125; F r a e n k e l 327; Ç abej St. I 221 (reconstructs *ga-
laig- and links it to Goth galeikan ‘to please’ but this ablaut grade is
unknown in *leig- ~ *llg-); OREL IF XLIII 102-104, FLH V III/1-2 43
(from PAlb *janja related to IE *ja- ‘to go, to walk’).
 GJAK — GJALLK 129

gjak m, pl. gjaqe, gjakra ~ gjakna ‘blood’. From PAlb *saka related to
Gk otcôç ‘juice’, Lith sakdi ‘resin’, Slav *sok-h ‘juice’ and the like con­
tinuing an Indo-European word fo r‘juice’ *sok*o- (M e y e r Wb. 136, Alb.
St. I ll 4 ,4 3 ; P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I 285). 0 C a m a r d a 1 38 (to Gk ì^cóp
‘blood’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 128 (reconstructs *o- in the root), Strat­
ificazione 89; M a n n Language XXVI 386-387; F r a en k e l 756-757; PISANI
Saggi 126; F r isk I I 4 0 5 -4 0 6 ; P o k o r n y I 104 4 -1 0 4 5 ; V a s m e r III 708;
OREL Sprache XXXI 279, ZfBalk XXIIl 149, VDl 1986/1 130-144 (Alban­
ian and ancient Indo-Europeans formulas connected with ‘blood’); Ç abej
St. VII 20 0 , 254; HULD67; KORTLANDT SSGL X 219; DEMIRAJ AE 181-
182.

gjalm m , p l . gjalma, gjalmitër, gjelmitër ‘rope, lace’. From PAlb

*salpna, connected with Slav *salpiti ‘to stick out’, Lith is-selpineti
‘to get divided’. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 43, 89 (to Gmc *sailaz ‘rope’),
Alb. St. Ill 43; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIV 286-287; JOKL Studien 47
(agrees with MEYER); FRAENKEL 971-972; VASMER III 714, Alb.
Wortforsch. I 36 (rejects M e y e r ’ s etymology as far as Indo-European
diphtongs in -i do not yield Alb -a-); PETERSSON LUÂ XIX/6 12-14
(to G k ôcAajcjiç ‘chain’); LA P ia n a Studi I 58 (agrees with PETERSSON
but treats -mit- in gjelmitër as a separate root); ÇABEJ St. I 222 (to Lat
glomus ‘ball’ and the like); A n ik in Ètimologija 1982 65-70.

gjalpë m / n ‘butter’. Continues PAlb *selpa identical with Gk e'Àjtoç-

è'Àatov, crtéccp, eùGrjvia (Hes.), Skt sarpis- ‘clarified butter’, OHG salba
‘ointment’ (CAMARDA I 93; MEYER Wb. 137, Alb. St. Ill 31, 4 3 ). 0 PED­
ERSEN KZ XXXIII 549; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 148; L a P ia n a Studi
I 85; M a n n Language XXVI 3 8 3 , XXVIII 36; PISANI Saggi 127;
F r isk 1 503; M a y r h o f e r III 4 4 6 ; P o k o r n y 1 901; H a m p Kratylos V
105 (to shtjalp); OREL Sprache XXXI 279; ÇABEJ St. VII 253; HULD
KZ CVII 169 (5-stem); DEMIRAJ AE 182.

gjallë adj. ‘alive’. Reflects PAlb *salwa etymologically close to Skt sárva-
‘complete, whole’, Gk oA,oç ‘whole’, Lat salvus ‘healthy’, Tokh A salu
‘completely’ (MEYER Wb. 137, Alb. St. Ill 43, 75). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII
544, Kelt. Gr. I 53; JOKL Sprache IX 122; La PIANA Studi I 78 (to Lat
vtvus); M a n n Language XXVIII 39; PISANI Saggi 131; FRISK I 381;
C h a n t r a in e 795; M a y r h o f e r III 446-447; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II
472-473; POKORNY I 979-980; HAMPSr. Whatmough 82, BSL LXVI/1
130 GJARK.ËZ - G JA l'Ë

223, RRL XXI 49-51; VAN WINDEKENS 412; RASMUSSEN Morph. 205,
263; D e m ir a j AE 182-183.

gjarkëz pl. ‘peritoneum ’. A dialectal plural form of qark.

g ja rp ë r ~ g ja rp ë n m, pl. gjarpinj, gjërpinj, gjarpanj, gjarpërinj ~ gjarp-

ninj ‘snake’. From P A lb *serpena etymologically related to Lat
serpens ‘snake, serpent’, serpo ‘to craw l’ and, further, to IE *serp- ‘to
craw l’ (G i l ’ fe r d in g Otn. 21; C a m a r d a I 79; M e y e r Wb. 137, Alb.
St. Ill 31, 43, 72). There is no connection between gjarpër and shtër-
pinj ‘vermin, reptiles’ (see shtrep) despite the widely accepted opinion.
0 S t ie r KZ X I 235; J o k l IF X X X V I113-114; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 113;
M a n n Language XVII 17, XXVI 383; H a m p Kratylos V 105; P e d e r ­
s e n KZ XXXVI 284; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 129, Stratificazione 137;
P isani Saggi 129; W a l d e -H o fm a n n I I 524-525; P o k o r n y 1 912; Ç abej
St. VII 268; HULD 67-68; OREL Sprache XXXI 279; JANSON Unt. 26;
D e m ir a j AE 183-184.

g jash të num. ‘six’. From PAlb *sesti-, a derivative in *-ti- close to col-
■ ''' c' 1 * í T i K M C / „ A / f . I V V V III
 GJAZË GJELLË 131

gjazë f ‘riverside forest’. From PAlb *sedjâ, a derivative of IE *sed-

‘to sit, to be settled’, cf. in particular Slav *sadi, ‘garden, grove’ derived
from the same root. 0 V a s m e r III 543-544; POKORNY I 884-887.

gjedh m. pl.gjedha ‘cattle’. From PAlb *sada or *seda, a deverbative

based on IE *sed- ‘to go, to walk’ (ORELFestschr. Shevoroshkin 262).
Semantically, cf. other descriptions of cattle as ‘walking’, i.e. movable:
G k Hpoßaxa ‘cattle, sheep’, Hitt iiant- ‘ram ' and the like. 0 PISANI
Saggi 125; P o k o r n y I 887; Ç a b e j St. I 223 (to IE *g“öu- ‘cattle’ and
in particular to Slav *go vedo)-, B e n v e n is t e Inst. I 37-45; O r e l IF XLIII
104-105 (from IE *g“mdhos connected with IE *g“em- ‘to go’; however,
thr development of the umlauticized *a to -je- is dubious), Fort. 79.

gjej ~ gjêj aor. gjeta ‘to find’. From PAlb *gadnja < *ght}d- etymologically
related to G k xàvôavoo, aor. e^aSov ‘to seize, to grasp’, L atpre-hendö
id., ON geta id. (MEYER BB VIII 187, Wb. 140, Alb. St. Ill 10). The
full grade is represented in refi, gjëndem, gjindem ‘to be present’. 0
CAMARDA I 285 (to G k y x fy jv o n ai ‘to be born’); JOKL Balkangerm.
105-106, Sprache IX 123; BARIC AArbSt. II 383; L o e w e KZ XXXIX
312 (from Goth bigi tan); S c h m id t KZ L V II12-14, 33; T a g l ia v in i Dol­
or to Slav *$estb six , ana runner reiaiea io ic, -s(u)eks- ‘six’: Skt
132 GJET.LËZ GJERB

gjellëz f ‘salt’. Another variant is gjillesë ‘salt, taste’. Although the com­
parison with IE *sali- ‘salt’ could be tempting, connection with gjellë
is much more probable. Thus, ‘salt’ is treated as a ‘taste’ of food.

gjem m ‘bridle’. From PAlb *jama identical with Skt ydma- id. and
forming one of the isoglosses of Albanian with Southern Indo-Euro­
pean dialects, particularly, in horse breeding (OREL IF XCIII 105-106).
Note gj- as a regular reflex of the initial IE *i- (OREL FLH V III/1-2
43). 0 POKORNY I 505; MAYRHOFER III 2-3; OREL Ètnogenez 34-36;
OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 350.

gjemb m, pl. gjemba ‘thorn’. A Greek-Albanian form glëmb preserves

the original anlaut gl-. Goes back to PAlb *glamba, comparable with
Slav *glçb-ok-h ‘deep’ < ^ ‘hollowed’, *glçb~b ‘trunk, stump, cabbage-
stump’, cf. also Gk yXxitpco ‘to scrape up’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin
262). Rum ghimpe ‘thorn’ was borrowed from Albanian. 0 M e y e r Wb.
140 (to Lith ge'mbè ‘nail used to hang clothes’ - impossible in view of
the initial gl-), Alb. St. Ill 8, 36, 64; JOKL Studien 26-28 (to Lith geliit,
ge'lti ‘to stick’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 547 (against MEYER); PISANI
Saggi 123; POKORNY I 367; F r is k 1311; ROSETTI ILR I 277; ÇABEJ St.
VII 231; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VI 141-143; DEMIRAJ AE 186-187.

gjep m, pl. gjepa ‘spool’. A phonetic variant of djep. 0 M eyer Wb. 138
(to gjemb and qep).

gjer prep. ‘till’. Other variants are deri, ndjer, ngjer. From PAlb
*(a)jeri identical with Gk rjpi < * T |e p i ‘early’ further related to Gmc
*airiz ‘before, ere’ (Goth air, ON dr) and Av ayar ‘day’ (O R E L FLH
V III/1-2 43). 0 JOKL Studien 59-60 (to ndër)\ TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia
101; M a n n Language XXVI 383 (to Lat ferê ‘near’); FRISK I 643; FEIST
Goth. 24-25; B a r t h o l o m a e 157; Ç a b e j St. VII 187; K o r t l a n d t SSGL
XXIII 175; D e m i r a j AE 288-289 (to Gk néxpi ‘till’).

gjer m. pl. gjera ‘dorm ouse’. Borrowed from Lat glirem id., with the
long -I- treated as a short one (MEYER Wb. 138-139). Ô TRUBACEV Slav,
jaz. X I 11 (related to Lat glls and the like); L a n d i Lat. 83, 104.

gjerb aor. gjer ha ‘to gulp, to d r in k ’. F ro m PA lb *serba co n n ected with

L at sorbed ‘to sup up, to suck in ’, G k pocpéco id., L ith surbiu, surbti
id., Slav *shrbati ‘to gu lp , to sup u p ’ (M eyhr Wb. 139, Alb. St. Ill 36,
 GJERË ~ GJANË - GJETH 133

43, 72). 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 237, 299; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 636; M a nn

Language X X V ili 31 (re c o n stru c ts *ö in the ro o t); PISANI Saggi 131;
F r a e n k e l 945; F r is k IT 663; C h a n t r a in e 978; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II
561; POKORNY I 1001; V a s m e r III 604; H u l d 143 (su g g ests IE
*sorbh-ej-ö), KZ C V II 169; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 273; ANTTILA
Schw. 27; DEMIRAJ AE 187.

gjerë ~ gjanë adj. ‘broad, wide’. There also exists Tosk gjërë. From
PAlb *saina, a zero-grade derivative in *-no- based on IE *sëi-
io n g , late’, cf. OE sid ‘long, wide’, Goth seipus ‘late’, OIr sith
‘long’, Lat serus ‘late’ and the like (JOKL Studien 28). 0 TAGLIAVINI
Dalmazia 128; HOLTHAUSEN AEW 292; FEIST Goth. 415-416; VENDRYES
[S] 120-121; WALDE-HOFMANN II 526-527; POKORNY I 890-891;
Ç a b e j St. VII 258; H u l d 68-69; J a n s o n Unt. 28.

gjesh aor. gjesha ‘to knead’. From PAlb *jesja identical with Skt
yásyati ‘to boil’, Gk Çéco ‘to boil, to cook’ (MEYER Wb. 139, Alb. St.
Ill 39, 61). 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 35, 292; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 327, Kelt.
Gr. I 65; PISANI REIEIV 10, Saggi 102, 123; MINSHALL Language XXXII
629; F r isk I 612; M a y r h o f e r ITI 13; P o k o r n y I 506; H a m p Laryn­
geals 134; K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 152; H u l d 99; ö l b e r g KZ
LXXXVI 129; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 38; Ç a b ej apud D e m ir a j (to Germ
kneten ‘to knead’); D e m ir a j AE 300.

gjeshtër f, pl.gjeshtra ‘broom ’. Borrowed from Rom *genistra (cf. Ital

ginestra id.) based on Lat genista, genesta ‘broom-plant, broom’. 0 ÇABEJ
St. VII 237.

gjeti adv. ‘elsewhere’. A number of parallel forms exist, e.g. gjetiu, gjetkë,
ngjeti, njeti and the like. A fossilized form of aorist of gjej with various
other elements including kë, acc. of kush, and u, reflective pronoun.
0 C a m a r d a I 307 (to tjetër)\ Ç a b e j St. I 225-226 (treats njeti as an
older form and links it to Skt anyd- ‘other’).

gjetkëz f, pl. gjetkëza ‘goose-coop’. Identical with OAlb gjethkë ‘stall,

pen’ (B a r d h i ) continuing *gjerdhkë, a deminutive of gardh (ÇABEJ St.
1 226).

gjeth m, pi.gjeth ‘foliage, green leaves’. F rom P A lb *gadza with an irre g ­

ular unvoicing o f the auslaut o r, ra th e r, w ith a secondary r/i-suffix. The
134 GJKZDIS -— G JËM OJ

variant with a voiced -dh- is registered by some scholars but it may

well be an artifact. Etymologically connected with OHG questa ‘tuft’,
ON kvistr ‘branch’, Slav *gvozdb ‘wood, forest’ (JOKL/FXXX 199-
204, LKUBA 130, 221). Note the development of the initial cluster *guo-
> *ga- in Albanian. The form gjeshk ‘dry leaves’ is derived from gjeth.
0 C a m a r d a I 72 (compares with Gk k M ô o ç ‘branch’); M e y e r Wb.

138 (develops CAMARDA’s etymology); PEDERSEN KZ X X X III547; TAGLI­

AVINI Dalmazia 130; L a PIANA Varia 103-104; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II
230; PISANI Saggi 125; XHUVANI BUShT III/3 93 (connected with gath);
V a s m e r I 263; P o k o r n y I 480; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V II 185-186;
ÖLBERG St. Bonfante 562; ÇABEJ St. I 226-227 (to L at hasta ‘spear’ and
its cognates); HULD 69; OREL ZfBalk X X III 147; DEMIRAJ AE 187-188.

g jezd is aor. gjezdisa ‘to go for a walk, to roam ’. An early borrowing

from Slav *jezditi ‘to rid e’ with the initial j- substituted by Alb gj-,
cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg ja z d ’a, SCr jezditi (OREL Festschr.
Shevoroshkin 262).

gjë ~ g jâ f, pl. gjê'ra ~ gjana ‘thing’. F ro m PAlb *san(s) going back to

the participle of IE *e„ï- ‘to be’, *sont-s: Skt sant-, Gk cov and the like
(M e y e r Wb. 139). 0 M a y r h o f e r III 42 5 -4 2 6 ; F r is k I 46 3 -4 6 4 ;
P o k o r n y I 341; Ç a b e j St. VII 201, 212; H u l d 69; J a n s o n Unt. I l ­
ls-, D e m ir a j AE 188.

gjëlpërë ~ gjylpanë f, pl.gjèïpè'ra ~ gjylpam ‘needle’. Goes back to *salpanâ

further connected with gjalm and its cognates. The Geg vocalism in
gjylpanë is secondary. 0 MEYER Wb. 143 (borrow ed from Rom
*acücula pani)', BARIC ARSt. I 34 (to IE *gfel- ‘to stick, to prick’); TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 131-132; MANN Language XVII 20-21 (from *sauil-
p?tno- ‘eye-thread’).

gjëm oj aor. gjëmova ‘to resound, to rumble, to thunder, to shout’. As

the variant glëmoj shows, there was gl- in the anlaut. Borrowed from
Lat clamare ‘to cry, to shout’, with the voicing of the initial group
cl-. The noun gjëmë ‘thunder, shout, illness’ is a deverbative. 0 M lK­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 30 (from Lat gemere ‘to cry, to shout’); MEYER
Wb. 139-140 (same as MlKLOSICH); M thäeSCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; HAAR­
MANN 128.

gjëmoj aor. gjëmova ‘to run after, to hurry after’. A dialectal form of
 GJËMTOJ — GJIJE 135

gjurmoj, d e riv a tiv e o f gjurmë. 0 M e y er Wb. 140 (to gjuaj)', M e y e r -

L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1 I 1048, 1052.

gjëmtoj aor.gjëmtova ‘to collect bit by bit, to gather’. Borrowed from

Lat colllmitdre ‘to draw boundaries’, *‘to unite’.

gjëndër - gjandër f, pl. gjëndra ~ gjandra ‘gland’. Borrowed from Lat

gianduia ‘gland of the throat’ with the dissimilation of liquida (H e l b ig
120; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 22). Tosk variants glëndër and grëndël reflect
the anlaut gl- and thus exclude the Italian etymology. Rum ghindurä
id. continues the same Lat gianduia. 0 MEYER Wb. 140 (from Ital ghi­
andola ‘gland’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1042, 1050, 1054 (follows
MEYER); PUSCARIU EWR 62; SKOK ZfromPhil XLIV 332-334 (from Rum
ghindurä, Arum glindurä id.); JOKL apud WALDE-HOFMANN I 605 (from
Rom *glandura); MANN Language XVII 23; HAARMANN 128; ÇABEJ
St. I 227 (follows JOKL); LANDI Lat. 47, 145-146.

(T) gjër m ‘so u p ’. C o rresp o n d s to G eg gjanë ‘m udbed, a llu v iu m ’. Goes

back to P A lb *jausna re la te d to S kt neut. yüs ‘so u p ’ (cf. in p a rtic u la r
gen. sg. yüsndh), L a t jüs id ., L ith jiísé ‘fish so u p ’ (if not fro m P r u s s ­
ian, cf. BIGA I 478-479), O P ru s iuse ‘s o u p ’ and the like (C a m a r d a I
80). 0 M e y e r Wb, 308 (to L at jentâre ‘to b re a k fa s t’), Alb. St. Ill 39;
J o k l apud W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 734; P is a n i Saggi 248; F r a e n k e l 191,
199; M a y r h o f e r I 26; W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1 734; M in s h a l l Language
XXXII 629; POKORNY I 507; H a m p Laryngeals 134; K a r a l i ÜNAS Bal­
tistica I 116; ÇABEJ St. I 227-228 (d e riv a tiv e of gjë); DEMIRAJ AE 183
(b o rro w e d fro m Slav *glcm, ‘s ilt’).

gji ~ gjî m, pl. gji ~ gjî ‘breast, chest’. From PAlb *sina identical with
Lat sinus ‘curve, fold’ (MEYER Wb. 140, Alb. St. Ill 67). 0 JOKL IF L
45; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 130, Stratificazione 89; WALDE-HOFMANN
II 546; Ç a b e j St. VII 252.

gjíje f ‘stable, house’. A singularized plural of a form attested in Geg

as gjê ‘stable, pen’. Goes back to *saina identical with the Baltic word
for ‘wall’: Lith siena, Latv siêna further derived from IE *sëi- ‘to bind’
(O r e l Festschr. Shevoroshkin 262). 0 PISANI Saggi 129; FRAENKEL 782-
783; P o k o r n y I 891-892; Ç a b e j St. I 228 (important lexical m ateri­
al but no etymology).
 136 GJINDF, — O JO C G JO I.L Ë — GJUAJ ~ G jU E J 137

gjinde pl. ‘people’. Borrowed from L at gentem id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. this word, gjonth, show's, it is a deminutive of gjon historically iden­
Elemente 30; CAMARDA I 42; M e y e r Wb. 141). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. tical with gjon ‘night-owl’ and going back to the Latin proper name
Grundriß 21 1044, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 131; MlHÄESCU RESEE Joannes > Gjon. 0 M e y e r Wb. 141 (on gjon < Joannes).
IV /1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 128; L a n d i Lat. 51, 83, 116, 146.
gjollë f, pi. gjollë ‘clearing or pasture where salt is strewn for sheep;
nt Qiidhë (cf. also eiilliL < siidhë) s e e m t a H
'Ig'f“ ^ “ 'wi'fiTTne cluster ~-t Gk akc, id., Lat sal and the like (H a m p GjA VI 45). The Albanian ä- to be a direct continuation ot PA
Albanian form goes back to IE *sem- stem may well replace the Indo-European athematic stem with a long ed as -i-, cf. mish. The Proto
¥sem- ‘one’ attested in Arm ez < *sem- vowel in nom. sg. (OREL IF XCI1I 106, ZfBalk XXIII 144). 0 JOKL Studien gho-, a suffix derivative of IE
14). IE *sem- is also attested alone in gho- ( P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIX ¿
29 (to OE seIma ‘bed’, Lith sitólas ‘bench’); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione
in Alb gji [dzi] ‘all’ (TAGLIAVINI Dal- 148; MANN Language XXVI 383 (to Ir siol, Lith sëkla); F r is k I 78- the same meaning, in Dalmati
ji. 0 MEYER Wb. 140 (comparison with 79; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 465-466; P o k o r n y I 878-879; D e m ir a j AE mazia 130), with -i as in një ~ ¡
f id.); F a y IF XXXII 330-332 (to Germ 190. Germ ganz ‘all’ and Kurd gi, gi
M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (to Gk ganz); A c a r e a n HAB II 4-5
Wortb. 106 (from *g-li-sht); POKORNY gjorë adj. ‘p o o r, m iserab le , w re tc h e d ’. A suffixal d e riv a tiv e o f gjuaj. ioxv>ç‘strength’); CAMAJ Alb.
\ Brandenstein 111 ; ÇABEJ St. VII 217; T hus, the o rig in al m eaning o f the adjectiv e is ‘ch ased , p e rs e c u te d ’. 0 I 902-903; ÖLBERG Gedenksch
-189 (from *siH-ko-, to Gk iôç). H a h n 30 (to djeg); M eyer Wb. 141 (from T urk kör ‘blind’); J o k l Studien H u l d 69-70; D e m ir a j AE 18i

109, IF XXXVII 113 (b o rro w e d fro m Slav *gor’e ‘g r ie f ’); S e l i Scev

lerivative of an unattested *gjin- (ÇABEJ Slav, naselenie 193, 324; XHUVANI KLetr 1/6 6 (related to djerr); ÇABEJ gjizë ~ gjîzë f ‘goat cheese’. A
ount the cheese-making technology in St. I 229 (ag rees w ith XHUVANI). St. I 228-229). Taking into ao
an animal stomach and tying the latter), the Balkans (putting cheese intc
Jb *sina identical with OIr sin ‘chain’, gju ~ gjû m. pl. gjunjë, gjunj ‘k n e e ’. D ialectal fo rm s p re se rv e the initial *gjin- may be derived from P>
Av hinu- ‘band’ and further related to cluster gl-. G oes back to PA lb *gluna dissim ilated from *g(a)nuna. The ON sin ‘sinew’, OHG senawa.
ien 28, LKUBA 89 (to Lat serum ‘watery latter is a seco n d ary « -d eriv ativ e based on IE *genu- ‘k n e e ’; H itt genu, IE *së(i)- ‘to bind’. 0 JOKL Stuc
X 153; B a r ic AArbSt 1 158 (comparison Skt jänu-, G k yóvu, L at genü and the like (C a m a r d a I 39). As to the part of curdled milk’), Sprache
4 (to Lith gaizus ‘rancid, bitter’), AASF phonetics o f gju, it is close to Oír glúin id. < *glHno-wiih a sim ilar d is­ with urdhë); LlDÉN KZ LXI 1 -
itificazione 148; M a n n Language XXVIII sim ilatio n o f sonants (M e y e r Wb. 142, Alb. St. Ill 9, 67). 0 PEDERSEN XXVn 115-117; T a g lia v in i Str
i(iT| ‘leaven’); VASMER KZ L 247 (to Ir Kelt. Gr. I 156; JOKL Festschr. Rozwadowski 237 (on the in a cc u ra cy 33; P is a n i Saggi 102 (to Gk
ige XXXII 628; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 124 o f the A lb an ian - C eltic p a ra lle l), Sprache IX 156; PETERSSON apud seig ‘milk’); MlNSHALL Langu.
-892; VENDRYES [S] 112-113; OREL D e m ir a j (to G k yiyyÀunoç ‘jo in t’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 127, Strat­ (suffix -zë); POKORNY I 891
ed from Slav *gliza ‘swelling’, cf. SCr ificazione 89; MANN Language XXVIII 34; PISANI Saggi 131 ; H a m p KZ Ètimologija 1983 137 (borrow
;heese making’); D e m ir a j AE 189-190 LXXVI 275-276; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 159; M a y r h o f e r 1 429; W a l d e - gliza ‘calf’s stomach used for
ke). H o f m a n n I 5 92-593; POKORNY I 380-381; F r is k I 321; CAMAJ Alb. (to W hufen ‘cream ’ and the 1
Wortb. 102 (fo llo w s M e y e r ); Ç a b e j St. VII 229, 231; HULD 70;
’. Borrowed from Slav *globa having ÖLBERG Studi Pisani II 685; BoRGEAUD RRL XX 4; JANSON Unt. 28- gjobë f, pi. gjoba ‘fine, p en alt'
Slavic forms, Bulg globa and SCr globa 29; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 263; K ö d d e r it z s c h Festschr. Mac Eoin 62; the sam e m eaning in its South
JOKL Slavia XIII 296). 0 S e liS c e v Slav. D e m ir a j AE 190-191. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 19;
1, 234. naselenie 144, 181; SVANE 20
gjuaj ~ gjuej a o r . gjova. gjuajta - gjujta, gjojta ‘to hunt’. Goes back to
ly, p in e -w e e v il’. As a n o th e r v a ria n t o f PAlb *jâgnja based on the noun *jaga > gjah ‘hunt, hunting’. Further gjoc m, pl. gjoca ‘ap h id , green)
138 G JU H Ë — GJU RM K

etymological connection is OHG jagön ‘to hunt’ (HAMP Laryngeals 134).

0 C a m a r d a I 122 (to Gk ÔiÇnnou to seek’); M e y e r Wb. 136 (to Slav
*zenç, *g-bnati ‘to drive away’, Lith genù, giñti id.), Alb. Studien III
7; T h u m b IF XXVI 18; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 3 0 -3 3 1 ; K l u g e 329;
V a s m e r I 4 1 9 (follows M e y e r ); H u l d 7 0 -7 1 ; D e m ir a j AE 1 9 1 -1 9 2
(to Lat sägiö ‘to feel, to suspect’, OIr saigim ‘to go towards, to
seek’).

gjuhë f, pl. gjuhë ‘tongue, language’. Dialectal forms reflect the initial
gl-: Cham gluhë, Calabr g l’uyz. From PAlb *ghisa, further connected
with the Indo-European dialectal word for ‘sound’ *golso-: ON kail
‘shout’, Lith galsas ‘echo’, Slav *gols~b ‘voice’. PAlb *-ul- (> Alb -
ul-,-lu-) seems to go back to *-/- so that the source of the Albanian form
should be reconstructed as IE *glso-, a zero-grade opposed to the full
grade of Balto-Slavic and Germanic. 0 CAMARDA 2 6 (connection with
Gk yX àaoa ‘tongue, language’); M e y e r Wb. 142 (to gjuaj ‘to call, a
secondary variant of quaj id.); B a r ic ARSt. 35 (to the Indo-European
word for ‘tongue’, with gjuhë < *gl’undh(uâ) < *dlonghuâ); TAGLIAVINI
Stratificazione 89-90; La P ian a 94 (compares with Gk y S còcca); PISANI
Saggi 102, /F L X I 146 (borrowed from Gk y ^ tò a c a ); P o k o r n y I 350;
F r a e n k e l 131; S c h m id t KZ L V II 34 (reconstructs *dlnghuâ); T a g l ia ­
v in i Dalmazia 132 (borrowed from Gk yXâaaa), Stratificazione 89-
90; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VI 2 1 9 -2 2 0 ; Ç a b e j St. VII 193, 2 6 8 ; O r e l Lin­
guistica XXIV 4 2 7 -4 2 9 (to IE *geb- ~ *g“eh - ‘to swallow’); H u l d 71
(from *ghnud-sk-l).

gjumë m ‘sleep’. From PAlb *supna identical with a nominal deriva­

tive of IE *suep- ‘to sleep’ - * s u p - n o Gk ô j j w o ç ‘sleep’, Slav *s-htirh
id. ( M e y e r Wb. 142, Alb. St. Ill 32). In other Indo-European languages
another ablaut variant *syep-no- is represented. 0 CAMARDA I 55 (to
G k Kffijia ‘deep sleep’); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 94; J o k l Reallex.
Vorgesch. I 90; M a n n Language XVII 15, XXVI 387; TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 132; P o r z i g Gliederung 179; P is a n i Saggi 117, 127; V a s m e r
III 7 1 6 -7 1 7 ; F r isk II 9 7 0 -9 7 1 ; C h a n t r a in e 1160; P o k o r n y I 1048-
1049; H u l d 7 1 -7 2 ; D e m ir a j AE 192.

gjurmë f, pi. gju m ie. gjurma ‘trace’. From PAlb *surma, a zero-grade
variant of IE *sor-mo- reflected in Skt sárma- ‘flow ’, Gk óp|ur|
‘assault, attack’, further connected with IE *scr- ‘to flow’ (OREL Festschr.
Shevoroshkin 2 6 2 ). 0 MEYER Alb. St. II 5 9 (borrowed from Romance
 GJUVENGË — GJYSMË 139

via NGk yoûp}r(x id.), Wb. 142 (uncertain link to Ital orma ‘footmark’,
Rum urmä id.); BARIC ARSt 103 (to Lat serpö ‘to crawl’); MAYRHOFER
III 471; F r isk II 419; P o k o r n y I 909-910; Ç a b e j St. VII 216, 227.

g ju ven gë f ‘harlot’. Borrowed from Lat adj. fem. juvenca ‘young’, also
‘young cow ’ (MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 16). 0 HAARMANN 131;
Ç a b e j St. I 229.

gjykoj aor. gjykova ‘to judge, to try ’. Borrowed from Lat jüdicäre id.
(CAMARDA I 99; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 33; M e y e r Wb. 142-143).
A s to gjyq ‘trial, court’, it continues Lat judicium id. (ÇABEJ St. I 229-
230). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. IV 74; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1046-
1048; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 131; L a n d i Lat. 101,
109, 112.

gjymtë adj. ‘defective, incomplete, cripple, stunted’. Borrowed from

Rom *junctus ‘joined’ or secondarily derived from gjymtyrë. 0 O R E L
RRL X X X I/1 3 (comparison with gjysmë).

gjymtyrë f, pl.gjymtyrë ‘joint, limb’. Borrowed from Lat junctura ‘junc­

ture, joint’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 33; MEYER Wb. 143). Note the
East Romance treatment of Lat -nkt- > *-npt- > -mt-. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1046, 1049; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 23; ÇABEJ St.
VII 267; H a a r m a n n 131; Di G io v in e Gruppo -et- 49-50; L a n d i Lat.
69, 89, 101, 121.

gjysmë f, pl. ,1{jysma ‘h a lf. A metathesis from a widespread dialectal

form gjym(è')së. The latter represents a formation in -ése < *-atja derived
from *gjym < PAlb *jumi- or *jüma, to be further compared with Latv
jumis ‘double fruit’ (with an unexpected -u- reminiscent of the unclear
Alb -y- < *-ii-) and other continuants of IE *iemo-: Skt yamd- ‘dupli­
cate; twin’, M ir emon ‘twins’, Lat im-ägö ‘imitation, copy’ (HAMP Numer­
als 920; OREL RRL X X X I/ 1 3 -4 , FLH V III/ 1-2 4 3 ). Rum jumätate was
borrowed from Proto-Albanian. 0 C a m a r d a 1 9 3 (to Gk rimouç
‘h a lf with unsurmountable phonetic difficulties); MEYER BB VIII 192
(to Lat semi- ‘half’), Wb. 143 (follows C a m a r d a but treats gjysmë as
a Greek loanword with gj- filling hiatus in ó ii(iiaoç ); SPITZER MRIW
I 3 2 2 (from *iumos ‘bound together’); BARIC ARSt. 3 5 -3 6 (supports
M e y e r BB)\ P o g h ir c 1st. limb. rom. II 32 4 4 ; ROSETTI ILR I 278;
 140 GJYSH - HA

M a y r h o f e r III 8; W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1 6 8 0 ; P o k o r n y I 505; I v a n o v
Bsl. Etnojaz. 81,

gjysh m, pl.gjyshë, gjyshër ~ gjyshën ‘grandfather’. From PAlb *siisa

identical with Skt süsa ‘progenitor’ further derived from IE *seu- ‘to
give birth’ (WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 243). Borrowed to Rum ghiuj ‘old
man’. 0 C a m a r d a I 72 (from *gëlysh, related to Gk yocÀcoç ‘sister-in-
law’); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 5 (from Rom *avüsius)\ M e y e r Wb.
143; B u g g e BB XVIII 176 (from Rom *aviüsius); JOKL LKUBA 28-
37 (agrees with W i e d e m a n n ), Sprache IX 152; T a g l ia v in i Stratifi­
cazione 115; M a y r h o f e r III 492; P o k o r n y 1 913-914; P o g h ir c 1st.
limb. rom. II 330 (to yuyai- jia7t7ioi, Hes.); ROSETTI ILR I 277; NEROZ­
NAK Paleob. 198 (to Hitt huhhas, Lyc yuga ‘grandfather’); O rel Sprache
XXXI 280, ZfBalk XXIII 147; Ç A B E J*. VII 258; Huld/sTZCVII 168;
LiUKKONEN SSF X 58 (from *sauisia- related to Lith sävas ‘own’);
D e m ir a j AE 192-193.

H
ha aor hëngra ~ hangra ‘to eat’. Reflects PAlb *eda derived from IE
*ed- id. (H a m p St. albanica VIII/2 153-154). In Albanian, it is an accen­
tual archaism with a stressed thematic vowel in 1 sg. pres. *edd < IE
*edom (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 341). Pretonic *-d- > -h-, -0- is regular
(OREL SBJa Kont. 22-23), as well as the apheresis. The «^/-participle
ngrënë ~ ngranë is derived from IE *g*er(d)- ‘to swallow’ (B o p p Alb.
82). The aorist hëngra ~ hangra is a secondary formation based on the
original *ngra and contaminated with the paradigm of ha (OREL
Ètimologija 1982 154), cf., typologically, ME geode contaminated from
gdn ‘to go’ and ëode ‘went’ (K o n e c k a ja Suppl. 421-423). 0 C a m a r d a
132 (compares with Gk %aivco ‘to yawn, to gape’); M e y e r Wb. 144
(from IE *(s)khed-, Skt khadati ‘to eat, to devour’), Alb. St. Ill 59; BRUG­
MANN Grundriß I 759 (from *ghz-, cf. Skt ghas- ‘to eat’); PEDERSEN
KZ XXXVI 341 (compares hëngra ~ hangra with Arm 1 sg. aor. eker
‘(I) ate’ and analyzes hë- as a continuation of the augment *e-); JOKL
Melanges Pedersen 139-142; B a r ic ARSt 26, 73 (agrees with MEYER),
Hymje 43 (follows PEDERSEN in his etymology of ha); TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 70; LA PIANA Studi I 34, 96; PISANI Saggi 110, Paideia XXVIII
183 (repeats B r u g m a n n ’s etymology); ClMOCHOWSKI LP IV 196-198;
POKORNY I 287-289, 474-475; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 47; KLINGEN-
 IIABI'I' — HALL 141

SCHMITT Verbum 279-280; ÇABEJ St. I 306; B a d e r BSL LXXI/1 97

(archaic thematic formations of *ed-); OREL Ètimologija 1982 151-156,
Koll. Idg. Ges. 359; Iv a n o v Slav. 92-93, 185 (to Tokh A , B swä- ‘to
eat’); HULD 72 (to Lat avere ‘to enjoy, to be well’); KORTLANDT Arm-
IE 40; ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ [ngrënë - to O E grindan ‘to grind’); DEMIRAJ
AE 297-298.

habit aor. habita ‘to surprise, to astonish’.Borrowed from Slav *xabiti

‘to destroy’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg.vab’a, SCr habiti (M l­
KLOSICH Slav. Elemente 21; MEYER Wb. 144). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, nase­
lenie 191; OREL Ètimologija 1983 133; SVANE 234.

hajmë adj. ‘thin, lean’. Another derivative of the same root is hajthëm
id. Both forms are based on halë (Ç a b e j St. I 231).

hakël f ‘fish bone’. Metathesis from *halkë, a deminutive of halë. 0

Ç a b e j St. I 231 (to hokoç).

hakrri f ‘readiness for copulation (of pigs)’. From *harkrri, derived

from *hark, see hokoç. From hakrri the verb hakërrohem ‘to threat­
en, to frighten’ is derived (Ç a b e j St. I 231-232).

halë f. pl. hala ‘fish bone, splinter; pine’. From PA lb *skala etym ologically
related to Lith skalà ‘stick o f fir e w o o d ’, L atv skala ‘sp lin ter (u sed to
furnish lig h t)’. T h is w ord is further co n n ected w ith IE *skel- ‘to sp lit’
( M e y e r Wb. 144, Alb. St. Ill 59). 0 JOKL IF XXX 192, XXXVII 99,WuS
XII 7 0 (a g re es w ith M e y e r ); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 77; PISANI Saggi
122; F r a e n k e l 7 9 2 -7 9 3 ; P o k o r n y I 9 2 3 -9 2 6 ; H am p Laryngeals 130
(to Gk àJiéco ‘to grin d ’); HULD 151 (to Lat alnus ‘a ld er’); OREL ZfBalk
XXTII 148 (sam e as H u ld , to Lith alksnis ‘alder’); Ç a b e j St. I 233 (recon­
structs *skolnä)\ D e m ir a j AE 1 9 3 -1 9 4 (to elb).

halbë f ‘scab on the bark’. From PAlb *skalba close to Latv skalbs ‘sharp,
shrill’ with a further link to IE *skel- ‘to split’, see halë. 0 POKORNY
I 923-926; ÇABEJ St. I 233 (to halë and helm); OREL Orpheus VI 65.

hall m, pi. halle ‘trouble, misery, plight, sorrow ’. From PAlb *skalna
connected with Gmc *skallaz ‘thin, dry, shallow’ (E shallow and the
like) ~ *xallaz ‘weak, tired’ (MHG hel, hellec). 0 M e y e r Wb. 145 (from
 142 HA M ULL — HARLIS H A R M Ë SH O R — HEDH 143

Turk hai ‘state, situation’); B a r i cA R St 2 6 (to Skt khilá-); O n io n s 816; harm ëshor m, pl. harmëshorë ‘stallion, stud-horse’. Borrowed from Rom
OREL IF XLIII 107-108 (from *edolos based on IE *ed- ‘to eat’). *armessarius, also preserved in Rum annasar, a phonetic variant
of Lat admissârius id. ( M e y e r Wb. 148). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr.
h am u ll f, pi. hamulla ‘stubble-field’. A derivative in -ull based on ha. Grundriß 2 I 1042; PU§CARIU EWR 11; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 12;
Thus, the stubble-field is descrihed as ‘e a te n n n ’ . .*.17».»*A\T 1 11 ri um r i
UU ÒKU[ J U ^ U l l l l C U t C U WILI1 I E * X KCf J - harm oj aor. harmova ‘to destroy, to exhaust . Together With another
b. 146, Alb. St. Ill 31, 59). Note hapë ‘to c u t, to sp lit, to d ig ’ ( M e y e r VI
derivative, hanni ‘broken wind, pursiness (in horses), goes back to *harm
INY Í 366-368; OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 ‘s te p ’ d e r iv e d f ro m hap. 0 POKO
continuing PAlb *skarima. The latter is based on IE *sker- ‘to cu t’,
72; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 0 0 ; H a m p Lar
mgeals 125 (to Hitt apa ‘afterw ards’). cf. harr (ÇABEJ St. I 234-235). Note harmoç ‘crum bled plaster; stone-
pine’ and Geg hartinë 'kind of pine’ also belonging to this root
. B orrow ed from Slav *vorhb!b id., har abel m. pl. harabela ‘sparrow
(Ç a b e j Sí. I 235). 0 P o k o r n y I 938-947.
here we only find *vorbhch id. (MEYER a. form unattested in South Slavic w
Wb. 17). 0 S v a n e 144.
h arr aor. hurra ‘to weed, to cut dow n’. F ro m PAlb *skarna, a denom ­
inative related to IE *sker- ‘to cu t’, cf. Goth us-skarjan ‘to tear out’,
. A nominal derivative of harr (ÇABEJ hare m, pl. harca ‘rocky landscape"
Lith skiriii. skirti and the like (M EY E R Wb. 148, Alh. St. Ill 59, 73). 0
St. I 2 3 3 ).
C a m a r d a I 36-37 (to Gk x a p á o a c o ‘to sharpen’); B u c c e BB XVIII
167 (to Lat sariö ‘to hoe‘); LEWY ZfslavPh 1 4 1 6 (the same); JOKL LKUBA
r variants are hardhje, hardhicë, hard- hardhBl f, pl. hardhla ‘lizard’. Othe
156; B a ric ARSt 27 (from IE *sker-); F e is t Goth. 534; F r a e n k e l 808;
all these derivatives m ust have been hucë, hardhushkë. The source of
POKORNY I 938-947; ClMOCHOWSKI St. JE 43; ÇABEJ St. VII 224; HAM P
‘lizard ’ are safely etym ologized as * hardhë. Since other w ords for
Laryngeals 129-130(to Hitt arnumi ‘to b rin g ’); ÖLBERG KZ LXXX VI
g u scen id.), hardhë continues PAlb ‘d ig g ers’ (cf. Slav *aScerb id., H
126; D e m ir a j AE 196-197.
vith Lith skerdziu, skersti ‘to slaugh- *skarda to be further com pared ’
‘to split’, and with the o-vocalism - ter, to p ric k ’, Latv skçrzu, skêrs ;
h arrje f. pl. harr je ‘m idge’. H istorically identical with harlë ‘kind of
t ‘to divide’. 0 S t i e r KZ XI 2 23 (to Lith skardiis ‘steep’, Latv skärd
m ite’. A dem inutive of *harr, herr ‘small cre a tu re ’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 2 3 4
oSeiXto); M e y e r Wb. 147 (a trans- Gk xapSoúv • Çtpov öjroiov Kpoi
(to harr).
- IF XXXVII 110 n. 1 (related to Slav form ation o f Lat lacerta id.); JOKi
.1,1,, r a o fn r A n r h n \ -
S p it z e r IF XXXIX 105-106; B a r i c ARSt. 26 (to Gk éa^apóc ‘kind of (for a tim e )’. N o te p rothetic h-, 0 ÇABEJ St. VII
fish’), AArbSt. Ill 217; MLADENOV RFV LXXI 454-458; PETERSSON
LUÂ XVI/3 40-41 (to Gk KopSùÀoç ‘triton’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 239, harrok m, pl. harrokë ‘he-goat’. A suffixal derivati1
e of unattested *harr
Stratificazione 137; FRAENKEL 797, 803; VASMER IV 572 (follows JOKL); related to Lith skerÿs ‘ram ’, Latv sfceris id., furth
:r connected with Gk
TRUBACEV ÈSSJa I 88; DEMIRAJ AE 194-195. OKaipco ‘to spring, to dance’. 0 FRAENKEL 801-8'
»2; FRISK II 714-715;
POKORNY I 934.
hark m, pl. harqe, herq, herqe ‘bow’. Variant of ark id., borrowed from
Lat arcus id. (G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 26; MEYER Wb. 15), h ed h aor. hodha ‘to throw, to shoot’. Another v í
riant is hjedh. From
ioym and other con- PAlb *skeuda connected with ON skjóta, OHG .v<
h a rlis aor. harlisa ‘to bring into high spirits (of a horse)’. Borrowed tinuants of Gmc *skiutan ‘to shoot’ < IE *skeud
‘to throw, to shoot’
idien 43; SPITZER IF from NGk *xapa^iÇco, a derivative of %ocpi^a> ‘to do something (M e y e r Wb. 150, Alb. St. I ll 28, 59). 0 L i d é n St
agreable’. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 2 3 4 (derivative of harlë, variant of harrje). XXXIX 111; BOGA II 200; BARIC ARSt 27 (to L
ith sciuju ‘to shoot’);
144 HEDHE — HELM

P is a n i Saggi 122; C im o c h o w sk i LP I I 251; P o k o r n y 1 955-956; H a m p

Laryngeals 129 (to Gk ayco), St. Whatmough 88, Ètimologija 1971 268-
269 (reconstructs *skeud-). St. albanica X /2 86-88; ÖLBERG KZ
LXXXV1 126 (against HAMP Laryngeals)', ÇABEJ St. VII 219, 250; OREL
Koll. Idg. Ges. 352 (metathesis of IE *sk- > P A lb *ks-)\ HULD 72-73;
DEMIRAJ AE 197-198 (reconstructs *skedho-).

hedhe f, pl. hedhe ‘dandruff’. Singularized plural of *hedh(ë), deriva­

tive of hedh. For the semantics cf. Russ sy p ’ ‘rash’ related to sypat’
‘to throw, to drop’.

h ejë f ‘food supply (for a year)’. From PAlb *skalja identical with Lith
àt-skala ‘supply, stock’ etymologized as a derivative of skalà ‘stick
of firewood’, see halë. 0 FRAENKEL 7 9 2 .

hejzë f,pi. hejza ‘w ater-shed’. D erived from hejë ‘spear’, see hell (G azulli
1 7 3 -1 7 4 ). 0 Ç a b e j * . I 23 7 .

h ek ë f ‘agony’. From PAlb *skaka etymologically connected with Lith

so'kti ‘to jump, to dance’, Slav *skoki> ‘jump’, O h sce'n ‘horror’ < *skek-
no~. 0 P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 125; F r a e n k e l 1021-1022; V a s m e r III
645; POKORNY I 922-923; VENDRYES [S] 40-41.

h ekur m, pl. hekura ‘iro n ’. Plausibly borrowed from G k oiyKupa

‘anchor’ (JOKL apud ÇABEJ St. I 236), cf. hekur i anijes ‘anchor’, lit.
‘iron of the ship’. However, some phonetic details remain obscure. Initial
h- may be secondary. As for -e-, it could well appear as a result of umlaut
in plural and then in singular - a process widely spread in Albanian.
This leads to the reconstruction of PAlb *akura. However, -nk-
should yield Alb -ng-. 0 CAMARDA 90 (comparison with G k %a^KÔç
‘copper’); MEYER Wb. 150 (compares with Skt siñcati ‘to pour out,
to sprinkle’), Alb. St. Ill 5, 43; PISANI Saggi 120 (to Arm erkaf); IVANOV
SBJa Antic. 21 (a farfetched hypothesis close to that of CAMARDA);
MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350; H a m p Laryngeals 130 (to Goth aiz ‘ore’),
StF XXII (V) 121-122; IVANESCU SAO VIII 274-276; O r e l Koll. Idg.
Ges. 359.

helm m, pl. helme ‘poison; grief, sorrow ’. From *skal(i)ma connected

with hall. (O r e l IF XC 107-108) 0 MEYER Wb. 107 (compares with
OHG scalmo ‘pestilence, epidemic’, scelmo id.), Alb. St. Ill 59, 64; JOKL
 HELL — HERDHF, 145

Elf. Idg. 142 (to Thr GKÓ.Àjir| ‘sword’); ; BARIC ARSt 27; L a P ia n a Studi
1 9 4 (to Gk xàX.ijuoç ■(papiaÙKoç, Hes.); ÇABEJ St. I 2 3 6 -2 3 7 (to hell)-,
DEMIRAJ AE 198 (compared with Skt ala- ‘poison’; borrowed to
Greek as xà^xpoç).

hell m , pl. helle, heje, hej ‘spear, spit’. Another form of the same word,
hejë, is derived from plural. From PAlb *sköla identical with Gk ctkôàoç
‘pointed stake, thorn’ (JOK.L IF XXXVI 124). Further related to IE *skel-
‘to cut, to split’ ( M e y e r Wb. 151). 0 M a n n Language X X V I386; Ham p
St. albanka VI/1 125-126 (to OPr aycolo ‘needle’), StF XXII (V) 119-
120; FRISK II 745-746; POKORNY I 923-927; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 147;
Ç a b e j St. I 237; D e m ir a j AE 199.

hep m, pl. hepa ‘furrow, scratch’. From PAlb *skapa etymologically

connected with hap (ÇABEJ St. T 237-238; O r e l ZfBalk X X III/1 72).

heq ~ hek aor. hoqa ~ hoka ‘to draw, to puli’. In dialects, a more con­
servative form helq is attested. It goes back to PAlb *ska!kja, a
causative identical with Gk *òÀ,Kéco < *solkeiO based on e^kco ‘to draw’
( C a m a r d a I 81; M e y e r Wb. 150-151). The initial h- in Albanian is
irregular (H u ld 73) so that an assimilative development *salkja > *skalkja
must be reconstructed. 0 M e y e r St. Ill 4,43; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI
278; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 133; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 664; P is a n i Saggi
120 (heq as a borrowing from Gk eàkcû); PISANI Saggi 120; PORZIG Namen
236 f. (Greek data for the reconstruction of *òÀ,icéco), Gliederung 172;
F r is k 1 497-4 9 8 ; C h a n t r a in e 340; P o k o r n y 1901; Ç a b e j St. V II 227;
H am p Laryngeals 132 (suggests *Huolkeiö); H u l d 7 3 (groundless com­
parison with OE ealh ‘temple, sanctuary’).

herdhe pl. ‘testicles’. From PAlb *ardzai related to IE *orghi- ~ *rghi-

id,: Av dual, drszï, Gk opxiç, Arm orjik\ M ir uirgge id. (CAMARDA I
42; M e y e r Wb. 151, Alb. St. I ll 18, 7 2 , 86). The initial h- is a secondary
prothetic consonant. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 6 7 , 275; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI
335; T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 90; P is a n i Saggi 132; F r isk 1 4 3 3 -4 3 4 ;
CHANTRAINE 831; HAMP Laryngeals 129 (h- as a continuant of the Indo-
European laryngeal); POKORNY 1 782; VENDRYES [V] 20-21; HAMP Laryn­
geals 129; RiX Münch. St. Spr. XXVII 93 (reconstructs *Hrghija); Ç a bej
St. VII 2 3 8 , 251; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 148; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 126;
K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 44; H u l d 7 3 -7 4 ; D e m ir a j AE 199.
146 HERDHE - H ËN Ë ~ HANF.

herdhe f, pl. herdhe ‘nest’. A singularized plural of an unattested

*hardh < *skordhos related to Skt sárdhas- ‘herd, crow d’, W cordd
‘crow d’ < *kordho-, Goth hairda ‘herd’, Slav *cerda id. ( M e y e r Wb.
151). These forms reflect a root with the alternation of *k- ~ *k- in
the anlaut. In Albanian, the initial *sk- must be reconstructed. 0
BARIC ARSt 27; JOKL AArbSt I 38-40 (specially on W cordd)\ KLUGE
310; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 113, Stratificazione 144; MAYRHOFER III
310; POKORNY I 579; F e is t Goth. 234; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IV 60-63.

herë f, pl. here ‘time, moment of time, hour’. Borrowed from Lat höra
‘hour’ (MEYER Wb. 151). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 113; MANN Language
XXVI 387; Ç a b e j Sí. VII 2 0 0 , 280; H a a r m a n n 129.

hermoj aor. hermova ‘to dig’. Initial h- is due to prothesis. Borrowed

from Rom *exrïmârï ‘to hoe, to dig out’, cf. Lat rïmârï ‘to hoe’.

herr m, pl. herra ‘d w a r f’. F rom PAlb *skarna d eriv ed from IE *sker-
‘to cu t’, see harr (ÇABEJ St. I 2 3 8 ).

hesht aor. heshta ‘to stay silent’. Derived from the interjection hesht
‘hush’ (M e y e r Wb. 151). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 113; Ç a b e j Sì. VII
220 .

heshtë f, pl. heshta ‘spear’. A derivative in -shtë based on hell (JOKL

IF XXXVI 124, LKUBA 214, 330). 0 MEYER Wb. 151 (from Lat hasta
id.); Ç a b e j St. I 238 (follows Jo k l ).

hetoj aor. hetova ‘to search, to inquire, to discover’. The initial h- is

prothetic. Borrowed from Lat êdictâre ‘to announce’. 0 M a n n Lan­
guage XXVI 387 (to Lith skaityti)\ ÇABEJ St. VII 273.

h ë ~ h ê adv. ‘now ’, interj. ‘well’. From PAlb *skainai, dative-locative

of a noun related to Goth skeinan, OHG skinan ‘to shine’, with a seman­
tic development similar to that of E in a twinkling. 0 FEIST Goth. 431;
K l u g e 640.

hëpërhë ~ hêpërhê adv. ‘just, actually, in fact’. A univerbation of hë

për hë, a sequence including the advedrb hë.

hënë ~ hanë f hëna ~ hana ‘moon’. From PAlb *ksandâ further com-
 HI ~ HÎ — HIJE 147

pared with Skt cándati ‘(he) shines, is bright’, candrá- ‘shining;

moon’ (MEYER Wb. 151 ,Alb. St. Ill 59). From the point of view of word-
formation, the Albanian word is particularly close to Celt *kando-: W
cann ‘white’, M B ret cann ‘full moon’. 0 SCHEFTELOWITZKZ LVI 2 08
(to Av sand- ‘to be visible’); GÜNTERT Ablaut 9 1 -9 2 ; BARIC ARSt 27
(to Skt chandati); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 6 9 -7 0 (reconstructs *skand-
nä); H a s d e u E M R I I 37; E r n o u t -M eillet 92; M a y r h o f e r 1 3 7 2-373;
POKORNY I 526; Ç a b e j St. IV 57 (on the development of -nd- > -«-);
HULD 74; SCHRIJVER Latin 4 2 8 ; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 2 (metathesis
of IE *sk- > PAlb *ks-); DEMIRAJ AE 1 9 9 -2 0 0 (to hie or to Lat annus
‘year’).

hi ~ hî m ‘ash’. From PAlb *skina, a form with s mobile related to Lat

cinis ‘dust, ash’ (MEYER Wb. 152, Alb. St. Ill 5 9 , 6 7 ). 0 BARIC ARSt
2 7 -2 8 ; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 132 (reconstructs *skino-); WALDE-
HOFMANN I 2 1 7 -2 1 8 ; H am p Laryngeals 126 (to Skt edhas- ‘fire­
wood’); H am p Laryngeals 126 (groundless reconstruction of *Hidh-
no-); ÇABEJ St. VII 210; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 124; HULD 74.

hidhëtadj. ‘bitter, sad’. Derived from hidhem ‘to jump, to overflow,

to walk over’, reflexive of hedh. The verb hidhëroj ~ hidhënonj ‘to
sadden’ has the same source. 0 MEYER Wb. 157 (to Pol jçdza ‘fury’
and the like), Alb. St. Ill 16; JOKL Studien 2 9 -3 0 (to Gk aï0{o ‘to burn’);
B a r ic ARSt. I 28; LOEWENTHAL WuS XI 6 0 (to aïÇ ‘goat’); TAGLIAVINI
Dalmazia 134; H a m p Laryngeals 127 (to hi); ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ (to
Lat scindo ‘to split’); DEMIRAJ AE 2 0 0 -2 0 1 .

h idhës m, pl. hidhës ‘stin ging n ettle’. R elated to hidhët (ÇABEJ St. 1 2 3 8 ).
0 M e y e r Wb. 152 (u n certain co n n ectio n w ith Gk k v í S ti id.); BARIC
ARSt 28; JOKL Studien 2 9 -3 0 (to G k od'0ß> ‘to b u rn ’).

hije f, pi. hije ‘shadow’. Singularized plural of an archaic hë going back

to PAlb *skijâ. This form is connected with IE *skâi- ~ *ski-: Skt châya
id., Gk OKiá id. (CAMARDA 1 7 1 ; M e y e r Wb. 149-150, Alb. St. Ill 59).
0 Jo k l LKUBA 60-63; PISANI Saggi 119 (separates hije from he); MANN
Language XXVIII 39; JUCQUOIS Le Muséon LXXVIII 439; H a m p Laryn­
geals 131; F r is k II 730-731; C h a n t r a in e 1017; M a y r h o f e r I 407;
P o k o r n y 1917-918; Ç a bej St. m 139, v n 277; H u l d 74-75; R a s m u s s e n
Morph. 33, 61; OREL FLH VIII/1-2 46; Koll. Idg. Ges. 352 (metathe­
sis of IE *sk- > PAlb *ks-); DEMIRAJ AE 201.
148 H IK Ë R R - IH R

hikërr f, pl. hikrra ‘sour milk; buckwheat’. This form, with a secondary
prothetic h-, goes back to PAlb *eikra, an /-derivative of ik, ikëj. For
the semantic development of the Albanian word cf. Germ gerinnen ‘to
coagulate’ < rinnen ‘to run’.

hime pl. ‘bran’. From PA lb *skeidma, a m orp hological innovation based

on IE *skeid-men-, further co n n ected w ith G oth skaidan ‘to d iv id e ’,
Lith skiedzu, skiesti ‘to m ak e th in ’ and, in p a rticu la r, w ith Lith
skiemuö ‘o p en in g used to in sert the sh u ttle’ < *skeid-men-. 0 KLUGE
641; FRAENKEL 805-806; P o k o r n y I 921; F e is t Goth. 427; Ç a b e j St.
I 239 (id en tica l w ith imtë).

himtë adj. 'g rey ’. Derived from hi.

hingël f, pl. hingla ‘girth’. Borrowed from Rom *hinnicula, derivative

of Lat hinnus ‘m ule’.

hingëlloj aor. hingëllova ‘to whinny, to neigh’. Borrowed from Rom

*hinniculäre, an expressive form based on Lat hinnlre. 0 MEYER Wb.
151-152 (connected with Lat hinnlre ‘to whinny, to neigh’); ÇABEJ St.
VII 221.

hinje interj. ‘behold, now, there’. A sequence of two interjections: hi

identical with he and nje, a form of njoh (CAMARDA II 156; M e y e r
Wb. 314). 0 Ç a b e j St. 1 239 (follows C a m a r d a but also compares hinje
with inf).

hip(ëj) ~ hypi aor. hipa ~ hypa ‘to g o u p ’. From P A lb *sküpa. If .v m obile

can b e su g g ested h ere, the v erb w ith its unusual lo n g grad e co u ld be
com p ared w ith Lith kùpti ‘to r is e ’, Latv kupt ‘to gather, to b uild u p ’.
Ö B a r i c ARSt. 17 (to IE *upo ‘o v er , up’); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 135;
F r a e n k e l 314; P o k o r n y 1 591; H am p Laryngeals 127-128 (to Skt tipa
‘up, hither’), St. Whatmough 88, SCL XXVIII/1 74.

hire ‘grace, favor, m ercy’. From PAlb *sklra etymological­

h i r m, pl.
ly connected with Goth skeirs ‘clear’, Slav *scirb ‘clean’ (MEYER Wb.
152, Alb. St. Ill 5 9 , 7 1 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 7 0 (identifies hir with xàpiç
‘favor, grace’); MlKLOSICH Bulg. Siebenb. 123 (from Gk %àpiç);
BUGGE BB XVIII 167 (to Gk aicipov "white parasol born by a priest­
ess’); JOKL LKUBA 67 (follows B ltg g e ); L a P ia n a Studi I 6 6 -6 7 (similar
 H IR R Ë — HJEKËS 149

to C a m a r d a ); K l u g e 647-645; M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (agrees

with M e y e r ); F e ist Goth. 432; P o k o r n y I 917-918; V a s m e r IV 507-
508; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350 (borrowed from Gk x«piç); Ç a bej
St. I 239-240 (singularized plural of *her which, in its turn, is an umlau­
ticized form of *har; the latter comes from Gk j^àpiç); D e m ir a j AE
201-202 (possibility of hir borrowed from Gk ÎEpôç ‘holy’).

hirrë f ‘whey’. From PAlb *ksirä to be compared with Skt ksJrd- ‘milk’,
Osset œxsir id. (PEDERSEN IF V 45; KZ XXXVI 277). Note that Alb
-rr- seems to reflect an intervocalic *-r-, 0 CAMARDA I 47 (to Gk ôpôç
id., Skt sarà- ‘flowing’); MEYER Wb. 152 (to Slav *syro> ‘cheese’ - pho­
netically impossible), Alb. St. Ill 43 (to Lat serum)', B a r ic ARSt 28 (to
Lith kartüs ‘bitter1), AArbSt 1/1-2 145-146; ÌOKLLKUBA 273 (follows
PEDERSEN); LlDÉN KZ L X I9-10 (to O N skyr ‘sour milk’ < Gmc *skurjan);
P o r z ig Gliederung 132; PISANI Saggi 132 (follows LlDÉN); TAGLIAVINI
Stratificazione 148-149; MAYRHOFER I 290; M ILLER Osset. 15; HUB­
SCHMID XII LFR II 978 (connected with Mantuan scaron id. borrowed
from Messap *skar-); ÇABEJ St. VII 234; H a m p LB XXIV/4 49 (links
hirrë to urdhë and reconstructs *skerHina)\ HULD 75; OREL ZfBalk XXIII
144; D e m ir a j AE 202-203.

hisëll ~ hîsëll m, pl. hisëlla ~ hîsëlla ‘burning nettle’. Goes back to *hithëll,
a derivative of hith. Another form belonging here is hiskull id. influ­
enced by hisk ‘sharp and long (of bull’s horns)’. Nasalization in Geg
is secondary. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 240 (connection between hisk and hiskull).

(G) hitas aor. hite ta ‘to hurry’. Borrowed from Slav *xytati, cf. South
Slavic continuants: Bulg xitam id., SCr hitati (ÇABEJ St. I 240). 0 Svane
256.

hith m, pl. hitha ‘blight, burning nettle’. Apparently, from *hidh with
an irregular auslaut unvoicing (but cf. gjethi), further connected with
hedh, see JOKL Stud. 29-30. 0 M e y e r Wb. 152 (to Gk icviSr) id.).

hjedhët adj. ‘slim, long and thin’. Derived from hjedh, a phonetic variant
of hedh. Note also hjedhë ‘chaff’ coming from the same source.

hjekës m, pl. hjekës 'm ediator, accessory, receiver o f stolen g o o d s’. D er iv ­

ative o f hjek, a d ialectal variant o f heq (M a n n HAED 160).
 150 HO BE — HU ~ H l)

höbe f, pl. höbe ‘catap ult, s lin g ’. A d ialectal form o f bahe (Ç a b e j St.
I 240).

hoje f, pl. hoje ‘h o n e y c o m b ’. A sin g u la rized plural o f huall (Ç a b e j St.

I 240). 0 M e y e r Wb. 146 (to halë).

hokë f ‘jo k e , j e s t ’ . An o n o m a to p o eia im itating lau ghter. 0 LA PIANA

Studi I 95 (borrow ed from Lat jocus ‘jest, jo k e ’); ÇABEJ St. I 240 (iden ­
tifie s hokë w ith okë ‘m easu re o f w e ig h t’, from T u rk ish ).

hokoç m ‘uncastrated boar’. Other variants are hakoç, harkoç. A suf­

fixal derivative of *hark ~ *hork imitating pig’s grunting. 0 MEYER
Wb. 153 (to Pers xuk ‘pig’); ÇABEJ St. I 232 (related to harr).

hollë adj. ‘thin, fin e , slen d er, s lim ’. F rom P A lb *skdla further c o m ­
pared with IE *skel- ‘to cu t’: Lith skeliu, ske'lti ‘to sp lit, to d iv id e’ , M ir
scáilim ‘to let g o ’ and the lik e (JOKL IF XXXVII 99). 0 L e w y ZfslavPh
I 416 (to Slav *xoliti); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 210 (fo llo w s JOKL); BARIC
ARSt 72 (to Gk c t k c o â o ç ‘picket, stake’), Ftymje 34; F r a e n k e l 800; H am p
Laryngeals 130 (to Gk àAico ‘to grind’); ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI126 (against
H am p); V e n d r y e s [S] 28-29; P o k o r n y I 924-925; Ç a b e j St. V I I 199,
227; H u l d 75-76; C l a c k s o n LR 219; D e m ir a j AE 203 (to Gk avXóq
‘reed flu te ').

hop m, pl. hope ‘instant, moment; jum p’. A descriptive stem, cf. E to
hop (M e y e r Wb. 153).

horr m, pl. horra ‘villain, scoundrel, rogue, pauper, m iser’. Together

with fem. horre ‘shameless woman, whore’, it represents a pair of Ger­
manic loanwords, cf. Goth hors ‘adulterer’ - ON hora ‘whore’, OHG
huora id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 153 (borrowed from Turk hor ‘bad, small’);
KLUGE 321; ÇABEJ St. VII 234; O r e l Orpheus VI 65.

hu ~ hû m, pl. hunj ‘p ick et, stake, p o le , p e n is’. C o n tin u es P A lb *skuna

w ith a secon d ary n asal su ffix , g o in g b ack to the ea rlier *skuja id en ­
tical w ith Slav *xujb ‘p e n is’. Further p a ra llels are rep resen ted by OIr
see ‘h aw th o rn ’, Lith slcujà ‘p in e -n e e d le ’, L atv skuja id ., S la v *xvoja
id. (P e d e r s e n Zb. Jagië2\%). 0 B a r i C ARSt. I 29; V a s m e r Alb. Wort-
forsch. 83-84 (to Gk ^vkov); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 90; L e w is -P e -
d e r s e n 15; V e n d r y e s [S] 37; F r a e n k e l 821; P o k o r n y I 958;
 H LAJ ~ H U EJ ---- H U LU M T O J 151

T r u b a ò EV ÈSSJa V ili 114; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 2 (m e ta th esis o f

IE *sk- > PAlb *ks-).

huaj - huej adj. ‘foreign , strange’. From PAlb *ksanja further connected
w ith an iso la te d Gk ^évoç, D or ÇevÇoç ‘stran ger, g u e st’ ( M e y e r Wb.
154, Alb. St. Ill 59-60). 0 CAMARDA II 204 (to Lat hostis ‘stranger, fo r­
e ig n e r , g u e s t’); M e y e r Gr. Gr. 124; PEDERSEN IF V 59; BARIC ARSt
29 (b ased on ha, cf. Lat hostis - Skt ghdsati ‘to e a t‘); L a PIANA Studi
I 106; JOKL IF XXXVII 93 (fo llo w s MEYER ), L 55; PORZIG Gliederung
178; PISANI Saggi 119; FRISK II 333-334; HAMP Laryngeals 131, Anc.
IE 116; ÇABEJ St. I 240-241 (a d d u ces OAlb uoj as an argu m en t
again st M e y e r ’ s e ty m o lo g y ); HULD 76; O r e l Sprache XXXI 282;
D em iraj AE 203-204 (sem antically unacceptable hypothesis: from *ouos
‘that’ —»‘o th e r ’ —> ‘stra n g e’).

h uall ~ h u ell m,pl. hoje ‘honeycomb’. Goes back to PAlb *skála further
related to hollë (ÇABEJ St. I 241).

h udhër f, pl. hudhra ‘garlic’. A more archaic phonetic form is repre­

sented by the variant hurdhë continuing PAlb *skurdä, etymological­
ly connected with Gk oKÓpoSov id. ( C a m a r d a I 50; M e y e r Wb. 154,
Alb. St. Ill 28, 5 9 ,7 2 ) . 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 160, 331; B a r ic ARSt 29; J o k l
Festschr. Kretschmer 7 8 -8 0 , LKUBA 2 3 0 , Sprache IX 121; TAGLIAVI­
NI Dalmazia 273; F r isk I I 738; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 30, 121 ; C h a n t r a in e
1021; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 344; H A M PL ß XX 1 1 6 -1 1 7 (recon­
structs o-grade); Ç a b e j St. VII 237; D e m ir a j AE 2 0 4 -2 0 5 .

hudhëroj aor. hudhërova ‘to throw, to fling’. Derived from hudh-, a mor-
phonological variant of hedh. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 2 3 4 .

hukas aor. hukata ‘to sh o u t’. B o r ro w e d from S la v *xukati id. (SVANE

257).

hulum toj aor. hulumtova ‘to follow up, to track out, to investigate’. A
parallel form hulmëtoj is phonetically closer to the source which is Rom
*inventare based on Lat invenlre ‘to find out’. The complicated pho­
netic history of this word includes the assimilation of -v- to the pre­
ceding -n- and then the dissimilation of two nasals and the loss of the
second one. Finally, a prothetic h- was added. The irregularities may
reflect an unusual way of the word acquisition (via hunters’ slang?).
152 H ULLI — H IJR D H Ë

hulli f, pl. hulli ‘furrow ’. Another variant is holli. A derivative of hollë

(Ç a bej St. I 241). 0 M a n n Language XVII 14 (to Lith skiïvis).

humb aor. humba ‘to leave, to lose, to spoil, to m iss’, to drown. From
a nasal present *skumba compared with IE *skeubh-: Goth af-skiuban
‘to push away, to reject’, Lith skumbu, skubti ‘to hurry, to hasten’ (PISANI
Saggi 109). As to hup ‘to lose, to spoil, to m iss’, it may be a back fo r­
mation based on humb. 0 MEYER Wb. 154 (connects humb with hup)',
BARIC ARSt 36-37 (hup to Lat stipò ‘to upset, to overturn’); PISANI Saggi
124; F r a e n k e l 820; P o k o r n y I 955; H a m p Laryngeals 128 (to hipëj),
SCL XXVIII/1 75; FEIST Goth. 9; ÇABEJ St. VII 217, 232; OREL IF XCIII
109 (compares with hup and reconstructs *skupa ~ *skumpa further
connected with Slav *cupati to pinch, to tear, to break’), TBK 192.

hundë f, pl. hundë ‘nose’. Goes back to PAlb *skun-tä derived from *skuna
> hu (MEYER Wb. 152-153). The verb hundohem ‘to sneer, to turn up
nose’ is derived from hundë (CAMARDA II 143-144). 0 SCHMIDT KZ
LVII 16; B a r ic ARSt 103 (to Lat sentw ‘to feel1); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia
276, Stratificazione 90; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 127 (accepts M e y e r ’ s
etymology); HULD 76 (fantastic comparison with IE *nas- ‘nose’); ÇABEJ
St. I 240 (on hundohem)-, OREL Ètimologija 1985 180 (against H u l d ).

hupte aor. ‘stale (of bread); forming a hard crust (of snow)’. Deriva­
tive of hup, see humb.

hurbë f, pl. hurba ‘swallow, mouthful’. Another variant is hurp which

also functions as a verb ‘to swallow’.From PAlb *skurbä etymologi­
cally linked to Lith skerbiu, skerbti ‘to cut deep’, Latv slçirba ‘fissure,
slot’, Slav *schrba id. 0 F r a e n k e l 801, 807; V a sm e r IV 503-504; Ç abej
St. I 2 4 2 (onomatopoeia).

hurdhe f, pl. hurdhe ‘iv y ’. T he p arallel form is urdhe. A sin g u la rized

p lural g o in g back to P A lb *wurda co n n ected w ith other r e fle x e s o f IE
*urdho-\ OE word ‘th o rn -b u sh ’, Lat rubus ‘b ra m b le-b u sh ’. 0 MEYER
Wb. 154 (to Skt pfs'ni- ‘sp o tte d ’); W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 445-446;
H o l t h a u s e n AEW 405; Ç a b e j St. VII 236.

hurdhë f, pl. hurdha ‘pond, pool’. Another variant is urdhë. Continues

PAlb *wurdâ, a derivative in *-dh- further related to Slav *vin>
‘whirlpool’, *variti ‘to cook’, Lith ve'rdu, virti id. 0 JOKL Studien 30-
 (G) HUT — HYJ ~ HYJ 153

31 (to Skt vdr- ‘water’); PISANI Saggi 119; FRAENKEL 1263; VASMER
I 275; POKORNY I 1166; ÇABEJ St. VII 236-237; DEMIRAJ AE 205.

(G) hut adj. ‘vain, em pty’. The initial h- is prothetic. From PAlb *uta,
an adjective in *-to- based on IE *eua- : *uä- ‘empty’, cf. similar for­
mations in *-no-\ Skt üná- ‘missing’, Lat va nus ‘em pty’ and the like.
0 JOKL Studien 31 (to Gk ocutîoç ‘vain, empty’); WALDE-HOFMANN II
731-732; C h a n t r a in e 382; P o k o r n y 1 345; K o pec n y ESSI 1262; H a m p
Laryngeals 126; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 124 (onomatopoeia); KORTLANDT
Arm-IE 44; ÇABEJ St. VII 227; DEMIRAJ AE 205.

hutë f, pl. ‘vulture, ow l’. Another variant is utë. Borrowed from MGk
(¿toç ‘horned owl’. 0 MEYER Wb. 460 (borrowed from Lat ötus
‘horned owl’ < Gk cotoç); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 31 (from Lat ôtus);
ÇABEJ St. VII 227.

hutloj aor. hutlova ‘to deceive’. Together hutrrohem ‘to be astonished’,

derived from unattested nouns *hutël and *hutërr (cf. hutrrojë ‘silly
old woman’), both of them based on hutoj.

hutoj aor. hutova ‘to astonish, to daze’. Derived from hutë figurative­
ly denoting ‘fool, dolt’ (MANN HAEW 164). 0 HAMP Laryngeals 126
(to Geg hut); ÇABEJ St. VII 206, 227.

hyj m, pl. hyja, hyj ‘g o d ’. S in g u la rized plural o f yll, hyll ‘sta r’ (OREL
Linguistica XXIV 4 3 8 ) c o in e d by BOGDANI (ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ). 0
MEYER Wb. 150 (connects hyj with hije); K r is t o f o r id h i 135, 139 (sam e
as MEYER); J o k l LKUBA 6 4 -6 5 (re co n str u c ts *hye co n tin u in g IE
*skëini-); M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (to ON skuggi < IE *skuui-); Hamp
St. Whatmough 88.; DEMIRAJ AE 20 5 .

hyj ~ hyj aor. hyra ~ hyna ‘to enter’. The anlaut h- is prothetic. Goes
back to a denominative PAlb *eiwinja or *eiwanja based on *eiwi- ~
*eiwa, related to IE *ei- ‘to go, to walk’ and etymologically close to
Ski e'va- ‘speedy’, Lith at-elvis, at-e'iva ‘newcomer, stranger’, pe'r-eiva
‘tramp, vagrant’. 0 BARIC ARSt. I 17-18 (reconstructs *supniO, further
to Lat sub ‘under’ and the like); FRAENKEL 119; MAYRHOFER I 129;
P o k o r n y I 293-297; H am p Laiyngeals 125-126 (to Skt ava- ‘off’); ÇABEJ
St. I 2 4 2 (connects hyj with -y-, reflecting a contraction of *-oi- < *-
odi-, to IE *sed- ‘to go’).
 154 ijë - im i i-:

I
ijë f, pl. ijë ‘hip, side’. Borrow ed from Lat pi. Ilia ‘groin, flank’ (CAMARDA
I 70-71; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 32; M e y e r Wb. 158). 0 M e y e r -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1044, 1050; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; HAAR­
MANN 130; Ç a b e j St. I 243; L a n d i Lat. 126.

ikëj aor. ikëna ‘to go away, to run away’. A more archaic form of present
is ik; there exists also a form with a secondary initial h-. Continues
PAlb *eika further belonging to IE *ei- ‘to go’ (ÇABEJ St. I 243). Sim­
ilarly to Slav *jbdç ‘(I) go’ based on *idhi, an old imperative of *<?/'-
(POLIVANOV lORJaS XXIV/2 349-350), Albanian present forms ik. ikëj
are derived from the imperative ik which can be compared with Lith
elk, elki ‘go!’ (OREL Lingv. issled. II 35-36, Baltistica XXI/2 156-157),
with the suffix of imperative -k- of dubious origin (STANG NorwJLing.
XXX 127-131). 0 M e y e r Wb. 158; B r u g m a n n IF XXIX 404-412; L a
PIANA Studi alb. I 193 (compares ik with Gk ikco ‘to come’); BUGA
REV LVII 240 (on Lith eJki); POKORNY I 293-294; ÇABEJ St. VII 205,
227; OREL ZfBalk X X II/1 82, Koll. Idg. Ges. 352.

CSM. 245). As to ishull

between ishull ‘sunny place’ and shullë).
rrowed from
driß 21 1044, ith prep, ‘behind’. From PAlb *its, a form of IE *eghs ‘from, out of’
(M e y e r Wb. 158, Alb. St. I l l 16). The change of meaning is a part of
a wider semantic shift in the system of prepositions (see nga); the old
: demonstra­ meaning is preserved in the prefix sh- < *is- < *its- (partly influenced
te . by a homonymous prefix of Latin origin continuing Lat dis-). The vowel
of ith makes it extremely close to Slavic (*jbz) and Baltic (OPrus is,
Derived from Lith is, dial. Latv iz). Cf. normal vocalism of the same root in jashtë.
0 M e y e r BB XIV 53; P i s a n i Saggi 125; I 98 f.; P e d e r s e n KZ
XXXVIII421 (*/- as the original vowel in this root); KARSTIEN Festschr.
.lb *ima con- Vasmer 213; E n d z e l in Latys. predi. I 98; F r a e n k e l 188; W a l d e -
(sas ‘short’, H o f m a n n 1 423 (reject the co n n ectio n b etw e en ith and *eghs); PISANI
AENKEL 187; Saggi 125; P o k o r n y I 292-293; P o l á K apud K o p e c n y ESSJ I 82; O r ft
derived from Koll. Idg. Ges. 359.
 INJ ITH 155

inj prep, ‘up to ’ . A g h o st w ord reg ister ed o n ly by MlTKO and b ein g ,

in fact, a p h on etic variant o f hinje (ÇABEJ St. I 2 4 4 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 159
(to IE *eni ‘in ’), Alb. St. I ll 66; H a m p Laryngeals 136; D e m ir a j AE
2 07.

irë adj. ‘d u n '. R elated to err , w ith i- resu ltin g from the p arad igm atic
a lternation e ~ i in n oun s. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 2 4 4 -2 4 5 (lin k s ire to irëmadh
‘h e r o ic ’ but the latter is a com p ou n d o f ire ‘h e r o ism ’ and madh).

irë f, ‘wrath, heroism ’. Borrowed from Lat Tra ‘wrath’.

iriq m, pl. iriqë, iriqa ‘hedgehog’. Borrowed from Lat ëricius id.
(S tier KZ X I 141; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb. 159).
0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß 2 1 1048; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 15;
Ç a b e j St. VII 254; L a n d i Lat. 8 4 , 112, 139.

iskër I. pl. iskra ‘spark’. B orrow ed from Slav *jbskra id., cf. South Slavic
continuants: B u lg iskra, SC r iskra (MEYER Wb. 159). 0 TAGLIAVINI
Dalmazia 135; SVANF, 57.

ishull m r.i ; J
form s: B u la ikra. SCr ikra (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 2 1 ). 0 SELIi
immmmmmmiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiimiiiiiii^j^^iiiMjpiìroireiniig’ I V , O V A JN t, lM-y.

ilq e f, pl. ilqe ‘h o lm -o a k ’. A sin g u la rized plural o f *ilqë b(

Lat ïlicem id. (MEYER Wb. 158). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Gruí
1048; H a a r m a n n 130.

im pron. ‘m y ’. A u n iv erb a ted se q u en ce c o n sistin g o f th

tiv e p ron oun *is (se e ay) and u n stressed 1 sg . p ron oun

im sh të f, pl. imshta ‘oak g r o v e ’. A nother variant is ipshtë.

imë, imtë (Ç a b e j St. I 2 4 4 ).

im të adj. ‘tiny, sm a ll’. A nother variant is imë. R efle cts P7

tin u in g *îs-mos, cf. Skt Tsdt ‘little, a little , s lig h tly ’, L iti
L atv îss id. 0 MEYER Wb. 158 (to IE *em~ ‘to s e iz e ’); F f
M a y r h o f e r 1 96; P o k o r n y 1 2 9 9 -3 0 0 ; Ç a b e j St. I 2 3 9 (
hi), 2 4 4 (to hime).
 156 IV Ë — JA M

Î V C t , p l. I V U C lliu i u i u c i y p d ï i ô ï 11 u u i ï u v v v v i H v>kïi"O 'àuv ¿ V 'U " « i 'i k ï v ’ü w i ï v

m ean in g as rep resen ted by B u lg iva and SCr iva (DESNICKAJA Slav,
zaini. 11). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 245-246; S v a n e 99.

izbë f. ‘cellar’. Borrowed from Slav *istT>ba ‘house, cellar’ attested

in South Slavic in Bulg izba and SCr izba (S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie
149). 0 S v a n e 54.

J
ja interj. ‘behold, here, now’. A shortened form of javo, javua id., an
early borrowing from Slav *avi.nb ‘manifest, obvious’ in its adver­
bial function, with -o, -ua continuing *-wn>. For South Slavic continuants
of *avbm> cf. Bulgjaven, SCr javan. 0 M e y e r Wb. 160 (uncertain con­
nection with Slav *aviti sç ‘to appear’); Ç a bej St. I 246 (from NGk
y iá in y iá ôéç id.); OREL Orpheus VI 65.

jakë interj. ‘c o m e ’. A n iso la te d im p era tiv e form in -k (cf. ik) based on

IE *ja- ‘to g o ’. 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 191 (com pou nd co n sistin g o f ja and
p ron om in al At?-); POKORNY I 296; ÇABEJ St. 1 2 4 7 (tra n sfo rm a tio n o f
the p hrase eja këtu ‘co m e h e r e ’).

jam aor. qeshë ‘to b e ’. From P A lb *es-mi further connected with IE *es-
id. and id en tical w ith Skt ásmi, G k e ip i (B O P P 460, 4 7 2 , 526; G i l ’f e r -
DING Otn. 22; C a m a r d a I 36; M e y e r Wb. 1 6 0 -1 6 1 ). T he a o rist m ay
be ten ta tiv ely ex p la in ed as a sig m a tic form ation b ased on IE *k"el- ‘to
turn, to r e v o lv e ’ (CAMARDA I 4 5 ), c f. G m c *werdan ‘to b e c o m e ’ in
its co n n ectio n w ith IE *uert- ‘to turn, to r e v o lv e ’. 0 S t i e r KZ VII 9;
M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 63, 85; L a P ia n a Studi 1 86; J o k l LKUBA 83; M a n n
Language XXVI 383; PISANI KZ LXXI 64 (a o rist com p ared w ith Latv
k(ût ‘to b ecom e’). Saggi 103; MAYRHOFER 1 67; F r isk 1 463-464; POKORNY
I 3 4 0 -3 4 2 ; HAMP Festschr. Beeler 3 3 7 -3 4 6 (d e r iv e s 3 sg. është ~ âsht
from *en esti to be com p ared w ith G k eveo x t); ÇABEJ St. I 2 4 7 -2 4 8 ;
KLINGENSCHMITT Münch. St. Spr. XL 113; OREL Lingv. issled. II 31-
33 (n asa liza tio n in 3 sg . është ~ âsht < P A lb *ensti ex p la in ed by the
in flu e n c e o f 3 p l . janë < *enti < *es(o)nti), Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 2 (a c c e n ­
tual o p p o sitio n b etw een 1 sg. jam and 1 pl. jenti in P roto-A lb an ian );
H u ld 7 6 -7 7 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 0 7 -2 0 8 .
 JA P JA R M 157
J M J / ' a ò ’ì « r i i V i i i ï I " " i ’ü ” ^ ï » v " / l ’ ’p m U 11V ^ 1 1 U 1 111 IO t i-fS. V J L -g tllA JJ lU S U ild i l U lU

PAlb *en-apa while./- in jap is explained as filling hiatus (PEDERSEN

Festskr. Thomsen 2 4 7 ) or resulting from the analogical influence of
jam (DEMIRAJ AE 79). Thus, for Proto-Albanian, *apa should be recon­
structed as a parallel for IE *ap- ~ *ep- ‘to seize, to take’: Skt apnoti
‘(he) reaches, overtakes’, Gk mmo ‘to fasten, to bind’, Lat apiscor ‘to
grasp’ and the like (B O PP469; MEYER Wb. 13, Alb. St. Ill 3 1 ). Seman­
tically, the Albanian word is particularly close to Hitt epzi ‘(he) gives’
( H u l d 7 7 ). For the paradoxical semantic development replacing one
conversive with another cf. Hitt da- ‘take’ < IE *dö- ‘to give’. The aorist
dhashë < PAlb *e-das-a is based on the zero grade of IE *do- ‘to give’
( C a m a r d a i 7 3 ,1 2 7 ; M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 14). 0 C a m a r d a i 7 3 ,1 2 7 (jap
compared with Gk ia 7txco ‘to send, to drive on’; dhashë derived from
*dö-); JOKL Studien 3 2 , LKUBA 2 6 , IF XLIII 5 1 -5 2 , Sprache IX 118
(augment in dhashë); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I I 475; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
168; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240; La PIANA Vocale 2 5 , Studi I 23;
M a y r h o f e r I 76; F r is k I 1 2 6 -1 2 7 ; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 5 7 -5 8 ;
POKORNY I 5 0 -5 1 , 2 2 3 -2 2 6 ; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 30; ÇABEJ St. VII 195;
H am p St. Whatmough 8 2 , Miinch. St. Spr. XL 4 (< IE *epi-d(o)H-iö,
cf. Gk éjuóíóopi ‘to give freely’); HULD 150; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 4 2
(reconstructs *dodHs- as the source of dhashë); KLINGENSCHMITT Miinch.
St. Spr. XL 123 (reconstruction of the aoristic paradigm); OREL
Etimologija 1982 154 (parallelism of dhashë < *e-das-m and Slav *daxrb\
traces of the augment), Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 4 9 , 352; HAMP KZ CIII 291
(repeats JOKL and OREL in reconstructing the anlaut augment);
D e m ir a j AE 1 5 4 -1 5 5 .

ja rg ë f, pl.jarga ‘spit, phlegm’. From PAlb *ergá related to Av srazant-

‘bad’, OHG arg ‘bad, evil’, Lith arzus ‘lusty’. 0 POKORNY I 338; ÇABFJ
St. VII 212, 243.

jariçkë f,pl. jariçka ‘pullet, chick’. Another variant is jarickë. Borrowed

from Bulg jaricka. 0 POLÁK ZfBalk I 78 (derived from Slav *jarica
‘one year old creature’); SVANE 140.

jarin ë f ‘ripe fruit’. Borrowed from Slav *jarina ‘harvest’, cf. in South
Slavic continuants: SCr jarina (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 21). 0
S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 160.

ja rm m ‘yoke’. Borrowed from Slav *arbm-b id., cf. South Slavic con-
tinunants: OCS jarhm-b, Bulg jarem, SCr jaram (MEYER Wb. 161). 0
S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 156; SVANE 2 8 .
158 JASH TË — JES

jashtö adv. ‘outside’. From PA lb *e(k)sta derived from IE *egh-s ‘out’:

Gk ë^, Lat ex and the like ( C a m a r d a I 36, 87; Ç a b e j St. I 248-249).
0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 24 (from Lat extra)', M e y e r Wb. 161 (from
Rom *extus parallel to Lat intus), Alb. St. IV 49; L a P ia n a Studi I 85
(reconstructs *eghs-to-)\ TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 133 (follows MEYER);
M a n n Language XXVI 383; F risk 1527; W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1423; Ç abej
St. VIT 232, 257; H u l d 77.

ja v ë f, plJ a v ë ‘week’. Borrowed from Lat hebdomas id. (MEYER Wb.

162) treated as a nominative in -a. The group -bdm- yields Alb -v-. 0
S k o k AArbSt. II 343 n. 3; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 252; TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 133; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 23; H a a r m a n n 129; H a m p GjA
XVII (8) 121-129.

ja z m, pl. jaza ‘mill-stream’. Borrowed from Slav *ëzrb ‘dam, w eir’, cf.
South Slavic continuants: Bulg yaz, SCr jaz (DESNICKAJA Slav, zaimstv.
11). Ö S v a n e 44.

je f. ‘p e r m issio n ’. A p h on etic variant o f leje. 0 MEYER Wb. 162 (to Skt

yo's- ‘w elfa r e, h a p p in e ss’ and the lik e ), Alb. St. Ill 40, 63; PEDERSEN
Festskr. Thomsen 253 (again st MEYER); JOKL Studien 32 (to Skt dvi-
‘fa v o r a b le ’); ERNOUT-MEILLET 330; ÇABEJ St. I 249 (je as a variant
o f the p a rticle le sem a n tica lly m isin terp reted by MEYER).

jeh m. ‘echo’. A scholarly borrowing from Lat echo id. Used as a basis
for the formation of jehoj ‘to echo’ and jehonë ‘echo’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I
249 (Greecisized Ital eco id.).

jer m m ‘delirium, absent-mindedness’. Goes back to PAlb *erma ety­

mologically identical with Lith ermas ‘m onster’. Latv çrms ‘wonder­
ful apparition’, qrmi ‘wonders, miracles’. 0 JOKL Studien 32; FRAENKEL
122; POKORNY I 58; D u r id a n o v Trakite 56, 75 (to Thr *ermas); ÇABEJ
St. I 250, VII 205, 247; DEMIRAJ AE 208.

jes aor. jeta ‘to remain’. From PAlb *etja, a denominative of jete. 0 M e y e r
Wb. 163 (suggests IE *et- or *ed- but without any meaning); BARIC
ARSt I 76 (to IE *sed- ‘to sit); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 134, 186;
XHUVANI KLetr I 5; ÇABEJ St. I 250-251 (to Phryg eirou, 3 sg. opt. ‘let
him be’).
 .JETE — JU 159

jetë f, pl.jetë ‘life’. Goes back to PAlb *eta, related to the isolated group
of Gk éxeôç ‘true, real’, e tà - 0cX.r|0f), àyocGà (Hes.), ètàÇco ‘to test’.
0 C a m a r d a I 122 (to jes)\ M e y e r Wb. 163 ( from Rom *aeta > Arum
eta ‘world, life’, a back-formation of Lat aetas ‘age’), Alb. St. IV 12;
M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1043, 1056; PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 156
(follows C a m a r d a ) ; B a r i c AArbSt. I 216; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch.
23 (reconstructs IE *aiuotä > M W oed ‘world’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
1 33-134; S c h u c h a r d t KZ X X 242; L e w is - P e d e r s e n 9; Ç a b e j St. I
2 51-252; F r is k I 5 78-581; HAMP ERPh. 41 -4 3 (supports M e y e r ); H u ld
78; L a n d i Lat. 71; O r e l Orpheus VI 65.

jezull m ‘cloud of dust or smoke; ashes’. A secondary formation based

on jezer id. - a metaphoric usage of Slav * e zen ‘lake’ (Çabej St. I 252).
Ô MANN Comp. 7 (to Gk ai'GaXoç ‘soot’).

jo part. ‘no’. Borrowed from Germ ja via Slavic languages of Austro-

Hungary (F r ie d r ic h IF LX 164). Ö BARIC ARSt 37 (from IE *eneu:
Goth inti ‘without’, Skt ano ‘not’); ÇABEJ St. VII 227.

jonfi f, pl.jona ‘e c h o ’. Phonetic transformation o f jehonë, see jeh. 0 ÇABEJ

St. I 249 (seco n d a ry attraction o f jo n ë and jehonë).

josh aor. josha ‘to curl, to fondle, to caress’. From PAlb *jaudsja ety­
mologically connected with IE *ieudh-\ Skt yúdhyate ‘to fight, to strug­
gle’, Tokh A yutk- ‘to take care of, to trouble about’, Lith jdudinti ‘to
excite, to arouse’ (OREL FLH VIII 44). 0 FRAENKEL 195-196; POKORNY
1 511 ; M a y r h o f e r III 19-20; V an W in d e k e n s 1 612; Ç a b e j St. 1 252-
253 (identifies josh with osh ‘skimming’, from Turkish hos> ‘pleasant’);
K o r t l a n d t SSGL XXIII 174 (against O r e l ).

joshë f, pi. josha ‘grandm other’. Originally an element of the nursery

vocabulary, this word is based on josh and identical with joshë
‘caress’ (D e m ir a j AE 209). 0 M e y e r Wb. 163 (to gjysh); B a r ic ARSt
1 37-38 (same etymology); JOKL LKUBA 37-39 (to *ât-siâ derived from
atë)\ T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 115; Ç a b e j St. 1 253; D em iraj AE 209.

ju pron. ‘you’. From PAlb *ju identical with Lith jü s id., Goth jus id.,
Gk ùp.eîç id., Skt acc. yusman id. (BOPP 4 6 4 ; CAMARDA I 95; MEYER
Wb. 163, Alb. St. Ill 4 0 ), with the short vowel generalized from the
oblique stem. 0 G i l ’f e r d t n g Otn. 21; MEYER Gr. Gr. 29 1 ; PEDERSEN
160 .JUD — KABISHT

Festskr. Thomsen 252-253 (elim in ates the hiatus j- and recon stru cts *«
< *ues), KZ XXXVI 103; JOKL IF XLIX 275; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
135 (follow s PEDERSEN); M a n n Language XXVIII 38 (reconstructs
MANN Language XXVIII 38; P is a n i Saggi 132 (a g re es w ith MEYER);
MlNSHALL Language XXII 627; MAYRHOFER III 24; FEIST Goth. 305;
F r a e n k e l 199; F r isk II 963-964; P o k o r n y I 513-514; H u l d 78-79,
JIES VII 203-207 (rejects MEYER’s etym ology because o f the short vocal-
ism reflected in A lbanian, and reconstructs ju < *ues); OREL FLH VIII/1-
2 43; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X X III174 (cliticized form o f IE *iuH); D em iraj
AE 209 (from *usm- p resen t in o b liq u e ca ses based on *ues).

jud m ‘mythological m onster’. Borrowed from Slav *jud~b ~ *juda id.,

cf. in South Slavic: Buigjuda. 0 L A M B E R TZ Alh. Märchen 26 n. 8 (links
jud with the name of Judas); Ç A B E J St. I 253 (agrees with L A M B E R T Z ).

jug m ‘South, Southern wind'. Borrowed from Slav *jugb id., cf. in
South Slavic: Bulg jug, SCr jug (M e y e r Wb. 164). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dal­
mazia 135; SELISCEV Slav., naselenie 197; S v a n e 175.

K
ka m, pl. qe ‘ox’. From PAlb *kaxa going back to *koso-, a nominal
derivative of IE *kes- ‘to scratch, to cut’; cf. Slav *voh, ‘ox’ ~ *valiti
‘to throw down’ > ‘to castrate’ (O r e l ZJ? XXVIII/4 52-53). 0 B opp
491 (from IE *gi‘öu-); S t ie r KZ XI 150 (same as B o p p , adduces Venet
ce va ‘cow’); G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 22 (same as STIER); M e y e r Wb. 164
(compares ka with Lith kárvé ‘cow’, Slav *korva id. and the like); JOKL
'WuS XII 68-69, Sprache IX 150; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 137;
MANN Language XVII 22 (to Goth auhsa); PORZIG Gliederung 175;
POKORNY I 585; SGGJa I 58; H a m p St. Whatmough 86, Münch. St. Spr.
59; Ç a b e j St. VII 201; ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani II 684; O rel Balcanica
114 (a substratum loanword reflecting IE *g"öu- ‘bull’), LB XXVIII/4
52-53, Koll. Idg. Ges. 360; T r u b a c e v ¿iv. 43-44, ÈSSJa XI 108; TOPOROV
PJa IV 47 (repeats M e y e r ’s etymology); D em ir a j AE 210 (to Gk iceiaàç
‘deer’s c a lf).

kabisht m, pl. kabishta ‘earwig’. A derivative in -shtë based on an unat­

tested *kab continuing PAlb *kaba. The latter is related to Lith kaheti
 K ACABU ~ KACABÛ — KAÇ 161

‘to hang’, kabà ‘crooked tree’ and the like. 0 F r a e n k e l 2 0 0 -2 0 1 ;

POKORNY 1 9 1 8 .

kacabu - k acab û pl. kacabunj ‘beetle, stagfly’. A compound consist­

ing of kaca and bu < PAlb *buna, a word of descriptive nature for ‘beetle’.
As to kaca, it is a form of kac ‘goat’ (see kec). In several words, it appears
as an expressive prefix (cf., for example, kacafik ‘hut’, kacafytem ‘to
fight’), occasionally meaning ‘up, over’.

k acad re ~ k acad rê m ‘stagbeetle, grasshopper’. A compound of kaca

(see kacabu ) and dre ‘deer’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 178 (a variant of karkalec).

kacagjel adv. A part of an idiom rii kacagjel ‘to brag’. Represents a com­
pound of kaca (see kacabu) and gjel.

kacam it m ‘stag’. The word kacamic ‘roebuck’ is obviously a phonetic

variant of kacamit. A compound of kaca- (see kacabu) and mite. For
the meaning of the latter cf. dialectal mitez ‘roe’ (Ç a b e j St. I 2 5 4 ). 0
MEYER Wb. 182 [kacamitë ‘deer, roe’ borrowed from Ital *camozzetta
‘chamois’, cf. camozza id.).

kacarroj aor. kacarrova ‘to climb, to clam ber’. A compound of kaca

(see kacabu) and rroj.

k acarrum aor. kacarruma ‘core of corn-cob, corn-cob’. A compound

of kaca (see kacabu) and rrum.

k acek m, pl. kacekë ‘w in e sk in ’. B ack -form atio n b ased on kaciq (ÇABEJ

St. I 2 5 4 ).

k a cë f, pi. kacë ‘butt, barrel, bin’. Borrowed from Slav *kadbca

‘barrel’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg kaca, SCr kaca ( S e liS c e v
Slav, naselenie 154). 0 SVANE 68.

kaciq m, pl. kaciq ‘kid, wineskin’. Borrowed from NGk ko.toÍkv id. (MEYER
Wb. 185). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 2 5 4 (related to kec).

k aç m, pl. keç, keçër ~ keçën ‘weaver’. Borrowed from Slav *trbkacb

id., cf. South Slavic continuants in Bulg t-bkac (MlKLOSICH Slav. Ele­
mente 35; M e y e r Wb. 182). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 171.
164 KAFSHOJ — K A K O LK

St. I 2 5 6 -2 5 7 (fo llo w s M e y e r Wb.); H a a r m a n n 116; L a n d i Lat. 7 3 ,

110 .

kafshoj aor. kafshova ‘to bite’. Another variant is kapshoj. Borrowed

from Lat capessere ~ capissere ‘to seize, to snatch at' (MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 11 1055). 0 M e y e r Wb. 176 (from Rom *capsare based
on Lat capere ‘to take’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1052 (from
Rom *captiäre ‘to grasp’); JOKL I.KUBA 19 n. 1 (to Gk koottcd ‘to snap,
to snatch’, Slav *xapati ‘to seize, to grasp’); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-
2 21; HAARMANN 115; Ç abej St. I 257 (agrees with JOKL and also adduces
kap).

kah prep, ‘from, out, out of’. Immediately connected with nga id. Both
prepositions require nominative. The underlying Proto-Albanian
phraze must have been *(en) kaxa continuing *(en) k"o(d) so ‘(in) which
(is) this’. The original meaning, therefore, may be reconstructed as ‘in’
or ‘wherein’ but the whole system of prepositions was semantically
transformed in Albanian, cf. ith. 0 CAMARDA I 66-67 (to Gk 7tr| ‘in
some way, to some place’); MEYER Wb. 304 (to Gk Kara ‘down’), Alb.
St. Ill 4; v o n B l a n k e n s t e i n IF X X I 112 (follows M e y e r ) ; Ç a b e j St.
VII 201.

kakë f ‘excrements’. A usual Kinderwort (MEYER Wb. 166). 0 MlKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 8 (from Lat cacare ‘to defecate’).

kakërdhi f, pi. kakërdhi ‘dung (of sheep or goat)’. A modified sequence

consisting of kakë and dhi. 0 M a n n Language XXVI 386-387 (kakër-
to Gk K07tpoç).

kakërdhiçë f, pl. kakërdhiça ‘lizard’. Based on kakërdhi, a compound

consisting of kakë and rdhi (to hardhi), cf. a similar formation in hardhje.
Other compounds of the same type are kakëzorrë, kakërdhok ‘frog (to
kakë and zorre) and kakëzog ‘blindworm’ - to kakë and zog, i.e. a crea­
ture excreting its children: the blindworm is viviparous. 0 MEYER Wb.
147 (variant of hardhje), 166-167 (on kakëzog and kakëzorrë); SC H M ID T
KZ L 242-243 (borrowed from Gk KpOKÔôeiÀoç ‘crocodile’).

kakole f, pl. kakole ‘hip bone’. A phonetic variant oí ko kail ‘bone’ bor­
rowed from NGk kókkocàov id.
 K A K R K .U K — K A I .ESH 165

kakrruk m, pi. ‘stone-fruit, hard nut’. A suffixal derivative of kokërr

with a dialectal change of the unstressed -o- > -a- ( M u r a ti Probleme
79). 0 M e y er Wb. 195 (to Slav *orexT> ‘nut’).

kalakiç adv. ‘piggyback’. A compound of of an expressive prefix kala(n)-

(see kalaveshi) and Lie.

kalam an ~ kalam âm , pl. kalamaj, kalamanë ‘child (till the age of 8-9)’.
A compound of of an expressive prefix kala(n)- (see kalavesh) and *man,
derivative of maj. 0 MEYER Wb. 170 (to Slav *kah> ‘dirt’, *kal'avi,
‘dirty’); B a ric ARSt. I 94-95; Ç abej St. I 257-258 (from Bulg kalimana
‘female witness at a wedding’).

kalamend aor. kalamenda ‘to entangle, to confuse’. A compound of of

an expressive prefix kala(n)- (see kalavesh) and mend.

kalaqafe adv. ‘piggyback’. A compound of of an expressive prefix kala(n)-

(see kalavesh) and qafë.

kalavesh m, pl. kalavesha ‘grape’. A compound consisting of an expres­

sive prefix kala(n)- (cf. kalamend, kalangërç ‘cram p’ ~ gërç id.) and
vesh, cf. vesh rrush ‘grape’ (ÇABEJ St. I 258). As far as the origin of
kala- is concerned, with its original meaning ‘upside down’, ‘topsy­
turvy’, it may continue PAlb *kala related to IE *k“el- ‘to turn’. 0 MEYER
Wb. 167 (kala- to Turk kara ‘black’); JOKL LKUBA 214 (kala- to Turk
kalan ‘rest, surplus’); POKORNY I 639-640; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 102 (pre­
fixes ka-la-).

kalb aor. kalba ‘to let ro t’. A denominative derived from PAlb *kalba,
see the singularized plural qelb. 0 MEYER Wb. 221-222 (to qelb)\ BARIC
ARSt. I 53 (reconstructs IE *go!bh- and compares kalb with Slav *zely
‘tum or’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 137; ÇABEJ SY. VII 203, 284.

k a le c ë adv ‘gently, quietly’. Other variants are kalehtazi and kaletas.

The original form must have been *ka-leht-az, consisting of the prefix
ka- and *leht-az derived from lehtë.

kalesh adj. ‘hairy’. A préfixai derivative of lesh (M eyer Wb. 170). 0

Cam aj Alb. Wortb. 104.
166 KALE — (T) K A LTËR

kalë m, pl. kual, kuaj ‘h o r se ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat caballus id. (STIER

KZ X I 146; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 7; M e y e r Wb. 167). 0 CAMARDA
I 66 (to G k KaßocX^nq ‘w o rk in g h o r se ’); G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 2 2 (to Skt
khdra- ‘d o n k e y ’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1050; PISANI AAL
VIII 345 (back form ation o f pl. kuaj borrow ed from Slav *kon ’i>); TAGLI­
AVINI Origini 190; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 13; HAARMAN 113;
L a n d i Lat. 9 7 , 1 3 7 -1 3 8 .

kalibe f, pl. kalibe ‘hut’. A relatively early borrowing from Slav

*kolyba id. Cf. kolibe. 0 O r e l Sov . slav. 1 9 8 5 /5 7 9 -8 4 .

kalibobë f, pl. kaliboba Mote, n ettle -tre e ’. Borrow ed from Slav

*kalibob'h, a compound of *kaliti ‘to make dirty’ and *bob% ‘bean’ unat­
tested in South Slavic.

kaliboç adv. ‘on one’s back’. A compound of an expressive prefix kali-

(a variant of kala-, see kalavesh) and boçë. 0 XHUVANI - ÇABEJ
BShkSh 1956/4 74 (on kali-).

kalihum adv. ‘downwards, over and over’. A compound of an expres­

sive prefix kali- (see kaliboç) and hum < humb (ÇABEJ St. I 258).

kalis aor. kalita ‘to sharpen, to cleanse (of metal)’. Borrowed from Slav
*kaliti id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg k a l’a, SCr kaliti (DESNICKA­
JA Slav. zaim. 16). 0 MEYER Wb. 155,386 (from NGk ‘to carve’);
Ç a b e j St. I 258; S v a n e 234.

kalivaç adv. ‘in a group of three on a stem (of fruit and the like)’. Deriv­
ative in -ç of kalivare (Ç a b e j St. I 258).

kalivare adv. ‘trickling down’. A compound of an expressive prefix kali-

(see kaliboç) and var (ÇABEJ St. I 258-259).

kaloj aor. kalova ‘to pass, to go past’. Borrowed from Rom *coalläre
< Lat coambuläre ‘to go with’.

kalptoj aor. kalptova ‘to fill with tow, to plug, to caulk’. A denomina­
tive based on a Turkish loanword kallp, kallëp ‘form, m odel’.

(T) kaltër adj. ‘blue, sky blue’. From Rom *calthinus ‘yellow, yellowish’,
 KALL KAM 167

based on Lat caltha ‘Calendula officinalis’, cf. calthula ‘yellow robe’

(M e y e r Wb. 170-171). 0 OREL Balcanica 113-114 (from a substratum
reflex of IE *ghel- ‘yellow’); HAARMAN 114; ÇABEJ St. VII 218.

kail aor. kalla ‘to insert, to thrust, to place, to incite, to set on fire’. From
PAlb *kalna, a denominative based on *kala. The latter continues IE
*k!‘olo- and must be related to sjell (JOKL LKUBA 266 n. 1). 0 CAMARDA
I 149 (to Gk xeXXa ‘to urge, to drive on’); MEYER Wb. 168 (repeats
CAMARDA’ s etymology), Alb. St. Ill 3; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 329; PISANI
Saggi 123; ÇABEJ St. I 259 (follows JOKL); JANSON Unt. 161; HULD 106-
107; D e m ir a j AE 210-211.

kalla pl. ‘slander, calumny’. Literally, ‘incitation’. Derivative of kail

(C a m a r d a II 67; M e y e r Wb. 168). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 259 (to kalli).

kallëzoj aor. kallëzova ‘to slander, to tell stories’. Derived from an unat­
tested *kallêz, a collective form of kalla. 0 MEYER Wb. 168 (to kail);
ÇABEJ St. I 260-261 (identifies this verb with kallëzoj ‘to put ears of
corn together’, derived from kallëz ‘ear of corn’).

kalli m, pl. kallinj, kallëza ‘ear of grain’. An archaic variant kail ‘straw,
chaff’ is attested in Italo-Albanian. From PAlb *kalsa related to Slav
*kols-h ‘ear of grain’ (MEYER BB XIV 53; Wb. 168). 0 PEDERSEN KZ
XXXIII 544; JOKL IF XXXVI 124, Sprache IX 151; TREIMER KZ LXV
79; P is a n i Saggi 123; Ç a b e j St. I 270; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 143;
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X 152-153; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 203; D e m ir a j AE
211-212 (to Slav *koh, ‘picket, stake’).

kallm m. pl. kallma ‘reed, straw ’. Borrowed from Lat calamus ‘reed,
cane’ (Ç a b e j St. I 261). 0 M e y e r Wb. 168-169 (together with kallam
‘reed’ borrowed from NGk K aX á|ii id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2
I 1042; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 13; H a a r m a n 113; L a n d i Lat. 28,
138-139.

kam aor.pata ‘to have’. From PAlb *kapmi, an athematic verb based
on IE *kap- ‘to seize, to grasp’, cf. Lat capul id., Goth hahan ‘to have’.
The aorist is etymologically related to Lat potior ‘to take possession
of’ and its cognates (MEYER Wb. 171, Alb. St. Ill 36). 0 CAMARDA I
69 (to Gk ‘to possess, to have’); MEYER Wb. 171 (to Goth haban
and Lat habeô ‘to have’), Alh. St. Ill 6; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 93, KZ
 168 RAM ARE - KANUSHF.

IXXXVI 308 (derives the aorist form *pot-to-); J o k l LKUBA 261; JOHAN-
SON IF XIX 115; T r e im e r Slavia III 4 5 5 ; S c h m id t KZ LVII 2 7 -2 8 ;
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 216; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 97; P is a n i Saggi 9 8, 130;
K l u g e 278; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 1 59-16 0 , II 3 5 0 -3 5 1 ; P o k o r n y 1 4 0 8 ,
842; F e i s t Goth. 229; CAMAJ Beitr. SOE 4 1 -4 4 (fro m *kè'-am. to *t>s-
‘t o b e ’); H u ld 167; J a n s o n Unt. 1 49-15 1 ; Ç a b e j * . Ili 130, VII 253;
H am p KZ LXXVII 252; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Koll. Idg. Ges. 230; H u ld
143; DEMIRAJ AF. 212, 3 13-314 (pashë treated as a denom inative derived
from *poti-).

kamare f ‘c o b w e b ’. A m etap h oric u sag e o f kamare ‘v a u lt’ b o rro w ed

from NGk K ap áp a id. 0 MEYER Wb. 171-172 (borrow ed from Lat cam-
marus ‘se a -c ra b , lo b s te r ’ or Gk K àppotpoç id.); ÇABEJ St. I 263
( fo llo w s M e y e r ).

kandër f, pl. kandra ‘jar, vessel’. Borrowed from Lat cantharus ‘large
drinking vessel, tankard, pot’ (LANDI Lat. 116, 145). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /3-4 350 (from Gk îcàvGocpoç); ÇABEJ St. I 264 (borrowed direct­
ly from Gk m vOapoç ‘drinking cup’).

kandërr f, pl. kandrra ‘insect’. Borrowed from Lat cantharis ‘beetle,

w orm ’. 0 MEYER Wb. 173 (to Ital canterella ‘Spanish fly’); MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from Greek); ÇABEJ St. I 2 6 3 -2 6 4 (from Gk r á v -
Gapoç ‘beetle, scarab’).

kanë I ‘reed, rush’. Borrowed from Lat canna ‘reed, cane’ (M e y e r

Wb. 173-174), with the geminate preventing rhotacism in Tosk. 0 M eyer -
L ü BKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1041, 1051; HAARMAN 114.

kangjel m ‘song’. Borrowed from Rom *canticellum reflected in Rum

cäntecel id. (M e y e r Wb. 187). C f. këngë. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 2 6 4 (Albanian
derivative in -el- based on këngë).

kanushë f, pl. katiuska ‘stork’. Borrowed from Rom *cänösus, deriv­

ative of Lat cänus ‘white’ MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 21; ÇABEJ St. I
265). 0 MEYER Wb. 174 (from Ital cicogna ‘stork’); VASMER Alb. Wort-
forsch. 24 (to SCr kanja ‘vulture’ and the like); SELISCEV Slav, nase­
lenie 198; H e l b ig 90 (follows M e y e r ); H a a r m a n 114; L a n d i Lat. 63,
110, 114.
 KAP KAPIS 169

kap a o r . kapa ‘to seize, to grasp’. From P A lb *kapa connected with IE

*kap- ‘to seize’: Gk rámeo to ‘snap’, Lat capiö ‘to seize, to take’, Goth
haban ‘to hold, to have’ and the like ( J o k l Studien 34 ). See kam. 0
M e y e r BB VIII 185, Wb. 174 (from Turk kapmak ‘to catch’); T a g l i ­
a v in i Dalmazia 139-140; M a n n Language XXVI 380; F r is k 1 783-784;
F e i s t Goth. 229; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 159; P o k o r n y I 527-528; Ç a b e j
St. VII 254; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; DEMIRAJ AE 212-213.

kapasë f, pl. kapasa ‘oil-b arrel’. B orrow ed from NGk ko.kugo. id. (ÇABEJ
St. I 265). 0 J o k l Studien 33-34 (to kap); ÇABEJ St. VII 206. 266; D em ira j
AE 21 3 .

kapë f, pl. kapë ‘armful of corn; shock, pile’. From PAlb *kapa iden­
tical with Gk K07tT| ‘manger, crib’, further related to kap (KRISTOFORIDHI
141). 0 MANN Language XXVI 387 (to Slav *kup-h, Lith kaupas); FRISK
1 783-784; ÇABEJ St. IV 73.

k apërcej aor. kapërceva ‘to cross, to jump over’. A préfixai derivative

of ecej, *ka-për-ecëj. 0 MEYER Wb. 175 (from Rom *capitiare).

kapërdij aor. kapërdiva ‘to swallow’. A préfixai derivative in ka- based

on përdij. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 242, 244.

kapërdhij aor. kapërdhiva ‘to overturn, to subjugate’. A préfixai deriv­

ative in ka- based on pè'rdhe. 0 MEYER Wb. 175 (from Ital capovol­
gere ‘to turn upside down’).

kapërthej aor. kapërtheva ‘to entangle, to entwine’. A préfixai deriv­

ative in ka-për- based on thyej.

k a p in ë f ‘bramble, blackberry’. A recent loanword from Maced

kapina ‘blackberry’ with -a- < *-q-. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 266 (from Bulg thpina
or SCr kupina id.).

k ap is aor. kapita ‘to exhaust, to wear out’. Often in passive - kapitem.

Borrowed from Slav *kapiti - *kapati ‘to get tired’, cf. Bulg kap’a
id., SCr kapati (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim. 16). 0 MEYER Wb. 176 (based
on NGk KÔrcoç ‘toil, suffering’); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 24; JOKL
Studien 34 (to c/em); Ç a b e j St. I 266 (to kap); SVANE 247; DEMIRAJ
AE 213.
170 K A PRUA LL ~ KA PRUELL - KARABUSH

kapruall ~ kapruell m, pi. kaproj, kaprej, kaprenj ‘roebuck’. Borrowed

from Lat capreolus id. with an innovative penultimate stress ( S t i e r
KZ XI 136; M e y e r Wb. 176). 0 M E Y E R - L Ü B K E Gr. G rundriß21 1045,
1047; M lH Ä E S C U RESEE IV /1-2 13; Ç A B E J St. VII 239; H A A R M A N N
115; L a n d i Lat. 78-80, 118.

kapt m, pl. kapte ‘irrigation ditch’. A parallel form kaptë ‘lee-side of

mountain’ also belongs here. An adjective in *-to- based on kap (Ç A B E J
St. I 266). 0 M E Y E R Wb. 175 (to kaptoj).

kaptoj aor. kaptova ‘to cross, to pass through’. A more conservative

form is kapërtoj. A phonetic variant of kapërcej. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 175 (from
Ital capitare ‘to arrive, to turn up’); Ç A B E J St. I 266-267 (derivative
of kap).

kapth m, pl. kaptha ‘path, mountain path’. A derivative in -th based

on an unattested *kap continuing PAlb *kapa. The latter is related to
Lith kâpas ‘grave’, kopà ‘dune’, Latv kâpa ‘dune’ continuing IE
*(s)kep-. 0 F r a e n k e l 217; P o k o r n y I 932.

kapua ~ kapue m, pl. kaponj ‘rooster’. Borrowed from Lat câpônem ‘capon’
( M E Y E R Wb. 176). 0 M lK L O S I C H Rom. Elemente 11 (from Ital capone
id.); M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß21 1046, 1047 (same as M lK L O S I C H );
M lH Ä E S C U RESEE IV/1-2 13; Ç A B E J St. VII 254; H A A R M A N N 115; L A N D I
Lat. 143-145.

kaq adv. ‘so, so much, so many’. For the structure of this adverb see
ag. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 167 (related to aq).

kar m ‘penis’. Borrowed from Gypsy kar id. (M eyer Wb. 176). 0 TREIM ER
MRIW 1 366; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 141.

karabobe f, pl. karabobe ‘lo te , n ettle tr e e ’. V arian t o f kalibobë (M a n n

HA ED 185).

karabush m, pl. karabusha ‘c o r n -c o b ’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f rabush.

0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 141 (fro m Turk kara ba§ ‘b la ck h e a d ’);
Ç a b e j St. VII 244.
 KARAVELË — KARPË 171

karavelë f, pl. karavela ‘sm all round b read ’. A nother variant is kravelë.
A sin g u la rized plural o f the o rig in a l *karavalë b o rro w ed fro m Slav
*korvajb ‘round bread ’, cf. in particular SCr kravaj (MEYER Wb. 177).
T he g rou p -ara- < South S la v ic -ra- is ex p la in ed by the a n a lo g y w ith
Turk kara ‘black’. 0 S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 155; Ç a b ej St. I 268; SVANE
92.

karbë r ‘vulture’. From PAlb *kar(i)ba related to Lith kárti ‘to hang’
and its cognates, cf. the semantic development of Slav * k o b b C b
‘vulture’ - to Lith kabeti ‘to hang’. In both cases, the basis of the seman­
tic motivation is the well-known hunting position of the vulture
“hanging” in the sky. 0 MEYER Wb. 178 (to Bulg kraguj, SCr kraguj
'haw k '); JOKL LKUBA 304 (to shkabë, with an unorganic -/•-);
FRAENKEL I 224-225; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X 101-102 (on the etymolo­
gy of *kobbCb).

k ark alec m, pl. karkaleca, karkalecë ‘grasshopper’. A transformation

of Bulg skakalec id. (MEYER Wb. 178 ), probably, under the influence
of karkal ‘excrements’ and similar descriptive forms.

karkashinë f, pl. karkashina ‘lean sickly sheep; pottage of pulse and grain’.
Derived from SCr karkasa ‘carcass’. 0 MEYER Wb. 179 (the word for
pottage - from SCr adj. fem. kokosinja ‘belonging or related to hen’).

karkas a o r . karkata ‘to quack’. Borrowed from Slav *ki,rkati ‘to caw,
to croak, to quack’, cf. South Slavic continuants; Bulg k'brkam, SCr
krkati. 0 TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIII 216.

k arm ë f, pl. karma ‘rock’. From PAlb *karpnâ further related to karpë
(J o k l Studien 35). 0 Ç a b e j St. 1 269.

karpë f. pl. karpa ‘rock’. From P A lb *karpâ related to Lith kerpii, kirpti
‘to cut’, Latv cirpt ‘to shear, to clip’, O N harfr ‘harrow ’ and the like
(Jo k l Studien 34-35). 0 K r ist o f o r id h i 144 (related to the name of the
Carpathian mountains, Kap7iocrriç opoç); ROZWADOWSKI J P II 161-162;
Jo k l Reallex. Vorgesch. I 89; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 24-26 (same
as K r is t o f o r id h i ); F r a e n k e l 257-258; P o k o r n y 1 944; C a m a j Alb.
Wortb. 119 (suffix -pe)\ Ç a b e j St. I 268-269, IV 74; O r el ZfBalk XXIII
148; D e m ir a j AE 213.
172 KARSH; — KARROQE

karsh m, pl. kersh ‘rocky area’. A parallel form is kërshë. Continues

PAlb *kar-usa, a derivative of IE *(s)ker- ‘to cut’, semantically
similar to karpë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 207 (from SCr krs id.); POKORNY I 938-
947; ÇABEJ St. I 269.

kartë f 4measure of grain’. Borrowed from Lat quarta ‘fourth part’

(Ç a b e j * . I 269-270). 0 M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 144;
L a n d i Lat. 134.

karthi f, pi. karthi ‘dry firewood’. The same root is represented in karthë
‘laburnum, golden rain’. A derivative in -th- based on *karë from PAlb
*karâ etymologically identical with Slav *kora ‘bark’, Lith keru, kérti
‘to become separated’ and further with IE *(s)ker- ‘to cut’. 0 MEYER
Wb. 178 (from NGk icàp(poç ‘brushwood’); FRAENKEL 245; POKORNY
I 938-947; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XI 44-45.

karrabisht m, pl. karrabishta ‘earw ig’. A compound of an expressive

morpheme karra- (a variant of kala-) and bisht.

karrapuc adv. ‘squatting’. A compound of an expressive karra- and an

unidentified morpheme. Unclear.

karravesh m, pl. karraveshë ‘stick’. A variant of kalavesh.

karrem m, pl. karrema ‘rainworm ’. A préfixai derivative of rrime.

karrë f, pl. karra ‘cart’. Borrowed from Lat carrum ‘two-wheeled wagon’
(M e y e r Wb. 180). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß2 1 1044; H a a r m a n n
115; L a n d i L ai. 4 6 , 128, 139.

karrigë f, pl. karriga ‘chair’. Borrowed from Lat quadriga ‘set of four’
(here, of four legs). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 12 (from Ital
cadrega, carega ‘chair’); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1047 (from
Ital Venet carega ‘chair’); ÇABEJ St. VII 280.

karroqe f, pl. karroqe ‘bushel, milk-can’. A parallel form is krroqe ‘measure

made of bark, bucket’. Borrowed from Gmc *krCik- ‘jug’, cf. OHG krüche,
OE crúce. 0 M e y e r Wb. 180 (uncertain comparison with Germanic and
Celtic names of vessels); BÜGA III 721; K l u g e 407; HOLTHAUSEN AEW
61.
 K A R R IP — K A TË R 173

karrup m, pl. karrupa ‘fish-trap’. An early borrow ing from Slav

*korup'b attested in Bulg korup (BER 648). 0 KLEPIKOVA Sb. Bernstej-
na 419-427.

karrutë f, pl. karruta ‘ferm enter’. An ea rly borrowing from S lav

*koryto ‘trough’, see koritë (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 78, 142). 0 S v a n e
67.

kasnec m, pl. kasnecë, kasneca ‘herald’. Borrowed from Slav *kaznbcb

id., cf. SCr kaznac (J o k l LKUBA 56-58). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie
179, 286; S v a n e 193.

kastravec m, pl. kastravecë, kastraveca ‘cucumber’. Borrowed, with a

metathesis, from Slav *kosirovbCb id, cf. Bulg krastavec, krastavica,
SCr krastavac (M eyer Wb. 180). 0 SeliSCev Slav, naselenie 162, 286;
ÇABEJ St. VTI 244; SVANE 106.

kashër f, pl. kashra ‘reed, rush’. From *kashtër related to kashtë

(ÇABEJ St. I 270).

kashnjet m, pl. kashnjete ‘chestnut grove’. Borrowed from Lat castanetum

id. See gështenjë.

kashtë f ‘straw’. From PAlb *kalsta, derivative of kalli (JOKL IF XXXVI

124, LKUBA 214, 274). 0 M e y e r Wb. 180 (to Gk kootou- Kpi0ai or
aKoaxri ■ Kpi0f| 7ia p à Kurcpioiç, Hes.); T r e im e r MRIW 1 366-367
(borrowed from Gypsy kast ‘wood’); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 26-27
(to Slav *kosth ‘bone’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 143; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb.
104 (prefix k- and equivalent of Slav *ostb); H a m p St. albanica X /2
87-88, Ètimologija 1971 270-271; O r e l Sprache XXXI 283; Ç a b e j St.
VII 236; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X 221; D e m ir a j AE 213-214.

kashtup m, pl. kashtupë ‘skin of corn-cob’. A derivative in -up based

on kashtë.

katër n u m . ‘four’. From PAlb *katur(a) etymologically related to IE

*k'ctur- ~ *k“etuer- id.; Skt catvara-, Gk zé a a a peç, Lat quattuor and
the like (C a m a r d a 1 169; G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 22; M e y e r BB VIII 185).
The vocalism of the second syllable is generalized according to the form
of accusative *keeturm. The vowel in the first syllable presents serious
 174 KA TU A ~ K A TU E — K EDH K EM — KETËR 175

difficulties. It may be explained by reduction similar to that of Lat quat- T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 137-138; M l a d e n o v 1st. 192; P isa n i Saggi
tuor (M a n n Language XVII 17; H u l d 79 ) and Slav *cbtyre co-exist- 130; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XII 19-21; M u r a t i Probleme 131.
ing with *cetyre (but cf. T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IV 9 7 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 181
(from Lat quattuor); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1051 ; T a g l ia v in i kem m ‘incense’. Another form is qem. From PAlb *kapna etymologically
Dalmazia 144 (agrees with M eyer Wb.); M a n n Language XVII 17; PISANI identical with Gk k o c tiv Ô ç ‘smoke’ and its cognates reflecting IE
Saggi 102; FRISK II 883-884; MAYRHOFER 1 371-372; W a l d e -H o f m a n n *kyep- (J o k l Studien 37, IF XLIV 14). 0 M e y e r Wb. 222 (from *ked-
I 4 0 0 -4 0 1 ; POKORNY I 6 4 2 -6 4 4 ; Ç A B E J* . VII 2 2 8 , 244; L a n d i Lat. mo- and to Slav *cad'h ‘fumes, smoke’); B a r ic ARSt. 131; F r isk I 781 -
75, 79; HAMP Numerals 907-910. 782; P o k o r n y I 596-597; Ç a b e j St. I 272-273 (borrowed from Gk
0 u n ia |ia ‘incense’ or Lat thymiama id.); DEMIRAJ AE 215-216.
katua ~ katue m, pl. katonj ‘stable, basement, cellar’. Borrowed from
NGk KOrtfflYi < kcxtcoyeiov id. ( M E Y E R Wb. 183). 0 O R E L Subst. 12 (from kep a o r . kepa ‘to hew’. The basic deverbative is kep ‘quarry; tip, point’.
Iran *xata- ‘basement’). Continues the umlauticized PAlb *kapa etymologically related to Gk
k o j t t © ‘to hit, to hew’, Lith kapiu, kàpti ‘to hew’ and the like (M ey er
katund m, pl. katunde ‘village’. A préfixai derivative of tund representing Wb. 185, Alb. St. Ill 4, 31). ö JOKL Studien 39-40 (connects kep with
a caique of Slav *kolyba ‘hut’ as based on *kolybati ‘to tremble, to sqep); M a n n Language XXVI 386-387; P isa n i Saggi 127; F r isk II 914-
shake’(cf. O R E L Sov. slav. 1985/5 79-84). From Albanian, the word - 915; F r a e n k e l 218; P o k o r n y I 931; Ç a b e j St. I 272-273 (dialectal
originally, a name of a hut - was borrowed to other Balkan languages. form of qep); DEMIRAJ AE 216.
0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 10 (from Ital cantone); MEYER Wb. 183;
B r ü c k n e r KZ XLVIII 168; Jo k l IF XXXIII 421-424 (from ka- and keq a d j. ‘bad, evil’. From PAlb *kakja related to Gk k o c k c k ; ‘bad’ (BOPP
tund < *tnto-, participle o f ndej); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 28-30 (from 490; C a m a r d a I 43; M e y e r Wb. 184-185, Alb. St. Ill 3). The disyl­
P ro to -B u lg a ria n ); T r e im e r ZfromPhil XXXVIII 388; T a g l ia v in i labic keiq, këeq seems to be an artefact going back to K.AVALLIOTIS,
Dalmazia 144; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 102; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 339; 0 MEYER Alb. St. V 85 (borrowing from Rom *cadöcus), Gr. Gr. 258;
R o s e t t i ILR I 275; T a n a s , O c a RESEE XXVII/1-2 139-144; Ç a b e j PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 327; JOKL Studien 35-36 (divides këeq > keq into
St. VII 200, 230; MOUTSOS KZ LXXXVIII 59-73 (from M G k k o t o i>va M
^ l M i^ W ,l ^ K 7 , ^ ,,;..a.aeues m qua quis n'àôi'îSf'J; feu?® 1! ŸProblème
azia r1 4^3 .'rrcjec"'"‘‘
( r e j e c t s jfc^KL
T T ./ .1.. .1 .1 .'If.. .1.1.
e AAVl
jo k l s

JÖ D (IO IIO W S
s en-mology
e t y m o l o g y lor
.. .T... a. . .TYr. a. m . » . . C*.. T (\A , D ie
g ì - D c u i d . a t A1. T 1 , 1 . 0 1 ^ 1
Saggi
sick’); TAGLIAVINI Da In
128 (follows MEYER); MANN L an g u aj
Wortb. 100 (from kë + eq kazhup m, pl. kazhupë ‘peasant coat’. An early borrowing from Slav M e y e r Wb.); F r is k I 758-759; C a m a j Alb
; ÇABEJ St. I 273-274 (bor- *kozuxrb ‘coat made of skin’, cf. gozhup. = Latv Igns); ÖLBERG Festschr. Bonfante 56:
j with the consequent ana- rowing from Gk k o ik Ô ç > Alb *kak, pl. *qe
80; D e m ir a j AE 216-217. ke prep, ‘to , at’. F rom P A lb *kO c o n tin u in g the p ro n o m in a l fo rm *£*0/' logical transfromation into keq); HULD 79-
or *k"öd (M e y e r Wb. 218, Alb. St. Ill 2). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 326
(a n a lo g ica l fo rm a tio n based on ku); Ç a b e j St. I 272 (a g re es w ith PE­ kerrm ë f, pl. kerrma ‘thorn-bush’. The uml
auticized form of karrmë,
DERSEN). variant of karmë.

; it becomes obvious from kedh m, pl. kedhë, kedha ‘kid’. Other variants are kec and keç. An umlau­ kerrnjoj aor. kerrnjova ‘to purr (of cat)’. A
;r form *kerrmnjoj which, ticized form of PAlb *kadza related to Slav *koza ‘she-goat’ (Alb. St. kerrmëz ‘p u rr’, the verb continues an earli
z ‘to sing, to make verses’. Ill 4, 16; ClMOCHOWSKI L1I 231). 0 POTT KZ IV 70 (to Lat hoedus); therefore, is a loanword from Lat carminär
MlKLOSICEl Slav. Elemente 21 (from SCr keca ‘sound used to call goats’);
r variants are ketërr, kitër MEYER Wb. 185 (borrowed from Gmc *kidjaz ‘kid’ or Turk käci ‘goat’); ketër m, pl. ketra ‘squirrel, dormouse’. Othi
 176 KEZË — KËLYSH KËLLAS KËNAQ. 177
+1preux Ke- ionowea oy tysn < '"iuan-sio-, to in teuan- , vCon- MÍ7BA Zjy-ZO
M ERM RIW I 357-358 (to Lat lutum ‘dirt’); TAGLIAVINI structed from kuokìné ‘dancing party’) and Slav *skakati ‘to jump, to ‘to grow’); TRI
149; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 105 (prefix kë-'y, F r is k II 741; spring’. At an early stage, borrowed to dialectal South Slavic *katerb, Stratificazione
Ik XXV/2 154-156 (from MGk k o v à ,o Ù k i ( o v ) ‘puppy, attested in Bulg katerica ‘squirrel’ (OREL Ètimologija 1980 6 0 -6 1 ). 0 MOUTSOS ZfB(
•EMIRAJ AE 218-219. F r a e n k e l 3 1 1 -3 1 2 ; P o k o r n y I 9 2 2 -9 2 3 ; Ç a b e j St. I 2 7 4 (derivative young dog’); I
of SCr kita ‘tuft, cluster’, Bulg kita id.); GEORGIEV V-hprosi 4 1 -4 2 (Bulg
katerica from Thracian, with the ultimate reconstruction of *skok- k ë lla s . aor.
këllit
i, kalla ‘to put into, to insert, to dig, to instigate’. Deriv­
ate various deverbatives based on këllas, such as këllëç ter-y S t a n g LS 86; BER 2 7 1 -2 7 2 (agrees with GEORGIEV); GlNDIN, ative of kail. N
’if id. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 257. K a lu Z s k a j a , OREL Bissi. 251; MURATI Probleme 83.
‘case’ and këll

qe ‘hip bone’. Borrowed from East South Slavic con- k ë llkm, pl. këll
kezë f ‘woman’s head-dress, bonnet, hair-net’. Another variant is kesë.
Ik-b ‘hip’: Bulg fo lk, Maced kolk, khlk. tinuants of *ki
Derivative in -zë of an unattested PAlb *kaxâ ‘plaited hair’ etymologically
related to Slav *kosa id., ON haddr ‘woman’s hair’ and the like. 0
këm bë ~ kam b
î f, pl. këmbë ~ kambë ‘leg, foot’. From Rom *camba ~ CAMARDA I 114 (to Gk yaixT\ ‘long hair’); ÇABEJ St. I 2 7 4 (from *krezë,
MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 9; MEYER Wb. 178). Note *gamba ‘leg’ (
derivative of krye); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XI 1 3 1 -1 3 3 .
io traces of the variant camba in Balkan Romance. 0 that there are
(compares with Gk Kaputt) ‘bend’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. C a m a r d a 1 55
k ë l b o q e f, pl. këlboqe ‘sputum’. A suffixal derivative of kalb (ÇABEJ Grundriß 2 1 II
142; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 138; M a n n Language XVII St. I 2 7 5 ).
mpä, cf. C a m a r d a ); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 13; H a a r ­ 19 (from IE *kc
e l Balcanica 114-115; COROMINAS DEC II 645-646; MANN 114; Ol
f ‘lim e’. Borrowed from Lat fem. adj. calcaría ‘pertaining to
k ë lq e r e R o h l f s Spr. 9.
'-94 (borrowed from Gk mprcri ‘foot joint of a horse’);
lime’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 8; MEYER Wb. 186). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Ç a bej St. VII 2
79; HULD 80 (“the direction of borrowing is uncertain”);
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1 0 4 3 , 1 047, 1048; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 21; L a n d i Lat. Al-
48, 115.
H a a r m a n 114; L a n d i L ai. 4 6 , 8 1 , 111-112.
k ëm b o rë - k ë n
bonë f, pl. këmborë, këmbora ~ këmbonë, këmbona ‘bell’,
i Rom *campona, a secondary variant of Lat campana (G) k ë l s h ê j t m ‘communion cup, chalice’. Borrowed from Lat calicem Borrowed fror
I Rom. Elemente 9; MEYER Wb. 186: directly from sanctum id. ( M e y e r Wb. 221) both parts of which are preserved in qelq id. (MIKLOSIC
^MARDAI 57 (to Gk Kupßr) ‘drinking vessel’); M eyer- and shenjtë. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 272 (believes the compound to be formed campana). 0 C.
tndriß 2 I 1042; JOKL Litteris IV 197 (from Dalm can- in Albanian rather than in Latin). LÜBKE Gr. Gr,
XIII 287. puone), Slavia
k ë lth a s aor. këlthita, klitha ‘to cry’. Together with këlcas ‘to make noise’,
mishë ‘shirt’. Borrowed from Lat camisia ‘linen shirt, this form reflects a strong secondary influence of kërcas. However, f, pi. kt
k ë m is h ë

Víik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 9; M e y e r Wb. 187). 0 originally, these verbs go back to a different source, Slav *klicati ~ night-gow n’ (
Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1047; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 13; *klikati ‘to shout, to call’. 0 MEYER Wb. 189 (identifies këlcas with kërcas); M e y e r -L übke
H a a r m a n 114
A n t t i l a Schw. 100.

qa ‘to please, to satisfy’. From PAlb *ka-nakja closely kënaq aor. këna
m, pl. këlyshë, këlysha ‘young of animal, cub’. A derivative in
k ë ly s h
ga-nah ‘to be enough’, OHG gi-nah id. (OREL Fort. 79). related to Goth
-ysh of an unattested *kul related to Gk KvXXa ■GKViXat,. ’HÀ,eîoi, Hes.
e based on IE *nek-: Skt ndsati ‘to reach’ and the like, These forms ai
further connected with OKÚA-ai; ‘young dog, cub’ (ÇABEJ apud
jpment of IE *-ki- > Alb -q- that seems to be phoneti- Note the devel
D em ir a j). 0 S t ie r KZ X I 145 (borrowed from Lat catulus ‘cub’); M e y e r
cally regular.
Wb. 186 (to Lith kale ‘dog, bitch’ or W colwyn ‘young dog, cub’); JOKL
178 KËND ~ KAND — KËNETË

0 JOKL Studien 36 (to Lith nokti ‘to become ripe’, Latv näkt ‘to come’);
WEIGAND 36 (préfixai derivative of ëndë); KLUGE 248; MAYRHOFER
II 145; POKORNY I 316-318; F e is t Goth. 194; Ç a b e j Sr. I 275 (sup­
ports W e i g a n d ); D e m ir a j AE 219.

kënd ~ k a n d m, pl. kënde ~ kande ‘corner, angle’. An early borrowing

from Slav *kçtb id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 174 (from Ital canto id.); MANN Lan­
guage XVII 19 (to Gk kocv0ôç).

‘somebody’. From PAlb *kan tan, a sequence of two pro­

k ë n d pron.
nouns continuing IE *k“o- and *to- in acc. sg. See kush. 0 JOKL AArbSt.
1 35 (related to kë, acc. sg. of kush); ÇABEJ St. I 275-276 (follows JOKL).

- k a n d e ll aor. kë tide Ila- kandella ‘to make red-hot, to revive’.

k ë n d e ll
A denominative of këndellë (MANN HAED 193). 0 JOKL Studien 40 (ana­
lyzes a dialectal variant knell as a préfixai form related to Goth ganisan
‘to be healthy’); ÇABEJ St. 1 276 (repeats M a n n ’s explanation);
D e m ir a j AE 219.

~ k a n d e llë f, pl. këndella ~ kandella ‘la m p ’. B o r ro w e d from

k ë n d e llë
Lat candela ‘w ax-lig h t, ta llo w -c a n d le’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 10).
0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß21 1044; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 21;
H a a r m a n 114; Ç a b e j Sí. I 276; L a n d i Lat. 81, 116.

këndë- k a n d ë f ‘p lea su re, a p p etite’ . A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e fro m ëndë

(MEYER Alb. St. V 85). T he verb kënditem ‘to be sated ’ is derived from
këndë as w ell as këndis ‘to d e c e iv e ’, literally, ‘to satiate som eb ody (w ith
l ie s ) ’. 0 MEYER Wb. 187 (këndis ‘to d e c e iv e ’ - to T urk ki namak ‘to
to rm en t’ or to gënjej); JOKL Studien 33 (to gdhij).

këndirra ‘to choke, to suffocate’. A préfixai derivative of

k ë n d ir r aor.
djerr: kë-n-dirr.

këndova ‘to sing’. B orrow ed from Lat cantare id. ( G i l ’feR -

k ë n d o j aor.
DING Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 10; MEYER Wb. 187). 0 M e y e r -
LüBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1047, 1051; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 139;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 13; H a a r m a n n 115; H u l d 80; L a n d i Lat.
40, 155.

f, pl. këneta ‘marsh, valley’. Borrowed from Lat cannëtum ‘reeds,

k ë n e të
thicket of rushes*.
 KËNGË ~ K A N G ft — KËRBAÇ 179

këngë ~ kangë f, pl. këngë ~ kangë ‘song’. Borrowed from Lat canticum
id. ( M e y e r Wh. 187). As to këngjelë - kangjelë id., it continues Rom
*canticella. 0 M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042; M a n n Language
XVII 23; Ç a b e j St. VII 236; M lH Ä ESC U RESEE IV /1-2 26; H A AR M A NN
115.

këpucë f, pl. këpucë ‘shoe’. Derived from këputë ‘sole’, see këpus. 0
CAM ARDA I 67 (from NGk TraTroúxcn ‘slipper’); M E Y E R Wb. 188 (from
Turk papu$ ‘slipper’); Ç A B E J St. VII 214, 216.

f, pl. këpujë, këpuja ‘round fruit, drop’. Borrowed from Slav

k ë p u jë
*kapul’a , derivative of *kapati ‘to drip’.

k ë p u r d h ë f,pl. këpurdha ‘fungus, mushroom ’. Another variant is kër-

pudhë. A derivative in -dhe of an unattested *këpur related to Lith kèpurë
‘cap’, Latv cçpure id. Thus, the mushroom is described as having a cap.
0 M E Y E R Wb. 187 (borrowed from Bulg pecurka id., SCr pecurka id.);
ClM O CH O W SKI LP III 163-165 (préfixai form related to Gk rcapôaKÔç);
C A M A J Alb. Worth. 105 (prefox kë-); FR A E N K E L 241; NEPOKU PNYJ BSS
40 (follows M e y e r ); Ç a b e j St. V I I 221.

këputa ‘to tear off, to pluck’. Another variant is kërpuc ‘to

k ë p u s aor.
pinch, to pluck’. From PAlb *karputja, a derivative verb based on an
adjective in *-uta reflected in këputë ‘sole’. As to PAlb *karputa, it
is further related to karpë. 0 CAMARDA I 56 (to Gk icònico ‘to strike,
to hew’); M e y e r Wb. 187-188 (from Rom *carputiô, to Lat carpo ‘to
pick, to pluck’); Ç abej St. VII 258.

k ë p u s h ë f, pl. këpusha ‘tick, cattle-tick’. Other variant, with an unor-

ganic -r-, is kërpushë. Derivative of kap (Ç A B E J St. I 276-277). B or­
rowed to Rum cäpu$ä. 0 M e y e r Wb. 188 (to SCr krpelj ‘sheep
louse’); PU ^C A R IU Dacoromania II 594 (from Rum cäpusä id. based
on cap ‘head’); J o k l 1J XXIII VII 176 (derived from Lat capere ‘to
take’); P o g h i r c 1st. limb. rom. II 338; RO SETTI ILR I 274-275;
D e s n i c k a j a Slav. zaim. 13 (from Bulg kapus id.).

k ë q y r aor. këqyra ‘to look, to observe’. A préfixai derivative of qyr (MEYER

Wb. 230) 0 J o k l Studien 22; Ç a b e j St. VII 258.

kërbaç m ‘whip’. Borrowed from Slav *thrbacb, a derivative of *la,rbati

180 KËRBË — KËRCËLLOJ

‘to scratch , to b rea k ’, cf. SCr korbac (DESNICKAJA Slav, zaini. 11). 0
SVANE 48.

kërbë f, pl. kërba ‘tub, barrel’. From PAlb *karbä related to Lat
corbis ‘basket’, Lith karbas id., Latv karba ‘birch bark vessel’, Slav
*korb-h ‘basket’. 0 MEYER Wb. 188 (to SCr krbulja ‘small basket for
berries’ and the like); FRAENKEL 220; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XI 52-54.

kërbisht m ‘sacrum, sacral bone’. A derivative of bisht with a prefix

containing an unorganic -r- ( Ç a b e j St. I 277). 0 MEYER Wb. 123 (to
gërbë).

kërc m ‘stump’. Borrowed from Slav *ki,rcb id. (Czech krc id.,
Slovene krc ‘stubbed area, area cleaned of trees and stumps’). Note
Alb -c- reflecting Slav *-c-. Alb kërci ‘shinbone’ and kërcë ‘cartilage,
gristle’ belong to the same root. Cf. also kërcu. 0 MEYER Wb. 189; B a ric
ARSt 39 (compares kërci with Lith kdrka ‘pig’s foreleg’); TAGLIAVI­
NI Stratificazione 90-91; VASMER II 340; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIII 210-
211; ÇABEJ St. VII 191; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 360.

kërcas aor. kërcita, kërcisa ‘to cry, to shout, to rattle, to thunder, to sound’.
Borrowed from Slav *kricati ‘to cry, to shout’ (MEYER Wb. 189; JOKL
LKUBA 93). An early loanword with Alb -c- reflecting Slav *-c-. Note
that the verb *kricati is not attested in this meaning in South Slavic
where we have only SCr kricati ‘to w arn’ (Slovene kricati ‘to shout’
could not be the source of the Albanian word). 0 OREL Ètimologija 1980
61 (connects kërcas with kërcej), Koll. Idg. Ges. 360.

kërcej aor. kërceva ‘to dance, to jump; to pour’. Further phonetically

developed to këcej. This verb is derived from kërc ‘stump’, the main
element of the Albanian pre-Christian sacral rite similar to South Slavic
badnjak. The original meaning was ‘to dance, to take part in a ritual
dance’. The meaning ‘to pour’ is secondary - for a similar semantic
development in Rom *sallre see BUCK 6 7 7 -6 7 8 ; ANIKIN Ètimologija
1982 6 7 -6 9 . 0 MEYER Wb. 189 (from Slav *skociti ‘to ju m p ’);
SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 192; GEORGIEV V'bprosi 4 1 -4 2 (derives
kërcej from *katerj-), Trakite 253-2 5 4 ; OREL Ètimologija 1980 61 (mis­
takenly connects kërcej with kërcas), Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 60.

kërcëlloj aor. kërcëllova ‘to grind one’s teeth, to crack, to creak’. Based
 KËRCËNOJ - KËRLESII 181

on kërcyell ‘stem, stalk’ which is, in its turn, derived from kërc. 0 C a m a j
Alb. Wortb. 107 (analyzes kër-cyell as a préfixai form); Ç a b e j St. VII
199, 239.

kërcënoj aor. kërcënova ‘to threaten’. A recent derivative of kërcej. 0

ÇABEJ St. I 2 77 (identical with kërcëlloj).

kërcu ~ kërcû m, pl. kërcunj ‘stump, block, log, root’. Derived from kërc
(JOKL LKUBA 264). Used in semi-pagan Christian rites (TOPOROV Ètim­
ologija 1974 3 f.; ROSETTI Rom. slav. 1960 6 5 -7 0 ; Z o jz i BUShT 1949
4 9 f.), kërcu as a name of a sacral log was borrowed into Slav
*korcun-b ‘Christmas day, winter solstice’ from where it was passed
on to Rum cräciun ‘Christmas; ritual bread baked at Christm as’
(DESNICKAJA Slav. jaz. 1978 1 69-171). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23
(from Slavic); ÇABEJ St. I 2 7 7 -2 7 8 (reconstructs *kortjo-); VAILLANT
JF X X IV / 1-2 7 2 -7 6 (kërcu < Rum cräciun < Lat quartum jejünium)\
MLADENOV 2 5 6 (Rum cräciun < Lat calátionem)\ D en su§IA N U Hist.
I 2 62 f. (Rum cräciun < Lat creätiönem); PüÇCARIU EWR 3 5 -3 6 ;
SCHUCl LARDT AfslPh IX 526 (Rum cräciun < Lat Christi jejünium); M e lic h
MNr XXXVII 177 f. (Slav *koröum, from *korkh ‘leg’, *ko r citi ‘to
walk’); PREOBRAZHENSKIJI 361 (Slav *korcum, from *korciti ‘to walk’
as a caique of Lat adventus); ROSETTI Etudes 204-206; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb.
106 (prefix kër-)\ ROHLFS Spr. 1 91-196; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 6 1 .

kërçep m, pl. kërçepë ‘stump, log, branch’. A derivative of kërc. 0 ÇABEJ

St. I 278 (reconstructs the original sg. *kërçap and explains it as a pré­
fixai derivative of çapë).

kërdhokull f, pl. kërdhokulla ‘hip bone’. See krrokull.

kërkoj aor. kërkova ‘to look for, to seek’. Borrowed from Rom *circare
id. with the assimilation of velars in the original *qërkoj (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 14; M e y e r Wb. 188). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. G rundriß2
I 1048, 1051; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 158-159; Ç a b e j St. VII 253;
H a a r m a n n 117.

kërlesh aor. kërlesha ‘to stand on end (of hair)’, refi, kërleshem ‘to quarrel’.
A derivative of lesh with a prefix kë(r)- (CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 104). Cf.
also ngërleshem ‘to bristle, to stand on end (of hair)’.
184 KËRRABË — KF.SULfc

kërrabë f, pl. kërraba ‘hook, staff. A suffixal derivative of an unattested

PAlb *kara further related to karthi. 0 M e y e r Wb. 129 (to grep).

kërris aor. kërrita ‘to grunt (of pigs), to gurgle’. A descriptive stem imi­
tating corresponding sounds.

kërrlë f ‘sloppy m ud, slim e ’. A nother variant is kërlë. F rom P A lb *kar-

ilâ related to ON hqrr ‘s n iv e l’, OHG horo ‘e x c r e m e n t’, Gk KÔpuÇa
‘s n iv e l’. A d erivative kërrnjotë ‘m ucus from n o se, sn iv e l’ also b elon gs
h ere. 0 FRISK I 924; POKORNY I 573.

kërrus kërrusa ‘to bend’. From PAlb *karnutja, based on a

aor.
nominal derivative in *-ut- further connected with Gk KUptôç ‘curved,
bent’, Lat curvus id. (CAMARDA I 178; MEYER Wb. 190). The origi­
nal nominal form is represented by krrutë ‘hunch-backed old woman’.
0 SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 248 (to Lat curvò id.); M a n n Language
XXV ili 33 (to ON hnjópa < *kneudhöy, FRISK I I 55; WALDE-HOFMANN
1 317-318; P o k o r n y I 309, 935; Ç a b e j St. VII 258; D e m ir a j AE 220
(to ON hverfa ‘to turn’).

kërrutë f, pl. kërruta ‘ewe with horns’. Borrowed from Lat fem. adj.
cornuta ‘horned’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18; MEYER 11-7;, 190, Alb.
St. Ill 7 3 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 178 (to Gk Kepocxiocç ‘horned one’); KRISTO-
FORIDHI155 (to Gk KDpîoç ‘curved, crooked’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 2 1 1049; BariC AArbSt 1/1-2 148 (from *ko-Hru-to- ‘horned’); PASCU
RE 4 0 (from Rumanian); KLEPIKOVA SPT 75 (from Arumanian);
Ç a b e j St. IV 76; H a a r m a n n 120; L a n d i Lat. 88, 9 9 , 114.

kësen impers, ‘to ache (of the stomach), to have griping pains’. Based
on PAlb *kantsa < *kankja related to Lith kenkiu, keñkti ‘to damage,
to harm ’, ON ha ‘to torment’ < Gmc *xanxön and the like (BariC ARSt.
I 39-40). 0 M e y e r Wb. 190 (from Turk ki smak ‘to pinch’); FRAENKEL
240; POKORNY I 565; ÇABEJ St. I 281 (dialectal form of këcej ~ kërcej).

kësulë f, pl. kësula ‘bonnet, cap’. Borrowed from Rum cäciulä ‘cap’,
with -ci- > PAlb *-ts- > -s-. The Rumanian word itself goes back to
Alb kaçule. 0 MEYER Wb. 190-191 (from Lat casula ‘hooded coat’ via
Gk KucovXa ‘thick coat’); PUÇCARIU EWR 21; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom.
II 338; R o se t t i ILR I 274; MOUTSOS ZfBalk X IX /1 48-65 (from NGk
K o e a o û X o c ).
 KilSHKTE — KIKË 185

këshete pl. ‘bran’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f shete (CAMARDA I 7 0 ).

k ë sh ill m, pl. këshilla ‘c o u n c il’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat consilium id.

( C a m a r d a I 80; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 17; M e y e r Wb. 208-209).
0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1049, 1053; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-
2 22; H a a r m a n n 119; L a n d i Lat. 87, 99, 117.

kështallë f, pl. këshlaUa ‘splint (in medicine)’. From PAlb *ka-stalä, a

derivative related to Goth stols ‘chair’, Lith stäias ‘table’, Slav *stolrb
‘table, pole’. 0 VASMER III 764-765; FRAENKEL 893; KLUGE 761; FEIST
Goth. 455-456.

kështër ~ kështën adj. ‘C h ristia n ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat christiänus id.

(MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 13). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1042;
MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 14; HAARMANN 117.

kështjellë f, pl. keshtjella ‘c a stle , fo r t’. B o r ro w e d from Lat castellum

id. (Ç a b e j St. I 2 8 1 -2 8 2 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 191 (fro m Ital castello id.);
M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 22; H a a r m a n n 116; L a n d i Lat. 5 0 , 81.

këshyre f, pl. këshyre ‘mountain path, path in the ravine’. Borrowed from
Lat clausura, clüsüra ‘lock, bar, bolt; castle, fort’ (ÇABEJ St. I 282).
0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 29; H a a r m a n n 117; L a n d i L a i. 68, 103,
110.

këtu adv. ‘here’. From PAlb *ka tu including a pronominal stem *ka
< IE *k“o- and adverbial *tu, cf. Skt tú ‘now, but’ (BOPP 496-497; VASMER
Alb. Wortforsch. 5-6). While the prevailing form for ‘there’ is aty, certain
dialects preserve atu (E l e z o v i C AArbSt. II 2 4 9 ). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 161; M a y r h o f e r I 507; Ç a b e j Sï. I 282; H u l d 8 0 -8 1 .

kic aor. kica ‘to bite’. A descriptive stem.

kij aor. kiva ‘to prune, to trim ’. Another variant is kiej. From *këinj <
PAlb *kadinja, a denominative verb related to kadhë (Ç A B E J St. I 2 8 2 -
283). Derived from kij is kizë ‘pruning-hook’. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 2 2 6 (from
Lat incìdere ‘to cut’); B A R IC ARSt. I 4 0 (to shc/yej, from *kledniö)\ A JE T I
ZfBalkW11 1 3 9 -1 4 0 (to Slav *kyjb ‘stick’) .

kikë f, pi. kika ‘top, tip; mane’. Borrowed from Slav *kyka ‘tuft of hair,
186 K IN S E kllanë

plaited hair’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg kika, SCr kika (S vane 181).

k in se conj. ‘as, just as, as i f . A univerbation of kini se ‘you (pl.) have

that, you assume that’ (ÇABEJ St. I 283-284). Cf. also kish ‘if only’ from
3 sg. imperf. kish, form of kam.

k ish ë f, pl. kisha ‘ch u rch ’. A nother variant is qishë. B o rro w ed from Lat
ecclesia id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb. 2 2 8 ). 0
CAMARDA I 4 6 (to late Gk ¿K K lrjaia id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 21 1044, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 146; ÇABEJ St. VII 2 3 0 , 279;
H a a r m a n n 123; L a n d i Lat. 81, 119, 125.

k itë f, pl. kita ‘icicle’. Borrowed from Slav *kyta ‘tuft, bundle, branch’,
cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg kita, SCr kita. This Albanian word
is historically identical with the singularized form kite ‘sheaf; ear of
grain’ (ÇABEJ St. I 284). 0 SVANE 103.

k ith m ‘veil of m ist’. A derivative of kite.

k leçkë f, pl. kleçka ‘splinter, piece of wood’. Borrowed from Slav *klecbka
id., cf. Bulg klecka, SCr klecka (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 172, 308).
0 S vane 81.

k lek ë f, pl. kleka ‘kind of mountain pine’. From PAlb *klakä related to
Slav *klok-b ‘tuft, tow’. 0 VASMER II 252.

k lla b ë f ‘pick, pick-axe’. Borrowed from Slav *klapa, a derivative of

*klapati, with an irregular substitution of *-p- > -b-. A more phonet­
ically regular reflex of the same loanword is kllapë ‘fetter, chain’ (BER
419). Note a derivative kllabëz ‘door-bolt’. 0 TRUBACEV ÈSSJa IX 184.

k llan ë f ‘last day of the year, New Year eve, first snow’. Other vari­
ants are kullana, kollanë, këllanë, kllandë. Borrowed from Rom
*calandae, a form of Lat calendae ‘first day of a month’ attested in
Romance and borrowed to Celtic (Ç a b e j St. I 296-297). 0 MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 8; MEYER Wb. 196 (from Slav *kolçda ‘New Year day’);
M e y e r -L ü b k e REW 115; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 27; H a a r m a n 113;
L a n d i Lat. 98, 116.
 K LLAPË — KOCK 187

k llap ë f, pl. kllapa ‘puddle’. From *kë-llapë further related to llap. As

to kllaçë id., it continues *kllapçë. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 2 0 8 .

k llap it aor. kllapita ‘to eat like a dog’. Either derived from llap or bor­
rowed from Slav *klapiti ~ *klapati ‘to sound, to clatter’, cf. South
Slavic continuants: Bulg klapam, SCr klapati (SVANE 2 2 2 ).

kllashe f, pl. kllasha ‘cape of sheep and goat wool’. Borrowed from South
Slavic: Bulg klasn'a ‘woolen shawl’, SCr klasnje ‘kind of cloth’.

k llo ç is aor. klloçita ‘to brood, to cluck’. Borrowed from Slav *klociti
‘to cluck’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg klocam, Slovene klociti. As to kllukas
id., it is a local borrowing from dialectal Bulg klukam < klokam. 0 MEYER
Wb. 191 (adduces various Balkan forms but is uncertain of the actual
source of the Albanian verb); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 31 (from Bulg
kloca id.); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 147; S v a n e 2 3 6 .

kllupit aor. kllupita ‘to gulp’. From a dialectal form of Bulg klupam <
klopam ‘to clap, to beat, to quack’ belonging to Slav *klopati ~ *klopiti,
cf. also SCr klopati id.

k m esë f , pl. kmesa ‘billhook, sickle’. Another form is kamesë. D er iv ed

from kame. 0 Jo k l Studien 9 (to kep, suffix -esë); HULD 145, 154 (recon­
structs *Hekmrt-tieIf); DEMIRAJ AE 220-221 (crossing of kizë id. and
kame).

k o b ë f ‘th eft, au gu ry, d e c e p tio n , d is a s te r ’. B o r r o w e d fro m S la v

*kobb, *koba id., c f. B u lg koba, SCr kob, koba (MEYER Wb. 193, but
treats kobë ‘th e ft’ as an Italian lo an w ord ). 0 K r i s t o f o r i d h i 149, 493;
VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 32; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 185: SVANE 2 22,
23 6 .

k oc m, pl. koca, kocinj ‘bone, sk u ll’. Borrowed from Slav *kostb id. with
a metathesis in the consonantal cluster *-st- > -ts- (SELISCEV Slav, nase­
lenie 195). The Slavic deminutive *kostbka id. is the source of Alb kockë
id., koskë id. 0 MEYER Wb. 202-203 (from Ital coccio ‘cracked pot’);
Ç a b e j St. VII 203.

k o c ë f, pl. koca ‘black goat; girl from 8 to 10 years old’. An allegro

188 KOGË KOHË

form of Slav *kozblim ‘(young) she-goat’, cf. CS kozblica, SCr

kozlica.

k o c ë f, pl. koca ‘rush-trap for fish’. Borrowed from Slav *kotbCb id.,
cf. in South Slavic: Bulg koce, SCr kotac.

koç m ‘penis’. Another form is pl. koçet ‘testicles’. Borrowed from

Bulg koc ‘ram ’. 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22 (from Slav *kocam>
‘head of cabbage’); S eli SCe v Slav, naselenie 162, 194; TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 149 (to kokë); OREL Ètimologija 1983 140-141.

k od ër f, pl. kodra ‘hill, angular stone, corner’. Borrowed from Rom

*codrum < Lat quadrimi ‘square’ on which also Rum codru ‘forest’
is based (SCHUCHARDT Vokalismus II 510). 0 MEYER Wb. 193 (com­
pares kodër with Rum codru); PEDERSEN KZ XL 212-213 (from Rum
codru); C ap id an Dacoromania 1509 (follows P ed e r se n ); S c h e f t e l o w i t z
BB XXVIII 157 (to Alb katar ‘peak’); PU§CARIU EWR 34; TAGLIAVI­
NI RivAlb II 185 (repeats PEDERSEN’s etymology); SKOK AfslavPhil
XXXVIII 83-84 (agrees with SCHUCHARDT); B a r iC ARSt. I 40 (to Lat
castrimi ‘castle, fort’); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 340; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 29-30; HAMP SCL XXXI 664 (from early Rumanian); PlCClL-
LO Rl.iR XLV 146-157 (from Rumanian); Ç a b e j St. I 284-285 (follows
S c h u c h a r d t).

k o fs h ë f, pl. kofshë ‘hip, thigh’. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat coxa ‘h ip ’

( C a m a r d a 1 65; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18; MEYER Wb. 193). 0
M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1045; T a g l i a v i n i Origini 2 4 6 , 366;
H a a r m a n n 120; L a n d i L ai. 9 9 , 124, 134.

k o h ë f. pl. ko he ‘time’. From PAlb *käxä etymologically related to Slav

*casb id. (M e y e r Wb. 194, Alb. St. Ill 3). 0 P e d e r s e n BB XX 279,
KZ XXXVI 279; JOKL Melanges Pedersen 144, Sprache IX 151;
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 148; S c h e f t e l o w it z KZ L V I209 (reconstructs
an inlaut cluster *-sk-); MLADENOV 1st. 226; M a n n Language XXVI
383, XXVIII 35; PORZIG Gliederung 174; PISANI Saggi 124 (follows
S c h e f t e l o w it z and reconstructs *keskä), R E IE IV 6; E c k e r t ZfSlaw
VIII 890; ÖLBERG Festschr. Bonfante 567; H a MP StFil XXVII (V)/3
68 (reconstructs *kêskâ or *këksâ), St. albanica X /2 86-87, Etimologija
1971 268-269; H u l d 81; O r e l Sprache XXXI 279, ZfBalk XXIII 143;
S c h m a l s t ie g 265; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 66; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X
 KOj — KOT,LB 189

222; D emiraj AE 221-222 (to OPrus kisman, reconstructs kohë < *kêsuü).

koj aor. kova ‘to feed (children or an im als)’. A phonetic variant o f mëkoj,
0 C a m a r d a 11 73 (to G k Kovéto ‘to h a ste n ’); Ç a b e j St. VII 24 4 .

kokë L pl. kokë, koka ‘head, bulb, berry, grain’. Borrowed from Lat
coecum ‘b erry ’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 15; WEIGAND 37). 0
MEYER Wb. 165 (from Rom *coca, Lat cauca ‘kind of dish, bowl’), 194
(on kokë ‘berry, grain’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 149; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 14; HAARMANN 117; Ç a b e j St. I 285-286 (agrees with
WEIGAND).

kokërr f, pl. kokrra ‘berry, grain’. Derived from kokë (JOKL ArRom XXIV
2 9 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 195 (from Ital coccola ‘globular fruit ( o f plants)’);
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 149 (to kokë)\ Ç a b e j St. I 2 8 6 -2 8 7 (agrees with
JOKL).

koleshkë f. pl. koleshka ‘cart’. An early borrowing from Slav *kolesT>ka

id. otherwise unattested in South Slavic.

kolibe f, pl. kolibe ‘hut’. Borrowed from Slav *kolyba id., cf. in South
Slavic: Bulg koliba, SCr koliba. Cf. kalibe (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie
165). 0 O r e l S ov . slav. 1 9 8 5 /5 7 9 -8 4 ; SVANE 52.

kolmë adj. ‘pretty, winsome’. From P A lb *kâlima, a suffixal deriva­

tive of IE *kal-: Skt kalyá- ‘healthy’, Gk Horn kôcA,ôç ‘beautiful’. The
long vowel in Proto-Albanian remains unclear. 0 FRISK I 766-767;
P o k o r n y I 524; Ç a b e j St. VII 202.

koll m ‘plow-beam’. Borrowed from Slav *ko!i> ‘pole’, cf. South Slavic
continuants: Bulg ko I, SCr kolac.

kollë f ‘cough’. From PAlb *kâslâ identical with Slav *kaslb id., Lith
kosulfs id. (M e y e r Wb. 195, Alb. St. Ill 2, 63). These forms are derived
from IE *k‘‘äs- ‘to cough’. 0 PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 79; JOKL Sprache
IX 117-118; V a s m e r II 214-215; F r a e n k e l 284; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia
150; M a n n Language XXVI 380, XXVIII 35-36; PISANI Saggi 125;
P o k o r n y 1649; H u l d 81; O r el Sprache XXXI 280; K o r t l a n d t SSGL
X 220; D e m ir a j AE 222.
190 KOM KOQE

kom m ‘inane’. Another variant is komë. Borrowed from Lat coma ‘hair’
(JOKL Studien 110). 0 B a r i C ARSt. I 40-41 (from *(s)kep-no-, related
to Germ Schaf ‘sheep’); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 26; HAARMANN 118;
ÇABEJ St. I 287 (agrees with JOKL).

kongjill m, pl. kongjij ‘charcoal’. A variant of thëngjil with a different

prefix *k-. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 254.

kopër f, pl. kopra ‘fennel’. Borrowed from Slav *kopri, id., cf. South
Slavic continuants; Bulg kop'hr, SCr kopar (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie
162, 287). 0 S v a n e 109.

kopicë f, pl. kopica ‘m oth’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *kopica

id. (M e y e r Wb. 198).

kopil m, pl.kopilë, kopila ‘lad, chap, bastard’. Borrowed from Slav *kopyli>
‘shoot, sprout, bastard’, cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg kopil, kopile,
SCr kopil. Rum copil is of the same origin. 0 CAMARDA I 162 (to Gk
kôtcoç ‘toil and trouble’); MEYER Wb. 198 (from Rom *côpîlis ‘son born
from cöpa, tavern-keeper’); VASMER IORJaS LXXXVI 96 (from Gk
KOTiiXka ‘girl’); OS tir WuS V 220 (prefix ko- and -pii related to pjell);
JOKL LKUBA 6, 14, 311 (follows OSTIR), IJb XXIII 227 (from Modern
Greek); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 116-117; SCHÜTZ WSl III 17-18;
R e ic h e n k r o n Dakisches 112-113 (from Dacian *kolp!los, to IE
*guelbh- ‘cub, uterus’); HUBSCHMID ZfBalk XVI 61-63, ZfromPh
XC1X/5-6 497-511; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 340; ROSETTI ILR I 276;
A b a e v II 279 (to Osset qœbül ‘child’); TRUBACEV Ètimologija 1979
129-130, 177; ÇABEJ St. VII 230.

kopsht m, pl. kopshte, kopshtinj, qipshte ‘garden’. A derivative in -sht

based on PAlb *kapa identical with Gk Kf|7toç id., OHG huoba ‘plot
of land' (M e y e r Wb. 1 9 8 -1 9 9 , Alb. St. Ill 4 , 3 1 ). 0 Jo k l Sprache IX
118; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 153; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 123; PISANI Saggi
127; F r is k I 842; K l u g e 318; P o k o r n y I 529; Ç a b e j St. Ill 2 7 5 -2 7 6 ;
D e m ir a j AE 222.

koqe f, pl. koqe ‘corn, berry’. A singularized plural of kokë (CAMARDA

I 112; ÇABEJ St. I 287-288). The latter is the source of Rum coacäzä.Q
SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 249 (from Rom *cocceum, b ased on Lat coccum,
or from Ital coccia); MEYER Wb. 194-195, 210 (repeats SCHUCHARDT’s
 KORB — KORP 191

etym ology); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1045 (the same explanation);

SKOK ZfromPhil X L V III 3 9 8 -4 0 0 (from R om *cocceum); ROSETTI ILR
1 276; Ç a b e j St. V II 23 8 .

korb m,pl. korbë, korba ‘raven’. Borrowed from Lat corvus id. (STIER
KZ XI 136; GlL-HERDING Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18; MEYER
Wb. 200). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045, 1054; MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV/1-2 14; ÇABEJ St. VII 268; HAARMANN 120; LANDI Lat. 139-
140.

korbull f, pl. korbulla ‘keg, cask, wooden pail’. Borrowed from Lat corbula
‘little basket’.

kordhë f, pi. kordha ‘gut string’. Borrowed from Lat chorda ‘gut, catgut’
(MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 14; HAARMANN 119).

kordhë f, pl. kordha ‘sword’. Borrowed from Slavic, cf. CS kor-hda id.,
SCr korda id. (MEYER Wb. 199). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1052
(from Romance); M u r a t i Probleme 131.

korë f, pl. kora ‘crust, bark’. Borrowed from Slav *kora ‘bark’, cf. in
South Slavic: Bulg kora, SCr kora (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22; M eyer
Wb. 199). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 173; SVANE 94, 121.

kore f, pl. kore ‘chicory’. Borrowed from L at cichoream id. (M e y e r

Wb. 201). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 27; H a a r m a n n 1 17.

koris aor. korita ‘to shame, to dishonor’. Borrowed from Slav *koriti
id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg kor’a , SCr koriti (MlKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 22; MEYER Wb. 2 0 0 ). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 1 5 3 -1 5 4 ;
SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 191; SVANE 2 3 6 .

koritë f, pl. korita ‘trough’. Borrowed from S la v *koryto id., cf. Bulg
korito, SCr korito (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22 -2 3 ; MEYER Wb. 200).
0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 142, 1 70-171; Ç a b e j St. VII 254; SVANE
67.

korp m, pl. korpe ‘b ody’. B orrow ed from Lat nom. corpus id. (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 18; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045). 0 TAGLI­
AVINI Stratificazione 84.
192 K O RSËM — KOSË

korsëm adv. ‘perhaps, as if’. Another variant is korse. A univerbated

phraze kur se (Ç a b e j St. I 288-289). 0 B a r i C ARSt. I 89 (from
*kosrem based on *kosë < IE *k“û-k“e).

kortë f ‘quarter of a slaughtered animal; liquid m easure’. Borrowed

from Lat quarta ‘fourth part, quarter’ (Ç a b e j St. I 289). Cf. kartë.

korube f, pl. korube ‘beehive’. Borrowed from Slav *koruba ‘hollow

trunk, beehive’, cf. Bulg koruba, SCr koruba (SELISCEV Slav, nasele­
nie 167). 0 MEYER Wb. 170 (connected with kolibe); ÇABEJ St. I 2 8 9
(agrees with SELISCEV); S v a n e 159.

korr aor. korr ‘to reap, to harvest’. Goes back to PAlb *kasra. Related
to Lith kasu, kàsti ‘to dig’, Slav *kosa ‘scythe’ (MEYER Wb. 2 0 0 ). The
name of July korrik as well as korriqe ‘measure of grain’ are derived
from korr. 0 P e d e r s e n IF V 4 6 (follows M e y e r ) ; J o k l IF XXXVII
1 0 0 -1 0 2 (to IE *sker- ‘to cut’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 153; PISANI RIL
CXII 12 (from Ital corre < cogliere ‘to reap’); FRAENKEL 2 2 6 -2 2 7 ;
POKORNY I 585; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XI 133-135; ÖLBERG Festschr. Bon­
fante 567; O r e l Sprache XXXI 280; Ç a b e j apud D e m ir a j (from IE
*kër-nô); DEMIRAJ AE 2 2 2 -2 2 4 .

korropitet refi, ‘to become tired’. A préfixai derivative related to rropatet

‘to strain’.

korropesh adj. ‘dark, dark-haired’. A compound of korr and peshë struc­

turally similar to korr ozi id., a compound of korr and zi.

.korrovesh m, pl. korroveshë ‘jug with a handle; grape’, adj. ‘without ears’.
A compound of korr and vesh.

kos m ‘yogurt, clotted curds’. Borrowed from Slav *kvasi, ‘sour sub­
stance’, cf. in South Slavic: OCS kvas-b, Bulg kvas, SCr kvas (MEYER
Wb. 201). 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 149; HA VIP LB XIV/2 14.

kosë f, pl. kosa ‘scythe’. Borrowed from Slav *kosa id., cf. South Slavic:
Bulg kosa, SCr kosa (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb.
2 0 1 ). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 157; S v a n e 2 3 6 .
 KOSE — KRAH 193

k o së f, pl. kosa ‘plait’. Borrowed from Slav ^kosa id., cf. South Slavic:
Bulg kosa, SCr kosa (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb.
2 0 1 ). 0 S v a n e 181.

k o sis aor. kosita ‘to mow’. Borrowed from Slav *kositi id., cf. South
Slavic: Bulg kos’a, SCr kositi (MEYER Wb. 201). 0 SeuSC evSlav, nase­
lenie 157; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 155; S v a n e 236.

k o so r e f. pi. kosore ‘small scythe’. Borrowed from South Slavic

*kosoFh ‘scythe, pruning knife’: Bulg kosor, SCr kosor (SVANE 33).

k osh m, pl. kosha, koshe ‘b a sk e t’. B o r ro w e d from S lav *kosb id.: B u lg

kos, SCr kos (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 201-202). 0
SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 151, 154; SVANE 67, 159.

k o sh ë z f, pl. koshëza ‘b o t-fly ’. A nother form is koshas < *koshaz. A

c o lle c tiv e form o f *kosh b o rro w ed from Lat cossus ‘k ind o f la r v a ’
( C a n d r e a GS III 4 3 0 ). 0 M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 14; H a a r m a n n
120; Ç a b e j St. I 289; L a n d i Lat. 138.

k o t m. pl. kota ‘useless, vain’. From PAlb *käkta related to Lith kokths
‘disgusting’. The latter is further explained as a derivative of koks ‘which’,
Slav *kakb ‘how’. 0 C a m a r d a I 132 (to Gk k ô t o ç ‘rancor’); M e y e r
Wb. 202 (to kot ‘darkness’ and Gk c i k ô t o ç id.); FRAENKEL 280;
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IX 118-119.

kot m ‘darkness’. From PAlb *kata further related to Oír scáth

‘shadow’ < *skâto-, Gk o k o t o ç ‘darkness’ and the like (MEYER Wb.
202). 0 F r is k II 739-740; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 19; V e n d r y e s [S] 36;
P o k o r n y I 957.

k o v a ç m, pl. kovaçë ‘smith’. Borrowed from Slav *kovacb id., cf. South
Slavic reflexes: Bulg kovac, SCr ko vac (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23;
M e y e r Wb. 203). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 172,181; T a g l ia v in i Dal­
mazia 156; Ç a b e j St. VII 268; S v a n e 87, 197.

k ozh u p ni, pi. '(ozhiipe ‘shepherd’s fur jacket’. A variant of kazhup.

krah m, pl krahë ‘arm, shoulder, side’. Borrowed from Slav *kraji, ‘end,
 KRAHNUER K R A I' KRAI KREPULL 195
194 KRAHËROR

side, extrem ity’. For the semantic development cf. Bulg krajnik ‘arm, krat m ‘back’. Borrowed from Lat era t is (spinae) ‘spine’. 0 M eyer

leg’, kraiste id. (O r e l FLH V III/1-2 46). Note the development of -j- Wb. 204 (from SCr hrbat id.).
> -h- characteristic of early loanwords from Slavic. 0 M e y e r Wb. 203
kredh aor. krodha ‘to plunge, to immerse, to steep, to smother, to bespat­
(comparison with Lith kdrka ‘shin, shank’ and Slav *korkh id., mor-
phonologically difficult), Alb. St. Ill 6, 71; LlDÉN Studien 92, Arm. St. ter’. From PAlb *kröda identical with Slav *kradç, *krasti ‘to steal’,
refi. *kradç sç, *krasti sç ‘to sneak, to steal up, to approach unnoticed’
43 (comparison with Skt kisku- ‘forearm’); WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 251
(OREL IF XL11I 110-111). Further connections of the Slavic verb (includ­
(derives krah from *krok-skä)\ SCHEFTELOWITZ KZ LVI 209 (recon­
ing a popular comparison with Latv krâju, krât ‘to galher, to collect’)
structs *kar-ska and compares krah with Skt kard- ‘hand, elephant’s
are uncertain. The aorist in -o- must be secondary as it is, normally,
trunk’); B a r i C AArbSt. II 384-385; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 18; TAGLIAVI­
characteristic of presents in -e- < PAlb *-e-. 0 M e y e r Wb. 204 (to Slav
NI Dalmazia 156 (agrees with WIEDEMANN), Stratificazione 91; PISANI
*grçznçti ‘to sink’, phonetically improbable), Alb. St. Ill 8, 17, 71; PISANI
Saggi 126 (follows LlDÉN); POKORNY I 945-946; ÇABEJ St. VII 207, 210,
Saggi 124; VASMER II 364; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XII 103-105.
Ç abej apud D em iraj (from *korok-); H u l d 81-82; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges.
361; K o r t l a n d t SSGL XXIII 174 (against O r e l ); D e m ir a j AE 224
k reh ~ k r e f aor. krc ha ~ krefa ‘to comb’. From PAlb *krebska related
(to Arm srunk1‘calf (anat.)’, Lat crus ‘shank’).
(with an irregular unvoicing of the anlaut) to Lith grebti ‘to rake’, Slav
*grebo, *grebti ‘to row, to rake’ (MEYER Wb. 204-205, Alb. St. Ill 8,
k rah ëror ~ krahnuer m. pl. krahërorë ~ krahnuerë ‘b reast, c h e s t’.
71). Derived from kreh are krehër ~ krehën ‘comb’, a singularised plural
D er iv ed from krah (CAMARDA II 66; MEYER Wb. 203). 0 WIEDEMANN
of *krah, and kresë ‘curry-com b’. 0 FRAENKEL 165-166; POKORNY I
BB XXVII 250 (to krehër)-, WEIGAND Grammatik 55 (fo llo w s WIEDE­ 455-456; Ç a b e j St. I 290 (on krehër)-, T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII 109-100.
MANN); Jokl LKUBA 154 (agrees w ith W e ig a n d ); Ç a b e j St. I 290 (sup­
ports C a m a r d a ) . krej aor. kreva ‘to pull out’. From PAlb *krebnja connected with kreh
~ kref ( M e y e r Wb. 205).
krahinë f, pl. krahina ‘region, area’. An early loanword from Slav *krajina
id,; OCS kraina. Maced kraina, SCr kraina id. (J o k l LKUBA 175). 0 Borrowed from L-* .......... r-...-,,-.......
maple ( m e y e r wïï."2ü5).
LANDT SSGL XXIII 174 (-h- is a hiatus filler).

rain, s k u ii . t-or me seman- OHIO ClUl. IS itw <3VYwwp ^TYavwiy, w ~w*t. yi/*uuvxiwu; V "
i\ Metathesized in klerë ‘curly, fizzy’. from Slav *krajiti ‘to cut, to winnow’, otherwise unattested in South tic development cf. cerebellare ‘ca
Slavic.
pilarized plural of a less usual kremtë. krem te t. pi. kremte ‘holiday’. A sir
kreme is attested. A suffixal form in krap m, pl. krep ‘carp’. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg krap id., In dialects, a form without suffi>
SCr krap id. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 2 0 4 ). 0 M l­ -m- based on krye.
KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 11 (from Lat carpio or Ital carpa).
iticized form of PAlb *krapa related
1 greppo ‘steep, rocky bank’ and the krap m ‘collar-bone’. From PAlb *krapa related to W craff ‘strong’
>; Ç a b e j St. I 268-269; O r e l ZfBalk < *krap nos, ON hrœfa ‘to tolerate, to bear with’, Slav *krëprhkh ‘strong,
constructs *krHp- or *krop-). firm ’ continuing IE *krep- ‘strong’. The same root is found in krape
‘ovary’. 0 POKORNY I 620; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XII 1 3 5 -1 3 8 .
w ed fro m R o m *crâpulus, c f. Lat k rep u ll adj. ‘inebriated’. Borre
 196 KRESHKf: — KRI ~ KRÎ I
I / I-1 /¿. crupuiti c A tc ô ô ivt iin/ui l u u u i i
n iiiL -u i n u k in g , ^ zyu-zy I ,
w ith an altern ative link to Ital crepare ‘to burst, to s p lit’).
g of both
13). The kreshkë f ‘foliage’. A suffixal derivative in -shkë of krënd (attested also
: exclud- as krend). As to kreshk ‘fish scale’, it also belongs here. 0 MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 19 (from Ital crusca); JOKL LKUBA 166 (to kreshte).

om *car- kreshmë pl. ‘fast’. Borrowed from Lat quadragesima ‘Lent, fast of forty
days’, cf. Ital quaresima id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 53; M e y e r Wb.
2 0 5 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1051 (from Ital quaresima)-,
cts PAlb H a a r m a n n 144.
; and the
; M eyer kreshnik m, pl. kreshnikë ‘hero, knight’. Borrowed from SCr krajisnik
ase of u- ‘inhabitant of a border region’ (SCHMAUS apud ÇABEJ St. I 291). 0 JOKL
; PEDER- Balkangerm. 116 (to kreshtë).
3; T a g li -
P is a n i kreshpë f, pl kreshpa ‘sheep with long and rough wool’. From Lat fem.
21, Etim. adj. crispa ‘curled, crisp, uneven’. The verb kreshpëroj ‘to anger’ is
Idg. Ges. based on the same Latin adjective in its different meanings - ‘quiver­
Mac Eoin ing, trem ulous’. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19; MEYER Wb. 205 (on
kreshpëroj)-, HAARMANN 120.

onnected kreshtë f ‘m ane, r o o s te r ’s co m b ’. B o rro w ed from Lat crista ‘r o o s te r ’s

v kraüpis com b , crest o f a h e lm e t’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wb.
1; P isa n i 2 0 5 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. G rundriß1 1 1054; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-
M lade- 2 14; H a a r m a n n 120; L a n d i Lat. 5 7 , 102, 119.
ÎAENKEL
XIII 43- krënd ~ krande m, pl. krënde ~ krande ‘foliage; brushwood; leaves used
as fodder; chips; branch without leaves’.. From PA lb *ka-randa, a prefix
formation connected with IE *rendh- ‘to tear (asunder)’ and, in par­
~ krisht- ticular, with OHG rinda, rinta ‘rind’, OE rinde id. and the like (OREL
lom. Ele- IF XLIII 111). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 0 4 (to OIr grend ‘side-whiskers’, OHG
grana ‘mustache’ and the like), Alb. St. Ill 8, 71; JOKL Festschr. Rozwad­
owski I 240; M a n n Language XVII 20 (to Gk K p á v o v ) ; POKORNY I 865;
H o l t h a u s e n AEW 261; O r e l IF XCIII 111 (to IE *sker- ‘to cut’);
D e m ir a j AE 22 5 .
j. *cruda
kri ~ krî f, pl. kri ~ krî ‘w o o d w o r m , m o th ’. F rom P A lb *kriwi- c o n ­
tin u in g a d ialectal In d o-E u rop ean form *k“ i'ui-: S la v *cbrvt ‘w o r m ’
d to Goth (O r e l FLH V I I I /1-2 4 6 -4 7 ). N azalisation in G eg is secondary. 0 TRAUT-
 K R IF E KRODHË 19 7
MAJNIN B O I V V O . 1 JH-; V Ä S M t K i V j J J - J J O , I K U B A L B V C J O J U 1 V

krife f, pl. krife ‘mane’. Borrowed, with the irregular unvoicir

voiced consonants, of Slav *griva id. (D e sn ic k a ja Slav, zaini
influence of kri ne ‘m ane’ borrowed from Romance cannot b
ed. 0 HAMP KZ CV I/2 305-306.

kriklloj aor. krikllova ‘to creak (of wheels)’. Borrowed from P

riculäre based on Lat car rus ‘wagon’.

krimb ~ krym m, pl. krimba, kërminj ~ kryma ‘w orm ’. Re tit

*krim- connected with IE * k jm i- id.: Skt kfm i-, Lith kirmi
like (S tier KZ XI 247; G il ’f e r d in g Otn. 22; C a m a r d a I 6:
Wb. 2 0 6 ). Geg -y- remains unexplained: could it be a rare c
umlaut suggesting P A lb *krimu-‘i 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 4,
SEN Kelt. Gr. 1 43; JOKL LKUBA 23, 191-192, 318, Sprache IX 12
A viN i Dalmazia 160; M a y r h o f e r I 2 6 1 -2 6 2 ; F r a e n k e l 25
Saggi 132; B a r iç Hymje 36; POKORNY I 6 4 9 ; ÇABEJ St. VII 2
II 323; H u l d 82; O r e l IF XLIII 116, ZfBalk XXIII 148, Koll.
351 (irregular -ry-, -ri- < IE K Ö D D E R IT Z S C H Festschr.
64; D e m ir a j AE 2 2 5 -2 2 6 .

kripë - krypë f, pl. kripëra ~ krypna ‘salt’. From PAlb *krüpâ <
with ON hrufa ‘scab’, Lith kraupus ‘rough’, kraupis ‘scab’, Lai
‘frail, brittle’, Slav *krupa ‘groats’ (M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 4, 31, 7
Saggi 124). 0 M e y e r Wb. 206 (borrowing from Slav *krupa)
N o v 1st. 220; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 161 (follows M e y e r ); F
290; P o k o r n y I 623; O r e l IF XLIII 106; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJû
45.

Krisht m ‘Christ’. Borrowed from Lat Christus while krishten

enë ‘Christian’ goes back to Lat Christianas id. (MlKLOSICH ¡
mente 14; M e y e r Wb. 191). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 158.

krocë f, pl. kroca ‘dogrose’. A derivative in -cë from kromë.

krodhë f, pl. krodha ‘bread crust’. Borrowed from Lat fem. ac

< cruda ‘crude, rough’.

krodhë f, pl. krodha ‘beehive’. Goes back to PAlb *krâdâ relate

198 KROM Ë K RU SH K

hrot ‘ro o f, Slav *krada ‘heap, pile’. 0 POKORNY I 617-618; FEIST Goth.
270-271; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XI 58-60.

krom ö r, pl. kronia ‘scabies; d o g ro se’. D erived from kruaj. Another deriv­
ative from the sam e so u rce is krosë ‘sc a b ’. 0 MEYER Wb. 130 (to grij),

krongjill m, pl. krongjij ‘icicle’. Borrowed from Rom *corniculus

based on Lat corna ‘horn’.

krua ~ krue m, pl. kronj, kroje ‘spring, fountain’. From PAlb *krana <
*krasna with compensatory lengthening of the vowel. Related to Gk
Kpfjvr] id., OE hrœn ‘wave’ < Gmc *xraznö (CAMARDA I 50; MEYER
BB v n i 185, Wb. 207). 0 M e y e r /M . St. Ill 4, 71; T o r p IF V 204; T hum b
IF XXVI 3-14 (borrowed from Greek); PETERSSON IF XXIV 50
(from *krênuo-); H o l t h a u s e n AEW 146; JOKL IF XXXVII 92 (prefix
k- and root -rua identical to that of pernia); B a r iC ARSt. I 81-82 (to
krye and Skt khánati ‘to dig’); RlBEZZO/frM/fr II 137 n. 3 (agrees with
T h u m b ); M a n n Language XXVI 381; PISANI Saggi 120; CAMAJ Alb.
Wortb. 107 (prefix k-); F r is k II 16; Ö l b e r g Festschr. Pisani II 685;
Ç a b e j Sí. I 292-293.

kruaj ~ kruej aor. krova ‘to sc ra tch ’. F rom P A lb *kmbnja w ith a lo n g

grade o f ablaut, further con n ected with kreh. 0 MEYER Wb. 130 (to grij);
JOKL Studien 23-25 (sam e identification with grij), IF XXXVII 99; M a n n
Language XVII 19, XXVI 3 81(to Gk icvfko, Lith knoju); Ç a b e j SiF I I I / 1
26; D e m ir a j AE 2 2 6 .

krunde pl. ‘bran’. Another form is gründe. Derivative of kruaj ~ kruej.

0 M e y e r Wb. 1 32-133 (exp lain s gründe in con n ection w ith O E grindan
‘to g r in d ’), Alb. St. Ill 8; J o k l Studien 23 (reco n stru cts ze r o grad e -
un- < *-«-); T r e im e r M RIW I 3 5 8 (to S la v *krupa ‘g r o a ts’); Ç a b e j Si.
1 2 9 3 (to Gk Kpivoj ‘to separate’).

krup aor. krupa ‘to lo a th e ’. F rom P A lb *krupa e ty m o lo g ic a lly related

to L ith krauphs ‘e a s ily s c a r e d ’, krupus id ., krupti ‘to s c a r e ’ . 0
F r a e n k e l 29 1 .

krushk m, pl. krushq ‘bride’s man, unmarried relative’. A metathesis

of *kushk(e)r, borrowed from Lat consocer ‘father-in-law’ > Rum cuscru
(M e y e r Wb. 207). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1039, 1045; Pu§-
 K R Y B E ----- K R R O K 199

cartu EWR 41; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 26; T a g l ia v in i Origini 189;

H a a r m a n n 119; L a n d i Lat. 61, 117-118.

krybe f, pl. krybe ‘oakum, tow’. From PAlb *krüba, a derivative in

*-b-, connected with Gk Kpimico ‘to hide’ (where old *-bh- may be
alleged), Lith kráuti ‘to pile up’, Slav *kiyti ‘to cover, to hide'. 0 Fr a en k el
291; SCHWYZER I 333 (on the nature of the labial in KpúnTco); F r isk
II 29-30; POKORNY I 617; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIII 71-72.

k ryd h aor. krydha ‘to plunge; to steal, to rob’. An Elbasan form. Con­
nected with kredh (OREL IF XLIII 110).

k ry e n, pl. lerere ~ krenë ‘head’. From PAlb *kranja < *krasnja with a
compensatory lengthening of the root vowel. Etymologically identi­
cal with G k Kpávíov ‘skull, head’ (MANN Language XXVIII 33) and
further related to IE *keras- ‘head’ (G il ’ f e r d in g Otn. 23). The word
for ‘head’ is the source of kryej ‘to finish’. 0 MEYER Wb. 206 (bor­
rowed from Lat cerebrum ‘head, brain’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2
I 1054; T r e im e r M RIW I 360 (reconstructs *kreunom connected with
Slav *krusiti ‘to destroy, to grind’); B a r i C ARSt. 181 (comparison with
OIr centi ‘head’); Jo k l IF XLIV 47; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 160, Strat­
ificazione 91-92; MANN Language XVII 16, XXVIII 33; PISANI Saggi
120; F r is k II 6-7; P o k o r n y I 574-577; H a m p Sí. Whatmough 86, KZ
LXXVI 279-280; ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani II 684; H u l d 83 (reconstructs
*irlLeuno-).

k ryq m, pl. kryqe, kryqa ‘c r o s s ’. B o r r o w e d from Lat crucem id. with

an irregu lar su b stitu tion o f the sh ort Lat -u- ( C a m a r d a II 201; MiK-
LOsiciT Rom. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wb. 207). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grund­
riß 21 1054; T a g lia v in i Origini 198; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 14; H a a r ­
m a n n 121; L a n d i Lat. 68, 83, 146.

krrilë f, pl. krrila ‘crane’. Other forms are korrilë, kurrilë and kojrrilë.
Borrowed from Gmc *kran-ila, a deminutive of *krcmaz id.: OHG krano,
OE cran. 0 KLUGE 399-400; HOLTHAUSEN AEW 59; ZALIZNÄK Ètimo­
logija 1964 179; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 31; HAARMANN 129 (from
Rom *gruilla).

k rrok aor. krroka ‘to caw ’. A descriptive stem similar to Lat crocio id.
200 KRROKULL — KUÇ

krrokull f, pl. krrokulla ‘hip bone, joint, knuckle’. An allegro form of

kërdhokull id. The latter is a derivative of *kerdhok ‘round object’ pre­
served as a singularized plural in kërdhoq ‘eye-ball’. As to *kërdhok,
it reflects a suffixal derivative based on the unvoiced variant of
gardh.

krrokull f, pl. krrokulla ‘saffron’. Borrowed from Rom *crocidimi, deminu­

tive of Lat crocum id.

kshetë f, pl. kshetë ‘nymph, m erm aid’. Identical with kshetë ‘plait’, a
variant of gërshetë.

kthej aor. ktheva ‘to tu rn ’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f thyej. 0 CAMARDA

I 101 (to Gk eK-u0r]jui ‘to set o u tsid e’); MEYER Wb. 185 (from Lat con-
vertere ‘to turn ro u n d ’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1054; JOKL
Studien 94 ( fo llo w s MEYER); ÇABEJ St. VII 258.

kthetër f, pl. kthetra ‘claw (particularly, of vulture)’. Derivative in

*-ter of kthej.

kthill aur. kthilla ‘to make clear, to brighten’. An older Tosk form is
kthiell. A préfixai derivative (CAMARDA I 101) of unattested *thiell reflect­
ed in thjeshtë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 184 (to Italo-Alb jjejonem ‘to clear up’);
BUGGE BB XVIII 191 (from *kthej diell)', JOKL Studien 37-38 (to IE
*skëi- attested in hije); ÇABEJ St. I 294 (to fill).

ku pron. ‘where’. From P A lb *ku identical with Skt kiiha id., Slav *hb-
de id., Lith kur id. and the like, originating from IE *kwu-, a variant of
the pronominal stem *k"o-. 0 CAMARDA I 67 (to IE *k"o-); M e y e r Wb.
218 (follows C a m a r d a ); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 317, 326; T a g l ia v i ­
n i Dalmazia 161; P o r z ig Gliederung 168; F r a e n k e l 314; M a y r h o f e r
1249; P o k o r n y 1 647-648; Ç abej St. VH 232, 254; H u l d 83-84; D em iraj
AE 226-227.

kuar ~ kuer m ‘measure, order, free time’. Borrowed from Lat chorus
‘dance in a ring, harmony, harmonious motion’. 0 MEYER Wb. 333
(përkuar ‘m oderate’ based on *përkoj < Lat parcere ‘to spare’);
ÇABEJ St. I 294-296 (to korr, IE *sker- ‘to cut’).

kuç m ‘dog’. Borrowed from South Slavic *kucq ‘dog, cub’, cf. Bulg
 K UÇEDËR KULAÇ 201

kuce, SCr kuce. 0 M e y e r Wb. 218-219 (various Slavic and Romance

parallels); BUGA II 220; M a c h e k ZfslavPh XXI 154 (onomatopoeia);
MURATI Probleme 131.

k u çed ër f. pl. kuçedra ‘dragon (with many heads)’. Another variant is

kulshedër. Borrowed from Lat chersydrus ‘kind of snake’ (MlHÄESCU
RESEE I V /1 - 2 31 ; HAARMANN 116). 0 CAMARDA I 192 (compound of
kulish ‘whelp, young’ or kuç and gen. of \58poc ‘hydra’); MEYER Wb.
2 1 9 (from Lat excetra ‘snake, serpent’); POLÁK EBTch V 2 9 -3 0 .

k uh et refi, ‘to redden (of skin)’. Derived from kuq.

kujtoj aor. kujtova ‘to remember, to think’. Borrowed from Lat cogitare
( C a m a r d a I 99; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 15; MEYER Wb. 194). 0
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1049; BARIC ARSt. 141-42 (to OIr ciall
‘reason’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 162, Origini 190; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 117.

kuk adv. ‘alone’. From PAlb *kuka continuing IE *kvu-k“o- ‘whoever,

anybody’, cf. Lat quisquam, quisquís and the like.

kukas aor. kukata ‘to wail, to shriek’. Borrowed from Slav *kukati ‘to
be alone, to wail’, cf. South Slavic forms; Bulg kukam, SCr kukati.

kukoj aor. kukova ‘to make fast, to seal (of a barrel)’. Literally, ‘to isolate’.
Derived from kuk.

kukur m ‘q u iv e r ’. B o r r o w e d from late Lat cucurum id. or M G k

KoÚKoupov id. ( M e y e r Wb. 2 1 1 ).

kukutë f ‘fennel’. Borrowed from Lat cicüta id. (MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.

Grundriß 2 I 1048) 0 HAARMANN 121.

kuk zoj aor. kukzova ‘to bend, to arch over’. Based on *kukëz, a suf­
fixal derivative of *kukëborrowed from *kuka ‘hook’, cf. South Slavic
continuants; Bulg kuka, SCr kuka.

kulaç m, pl. kulaçë, kuleç ‘pancake’. Borrowed from Slav *kolach ‘round
bread’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg kolac, SCr kolac (MlKLOSICH
Slav. Elemente 22). O S eli SCev Slav, naselenie 155, 303; H a m p L/i XIV/2
14; S v a n e 93.

kular m, pl. kularë ‘cu rved p ie c e o f w o o d , o x -c o lla r ’. B o r ro w e d from

Lat collare ‘co lla r’ ( M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß2 1 1049) 0 MlHÄESCU
RESEE I V /1 - 2 14; HAARMANN 118; LANDI Lat. 2 8 , 88, 9 9.

kulbë f, pl. kulba ‘kind of freshwater fish’. Anolher form is kubël. Early
Slavic loanword: note Alb -u- rendering Slav - t>-. The source is (South)
Slav *ia,lba ~ *h,lhi, (Pol kielb, Rus kolba), see M e y e r Wb. 212; O r e l
Ètimologija 1983 143. 0 MlKLOSICH EW 154 (the Slavic and Albanian
words are genetically related); B e r n e k e r I 659; VASMER II 286; OREL
Ètimologija 1983 143; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 22; HAARMANN 117;
ÇABEJ St. I 2 9 6 (from Rom *cuplea)\ OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 61.

k u lë f ‘h ern ia ’. A n early b o rrow in g from Slav *kyla id., w ith *-y- ren ­
dered as A lb -u-. 0 MEYER Wb. 212-213 (from Lat culleus ‘leather sack’);
VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 34; SVANE 182.

kulrn m, pl. kulrne ‘ridge, peak; wave’. Borrowed from Lat nom.
culmen id. (MEYER Wb. 2 1 3 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19 (from
Lat culmus); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1046; MlHÄESCU RESEE
I V /1 - 2 15; D o d b ib a St. Leks. 2 4 4 (to Gk Kotabvri ‘hill’, Lat columen
‘top’); H a a r m a n n 121; L a n d i Lar. 147.
 KU LTES. KUM B 203

of Lat cucurbita ‘gourd’ (MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 15; ÇABEJ St. I 296)
0 L a n d i Lat. 114.

kultër f. pl. kultra ‘pillow, cushion’. Borrowed from Lat calcitra id. (M eyer
Wb. 2 1 3 ) 0 H a a r m a n n 121.

kulloj aor. kullova ‘to sieve, to sift, to filter’. Borrowed from Lat colare
‘to filter, to strain’ (MEYER Wb. 2 1 2 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß1
1 1049; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 117.

kulloshtër f ‘beestings’. Borrowed from Lat colostra id. (MlHÄESCU

RESEE IV/1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 118). 0 K l e p ik o v a SPT 116 (from
Italian).

kullos aor. kullota ‘to put out to pasture, to graze’. A derivative of kulloj.
0 C a m a r d a I 295 (to Gk ßou-icoXeco ‘to tend cattle’); M e y e r Wb. 212
(from Lat colere ‘to cultivate’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 163 (against M e y e r ).

kullumbri f, pl. kullumbri ‘blackthorn, sloe; turtle dove’. A derivative

of *kullumbe borrowed from Lat columba ‘dove’, the plant being called
after the bird as Rum porumb ‘maize, corn’ after palumbes ‘dove’ (M eyer
Wb. 2 1 2 ). 0 P u ç c a r iu EWR 119; S c h u c h a r d t KZ X X 2 4 9 (from Lat
palumbes); H a a r m a n n 118.

kullusmë f, pl. kullusma ‘thicket’. A metathesis from *kullumesë (cf.

gjysmë) borrowed from Rom *çolumnâtia, cf. Lat columnätiö ‘supporting
204 KUM BULL — KUNDËR

kumbull f, pl. kumbulla ‘plum tree’. Other variants are kumull and kumëll.
Borrowed from G k K O K m priX ov id. ( M e y e r Wb. 2 1 3 ) . 0 SCHUCHARDT
KZ XX 249 (from Rom *columbula)\ TA G LIA VIN I Dalmazia 1 6 3 ;
M A N N Language XXVIII 31; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV/3-4 350; Ç a b e j St.
I 297 (borrowed from Doric).

kumerë f ‘fear, fright’. A préfixai derivative of mer, truer.

kumerq m ‘toll, duty’. Borrowed from Lat commercium ‘trade, com­

m erce’ (G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 16). 0
M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1048.

kumt m ‘news, announcement’. Borrowed from Lat commonitus, par­

ticiple of commonere ‘to remind, to put in mind’. From kumt the verb
kumtoj ‘to announce’ is derived. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 297-298 (from Lat computare
‘to sum up, to reckon’); HAARMANN 118.

kumtër m, pl. kumtër ‘godfather’. Borrowed from Lat compater id. (MlK­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 16; M e y e r Wb. 214). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grun­
driß 2 1 1 045 , 1048; H a a r m a n n 118; Ç a b e j St. I 2 9 8 -2 9 9 (based on
fem. kumëtër borrowed from Lat commater ‘godm other’); LANDI
Lat. 4 1 , 115, 143.

kunat m, pl. kunetër ~ kunetën ‘brother-in-law’. Borrowed from Lat cognätus

‘kinsman, blood relation’. The feminine form cognata is reflected as
Alb kunatë (C a m a r d a I 158; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 15; M e y e r
Wb. 214). Note a derivative kunatoll ‘brother-in-law (wife’s brother)’
that may continue Rom *cognäteölus. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1041, 1048; T a g l ia v in i Origini 189; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 14;
H a a r m a n n 117; L a n d i Lat. 27, 125, 138.

kund adv. ‘somewhere’. Goes back to PAlb *kum to(m), acc. sg. of ku
and a pronominal stem *to-, see ay. 0 WEIGAND 4 1 (to Lat unde ‘whence’);
JOKL AArbSt I 35-36 (acc. sg. of *k“o- and a pronominal *to-); Ç a b e j
St. I 299-300 (phonetic transformation of kit).

kundër prep, ‘again st’. Borrowed from Lat contra id. (MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 17; MEYER Wb. 214). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1045,
1048; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 119.
 KUNDOJ KUQ. 205

kundoj aor. kundova ‘to hesitate’. Borrowed from Lat cunctürl id. (M e y e r
Wb. 214). 0 H a a r m a n n 121; Di G io v in e Gruppo -et- 52-54 (against
MEYER).

kungoj aor. kungova ‘to communicate’. Borrowed from Lat communicate

id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 16; M e y e r Wb. 214). As to kungë ‘altar
(of the Orthodox church)’, it is a back-formation derived from the verb.
0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 163;
M ih ä esc u RESEE IV/1-2 14,22; H a a r m a n n 119; Ç abej St. 1300 (kungë
borrow ed from Lat concha ‘sh ell-fish , m u ssel, *vau lt’); L a n d i Lat. 117.

kungull m, pl. kunguj ‘marrow, pumpkin, bottle’. From PAlb *kunkula

identical with Lith kuñkulas ‘bubble’ (M a n n Language XXVI 387). 0
M e y e r Wb. 214 (from Lat cucumis ‘cucumber’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia
163 (against MEYER).

kunj m, pl. kunja ‘peg, wedge’. Borrowed from Lat cuneus ‘wedge' (MEYER
Wb. 215). The verb kunjoj ‘to close a sack with a peg’ continues Lat
cuneare ‘to wedge’. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1046; MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV /1-2 15; HAARMANN 121; L a n d i Lat. 138.

kup m ‘h eap, p ile ’. B o r ro w e d from S lav *kupr. id ., cf. South S la v ic

form s: B u lg kup, SCr kup. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 15 (from R om *cuppus ‘kind
o f v e s s e l’); SVANE 4 3 .

kupë f, pl. kupa ‘g la ss, bowl’. Borrowed from Lat cuppa ‘tu b ’ (M lK ­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wb. 215). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-
2 15; H a a r m a n n 121; L a n d i Lat. 100.

kuptoj aor. kuptova ‘to u nd erstan d ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat computare ‘to

sum up, to re ck o n ’ ( M e y e r Wb. 215). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1
1 1048; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 250; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 14;
H a a r m a n n 118: Ç a b e j St. I 300-301 (derived from kap).

kuq adj. ‘re d ’. Borrowed from Rom *cocceus, cf. Lat coccineus
‘scarlet’ (MEYER Wb. 210). 0 BOPP 490 (to Skt siici- ‘fiery, bright’);
C a m a r d a I 164 (compares with NGk kokkivoç ‘red’); M e y e r -L ü b k e
Gr. Grundriß2 1 1045; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 249; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia
162; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 117; H u ld 84.
206 KUR — KURRË

kur adv. ‘when’. From PAlb *kur formally identical with Arm ur, Lith
kur ‘where’, Latv kùr id. (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 34 ), derived from
IE *k“u- (see ku). 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 2 5 0 (from Lat qua hörä ‘at
what hour, when’, with an irregular development of the inlaut vocal-
ism); M e y e r Wb. 2 15 (accepts S c h u c h a r d t ’s etymology); P e d e r s e n
KZ XXXVI 3 1 7 , Kelt. Gr. I 127; MEILLET MSL X 2 5 9 , XX 92; TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 164 (follows VASMER); ACAREAN HAB III 6 1 3 -6 1 4 ;
P is a n i Saggi 123; F r a e n k e l 314; P o k o r n y 1 6 4 7 -6 4 8 ; K o p e c n y ESSJ
1 324 (on -r); HULD 84; HAARMANN 144; OREL Sprache XXXI 280;
D e m ir a j AE 227-228.

k u rorë ~ k un orë f. pl. kur ora ~ kunora ‘c r o w n ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat

corona id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
Grundriß21 1046, 1048; ERNOUT-MEILLET 144; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-
2 14; Ç a b e j St. VII 277; HAARMANN 120; J a n s o n Unt. 52-53; LANDI
Lat. 63, 88.

kursej aor. kurseva ‘to spare’. Derived from *kurt ‘short’ borrowed from
Lat curtus id. 0 CAMARDA I 101 (to Lat curtus); MEYER Wh. 2 1 6 (from
Rom *curtiâre)\ MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1051; HAARMANN 122.

kurt m, pl. kurte ‘yard’. Borrowed from Lat cortem id. (MEYER Wb. 216).
0 GlUGLEA Dacoromania I II 472 (from N G k Koúprn id.); MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. G rundriß21 1045; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 15; HAARMANN 122;
ÇABEJ St. I 301 (on Old Alb kurtë id. preserving the gender of Lat cortem).

kurth m, pl. kurthe ‘snare, trap’. Derivative in -th of kurp ~ kulp, cf.
kulpër. Somehow connected with Rum cursa id. Ô M ey er Wb. 216 (from
Turk kurs ‘disk’); BARIC ARSt 42 (to OHG hurt ‘wicker-work’);
MANN Language XVII 14 (to Lat cratis, Goth haurds)', ROSETTI 1ER I
276; Ç a b e j St. VII 237.

k u rvë f, pl. kurva ‘whore, prostitute’. Borrowed from Slav *kury, gen.
*kui~bve id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg kurva, SCr kurva (MlKLOSICH
Slav. Elemente 24; MEYER Wb. 216). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 194;
S v a n e 200.

k u rrë adv. ‘never, ever’. Goes back to PAlb *kur ne of which the first
element is identical with kur and the second reflects the Indo-Euro­
pean negation *ne ‘not’ ( P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 17). 0 MEYER Wb. 215
 K IJ R R IZ - K -U S H T R IM 207

(id e n tifie s w ith kur); PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 145; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia

164; H am p HSyn. 177; Ç a b ej St. I 302 (phonetic variant o f kur); D em ir a j
AE 22 8 .

kurriz m ‘spine, backbone, hump'. A derivative in -iz based on PAlb

*kurna < *kfnos related to Lith kèras ‘stump’, kirna ‘pointed end of
a trunk, bush’, Slav *korenb ‘root’. 0 MEYER Wb. 190 (to kërrus); TAGLI­
AVINI Stratificazione 92; F r a e n k e l 241; POKORNY I 573; T r u b a c e v
ÈSSJa X I 6 2 -6 6 .

kush pron. ‘who’. From PAlb *kusa going back to an Indo-European

pronominal compound *k"u-so- consisting of *kl‘u-, a morphonologi-
cal variant of *kvo- id., and demonstrative *so-. The Albanian form is,
Ihus, quite close to Tokh A kus id., B kuse id. < *k“u-so- (MEILLET Idg.
Jb. I 13; OREL LB X X X /1 57-58). Note -sh- < *-s- explained by the
“ruki” rule (OREL Die Sprache XXXI/2 114). As to acc. kë ~ kâ, it con­
tinues PAlb *kam < IE *kl'om (MEYER Wb. 217, Alb. St. Ill 2, 88). 0
BOPP 463 (to IE *k"o-); G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 22; CAMARDA I 212 (to IE
*k“o-); M e y e r Wb. 217-218 (kush treated as a borrowing from Lat quis
with some reserve); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 317 (related to IE *k“o-),
Kelt. Gr. I 128; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 165; M a n n Language XXVIII
39 (follows M e i l l e t ) ; V a n W in d e k e n s I 246; P o k o r n y I 647-648;
Ç a b e j St. I 275-276, 302-303; H u l d 84; O r e l Sprache XXXI 280, LB
X X X /1 58-59, Koll. Idg. Ges. 351; DEMIRAJ AE 218, 228 (from *t e ­
siti).

k u sh ë r i ~ k u sh ë r î m, pl. kushërinj ‘cousin’. Borrow ed from Lat

consôbrînus id. (CAMARDA I 120; MEYER Wb. 218). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß21 1049; TAGLIAVINI Origini 189; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-
2 14; H a a r m a n n 119.

kush t m, pl. kushte ‘vow, bet, boundary, condition’. Back-formation of

kushtoj ‘to cost’ continuing MLat constare id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 17; M e y e r Wb. 217). 0 Ç a bej St. I 303 (borrowed from Ital costo
‘price’).

k u sh trim m ‘h u e-a n d -cry , w ar cr y , ca ll-u p , en ro llm en t, a la rm ’. A r e ­

gular d ev erb a tiv e in -im b ased on *kushtroj b o rro w ed from R om
*conscrîptâre, cf. Lat conscrTbere ‘to en ro ll ( o f tr o o p s)’. 0 WEIGAND
BA I 2 5 7 (to kusht); LAMBERTZ Volkspoesie 247 (d iv id es into kush trim
208 KUSHULL LAB

‘w h o is b ra v e? ’); Ç a b e j St. I 303-304 (a g re es w ith LAMBERTZ).

kushuU m ‘consul’. Borrowed from Lat consulem id. (M lK L O S IC H Rom.

Elemente 17). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1046,

kut m, pl. kut ‘m easu re o f le n g th ’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat cubitus ‘c u b it’

(MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1046;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 121; L a n d i Lat. 138, 141.

kutë f, pl. kuta ‘young dog, cub’. Borrowed from Slav *kute id. attest­
ed in East Slavic (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 198). Cf. kuç.

kutëndoj aor. kutëndova ‘to thank’. Borrowed from Lat contentare id.
(M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1049) 0 H a a r m a n n 119.

kuvend m. pl. kuvende ‘sp eech ; c o u n c il, m e e tin g ’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat

conventus ‘m eetin g, a sse m b ly ’ (CAMARDA I 340; MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 17; M e y e r Wb. 219). A p arallel form pl. tantum kuvise ‘sp e e c h ­
e s, w o r d s’ co n tin u es R om *conventiae. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 2 1 1039, 1044, 1048; JOKL Idg.Jb. XI 190 (kuvise as a d ev erb a tiv e
o f *kuvij b o rro w e d from Lat *convenire); TAGLIAVINI Origini 190;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 29; H a a r m a n n 119; Ç a b e j St. T 304 (kuvise
as a p lural o f kuvend, cf. h is in terp retation o f vise : vend)-, LANDI Lat.
55, 88, 148-149.

ky pron., f. kjo ‘this’. From PAlb *ka-ei, f. *ka-ja, based on a pronom ­

inal element *ka- and a demonstrative, see ai, ajo. 0 PEDERSEN Pron.
315; H u l d 84-85 (to k’o-)\ K o r t l a n d t SSGL XXIII 174 (from
*ku-i, with *-/ < IE *eiom): D e m ir a j AE 217-218.

kyç m, pl. ‘key’. Other forms are klyç and qyç. Borrowed from Slav
*kl’uch id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg k l’uc, SCr kljuc (MlKLOSICHSlav.
Elemente 21 ; MEYER Wb. 193). 0 JOKL Slavia XIII 296; S e l i SCe v Slav,
naselenie 144, 150, 308; H a m p L S XIV/2 12; SVANE 84.

lab m, pl. labë, lebër ~ leben ‘Lab, inhabitant of Laberia’, Back-formation

based on Labëri ‘L aberia’ borrow ed from an unattested South
 LABËRGOJ — T.AFSHF, 209

Slavic *labanbja < *olhattbja rendering the native pre-Albanian name

of the country: Albania, ’AAßosvia. 0 DESNICKAJA VÈI 194 (directly
from ancient *arb-/*alb-)\ ÇABEJ St. VII 193.

labërgoj aor. labërgova ‘to undo, to untie'. A phonetic variant of the

same word is represented in lahërkoj ‘to reduce, to diminish, to wear
out’. A derivative of an unattested *lapërkë based on laper (Ç a b e j
St. I 304).

labiç m 'ghost, bogey’, adj. ’importunate, rotten’. From *lamiç. a deriva­

tive of lamjë ‘bogey’ (from NGk X ap ia , cf. M e y e r Wb. 2 3 1 ). 0 M e y e r
Wb. 2 3 0 (from Ital * larvicelo, based on Lat larva ‘specter, shade’);
JOKL LKUBA 77-78 (from Slav *l'ubicb ‘lover’).

labrik m ‘sea-w olf. Borrowed from Gk XàPpixoç id. 0 M lK LO SICH

Rom. Elemente 34 (from Lat labrax); M EY ER Wb. 233 (from Rom
*labracum < Gk A,aßpa£, id.); M lH Ä ESC U RESEE IV /3-4 350; OREL
Orpheus VI 65.

lacë f ‘gusset, inlet; white goat’. Continues *larcë, a phonetic variant

of larëz id., a derivative of lare ( Ç a b e j St. I 304-305). 0 B a r d h i apud
ÇABEJ ibid. (to IE *leuk- ‘white’).

laçkë f, pl. laçka ‘household goods’. One of the rhyming words appear­
ing together with plaçkë ‘thing, booty’ (of Modern Greek or late Slavic
origin, cf. M EYER Wb. 344): me laçkë e me plaçkë ‘bag and baggage’,
plaçkë e raçkë id.

ladut m, pl. ‘rogue, rascal’. Probably, borrowed from an unattested

Bulg *kbgut ‘liar’ derived from Slav *lbgati ‘to lie’.

lafatë f, pi. lafata ‘Judas tree’. Another phonetic variant is lajthatë. A

form lofatë is also attested. Derived from lajthi. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 8
(from Ital siliquastro ‘Judas tree’).

lafshë f, pl. lafsha ‘crest (of bird), comb". Borrowed from Lat laxa
(cutis) ‘loose (skin)’ (MEYER Wb. 234). 0 K r ist o f o r id h i 197 (to lape):
M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1055; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 84
(deminutive of lapë); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 31; H a a r m a n n 133;
Ç a b e j St. IV 7 7 -7 8 .
210 LA G — L A JK Ë

lag aor. laga ‘to wet, to soak, to bathe, to wash'. From PAlb *lauga
to be further compared with legate. 0 G i l ’ f e r d i n g Otn. 23 (to Skt iT-
‘to m elt’); CAMARDA 140 (to Gk Xovm ‘to wash’); M e y e r Wb. 235
(from Slav *volga ‘liquid’); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 37 (related to
Slav *volga); BARIC ARSt I 45-46; S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 159
(follows M e y e r ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 166; M a n n Language XVII
17 (same as V a s m e r ) ; P o l á k Z ß a lk I 83; Ç a b e j * . I 319-320; H am p
apud DEMIRAJ (to Lith liugas ‘swamp’); OREL Linguistica XXIV 429-
430; DEMIRAJ AE 229-230.

lagaterë f ‘p erio d o f ch an geab le w eather (in M arch - A p r il)’ . A c o m ­

pound o f lag and ter (JOKL LKUBA 2 9 3 ).

lagje f, pl. lagje ‘district, quarter’. Singularized plural of *lag etymo­

logically identical with Gk Xó%oq ‘ambush, place for lying in wait’,
Slav *log-h ‘den, narrow valley’ and other continuants of IE *loghos,
a deverbative of *legh- ‘to lie’ (JOKL RIEB I 58-60). 0 POKORNY I 658-
659; F r is k II 110-112; P o l á k ZfBalk I 79 (borrowed from Gk taixoç);
ÇABEJ St. I 305 (agrees with JOKL, adduces sg. lag 'band, horde’);
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X V 248-250; D e m ir a j AE 230.

laj ~ lâj aor. lava ‘to wash’. Originates from P A lb *launja related to
Gk Áoútú id., Lat lavo id. (PEDERSEN Krit. Jahresbericht IX 211, 215).
0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35 (b o r ro w ed from Lat lavare)', M e y e r
Wb. 2 3 5 (a g re es w ith MlKLOSICH); M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I
1050; JOKL IE X L III 51; VASMER A lb. W o rtfo rsch . 8 4 -8 6 (to R uss
solovyj); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 175 (fo llo w s M e y e r ) ; F r is k II 138-
139; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 7 7 3 -7 7 4 ; P o k o r n y 1 692; K l i n g e n s c i i m i t t
Verbum 117, Münch. St. Spr. 109; HAMP A/CW-L II (X III) 186 (fo llo w s
PEDERSEN); Ç a b e j St. V II 2 1 1 , 247; HULD 85 ( if b o rro w ed , Lat lavare
w ou ld y ie ld *lëvoj or *loj); DEMIRAJ AE 2 3 0 -2 3 1 .

lajkë f, pl. lajkë ‘caress; flattery’. From *larkë further related to lare.
Semantically, the development is identical with that of laroj ‘to
speckle, to spot’ and ‘to flatter’ (Ç a b e j St. I 305-306). 0 C a m a r d a
1 37 (to Gk À,aiKàÇ(o ‘to wench’); MEYER Wb. 235 (borrowed from
or related to Slav *laska ‘caress’); JOKL LKUBA 204-205 (to Gk XáoKto
‘to shout’ and its cognates); Ç a b e j St. VII 207, 276; D e m ir a j AE 231
(to laj).
 L A JLE — LAKUR 2 11

lajle f, pl. lajle ‘orn am en tation , d e c o r a tio n s’. A con tam in ation o f lajkë
and laie. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 0 6 (related to larë).

lajthi f, pl. lajthi ‘hazel-tree, hazel-nut’. In Borgo Erizzo, lakthi is attest­

ed (T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 166-167). Based on lakth - *laqth ‘loop,
noose’, derivative in -th of lak ( Ç a b e j St. I 3 0 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 3 4 (to
Slav *lëska ‘hazel-nut’, Lith lazda id.); B A R IC ARSt 4 4 (to Skt vleska-
‘sling’); J o k l LKUBA 2 0 3 -2 0 5 (supports M e y e r and reconstructs an
earlier *ladh with an epenthetic -j-); PORZIG Gliederung 176; C A M A J
Alb. Wortb. 109 (from *l-al-thi)\ D EM IRAJ AE 2 3 1 -2 3 2 .

lak m, pl. leq, leqe ‘trap, sn are, rop e, b ow ( o f a m u sica l in stru m ent),
p ass (in the m ou n tain s), b en d, c u r v e ’. F rom P A lb *laka ‘bend, c u r v e ’
co n n ecte d w ith IE *lëk- ~ *tek-, see flak (OREL ZfBalk X X III/ 1 7 5 ).
0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3 4 (from Lat laqueus ‘n o o s e , sn a re’);
MEYER Wb. 2 3 5 (from R om *laquus, c f. Lat laqueus); MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1041; JOKL IF XXXVI 160; DESNICKAJA Gr. str. 9;
POKORNY I 674; ÇABEJ St. VII 2 0 7 , 22 7 .

lakë f ‘defilé, valley’. Borrowed from Gmc *lakaz ‘brook, river, swamp’,
cf. OHG lahha, OE lacu and the like. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
34 (from Lat lacus); MEYER Wb. 235 (from Ital lacca ‘deep bottom ’,
itself from Germanic); KLUGE 416.

lakër ~ lakën f, pl. lakra ~ lakna ‘cabbage, greens’. Borrowed from

Gk }.a%avov ‘greens’ ( T h u m b IF X X V I 14; M e y e r Wb. 236). 0 J o k l
LKUBA 208; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 166; ö l b e r g SPhAen 41; M i h ä e s c u
RESEE IV /3-4 350; JANSON Unt. 41.

lakmi f, pi. ‘greed, avarice’. Derived from *lakëm ‘greedy’ borrowed

from Slav *olkom-b id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg lakom, SCr
lakom (M lK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 24; M E Y E R Wb. 236). As a result
of erroneous segmentation of *lak-ëm, a new form lakut ‘greedy, glutton’
was produced. 0 M L A D E N O V 1st. 77.

lakshte f ‘dew’. Derivative in -sht(ë) from lag.

lakuq adj. ‘red (of earth)’. A préfixai derivative of kuq.

lakur adj. ‘naked’. From PAlb *lauk-ura derived from IE *Ieuk- ‘to
212 LA LE — LA PA RO S

shine, to be white’. The derivative *lauk-ura > lëkurë ‘skin, bark’ also
belongs to the same root. For the semantic motivation of words for
‘bark’. From lakur the word for bat lakuriq, laskuriq is derived. 0
M E Y E R Wb. 2 3 6 (to Gk Àércco ‘to peel’), Alb. St. Ill 3; J o k l Studien
4 6 , n. 1 (compares lëkurë with Gk à.<xkîç ‘tear, break, crack’, Slav
*lgcg, *Igeiti ‘to split’), 51 (prefix lë- in lëkurë); T A G L IA V IN I Dal­
mazia 166 (agrees with J o k l ), Stratificazione 9 2 -9 3 ; E R N O U T -
M e i l l e t 335; T R U B A C E V Remesl. term. 1 6 5-166; P O K O R N Y I 6 8 7 -6 8 9 ;
H u l d 86; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 145, Orpheus VI 66; D e m i r a j AE 2 3 2 -
2 3 3 , 2 40-241 (dialectal form of lakuriq, further related to lëkurë and
based on IE *skeua- ‘to cover’).

lale f, pl. lale ‘ornamentation, decorations’. A result of assimilation of

liquida in the plural form of lar.

lalë m ‘uncle, father’ (used as a title). Represents a Lallwort wide­

spread in the Balkans, cf. NGk Xa.Xö.c, ‘grandfather’ and the like (M E Y ER
Wb. 236; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 167, Stratificazione 117). From this
stem lalush ‘to fondle, to caress’ is derived.

landër f,pi. landra ‘tendril (of plants); oleander’. Borrowed from MLat
lorandrum, a transformation of Lat rhododendron (OREL Orpheus VI
66).

lanok m, pl. lanokë ‘robber, th ie f. Another variant is landok. Borrowed

from Slav *lëm ,kb ‘lazy person, idler’, cf. Bulg lenk’o. 0 ÇABEJ St.
I 3 0 7 (derivative of lëndë with the original meaning ‘woodcutter’).

lap aor. lapa ‘to slurp, to lap up’. From PAlb *lapa, an onomatopoeia
relate to Gk Axirc-cm ‘to lick’, Lith lapth ‘to swallow greedily, Slav
*lopati ‘to eat greedily’ and the like ( C a m a r d a I 127; M e y e r Wb.
231, Alb. St. Ill 31). Among derivatives, note lëpij ‘to lick’ and lëpis
‘index’ (literally, the licked finger). 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 253
(equal to Friul lapa ‘to lick’); F r i s k II 8 5, 92; P O K O R N Y I 677;
F r a e n k e l 3 3 9 -3 4 0 ; T r u b a ô e v ÈSSJa XVI 4 5 -4 6 ; D e m i r a j AE 2 4 2
(influenced by p ij, form of pi).

laparos aor. laparosa ‘to make dirty’. Together with Bulg lapardos-
vam id. borrowed from a Modern Greek formation based on Gk Âxxra.pôç
 L A PË — LAR 213

‘s o f t ’. 0 JOKL Studien 4 7 -4 8 (to lapërdhi), LKUBA 90; D e m ir a j AE

2 3 3 (n e w form ation in -os b ased on laper ‘c lo th ’).

lapë f, pl. lapa ‘hard piece of meat or skin; peritoneum; le a f. Con­

tinues PAlb *lapâ related to Lith lapas ‘leaf’, Gk Àxmôç ‘shell, husk,
bark’ and the like. Derived from lapë are lapetë ‘peritoneum (of a
slaughtered animal); triangular patch of cloth’ and laper ‘peritoneum,
dewlap’, adj. ‘foul, evil, bad’. As to labe ‘bark’, it is a secondary dialec­
tal variant of lapë, cf. ÇABEJ St. I 307. 0 MEYER Wb. 237 (to Lith lópas
‘spot’ and its cognates); JOKL Stud. 44 (labë to Lith lúobas ‘bark’),
LKUBA 88-89; MANN Language XXVI 387 (to Slav *lup'b ‘scale’, ON
lauf ‘leaf’), XXVI 386 (labë to Gk Xopôç ‘pod’); F r a e n k e l 339-340;
F r is k II 105-107; C h a n t r a in e 632; P o k o r n y I 678; Ç a b e j St. VII
208, 230; OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 147; DEMIRAJ AE 229, 233.

lapërdhi f, pl. lapërdhi ‘d ew lap ; o b sc e n ity , dirty j o k e ’. D e r iv a tiv e o f

lapër, cf. lapë (DEMIRAJ AE 2 3 4 ). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 36
(to Skt lápati ‘(h e) w h isp e r s’, S lav *lepetT> ‘b a b b le’); JOKL Studien
4 7 -4 8 (togeth er w ith laparos ‘to m ake d ir ty ’ related to IE *leip- ‘fat,
g re a se , d irt’), LKUBA 90.

laps aor. lapsa ‘to exhaust, to wary’. Although in other cases the cluster
-ps- indicates the Greek origin, this word may continue PAlb *lapitja
related to Gk taxrapôç ‘weak’, la n a ta ) ‘to weaken’ (JOKL Studien
4 8 ). 0 FRISK II 8 4-85; ÇABEJ St. I 3 07 (from Gk ßX.outTto ‘to disable,
to weaken’); DEMIRAJ AE 23 4 .

laps aor lapsa ‘to wish, to want’. From P A lb *laubitja related to Skt
hibhyati ‘to wish’, Slav * l’ubiti ‘to love’ and the like (JOKL Studien
48). 0 M a y r h o f e r III 107-108; P o k o r n y 1 683-684; Ç a b e j St. I 308
(identical with laps ‘to exhaust, to w ary’); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XV 174-
176.

lapush adj. ‘big-eared’. Borrowed from Slav *lapusa ‘plant with big
leaves’, cf. SCr lapusa ‘kind of oak’. The Albanian usage is obviously
metaphorical.

lar m ‘laurel’. Borrowed from Lat laurus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 35; MEYER Wb. 237). From lar a deminutive larth ‘holly’ as
well as larëz ‘wild vine’ and larushk id. are derived. 0 M e y e r -
214 1.ARA — LASHTË

LÜBKE Gr. G rundriß21 1Ü47; MANN Language XXVI 382; MlHÄESCU

RESEE IV /1-2 17 (larushk from Lat labrusca); H a a r m a n n 132;
L a n d i Lat. 72, 110, 140.

lar a pl. ‘menstruation; rinse water’. Substantivized form of lare ~ lane,

participle of laj.

laracoj aor. laracova ‘to variegate’. Together with laraman ‘motley,

spotted’ and laragan id. derived from lare.

lardh m fat bacon . Borrowed from Lat laridunt, latdum id. (MlK-
LO SlC H fom Elemente 34; MEYER Wb. 238). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 2 I 1052; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 169.

larë f, pl. lara ‘white spot’, adj. ‘spotted, m otley’. From PAlb *laurâ,
derivative in -r- based on laj. 0 MEYER Wb. 238 (to laros, cf. laroj).

lar g adv. ‘far (a w a y )’. B orrow ed from Lat largus ‘b ig, la r g e ’ ( G i l ’f e r -

d in g Otn. 25; M ik lo s ic h Rom. Elemente 34; M e y e r Wb. 238). 0 M e y e r -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042, 1050; HASDEU EMR 1 583; TAGLIAVI­
NI Dalmazia 169; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 17; HAARMANN 132;
HULD 85 (g r o ss m isin terp retation o f MEYER’s v ie w ); L a n d i Lat. 49.

laroj aor. lar ova ‘to speckle, to variegate; to flatter’. Another m or­
phological variant is laros. Derived from lare. 0 M e y e r Wb. 238 (bor­
rowed from NGk À.£p(óva> ‘to dirty’); BARIC AArbSt I 153 (laroj ‘to
flatter’ to Slav *laskati); JOKL / . / X VII 67 (united laroj ‘to speckle’
and laroj ‘to flatter’ by comparing it to Gk jioikÎÂA.cü ‘to speckle, to
paint, to flatter’); ÇABEJ St. I 308 (follows JOKL).

lartë - naltë adj. ‘high’. Based on the adverbial Lat in altum id. (M lK ­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 2; MEYER Wb. 297). 0 MEYER BB XIV 54, Wb.
238 (rejects his earlier explanation); JOKL LKUBA 228 (from PAlb
*laudra, to IE *leudh- ‘to grow ’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 34 (on
prothetic /-), 201; BARIC AArbSt 1/1-2 147-148 (< *th-ro-, to Lat tollö);
M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV /1-2 16; Ç a b e j 5/. VII 246; H a a r m a n n 130; L a n d i
Lat. 49.

lashtë adj. ‘old; early, premature (of fruit)’. A parallel form is lashë.
An adjective in -të going back to PAlb *lausa related to Goth laus
 L A IE LE 215

‘empty, loosen’, with further connection with Gk Xvm ‘to loose, to

release’. Semantically, the development may be compared to that of
Gmc *alda- ‘old’ if, in our case, an intermediate link ‘to release’ >
‘to let grow ’ > ‘to grow old’ is admitted. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 3 8 (from
Lat lassus ‘faint, languid’); JOKL LKUBA 2 2 6 -2 2 8 , Slavia XIII 3Ü9 (to
IE *leudh- ‘to grow ’); KLUGE 446; FRISK II 149-150; POKORNY I 6 8 1 -
68 2 ; F e is t Goth. 325; HAARMANN 132; LlUKKONEN SSF X 56 (to Lith
'ilgas ‘long’); ÇABEJ St. I 3 0 8 -3 0 9 (derivative of lag); OREL Orpheus
VI 66.

late f, pl. lata ‘small axe’. From PAlb *laptâ related to lapë (JOKLStudien
4 7 , LKUBA 88) and reflecting a derivation close to (thematic) Slav
*lopata ‘spade’, Lith lópeta id. and (athematic) OPrus lopto (D em iraj
AE 234). On the semantic link between ‘leaf’ and ‘spade’ see TRUBACEV
ÈSSJa XVI 4 3 . 0 MANN Language XVII 17 (related to Slav *de lb to);
T o p o r o v PJa IV 3 5 8 -3 6 3 .

latredh m, pl. latredha ‘uncastrated ram or g o a t’. A p réfix a i d eriv a ­

tiv e o f tredh (C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 110).

latyrë f, pl. latyra ‘rinse water’. Borrowed from Rom *lavatura from
Lat lavare ‘to wash’ (M e y e r Wb. 2 3 7 ).

lavare f, pi. lavare ‘noose, hangman’s rope’. Singularized plural of lavar

‘dog-collar’. A préfixai form of var (Ç a b e j St. 1 309). The corresponding
verb is lavirem ‘to hang down’.

lavij aor. lavila ‘to become mad’. Another variant is lavem id. His­
torically identical with lavos ‘to wound, to injure’ from NGk Xaßcovco
id. (Ç a b e j St. I 3 0 9 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 3 9 (on lavos); B a r i c ARSt I 108.

lavire f, pl. lavire ‘filthy rags; whore; brook, rill; ridge (of a hill)’.
Derivative of lavirem, see lavare (ÇABEJ St. I 3 1 0 ).

lbardh aor. Ibardha ‘to make white’. A préfixai derivative of bardh.

le part. Accompanies verb in jussive. Goes back to PAlb * laide iden­

tical with the Baltic particle of optative and permissive: Lith la!, Latv
lài, leí, OPrus -lai. It coincides with the old unattested imperative as
well as with 2 sg. pres, of lë (CAMARDA I 255; PEKMEZI 7 6 -7 7 ). 0
F r a e n k e l 329; Ç a b e j St. 1 3 1 0 .
218 LELË - I.E P T Y R Ë

le lë f, pl. lela ‘dirty woman, slut’. Borrowed from Slav *lel'a ‘aunt’,
cf. South Slavic continuants: OCS lël’a, lei’a. Bulg lel’a, SCr Ijelja
(MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25).

lem arak m, pl. lemarakë ‘glutton’. Another variant is lemacak. Expres­

sive derivatives based on lemcë.

le m c ë f ‘uterus (of animals)’. A morphological variant in -zë is re ­

presented by lemzë ‘female sexual organ’. Both words are based on
lemë, a participle of lej (GAZULLI 234). As to klemzë id., it is a pré­
fixai derivative of lemzë (GAZULLI 204). 0 ÇABEJ St. 1313.

le m e r i f, pl. lemeri ‘fear, terro r’. Préfixai derivative of (t)merr.

len d m, pl. tende ‘acorn’. From PAlb *lenta compared with the Indo-
European word for ‘lentil’ *lent-: Lat lëns, lëntis, OHG Unsi, Slav
*lqtja (ÇABEJ St. I 313-314). 0 MlKLOSICH Kom. Elemente 30 (from
Lat glände(m) ‘acorn’ but how to explain Lat gl- > Alb /-?); M e y e r
Wb. 243 (follows MlKLOSICH); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1054;
SCHMIDT KZ LVII 22 (compares with lënd); MANN Language XVII
20-21 (to Gk ßtxXavoq id.); VASMER II 553-554; WALDE-HOFMANN
I 783; POKORNY I 677; FRIEDRICH Trees 131-132 (same as MANN);
MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 16 (from Latin); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XV 63-
65; OREL IF XLIII 111 -113 (unconvincing comparison with lej).

le n ic ë f, pl. lenica ‘female salmon’. Derivative of lej using a suffix of

Slavic origin. The specific term is connected with the salmon spawn­
ing.

len oj aor. lenova ‘to mitigate, to soften, to relieve’. Borrowed from

Ital lenire id. ( M e y e r Wb. 2 4 4 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 173 (to Lat lenire ‘to
make soft, to alleviate’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1048; ÇABEJ
St. I 3 1 4 (derived from leh, lehtë).

lep ër f ‘le p r o s y ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat lepra id. (ÇABEJ St. I 3 1 5 ). 0

MEYER Wb. 241 (from N G k Â-Ércpa id .).

leptyrë f ‘muddy place’. Borrowed from Rom *lippirüra, cf. Lat lippitüdo
‘blearedness, rheum ’.
 LEPUR — I.ESH 219

lepur m, pi. lepra, lepuj ‘h a r e ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat leporem id. (S tier

KZ XI 139; G il ’f e r d in g Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; M eyer
Wb. 241). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1043, 1049; JOKL LKUBA
9; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 133; L a n d i Lat. 51, 83,
144-145.

lerë f, pl. lerë ‘dirt, mud’. From PAlb * laura etymologically identical
with Lith laüré ‘dirty person’, further related to *leu- reflected in lum.
0 CAMARDA 1 146 (to òÀepóv- K Ó rcpov, Hes.); MEYER Wb. 238 (to laroj,
óÀepóv); JOKL LKUBA 67 (derivative in -ré' of lyej), Reallex. Vorgesch.
1 86; LAMBERTZ KZ LIII 12 (follows M e y e r ); F r a e n k e l 346-347;
ÇABEJ Sr. I 315 (agrees with JOKL); DEMIRAJ AE 237 (dialectal form
of lyrë, cf. lyej).

lerë f, pl. lera ‘heap o f sto n es, p eb b le b an k ’. C o n tin u es P A lb *laura

related to Gk Xorúpa ‘a lle y , p ass b etw e en r o c k s’ (JOKL RIEB I 43-
46). 0 F r is k II 91; P is a n i Saggi 85; P o k o r n y I 683; G in d in JaDN
164; POLÁK ZfBalk I 79 (b o rro w ed from Á a ú p a ); OREL ZfBalk XXIII
149; D e m ir a j AE 237-238 (o rig in a lly G eg ).

lerth m ‘ivy’. Another variant is lerdh. Deminutive in -th of lar.

lesë f, pi. lesa ‘harrow, wicker-work, frame’. Borrowed from Slav *lesa
id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg lesa, SCr Ijesa (SELISCEV Slav, nasele­
nie 156). A parallel form le she id. belongs to an earlier layer of Slavic
loanwords. 0 SVANE 31.

lesë f, pi. lesa ‘cleaning rag, cloth’. A derivative of lyej (ÇABEJ St. I
315).

leskër f, pi. leskra ‘scale (of fish), shred, slate, thin metal shavings’.
A derivative of *lesk borrowed from Slav *lisfhk-b ‘small le a f, cf.
South Slavic continuants: Maced listok, SCr listak. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 316
(from SCr liska ‘metal plate’); S v a n e 149.

lesh m, pl. leshra ~ leshna ‘wool, fleece, hair’. From PAlb *lai$a ety­
mologically connected with the Balto-Slavic word for ‘foliage’: Lith
laiskos ‘leaf’, Latv lai ska ‘leaf on a linen stalk; stalk’, Slav *listh ‘leaf.
0 M e y e r Alb. St. I (to Slav *volsi, ‘hair’); Wb. 241 (comparison with
Gmc *fleusaz ‘fleece’), Alb. St. Ill 24, 38, 61; Jo k l Studien 49 f. (to
220 LËSHKO — LËBY R

Skt lavi- ‘sickle’, Gk Xaîov id.), Slavia XIII 2 9 2 (borrowed from Slav
*lësa); K r i s t o f o r i d h i 2 05 (to Gk tax%vr| ‘down, fleece, frizzy hair’);
BARIC ARSt 45 (to Gk oùXoç ‘curly’), Hymje 26 (same as KRISTOFORIDHI);
VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 3 8 -3 9 (to ON vlóh ‘hair’, Gk M%vr|. same
as K r is t o f o r id h i) ; R ib e z z o Riv. indo-gr.-it. I 16 (to Gk Xáaxoc, ‘hairy,
covered with hair’); T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 92; P is a n i Saggi 122
(agrees with M e y e r Wb.); PUDIC IX Ling. Cong. 8 6 2 (follows M e y e r );
P o g h i r c 1st. limb. rom. I I 331; Ç a b e j St. 1 3 1 5 -3 1 6 , IV 78; F r a e n k e l
333-334; VASMER II 5 0 0 -5 0 1 ; POKORNY 1 681; NEROZNAK Paleob. 198
(borrowed from Slav * v o Ist,); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X V 1 4 3 -1 4 4 (Slavic
and Baltic words derived from IE *lei- ‘to spring up [of plants]’);
HULD 8 5 -8 6 (to OS wlöh ‘fringe’) ; DEMIRAJ AE 2 3 8 -2 3 9 (to Lat vellus
‘wool’).

leshko m, pl. leshko ‘credulous, gullible’. This homonym of leshko ‘hairy

one’ (to lesh) is borrowed from Bulg lecko, Ihcko, adv. ‘lightly’, cf.
lecok ‘light’.

leshnje f ‘m oss’. Derivative of lesh.

lez m,pl. leza, lezë ‘wart, mole, pimple, birthmark’. Another morphological
variant is lezë. There exists a dialectal form lemzë that reflects the
original structure of the word and allows to identify it with lemzë ~
lemcë and, in the long run, with lej (JOKL ArRom XXIV 31). For the
semantics cf. E birthmark. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 316-317 (to lyej).

lë ~ là aor. lashë ‘to let’. From PAlb *laidna, a present in *-ne/o- replac­
ing a more archaic *laida (see lej). Related to IE *leid- attested in
Baltic and Germanic: Lith le'isti id., Latv laîst id., Goth letan id. (MEYER
Wb. 2 4 2 , Alb. St. I ll 2 8 , 6 5 , IV 2 4 ). 0 JOKL LKUBA 2 5 2 , Sprache IX
118; PISANI Saggi 130; FRAENKEL 351-352; POKORNY I 666 ; F eist Goth.
3 2 9 -3 3 0 ; ÇABEJ St. I 3 17 (to Lat Ieri is ‘soft, smooth’ - semantically
difficult); D e s n ic k a j a Sravn. 227; O r el IF XLIII 113; H u l d 155;
Ja n s o n Unt. 81 (on part, lënë); D e m ir a j AE 2 3 9 .

lëbarke f ‘d y se n te r y ’. A p réfixai d eriv a tiv e o f bark (MEYER Wb. 2 4 2 ).

0 JOKL Studien 51; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 109.

lëbyr aor. lëbyra ‘to dazzle, to maze, to confuse’. A préfixai deriva-

 I .W O R K - L Ë K IJN D 221

tiv e o f byr. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 1 7 -3 1 8 (reco n stru cts tw o p r e fix e s lë- and
b-)\ MURATI Probleme 8 6 -8 7 (to lyej).

lë fo r ë f, pl. lëfora ‘rind, p eel, scale o f fish ’. A dialectal phonetic variant

o f lëvore (ÇABEJ St. I 3 1 8 ).

lë fo s m, pl. lëfosë ‘glutton’. From *lëpues ‘lapping’, see lap. The fem­
inine form lëfosë is attested in a different meaning - ‘woman or animal
with hanging breasts’.

lë fy t m, pl. lëfyta ‘pipe, tube’. A préfixai derivative offy t (MEYER Wb.

115). 0 CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 109; ÇABEJ St. VII 242.

lë g a të f, pi. legata ‘m arsh’. Cf. also lëngatë under the influence of lëng
~ lang. From PAlb *leugata connected with Illyr eÀoç Aoúyeov
tcatanjiievov (Strabo 7 .4 3 ), Lith liugas id., Slav *luza ‘pool' (MEYER
Wb. 2 4 2 ). 0 M e y e r Alb. Studien IV 52 (to G k A.ép<poç ‘mucus’); BARIC
ARSt 4 5 -4 6 (to lag)’, JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 86 , IF XLVI 383; KRAHE
BNF XIV 1 20-124 (Illyrian parallels); FRAENKEL 379; POKORNY I 686 ;
Ç a b e j St. I 3 1 9 -3 2 0 ; OREL Linguistica XXIV 4 2 9 -4 3 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE
2 3 9 -2 4 0 (to lag, lagë).

lë k o r e f, pl. lëkore ‘chicory’. A préfixai derivative of kore id., prob­

ably influenced by lëkurë.

lëk o stër f ‘bast’. A préfixai derivative of unattested *kostër borrowed

from Slav *kostra ‘bark, grass’. In South Slavic only a derivative *kostr’a-
va ‘kind of grass’ has been registered: Bulg kostr'ava, SCr kostrja-
va.

(G) lë k u e m, pl. lëkonj ‘water lily’. Borrowed from Lat (lilium)

Lacönem ‘Spartan (lily)’.

lëk u n d aor. lëkunda ‘to rock, to swing, to sway, to shake’. A préfix­

ai derivative of an unattested *kund, a nasal present reflecting PAlb
*kunda and related to Gmc *xutan ‘to swing’: MHG hutzen. 0 BUGA
RFV LXV 3 1 7 (compares Germanic forms with Lith kuzdeti ‘to
trem ble’, kudulti ‘to pull hair or beard’); POKORNY I 9 5 6 -9 5 7 ; ÇABEJ
St. VII 2 6 9 .
222 LËKUQ. — I.Ë M O S H Ë

lëkuq aor. lëkuqa ‘to tinge red, to dye red ’. A préfixai derivative of
kuq (CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 101).

lëkurë f, pl. lëkurë ‘skin, h id e’. D erived from lakur. 0 TAGLIAVINI Strat­
ificazione 92-93; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 335; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 102, 108
(p refix lë-)\ DEMIRAJ AE 240-241.

lëmaqe f, pl. lëmaqe ‘expanse of rubble, stoneslide, pile of stones’. A

singularized plural of *lëmak, a derivative in -ak of lëmë.

lëmashk m, pl. lëmashqe ‘mud, scum, moss, fur on tongue’. Another

variant is lëmyshk ‘moss, fur on tongue’. A préfixai derivative from
my shk.

lëmazë f, pl. lëmaza ‘thin skin, shell’. A préfixai derivative of mazë

(C a m a j Alb. Worth. 108).

lëmehem refi, ‘to put on make-up’. A reflexive form of lëmoj ‘to smooth,
to polish’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 318 (derived from lyem, participle of lyej ).

lëmekem reti, ‘to become wet; to faint’. A préfixai denominative (CAMAJ

Alb. Wortb. 110) of an unattested *mek ‘w et’ continuing PAlb *maka
and connected with makë. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 242.

lëmë ~ lamë f, pl. lëmë ~ lamë, lëmënj ~ lamënj, lëmenj ~ lamenj ‘thresh­
ing-floor, wine-press’. There also exists a more archaic masculine form
lëm ~ lam. From PAlb *lamâ etymologically identical with OHG lam
‘lame’, Slav *lonrh ‘breaking; crow-bar; broken branches’, reflect­
ing *lomos further derived from IE *lem- ‘to break’ (M e y e r Wb. 243,
Alb. St. Ill 64). 0 S c h m id t KZ L V II17 (to lej); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia
167-168 (follows M e y e r ); P is a n i Saggi 124; P o k o r n y I 674; Ç a b e j
St. I 318-319 (to Lith lomà ‘pit, hole’); O rel ZfBalk XXTII 145; T r u b a c e v
ÈSSJa XVI 25-27; DEMIRAJ AE 241 (to Gk astori ‘threshing-floor’).

lëmoj aor. lëmova ‘to file, to polish’. Borrowed from Lat limare id.
( M e y e r Wb. 243). 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 184.

lëmoshë f, pl lëmosha ‘alms, charity’. Borrowed from Germanic, cf.

OHG alamuosa id., OS alemösa id. Based on lemoshë is lemoshtër
 LËMSH ~ LAM S H LËNDOJ ~ LËNDOJ 2 2 3

‘crumb, speck, offering to the dead enclosed in coffin with corpse’.

0 K l u g e 15; O r e l Orpheus VI 66.

lëmsh ~ lamsh m, pl. lëmshe ~ lamshe ‘ball (of wool, thread), globe
(of earth), pool, spellet’. The meaning ‘globe of earth’ < *‘broken
lump of earth’ may be one of the oldest. The word goes back to PAlb
*lemesja and is formally identical with Latv lemesis ‘sharp edge of
the plouw’, Slav *lemesb ‘plouwshare’, with a parallel form with a
voiced auslaut in Lith lëmezis ‘wooden part of plough to which the
ploughshare is fixed’, Slav *lemezb ‘plouwshare’. The resulting IE
*lemesjo- is a derivative of *lem- ‘to break’, cf. lëmë. 0 M e y e r Wb.
24 3 (from Rom *glemus, cf. Lat glomus ‘ball, clue of yarn, thread’);
M e y e r -LÜBKF, Gr. Grundriß 1 I 1054; JOKL LKUBA 2 3 -2 4 (follows
M e y e r ); T r eim er Slavia III 451 (against M e y e r for phonetic reasons:
Lat gl- cannot yield Alb /-; suggests a comparison with Slav *lomiti
‘to break’); SPITZER M RIW I 3 2 4 {-sh explained as the ending of loca­
tive!); SCHMIDT KZ LVII 2 0 (to Oír loman ‘cord’); TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 168; FRAENKEL 354; Ç a b e j St. I 3 1 9 (from IE *ulo-m- based
on *uel- ‘to turn’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIV 108-110; O r e l Orpheus VI
66 .

lëmuq adv. ‘in a heap, p iled up’, m ‘p ile ’. A nother variant is lëmuç.
A variant o f lëmaqe. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 255.

lëndë ~ landë f, pl. lëndë ~ landë ‘wood, timber, m aterial’. Goes back
to PAlb *lenta etymologically related to Gmc *lendö ‘linden’ (OHG
Unta, OE lind). Lith lenta ‘board’, Slav *lçti, ‘bast’ (MEYER Alb. Studien
IV 117; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 3 6 ). 0 JOKL LKUBA 152, Reallex.
Vorgesch. I 93; MANN Language XVII 20; HOLTHAUSEN AEW 203;
F r a e n k e l 357-3 5 8 ; V a s m e r II 536; Z a l iz n ’ a k Ètimologija 1964 217;
Ç a b e j * . VII 277; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X V I 15 0 -1 5 1 ; H u l d 87; C l a c k ­
s o n LR 135, 2 2 7 .

lëndinë f, pl. lëndina ‘untilled land, fallow field, grassland’. Borrowed

from Slav *lçdina id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg ledina, SCr ledina
(S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 187). 0 S v a n e 166.

lëndoj ~ lendoj aor. lëndova ~ lendova ‘to irritate, to make sore, to

hurt’. Borrowed from Lat tentare ‘to make flexible, to bend’. 0
224 LËNG ~ LANG L Ë P IZ Ë

M e y e r Alb. St. V 9 2 (to linda); ÇABEJ St. 1 3 1 9 (from Lat laedere ‘to
hurt, to w o u n d ’).

lëng ~ lang m. pl.lëngje ~ langje ‘ju ice, liquid, broth’. From P A lb *langa
o b v io u sly co n n ecte d w ith lag and legate but re flec tin g an u n e x p e ct­
ed nasal in fix. M orp h o n o lo g ica lly not clear. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 4 (to Slav
*slçknçti ‘to b ecom e w et’); ÇABEJ St. I 319-320; OREL Linguistica XXIV
4 2 9 -4 3 0 .

lëngatë f, pl. lëngatë ‘illness, sickness, ailment’. Another variant is ligate

‘liver phthisis (in sheep)’. From PAlb *ligata derived from *liga >
lig. The inlaut -ën- has appeared under the influence of lëngoj. 0 MEYER
Wb. 2 4 4 (to lëngoj).

lëngoj aor. lëngova ‘to weaken, to languish’. Borrowed from Lat

languëre ‘to be faint, languid’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 34; MEYER
Wb. 244). Note a nominal derivative lëngjyrë ‘typhus’. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1047; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 28; HAARMANN 132.

lëngor adj. ‘p lian t, su p p le’. D er iv ed from lëngoj (MEYER Wb. 2 4 4 ). 0

JOKL Studien 5 0 (to Lith leñkti ‘to b en d ’); ÇABEJ St. I 3 2 0 (to lëng);
D e m ir a j AE 24 2 .

lënur - lnuer aor. lënura ~ Inora ‘to card, to co m b (fla x )’. A p r é fix ­
ai d eriv a tiv e o f nvar, a variant o f mvar. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 4 (fro m R om
*länörius ‘w ork er in w o o l’).

lëpec m ‘old ox or cow ; ailin g p e r s o n ’. D e r iv a tiv e o f lopë (M e y e r

Wb. 2 4 8 ). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 3 2 0 (to lapë).

lëpiskë f, pl. lëpiska ‘scale (of fish)’. A préfixai derivative of pisk.

lëpitkë f, pl. lëpitka ‘slipper’. A derivative of lapë with a Slavic suffix.

A homonymie lëpitkë ‘blade (of knife)’ is borrow ed from Bulg
lepidka, deminutive of lepida id., itself a Modern Greek loanword (BER
3 6 4 ). 0 MANN HAED 241 (explains lëpitkë ‘blade’ directly from
Greek).

lëpizë f, pl. lëpiza ‘shelf, rack’. As well as lëpozë ‘roof’, related to

lapë (J o k l LKUBA 8 6 -9 5 ).
 L Ë P JE T Ë — LEVARE 225

lëpjetë f, pl. lëpjeta ‘orach, dock’. Borrowed from Gk Äojcaöov id. (Thum b
IF XXVI 14-16) or, rather, from an unattested *A.a7te9ov. 0 M e y e r
Wb. 241 (from Lat lapathum id.). Alb. St. V 92; JOKL LKUBA 119 (agrees
with T h u m b ); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 31; H a a r m a n n 132; Ç a b e j
St. I 320 (Albanian and Greek forms derived from the same M editer­
ranean source).

lë p lu n g ë f, pl. lëplunga ‘webbing for tying cradle to m other’s back,

cheese-cloth used as a strainer’. A secondary phonetic variant of naplungë.
0 Ç a b e j St. VII 254.

lë p u sh ë f, pl. lëpusha ‘mullein; broad-leafed plant’. Derived from

lapë.

lëroj aor. lërova ‘to cultivate, to till’. Borrowed from Lat laborare ‘to
labor, to take pains’.

lëru sh k ë ~ laru shkë m lërushq ~ larushq ‘wild vine, kind of grape,

clematis’. Borrowed from Lat labrusca ‘wild vine’ (MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 34; MEYER Wb. 244). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1049;
H a a r m a n n 132.

lësh oj aor. lëshova ‘to let, to leave, to free’. Borrowed from Lat
lassare ‘to render faint, to tire, *to let’ ( M e y e r Wb. 244). 0 CAMARDA
1 86 (to Gk A-íooopat ‘to beg, to pray’); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
35 (from Ital lasciare ‘to let’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1047
(agrees with MlKLOSICH); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 17; ÇABEJ St. VII
228, 243; H a a r m a n n 132.

lë ti ~ lë tî adj ‘Italian, Latin, Catholic’. Borrowed from Lat Latlnus

‘L atin’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; MEYER Wb. 238-239). 0
M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1044, 1047; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 169-
170; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 23; H a a r m a n n 132; Ç a b e j St. I 309.

lëvare f, pi. levare ‘waterfall’. Another variant is livare. A préfixai deriv­

ative of var (ÇABEJ St. I 310) structurally close to ujvarë id. < ujë
varë ‘hanging water’. For the original meaning of lëvare cf. a deriv­
ative livarzë ‘catkin’ < *‘hanging’.
226 LËVERE - U D II

lë v e r e f ‘cloth, rag, laundry’. A singularized plural of *levar, the latter

being a préfixai derivative of var, cf. lëvare (ÇABEJ St. I 309-310). 0
MEYER Wb. 244 (with a metathesis, from Lat velarium ‘covering, screen’);
C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 109.

lë v ir e m ~ lë v y r e m refi, ‘to beg, to beseech’. A semantic development

of an older lëvyrem ‘to scratch oneself (as a sign of grief)’, the latter
being based on lëvyr ‘to scratch, to lacerate’, a préfixai derivative of
var, vjerr.

lë v iz aor. lëviza ‘to move, to stir . Related to luaj from which it is derived
with an unusual suffix -iz < PAlb *-idja.

lë v o r e f, pl. lëvore ‘peel, skin; rag'. A formation parallel to lëvere but

with a different vocalism (ÇABEJ St. I 321). 0 CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 108
(prefix lë-).

lëvorzoj aor. lëvoriova ‘to peel’. Based on lëvorzë~ lëvorxë ‘peel, skin’,
derived from lëvore.

lëvozh gë f, pl. lëvozhga ‘hard shell, peel, skin’. Other variants are lëvezhgë,
lëvexhgë, levoxhgë. Derivative in -kë or -shkë of lëvorxë. 0 MEYER
Wb. 476 (borrowed from Slav *luska ~ * l’uska ‘peel, shell’); ÇABEJ
St. I 321 (derived directly from lëvorë).

li ~ lì m, pl. linj ‘flax, linen’. Borrowed from Lat linum id. (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 36; MEYER Wb. 244-245). 0 CAMARDA II 161 (com­
pares li with Gk Mvov id., Lat linum id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 21 1044, 1056; JOKL LKUBA 256; M a n n Language XXVI 384 (same
as C a m a r d a ); M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 133; J a n s o n
Unt. 53.

lic ë f, pl. lica ‘flax tow’. A metaphoric usage of Slav *lice ‘face’ as
‘face side’ or ‘upper part’, cf. such meanings as Bulg lice ‘upper part’
or SCr lice id.

lidh aor. lidha ‘to bind, to tie’. From PAlb *lïdza etymologically close
to Lat ligare id. ( C a m a r d a I 42; M e y e r Wb. 2 4 5 , Alb. St. Ill 17). 0
BARIC ARSt 4 3 -4 4 (to Lat volvö ‘to ro ll1); JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I
89; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 173 (agrees with M e y e r ); C im o c h o w s k i
 L IFQ E R LIJE 227

LP II 230; E r n o u t -M e ill e t 358; M a n n Language XXVI 384; P is a n i

Saggi 129; JUCQUOIS Le Muse'on LXXVIII 448; H a m p 1F LXVI 53;
Ç a b e j St. VII 254; H u l d 86-87; D e m ir a j AE 242-243.

lifqer m , p l. lifqere ‘waterfall’. Another form is lifqar. Borrowed from

Rom *lav cär um < Lat laväcrum ‘bath’. The vowel of the first sylla­
ble results from the development of the unstressed -ë- to 0
XHUVANI KLetr 1/5 9 (from Lat liquor ‘liquid’); Ç a b e j St. I 321-322
(related to lëvare); OREL Orpheus VI 67.

lig a d j. ‘bad, ill’. Reflects PAlb *liga while ligë ‘illness’ goes back to
PAlb *ligd. Further connected with Gk ôMyoç ‘small, few’, Axnyôç
‘destruction, death’, Lith ligà ‘illness’, Latv liga id. (CAMARDA I 66
on Aop/oq; MEYER Wb. 2 4 5 , Alb. St. Ill 7). The related adjective ligshtë
‘ailing’ is identical with Lith ligustas ‘ill’ (DESNICKAJA Sravn. 2 0 3 ).
0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 6 0 -6 1 ; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 173 (follows
MEYER); L a p i a n a St. Varia 45; M a n n Language XXVI 385; PISANI
Saggi 127; FRAENKEL 370; FRISK II 376; CHANTRAINE 645; H a m p 4/£W -
L II (XIII) 190; POKORNY I 667; Ç a b e j St. VII 199; H u l d 87; O r e l
ZfBalk XXIII 149; RASMUSSEN Morph. 164; DEMIRAJ AE 2 43.

ligj m, pl ligje ‘law ’. Other morphological variants of sg. are ligje and
ligjë. The word is borrowed from Lat lege(m) id. (CAMARDA II 69;
MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; M e y e r Wb. 2 4 5 ). Note Alb -i- < Lat
-ë- (explained by the Sicilian dialectal mediation in MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044). 0 JOKL LKUBA 4 3 (ligj vs. zakon), WuS XII
83; S ir o k o v ZEL X X IV / 1 15 (related to Lith lygùs ‘equal’, OPrus
lïgan ‘court’); T o p o r o v SBJa Ètnokul’t. 25 (follows SlROKOV); ÇABEJ
St. VII 266; H a a r m a n n 133; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 6 1 -3 6 2 ; L a n d i
Lat. 5 3 , 85.

ligje pl, ‘m ou rn in g, d ir g e ’. H isto r ica lly id en tical w ith ligj. 0 M e y e r

Wb. 245 (from R om *elegium in stead o f Lat elogium)’, MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044.

lijë f, pl. lija ‘smallpox’. Borrowed from Slav *lixo ‘evil’. 0 MANN
Language XXVI 384 (to Lat lira ‘furrow ’).
 LIK — L IN G I.TNGF, — LLSMË 229
228

lik m ‘lev el’. Borrowed from Slav *li!cb ‘face, surface’, cf. Bulg lik, 'to run (unattached)’. For forms with a nasal infix cf. Lith lingúoti
SC r lik (Ç a b e j St. I 322). 0 S v a n e 126. ‘to sw ing’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 246 ( ling ‘trotting’ from Turk link ‘trot’);
F eist Goth. 319-320; F r a e n k e l 330-331; M a y r h o fe r III 72; P o k o r n y
likardhë f ‘chickenpox’. Probably, from *lëkurdhë, a suffixal deriv­ I 667.
ative of lëkurë. As to the unexpected -a- in likardhë it could be explained
by the analogy with the dialectal likar ‘doctor’ of Serbo-Croatian origin. lin g ë f, pi. Unga ‘small bell’. From PAlb *lingä etymologically identi­
0 ÇABEJ St. IV 369 (to R uss k o r’ ‘chickenpox’); RUSAKOV U s 1980 cal with Lith fìnge ‘flexible pole; bend’, Latv liñga ‘loop’. 0 F r a e n k e l
173. 331; P o k o r n y I 676; Ç a b e j St. I 322 (onomatopoeia).

likogjone pi. ‘sacrum, loins, lumbar regions’. An adaptation of the unat­ linjë f, pl. Unja ‘linen shirt; linen’. Borrowed from Lat llneum ‘linen
tested Slavic compound *lçdvo-gom, ‘place from where hips begin’, garment’ (M e y e r Wb. 245). The homonymie linjë ‘line’ either goes
based on *lçdva ‘hip, kidney, loin’. 0 MEYER Wb. 245 (to Gk KO'/cóvr) back to Lat linea ‘thread, line’ or to its continuations in Romance. 0
‘part between the pudenda and the anus’); ÇABEJ St. VII 195. M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 26;
H a a r m a n n 133.
likoq m ‘animal with one testicle’. A préfixai derivative of koqe one
of the meanings of which is ‘testicles’. lip ë f, pl. lipa ‘lime-tree’. Borrowed from Slav *lipa id., cf. South Slavic
continuants: Bulg lipa, SCr lipa (ÇABEJ St. I 322). 0 SVANE 126.
liktyrë f ‘rope for binding a bundle o f wood; band, bandage’. Another
variant is lyktyrë. Borrowed from Lat ligatura ‘band, bunch’ (MlHÄESCU liq m ‘woof, w eft’. A singularized plural o f *lik going back to PAlb
RESEE IV /1-2 17). 0 HAARMANN 133; ÇABEJ St. I 327-328. *lika. A nominal deverbative o f IE *leik“- ‘to leave, to remain’: Skt
rinákti ‘to leave’, Lat linquö id., O H G llhan and the like. 0 MAYRHOFER
lil m, pl. lila ‘lily’. Borrowed from Lat lllium id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. III 59; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 808-810; P o k o r n y I 669-670; O rel
Elemente 35). Orpheus VI 67.

lilë f, pl. / U n . —Limali irnn riña Inon-rinp. link’. From PAlb *U'ilâ_____ liroj aor. lirova ‘to free’. Borrowed from Lat liberare id. (MEYER Wb.
d, lurttier, to netas o ig , ■ ¿,-r,,. H ! b b w b c t i w . * . . . i . . w .. IC IÉU C U 5, fle x ib le ai
I MlHÀESCll RfcSEE [ V / l - 2 23; HAAKMANN 133. T atv l i ß l c id 6 M R V R BiiihufláfeA ariha
lis m, pl. Usa ‘oak, high tree’. A borrowing from Slav *les7, ‘wood,
forest, tree’ (M E Y E R Wb. 247). The Slavic dialect from which the word lim ë f, pl. lima ‘file ’. Borrowed from Lat lima id. (MlKLOSICH Rom.
was borrowed must have had a narrow *e > Alb i, i.e. it may be iden­ Elemente 35; MEYER Wb. 246). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1044;
tified as “ikavski” Serbo-Croatian (J o k l LKUBA 177). 0 B a r i c ARSt M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 23; Ç a b e j St. VII 28 1 ; H a a r m a n n 133.
48 (to Gk a^aoç ‘holy grove1), AArbSt 1/1-2 205-206; H U LD 87
(compares lis with leude and lëndë as a parallel o f vise ~ vend). lin d aor. linda ‘to bear, to beget; to be born’. A nasal present of lej
(O r e l IF XCIII 1 1 2 -1 1 3 ). 0 P e d e r s e n Alb. Texte 12; Jo k l Studien
lis ë f, pl. lisa ‘woof, weft’. Goes back to PAlb * lit sä continuing *leik“ia 63; S c h m id t KZ LVII 3 3 -3 5 ; P is a n i Saggi 120; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 0 5 ,
and related to liq. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 322 (borrowed from Bulg lesa 2 1 7 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 4 3 -2 4 4 .
‘fishing-line, rope, plaiting'); OREL Orpheus VI 67.
lin g m ‘hurry, haste’. From PAlb *linga, a substantivized nasal present
lis m ë f, pl. Usma ‘slate, fr a g ile earth, ston y fie ld , c la y ’. F rom P A lb related to Skt réjate ‘to spring’, Goth laikan ‘to jump’, Lith Idigyti
230 I.O C - LO PA TË

* litsimä. A derivative of liq, lise. The original meaning of the word

might be ‘remaining (earth), rem ainders’.

lo c m ‘dear, darling’. As demonstrated by the derivative loçkë ‘pupil

(of the eye)’, also used metaphorically as a synonym of loc, the orig­
inal meaning of the latter must have been ‘pupil’. It is, therefore, a
continuation of PAlb *latja, derivationally connected with lot. Another
derivative of toc is loke ‘dear’ (addressed to mother).

lod roj aor. lodrova ‘to spring, to dance, to play’. Derived from lodër
‘game, play’ based on loz (SPITZER MRIW I 326). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 175.

lodh aor. lodha ‘to tire, to w eary’. From PAlb *lada related to Goth
letan ‘to let’, Gk â i i S e î v ■Komâv, k e k l i i i KÉvai (Hes.) and the like (MEYER
Wb. 242, Alb. St. Ill 28). 0 CAMARDA I 124 (to Gk Ätoßii ‘m altreat­
ment’); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 250; M a n n Language XXVIII 32, 36; PISANI
Saggi 130; P o r z i g Gliederung 104; F r is k II 114; K l u g e 424; F e i s t
Goth. 329; POKORNY I 666; HULD 143; B e e k e s IF XCI11 36; RAS­
MUSSEN Morph. 54; DEMIRAJ AE 244-245.

lo g m, pl. logje ‘meadow’. Borrowed from Slav *logb ‘ravine, low place’
(SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 7 5 , 187). Note that in these meanings the
word is not attested in South Slavic where it usually stands for ‘lying’
or ‘den’. 0 SVANE 167.

lo g o r i f, pi. logori ‘wailing, mourning, dirge’. Assimilated from *legori.

Borrowed from Lat allegoria ‘allegory’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 4 5 (to ligje)',
KRISTOFORIDHI 211 (related to Gk Àxiyoç used to denote ‘dirge’); J o k l
WuS XII 88 (from NGk pupoÀ-oyco ‘to m ourn’); ÇABEJ St. I 3 2 2 (iden­
tical with llogaris ‘to count’, of Modern Greek origin), IV 78.

lojc adj. ‘unstable’. Literally, ‘playful’. Derived from lojë ‘play’ < *loë
related to loz.

lop ate f, pl. lopata ‘shovel, oar’. Borrowed from Slav *lopata id., cf.
South Slavic continuants: OCS lopata, Bulg lopata, SCr lopata (M lK ­
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 25; MEYER Wb. 245). The derivative lopatëz
‘tadpole’ has derived its unusual meaning from the South Slavic
usage in which Bulg lopata and SCr lopata may stand for ‘unpro-
 LO PF, — LOZ 231

portionately large parts of the body’. 0 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 176;

S eli SCev Slav, naselenie 169, 303; POLÁK ZfBalk I 81 (from SCr lopata)',
H a m p LB XIV/2 12; Ç a b e j St. VII 254; S v a n e 76.

lopë f, pl. lope ‘cow’. Continues PAlb *leipä related to Latv luöps ‘cattle’
( E n d z e l i n KZ XLIV 6 2 ). 0 S t i e r KZ XI 206; M e y e r Wb. 2 4 8 (par­
allels with Alpine words for ‘cow’); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. II 22 (to Celt
*ldpego- ‘calf’: Oír láeg, Bret leue); JOKL IF XLIII 5 7 , Sprache IX
149; MlKKOLA BKIS XXI 2 1 9 -2 2 0 (to ON lamb ‘lamb’); PETERSSON
Heter. 22; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 175-176, Stratificazione 138; POKORNY
I 654; Ç a b e j Ciotta XXV 51; H am p RomPh XII 153; S c h r i j v e r BC
309; D e m ir a j A E 24 5 .

loqe f, pl. loqe ‘penis; testicles’. A singularized plural going back to

a paradigm sg. *lok ~ pl. loqe. From PAlb *lâuka closely related to
Lith liaukà ‘gland’ further based on IE *leuk- ‘to shine; shining, white’
(ÇABEJ St. I 3 2 2 -3 2 3 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 4 8 (compares with SCr lokanja
‘belly’, Bulg Gypsy lokatsi ‘penis’); PEDERSEN St. Balt. IV 152 (on
Lith liaukà); T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 93; F r a e n k e l 3 6 1 -3 6 2 ;
POKORNY I 6 8 7 -6 9 0 ; OREL Linguistica XXIV 4 2 7 .

lorzë f ‘parrot’. Used in a phrase fla s si lorza ‘to chat like a parrot’.
A suffixal diminutive of an unattested *lori ‘parrot lori, one of the
Lorinae’.

losh adj. ‘tearful’. Continues *lot-sh, derived from lot.

lot m, pl. lot ‘tear’. From PAlb *la(i)ta, an adjective in *-to- based on
IE *lëi- ‘to pour, to flow’ (BARIC AArbSt I 1 4 8 -1 5 0 ). 0 MEYER Wb.
2 4 9 (from Lat flêtus ‘weeping, wailing’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 176
(agrees w ith B a r ic ) ; P o k o r n y I 6 6 4 -6 6 5 ; Ç a b e j St. VII 25 8 .

loz aor. lojta ‘to move, to shake, to play’. From PAlb *ládja, a denom­
inative verb based on . T h e latter is etymologically identical with Slav
*lad-b ‘order, peace’ from which a similar verb *laditi ‘to make order,
to make peace’ is derived. 0 CAMARDA I 50 (related to luaj); MEYER
Wb. 248 (related to Lith palo'da ‘lack of restraint, licentiousness’ and
separated from luaj); PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 152 (connects loz with luaj);
J o k l Studien 75, LKUBA 224; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 177; ÇABEJ St. I
323-324 (to OIr luaid ‘to move’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIV 9-12.
 232 LOZ E — LUCE LU FTË LUKËR 233

loze f, pl. loze ‘tendril (of a plant)’. A singularized plural of a less wide­ ‘swamp, marsh; podzol (a kind of soil)’); KORTLANDT SSGL XXIII
spread lozë id. Borrowed from Slav *loza ‘vine, tendril’, cf. South 174 (against OREL).
Slavic continuants: OCS loza, Bulg loza, SCr loza (SELISCEV Slav,
naselenie 164). 0 SVANE 118. luftë f, pl. Iufta, luftëra ~ luftna ‘fight, w ar’. Borrowed from Lat lucta
‘wrestling’ > Rum luptä ‘fight’ (CAMARDA I 65; MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
Iter m ‘a lta r ’. B o rro w e d fro m L at altärium id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­ mente 37; MEYER Wb. 250). Note the East Romance type of the devel­
mente 2). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1040, 1043; M ih ä e s c u opment of -ct- in this word. The verb lëftoj, luftoj ‘to fight’ corre­
RESEE IV/1-2 12; Ç a b e j St. VII 280; HAARMAN 110: LANDI Lat. 27, sponds to Lat luctâri id. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1046, 1049,
38, 115. 1054; PU§CARIU EWR 86; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 17; TAGLIAVINI
Origini 145, 366; Ç a b e j St. VII 230, 267; Di G io v in e Gruppo -ct 55-
luaj ~ luej aor. lojta ~ luej ta ‘to move, to shake, to play’. From PAlb 56; H u l d 86; H a a r m a n n 133; L a n d i Lat. 22-123, 135.
*ladnja, a denominative verb closely connected with loz (CAMARDA
I 50). 0 MEYER Wb. 248 (borrowed from Lat ladere ‘to play’); lug m, pi. lugj, lugje ‘trough, water-trough, long gutter, pipe’. Related
S c h u c h a r d t KZ X X 250; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 23; Ç a b e j St. VII to lugë ‘spoon’ with which it continues PAlb *luga ~ *lugä etymo­
227; H a a r m a n n 133. logically connected with Slav *li,ga ‘spoon, blade’, *li>zica id. (JOKL
LKUBA 143-145. Reallex. Vorgesch. I 93). Both Albanian and Slavic
luan ~ luâ m. pl. luaj ~ luanj, luanë iio n ’. Borrowed from Lat leönem forms are based on IE *leugh- ‘to break’, cf. Skt rujdti ‘to break’.
id. ( S t i e r KZ XI 141-142; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; M e y e r Wb. Note lugatë ‘oar’ derived from lugë under the structural influence of
249). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046; JOKL LKUBA 89, IF L lopatë and lukth ‘stomach’ based on lug (MEYER Wb. 250). 0 M lK­
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 250 (lugë borrowed from Slavic); MEYER IF
49-52 (from Slav *lbVb id.); M a n n Language XXVI 384 (related to
II 368-369, Wb. 250 (lug treated as a Turkish loan, from oluk, uluk
Gk Âéwv id.); Ç a b e j St. I 324 (follows M e y e r ) .
‘channel’; for lugë follows MlKLOSICH); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 101;
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 177; M a n n Language XVII 14; M a y r h o f e r III
lubenicë f, pl. lubenica ‘water-melon’. Borrowed from Slav *lubeni-
64; P o k o r n y I 686; H a m p SCL XXVII/2 183; Ç a b e j * . VII 201, apud
ca id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg lubenica, SCr lubenica (MlKLOSICH
D e m ir a j (to OE long ‘vessel’); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XVI 257-260;
Slav. Elemente 25; MEYER Wb. 249). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 162,
D e m ir a j AE 245-246.
304; S v a n e 106.
lugat m, pl. luget, lugetër ‘bogey, vam pire’. Another variant is luvgat.
lubi f, pl. lubi ‘ogress, dragon-woman with seven heads’. Another variant Borrowed from an early Romance compound the first element of which
is luvgi. Note also luvgji ‘voracity, greed’ representing a metaphoric was, undoubtedly, Lat lupus ‘wolf’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 37;
° f 'bis word. It seems DrobaW
based on luvgat, see lugat. 0 JOKL LKUBA 12-1A (to Slav */ 'ubiti ‘to peccätus ‘false w o lf’. 0 POLÁK EBTch V 3 4 - 2
love’).
e r to r m s a r bjuce, juci a n a * l’uxati ‘to strike’, cf. in South Slavic - Bulg Vuxam ‘to strike at a iu te i , p i . ÏÜ CÜ iïïu c i, m ire ’. Im p o rta n t paral
íter Wb. 251). 0 C a m a r d a short stick while playing chelik’. juzi. B o rro w ed fro m Lat lutea ‘m u d d y ’ (M e
XOSICH Rom. Elemente 37 I 88 (co n n ected w ith L at Iut um ‘m u d ’); Mil
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1050; lukër f. ‘sheep’. Borrowed from Lat lucrum ‘gain, profit, wealth’ (JOKL (b o rro w e d fro m lutum); MEYER-LÜBKE
) llucc0; MlHÄESCl RESEE LKUBA 257-259). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 28; ÇABEJ St. I 324 (agrees F r a e n k e l 198-199; K r is t o f o r id h i 143 (t
I I I / 1-2 44 (to L ith jáudra with Jo k l ); H a a r m a n n 133; L a n d i Lat. 118. IV/1-2 31; H a a r m a n n 133; O r e l FLH V
 234 LULL — - LUNDËR LUNGË LUSPË 235
iu n g e f, pi. lunga 'swelling, tumor . hrom F A lb ' lunkä, a derivative
auree, p robably, from Copt ancient Balkan loanword from an oriental s
of IE *leu-k- ‘to bend’ with a nasal infix, similar to that of OPrus
ou rce is p ostu lated for Gk hr èri, Mèli ‘lily’ < Eg hrr.t id. The same ;
lunkis ‘angle’, Lith luñkanas ‘supple’, Latv lunks id. 0 MEYER Wb.
50 (from Lat Ilham w ith i Äevptov id., Lat lïlium id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 1
252 (to bulë, bulungë); BUGA RR I 369; JOKL Studien 53 (to Skt ro'ga-
q u estio n s M e y e r ’s ex p la - > u after /-); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 178 i
‘pain, illness’); FRAENKEL 390; POKORNY I 681-682; Ç a b e j BUShT
00-101; C a m a j Alb. Worth. XV /4 76-77 (follows M e y e r ), apud D e m ir a j (Lat volvö ‘to ro ll’); nation); M a n n Language XVII 16; F risk II
ULD 87-88. D e m ir a j AE 248 (to lëng).
109 (prefix /-); ÇABEJ St. VII 203, 254; F

ro m PAlb *lubna, an adjec- lu p esh m ‘glutton’. Derivative of Ilup (P e d e r s e n Alb. Texte 153). 0 lum adj. ‘blessed, happy, lucky, fortunate’. I
)ve, to w ish ’ (JOKL Studien ÇABEJ St. I 326 (from a non-existent Bulg lupez ‘thief’). tive in *-no- derived from IE *leubh- ‘to 1
icu lar G oth liufs ‘d e a r ’. 0 52-53, Reallex. Vorgesch. I 86), cf. in par
Ç a b e j St. I 325 (to lus); lu qerb ull f, pl. luqerbulla ‘werewolf. Other variants are ruqerbull, riqe- F e ist Goth. 333; P o k o r n y I 683-684;
bull. Borrowed from Rom * lupus cervulus, cf. a more usual Romance D em ir a j AE 247-248.
* lupus cervarias as in Fr loup-cervier id. (L a PIANA Prefisso 21). 0
)ther fo rm is lëmak. A su f- ÇABEJ St. I 326 (a préfixai derivative of qelb). lu m ak m , p l. ‘bud, shoot; lichen, m oss’. An
itinuing P A lb *lubna. T he fixai derivative of an unattested *lum coi
*leubh- ‘to p eel, to sk in ’, lu q erë f ‘lamp, lantern’. Borrowed from Lat lucerna id. (MlKLOSICH latter is an adjective in *-no- based on IE
luba ‘bark, b o a rd ’, O Prus Rom. Elemente 37; MEYER Wb. 250, Alb. St. IV 80). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE cf. Lith lubà ‘board (of a ceiling)’, Latv
’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 251 (from Gr. G rundriß2 1 1049; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 23; HAARMANN 133; lubbo ‘board’, Slav *h,b-h ‘forehead, skul
C ARSt I 48 -5 0 (a p réfixai ÇABEJ St. I 326 (adduces Old Albanian data); L a n d i Lat. 89, 112-114. Lat limäcem ‘snail’), Alb. St. IV 94; BAR
n k e l 388; Ç a b e j St. I 325- derivative of makë); POKORNY I 690; F r a i
125-228; O r e l Orpheus VI luroj a o r. lurova ‘to howl, to wail’. A phono-morphological variant of 326 (from lumë); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XVI ;
67.

lurtoj a o r. lurtova ‘to cajole, to flatter, to caress’. A phonetic modifi­ lu m ë m, pl. lumenj ‘r iv e r ’. F rom P A lb *lur,
ta ety m o lo g ically identical
d to IE *leu(a)- ‘d ir t’. 0
cation of *larëtoj, to laroj (ÇABEJ St. I 326-327). w ith Gk Äünot ‘d irt’, and further relatt
VltKLOSlCH Rom. Elemente CAMARDA 1 38 (to Gk tamco ‘to w a sh ’);
lu s a o r. luta ‘to pray, to invoke, to beg’. From PAlb *lugtja related to 27 (b o rro w ed from L a t ßUrnen ‘r iv e r ’); Ml
YERWfr. 251 (follow s MlK-
Lith lügate ‘to ask, to pray’, Latv Ihdzu, lugt ‘to ask, to invite’, OHG LOSICH); JOKL Studien 51-52 (to IE ~*Iei- ‘t
) p o u r ’); F r i s k II 144-145;
lockOn ‘to lure, to entice’ ( T r e im e r MR1WI 377-378), further related POKORNY I 681 ; Ç a b e j St. VII 227, 258; F
ULD 88 (to IE *(s)leub- ‘to
to IE *leugh- ‘to lie, to cheat’. 0 CAMARDA I 53 (to Gk Àiaaonou ‘to be slick , w e t’); DEMIRAJ AE 246-247.
beg, to pray’); MEYER Wb. 251 (repeats CAMARDA’ s etymology), Alb.
St. Ill 25; B a r i c ARSt 150-51 (to IE *leubh- ‘to love, to wish’); T a g l i ­ lu nd ër f, pi. landra ‘boat, b arge, fe r r y ’. B e
rrowed from Rom *lunter,
a v i n i Dalmazia 177; MANN Language XXVIII 31 (to Slav * l’utiti ‘to cf. R um luntre (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemen
fe 36; M e y e r Wb. 251). 0
be fierce, to be violent’); KLUGE 444; FRAENKEL 389; POKORNY I 686- Pu^CARiu EWR 86; M ih ä e sc u RESEE I \
/1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 133; 687; J o k l Die Sprache IX /2 150 (agrees with T r e im e r ) . L a n d i Lat. 116, 129.

lu sp ë f, pl. luspa ‘scale ( o f f is h ) ’. B o rro w e d fro m Slav *luspa ‘scale,

Rom *lunter id. (MEYER - lundër f, pi. tundra ‘o tte r ’. B o rro w ed fro n
s h e ll’, cf. in S outh S lavic: B ulg luspa, S C r ljuspa (Ç a b e j St. I 327).
LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046).
0 S v a n e 119, 237.
236 LU SH — LYP

lush m, pl, lushë ‘berserk; carrion’. Back-formation based on fem. lushë

‘bitch; berserk woman’. As far as the latter has a parallel form lute
‘bitch, glutton’, lushë must be explained as resulting from *lut-shë
based on an unattested *lutë, borrowed from Slav *l'utb ‘angry, wild,
violent’ (in particular, of animals).

luzm ë f ‘swarm (in particular, of bees)’. From *luazmë ~ luezmë, deriv­

ative of loz. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 195.

lu zh i f ‘flo o d ’. B ased on *luzhë b o rro w e d fro m Slav *luza ‘p o o l’, cf.

in South Slavic: OCS hi za, SCr luza (ÇABEJ St. I 327). 0 XHUVANI
Shkëndija III/4 5 (re la te d to lëgatë); SVANE 170.

lyç adv. ‘in a mess, in a muddle, out of joint’. Derived with an adver­
bial marker -ç from lyej.

lyej aor. leva, lyejta ‘to smear, to oil’. Since the original meaning seems
to be ‘to cover with oil’, the expected Proto-Albanian form may be
reconstructed as *elaiwanja, with -ye- resulting form the contraction
of the inlaut cluster *-aiwa-. This is a denominative verb based on
an unattested *elaiwa borrowed from G k eX ai(f)ov ‘oil’. Note lyre
‘fat- derived from lyej. 0 C a m a r d a I 242 (to G k a t a n c o ‘to oil’);
M e y e r Wb. 2 5 1-252 (borrowed from Lat lino ‘to daub, to besm ear’
or related to IE *M - ‘to flow, to pour’); B a r ic ARSt I 50 (to IE *leip-
‘fat’, thus repeating C a m a r d a ’s etymology); JOKL LKUBA 67; TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 177; ÇABEJ St. I 327 (to IE *lei- ‘to flow, to pour’).

ly ly v e r m, pi. lylyvere ‘rainbow ’. A phonetic variant of y liber.

ly m m, pl. lyme ‘mud, alluvium’. Borrowed from Gk ‘d irt’, cf.

him. 0 JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 86 (to lerë); ÇABEJ St. VII 225; ÇABEJ
apud D e m ir a j (to lum); D e m ir a j AE 248-249.

lyp aor. lypa ‘to beg, to ask, to seek, to need’. In Tosk also lip. Despite
an irregular development of the root vowel, continues PAlb *leipa
related to Gk ÀÀrcxojaou ‘to be eager, to long for’, Lith liepiu, liepti
‘to order’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 247 (to lipsern ‘to miss’, itself a Modern Greek
loanword); B a r ic ARSt I 50-51 (to IE *leubh- ‘to love, to wish’); TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 179 (against M e y e r ); F r a e n k e l 367; F r is k II 127-
128.
 LYR LLAPUSHË 237

ly r aor. lyra ‘to make dirty’. Derived from lerë ‘dirt’.

lyrdhëz f, pl. lyrdhëza ‘w art’. Apparently, from *lyr-th-ëz, a deriva­

tive of lyre. Cf. ¡yih.

lyshtër f, pl. lyslttra ‘flotsam, alluvium; crow d’. Borrowed from Lat
lustrum ‘slough, bog, morass, puddle; house of ill-repute, debauch­
e ry ’. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 328 (to lyej).

lyth m, pl. lytha, lythë ‘w a rt, c o r n ’. A d e riv a tiv e in -th o f lyej (Ç a b e j

St. I 328).

LI

llabiç m, pl. Ilabiçë ‘bogey, vampire; glutton’. From *lubiç, derivative

of lubi.

llacë f. pl. 11acá ‘ladder’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *lazbca

related to *laziti ‘to climb’. 0 OREL Orpheus VI 67.

llallë f, pl. llalla ‘wet-nurse; moth’. An onomatopoeia. In its second

meaning llallë may be a caique of Slav *baba ‘woman, grandmoth­
er; butterfly, moth’.

llap aor. llapa ‘to lap up’ (of animals). From P A lb *lapa compared
with Gk Xó.nTK> ‘to gulp, to drink greedily’, Lith lape'nti ‘to swallow
food’ (of pigs), Slav *lopati ‘to eat u p ' (C a m a r d a 127; M e y e r Wb.
237). 0 F r a e n k e l 340; F r is k II 85; P o k o r n y I 651; O r e l Linguis­
tica XXTV 429.

llapë f, pi. llapa ‘tongue, language’. From PAlb *lapel connected with
the verb llap. 0 MEYER Wb. 237; OREL Linguistica XXIV 429.

llapush adj. ‘long-eared’. An early borrowing from an unattested

Slav *lop(o)usL, id., cf. *lopouxrb id.

llapushë f, pl. llapusha ‘broad-leafed cabbage, covering leaf of m aize’.

Borrowed from Slav *lopusb. derivative of *lopuxb ‘burdock, broad-
238 L L A S K O N JE — LLOM

leafed plant’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg lopux, SCr lopuh. 0 S v a n e

112; OREL Orpheus VI 67.

llaskonjë f ‘twig, shoot’. A derivative in -onjë of *laskë borrowed from

Slav *loz-bka, deminutive of *loza ‘vine’. Another form of *laske is
attested as llashkë ‘shoot’.

llazurë f ‘agitation, noise, swarm ’. Borrowed, with dissimilation of

liquids, from Slav *orzoi~b ‘ravage, destruction’, cf. SCr razoriti.

llënjëz f ‘mud, silt’. A derivative from PAlb *slinjä related to Lith

sliënas ‘saliva, mucus, slim e’, Slav *slina ‘saliva’. Ô FRAENKEL 826;
VASMER III 672; O rel Orpheus VI 67.

llërë ~ llanë f, pl. llërë ~ llanë, llëra ~ llana ‘fo rea rm , e l l ’. F rom P A lb
*alena related to G k cûÀÉvti ‘e lb o w ’, Lat ulna, O H G elina and the
lik e (MEYER Wb. 233). 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 76 (b o rro w ed from R om
*ulnâna)\ PEDERSEN KZ XXX111 44, Kelt. Gr. II 59; TAGLIAVINI Strat­
ificazione 93; MANN Language XXVIII 37; F r is k 1146-1147; WALDE-
H o f m a n n I I 812; Po k o r n y 1 307; H uld KZ XCIX 247 (from Gk còÀévri);
H a m p AlON-L II 185-187; J a n s o n Unt. 30; O r el Z ß a lk XXIII 149;
D e m ir a j AE 249-250.

lloç m ‘mud, mire, sludge’. Derived from llohë. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 328 (from
Bulg locka ‘mud’).

llohë f ‘rain w ith sn o w , sn ow broth, d a m p n e ss’. A n early b o rro w in g

from Slav *lojb * ‘anything liq u id ’ (SLAWSKI V 259) > ‘fat, lard; flooded
area; crater, fu n n el’ (OREL FLH V III/1-2 46). 0 MEYER Wb. 233 (co m ­
pares with S lav *loky ‘p ool, pit’); SvANE 173; KORTLANDT SSGL XXIII
174 (again st O r e l ).

llokmë f, pl. llokma ‘lump, chunk’. Another variant is llomkë. Borrowed

from Turk lokma id. (M e y e r Wb. 233). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 328 (from Bulg
dial, lomka id.).

Horn m ‘mud, sludge, sediment’. Derived from llohë. 0 MEYER Wb.

233 (from the non-existent Slav *lonrh ‘swamp’); MANN Language XXVIII
36.
 L L O M IS — M ACE 239

llomis aor. llomita ‘to pound, to crush’. Borrowed from Slav *lomiti
id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg lom ’a, SC r torniti (DESNICKA­
JA Slav. zaim. 16). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 188; S v a n e 91, 237.

llomotis aor. llomotita ‘to brawl, to chatter’. Borrowed from Slav *lomoti-
ti id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg lom ot’a, SCr lomotiti.

lloskë f, pl. ‘kind of fish, roach’. Borrowed from Slav *loska unat­
tested in South Slavic except for Slovene losk ‘kind of insect, Ixodes
ricinus’.

llosh m, pl. lloshe ‘nest, den’. Borrowed, with the unvoicing of the anlaut
consonant, from Slav *loza ~ *lozb id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg
loza, SCr loza, loz.

lloz m, pl. lloze ‘bolt, bar'. Another variant is loz. Derived from the
verb loz.

Illibate f ‘sediment’. A derivative from llurbë as well as lluburdinë

id.

llukë f, pl. lluka ‘lime-tree’. An early Slavic loanword, from *lyko ‘bast’
and, in particular, ‘lime-tree bast’. 0 OREL Orpheus VI 67.

llukë f, pl. lluka ‘foul egg’. From PAlb *lukâ related to lerë and derived
from IE *leu(a)- ‘dirt’. 0 POKORNY I 681.

llup aor. llupa ‘to gulp down, to swallow’. Continues P A lb *lupa ety­
mologically connected with Skt lumpáti ‘to break, to injure’, Lith liipti
‘to peel’, Latv lupt ‘to peel; to eat’, Slav *lupiti ‘to peel’ (hesitantly
- M e y e r Wb. 233). 0 F r a e n k e l 391-392; P o k o r n y I 690-691;
M a y r h o f e r III 108-109; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XVI 183-184.

llurbë f ‘sediment, mud’. Continues PAlb *lur(i)ba derived from */«-

r-a, a form related to lerë.

M
macë f, pl. maca ‘cat’. Borrowed from Slav *maca id., cf. South
240 M ACOLLE — MAGAR

Slavic forms: Bulg maca, SCr maca (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25;
M e y e r Wb. 2 6 3 ). Derived from mace is mache ‘cat; bush (on wheel)’.
0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 166; S v a n e 138.

macollé f, pl. macolla ‘m allet’. Dissimilated from *malolle, borrowed

from Lat malleolus id.

macukë f ‘shepherd’s staff’. A lexicalized phonetic variant of matukë.

maçë f, pl. maça ‘hard soil’. Borrowed from Slav *maca ‘swamp, marsh4
(Czech maca) unattested in South Slavic.

madh adj. ‘b ig , la r g e ’. F rom P A lb *madza rela ted to H itt mekkis id.,

Skt mahânt- ‘great, la r g e ’, G k |i iy a ç id ., Lat magnus id. and the lik e
(B op p 4 8 9 ,4 9 1 ; G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 23; C a m a r d a 1 6; M e y e r Wb. 252).
The irregular vocalism m ay be explained by an unusual reduction (MANN
Language XXVI 3 8 5 , XVII 17); in any ca se, it is rem in isce n t o f -a-
in Lat magnus and OIr maige id. R um mare id. se em s to h ave b een
b o rro w ed fro m dial. A lb mall w ith -II- < -dh-. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill
18, 6 3 , 8 1 , Gr. Gr. 277; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 535; JOKL IF XLIV
57; PUÇCARIU EWR -88-89; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 180-181; M akn Lan­
guage XVII 17; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 379; F r isk II 189-190; C im o c h o w s k t
LP II 230; M a y r h o f e r II 6 0 9 -6 1 0 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 10-12;
POKORNY I 708; P o g h i r c Ist. limb. rom. II 344; ROSETTI ILR I 279;
JUCQUOIS Le Museon LXXVIII 448; HULD 8 8 -8 9 ; OREL ZfBalk XXIII
146; D E M IR A J StF XXVI/3, 9 5 -9 6 (reco n stru cts *magios), AE 2 5 0 -
251.

magar m, pi. magare ‘d o n k e y ’. A nother variant is magjar. A s it is clear

from margaç id ., the o rig in a l fo rm o f magar w as *margar, w ith the
d issim ilation o f sonorants. B oth w ord s are d eriv a tiv es o f an unattested
*margë. T h e latter appears to b e a b o rro w in g from Gmc *marxjö, cf.
OHG mar(i)ha ‘m a re’, mar(a)h ‘h o r s e ’, ON merr ‘m a re’ and the lik e.
T he form magar w as b orrow ed to other Balkan languages. 0 CAMARDA
II 73 (from gomar); M e y e r Wb. 2 53 (rep eats C a m a r d a ’ s e ty m o lo ­
gy); B a r ic ARSt 5 4 (p refix ma- + krric); KLUGE 4 5 4 ; lL ’lNSKIJtfoc/«a
ree VII 9 -1 0 (to IE *mek- ~ *meg- ‘to b e llo w ’); SKOK AArbSt IV 124-
132; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 345; Z a l i z n ’AK Ètimologija 1964 180;
KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 218; Ç a b e j St. I 3 2 9 (p r éfix a i d eriv a tiv e
o f O ld A lb gare ‘s h e -a ss’), Etim. 14-15.
 M A I IA JË R M A JM Ë 241

m ahajër f ‘fallow'. A compound mah ajër "feeds the air’, cf. for the
semantic motivation Russ pole pod parom ‘fallow’ = ‘field under the
vapor’. 0 Jo k l Gioita XXI 121-124 (from Rom *majârium, cf. Ital
maggiatico id.); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 31 ; Ç a b e j St. I 329 (agrees
with Jo k l ); H a a r m a n n 134.

m ahnis aor. mahnita ‘to astound, to stu p e fy ’. A nother variant is manis.

B o rro w ed from S lav * maniti ‘to lu re, to ch a rm ’, w ith -h- in flu en ced
by *maxati ‘to w a v e ’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 5 4 (from *maxati). 0 S v a n e
2 50.

m aj ~ m âj aor. majta ‘to feed, to fatten’. Another morphological

variant is mah id. From PAlb *mazdnja, a deverbative based on IE
*mazd- ‘feeding’: OHG mast, Skt me'das- ‘fat, m arrow ’ ( D e m iraj AE
251-252). 0 C a m a r d a I 37 (to TE *megh- ‘big’); M e y e r Wb. 259 (to
Lat mandò ‘to chew’), Alb. St. Ill 28, 63; JOKL Studien 54, LKUBA
183 (to Skt mddati ‘to boil’); KLUGE 465; MAYRHOFER II 683-684;
P o k o r n y I 694.

maj m ‘May’. Borrowed from Lat Mâjus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 38; M e y e r Wb. 255). 0 H a a r m a n n 134.

maj m, pl. maja ‘hammer’. Borrowed from Lat malleus id. (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 38; MEYER Wb. 255). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 536 (uncer­
tain of Latin origins of the word); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1050
(from Ital maglio id.); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 180; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV/1-2 17; Ç a b e j St. I 330; H a a r m a n n 134.

m ajere f ‘terraced land’. Derived from majë. 0 ÇABEJ St. 1 3 2 9 (from

Rom *majdrium ‘fallow’ reconstructed by JOKL for mahajër).

m ajë f, pl. maja ‘tip, top, point, peak, summit’. Another form is male.
From PAlb *malâ, a feminine form of mal (M e y e r Wb. 2 5 5 ). Derived
from majë is majos ‘to fill to the brim ’. 0 CAMARDA II 6 9 -7 0 (from
IE *megh- ‘big’); MEYER Alb. St. Ill 63 (to Lat möns ‘mountain’); JOKL
LKUBA 1 62-163 (from *moliâ): P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 542; T a g l i ­
a v in i Dalmazia 8 8 -1 8 9 ; HULD 89; DEMIRAJ AE 2 5 2 -2 5 3 .

m ajm ë adj. ‘fat’. Derived from maj ‘to feed, to fatten’ (C A M A R D A I

242 M A JT Ë ~ M Â JT Ë — M AKTH ~ M ÂKTH

37; M e y e r Wb. 259). 0 G r ie n b er g e r Got. 156-157 (to Goth mats ‘food ',
Skt mádati ‘to b o il’, M ir mat ‘p ig ’).

majtë ~ mâjtë adj. ‘left’. Borrowed from Rom *manctus, based on Lat
mancus ‘maimed, infirm ’, cf. also Ital manca ‘left hand’ (MEYER Wb.
273). Cf. mëngjër. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 203.

makar adv. ‘at least’. The word is also used as an interjection. Based
on M G k p a ic á p i < p a icá p to v , neut. ‘blessed’ (F il ip o v a -B a j r o v a Gr.
zaemki 122). The same word is attested in other Balkan languages. 0
MlKLOSICH EWb 181 (from Turk meyer ‘but, however, only’ < Pers
meger); MEYER Wb. 255 (follows MlKLOSICH ); SKOK II 359 (from NPers
mä ‘not’ and ägär < Iran *hakaram ‘unless, maybe’).

makë f, pl. maka ‘glue, scum, skin (on the milk or other liquids)’. Goes
back to P A lb *makd related to Lith makenti ‘to walk through a
swamp’, Slav *mokrrb ‘w et’, *moknçti ‘to become wet’ (M e y e r Wb.
2 5 5 ). 0 P o k o r n y I 698; F r a e n k e l 3 9 9 -3 4 0 ; T r u b a î e v ÈSSJa XIX
7 0 -7 1 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 5 3 -2 5 4 .

makërr m ‘stagnant g re en on p o n d s’. A d eriv a tiv e o f make (D e m ir a j

AE 254) reflecting PAlb *makra, an exact correspondence o f Slav *mokrh
‘w e t ’. F rom *makra other fo rm s are d eriv ed : makrohem ‘to get
covered with a film (o f liq u id s)’ and makrosë ‘stagnant green on p on d s’.
0 OREL Orpheus V I 67.

makth ~ mâkth m ‘kind of clover’. A parallel form is mokth. Derived

from mak ‘opium poppy’. The latter is borrowed from Slav *makT,
‘poppy’. 0 O r e l Orpheus VI 67.

makth ~ mâkth m ‘place where the cattle gives birth to their young’.
Based on an unattested *mak ~ mak derived from maj. 0 T a g l ia v i ­
n i Stratificazione 138.

makth ~ makth m ‘bogey, nightmare’. Other variants are mangth, mankth.

A secondary formation based on ankth with an expressive prefix
m-. 0 D e m ir a j AE 25 4 .

makth ~ m âkth m ‘le v e r e t ’. D e r iv e d from mang. 0 JOKL IF XLIII 57 -

6 0 (related to G oth magus ‘y o u th ’ and co n tin u in g IE *maghu-)\ BARIC
 M A KUSH — M A L L Ë N G JF J 243

ARSt. 16 -17; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 138 (agrees with JOKL); D emiraj

AE 254.

makush m, pl. makushë ‘ostrich’. Derived from makut.

makut adj. ‘greedy, gluttonous’. Suffixal form in -ut based on an unat­

tested *mak ~ mûk derived from maj. Cf. also makth. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII
195.

mal m, pl. male ‘mountain’. From PAlb *mala identical with Lith mala
‘land’, Latv mala ‘bank, shore’ (JOKL LKUBA 162 f., 320, Reallex.
Vorgesch. I 87); cf. also *mal- reflected in the ancient Balkan toponymy:
Illyr Maluntum, Dac Dacia Maluensis vs. Dacia Ripensis. Note an archaic
derivative in PAlb *maljâ > majë ‘summit, peak’ (MEYER Wb. 273,
Alb. St. Ill 63, 78; OREL FLH V III/1-2 39). From Proto-Albanian *mala
was borrowed into Rum mal ‘bank’. 0 G tl’ f e r d in g Otn. 23 (to Skt
marú- ‘mountain’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 543; JOKL ZONF X 198-
200; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 181, Origini 149; KRAHE Balkan-ill. 53-
55; K r e t sc h m e r Ciotta XIV 90; M ü h l e n b a c h - E n d z e l in II 556;
M a y e r II 73-74; La P ia n a Studi I 112 (to Skt mürdhán- ‘top, summit’,
O E molda ‘forehead’); M a n n Language XXVI 386-387, XXVIII 36
(to rare Ir mol ‘heap’); PISANI Saggi 126; FRAENKEL 400-401; POKORNY
I 722; P o g h ir c 1st. limb. rom. II 331; R o se t t i ILR I 278; H u l d 89
(follows La P i a n a ); D em iraj AE 254-256.

malcoj aor. malcova ‘to inflame, to make sore’. Borrowed from Rom
*malitiâre, cf. Lat malitia ‘badness, spite’ (MEYER Wb. 256). 0
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 23; ÇABEJ St. I 330 (euphemistic use of mëlcoj);
H a a r m a n n 134.

mall m ‘h o m e sick n ess, lo n g in g , a ffe c tio n ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat malum

‘e v il, m isfo r tu n e ’ (M e y e r Wb. 256). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 23;
Ç a b e j St. VII 255; H a a r m a n n 134; L a n d i Lat. 142.

mallesë f, pi. mallesa ‘pasture, meadow’. A variant of mballesë, see

mballoj.

mallëngjej aor. mallëngjeva ‘to touch, to move, to stir’. Used in the

figurative sense only. Borrowed from Lat malum angere ‘to cause pain’,
instead of angere proper (MEYER Wb. 256). 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 233.
244 M A L I.K O J — M ARAJ

m allkoj aor. mallkova ‘to curse, to excommunicate’. Another form is

malkoj. Borrowed from Lat maledîcere id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 38; M e y e r Wb. 256). 0 C a m a r d a I 105 (to Gk paÀ,ocicôç ‘soft,
gentle’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1047, 1050; MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV /1-2 23; Ç a b e j St. VII 253; H a a r m a n n 134.

m allth m ‘pad under the claw (of animals)’. Based on an unattested

*mall continuing P A lb *maldwa and related to Lat mollis < *molditis
‘soft’, Skt mrdú- id. and the like. 0 POKORNY 1 7 1 8 ; W a l d e -H o f m a n n
II 1 03-104; M a y r h o f e r II 676; O r e l Orpheus VI 67.

m a m ic ë f, pl. mamica ‘wet-nurse, m idwife’. Borrowed from Slav

*mamica ‘m other’, cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg mamica, SCr
mamica (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25). 0 SVANE 190.

m am u z m, pl. mamuza, mamuze, mamuzë ‘spur’. A suffixal derivative

of mamis ‘to allure, to embroil, to spur’ borrowed from Slav *marniti.
id., cf. Bulg mam'a, SCr marniti.

m an m, pl. mana, mane ‘m ulberry’. Other variants are (T) mën, (G)
mand. From PAlb *manta. The same word is attested in Dac ^xavxeia
‘blackberry’, Diosc. 4.37, mantla, App. Herb. 87 ( P o n A'Z XIV; M eyer
Wb. 257). 0 W e ig a n d BA II 213, III 236; BERTOLDI Ciotta XXI 258-
260 (Dac pavieicc to Gk pàxoç ‘blackberry’); JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch.
I 88; M a n n Language XXVIII 32; P is a n i Saggi 124; Ç a b e j St. I 330-
331 (quotes mani ‘straw berry’ of the Alpine Romance).

m an d ile f, pi. mandile ‘kerchief’. Borrowed from Lat maritile ‘towl,

napkin’ (M e y e r Wb. 258).

m ang m ‘small (of animals); urchin’. Borrowed from Lat mancus ‘maimed,
infirm ’. The adjective mangët id. with a recently added suffix -ët and
the adverb mangut ‘less, missing, short’ go back to the same source.
0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 38 (mangut from Ital manco ‘maimed’);
M a n n HAED 262 (metaphorical usage of mangë ‘flax-breaker’, see
mëngë)-, T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 182; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 17;
ÇABEJ St. I 331 (to IE *men- ‘little’); LANDI Lat. 48.

m araj m ‘fennel’. Other variants are mërajë and maraq. Borrowed

from Rom *marathrium, derivative of Lat marathrum ‘fennel’ (M e y e r
 M ARAUZHGË M ARTE 245

Wb. 259) or, as reflected by maraq, from *marathricum. The inter­

mediate form *mararja was borrowed to R um murar. 0 MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 39 (from Lat marathum or G k pápotGov); MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV/3-4 350 (from Gk *papa0piov); R o se t t i ILR I 279; Ç a b e j
St. VII 280; H u l d KZ XCIX 247.

m arau zh gë f, pl. marauzhga ‘horse-fly’. Borrowed from an unattest­

ed Bulg *maravuska, deminutive of dialectal marave ‘ant’ (DESNICK­
AJA Slav. zaim. 13). 0 OREL Orpheus V I 68.

m ardhë f ‘chill, frost, ice’. Goes back to PAlb *mardzâ etymologi­

cally identical with Slav *morzi, ‘frost’ (MEYER Wb. 260, Alb. St. Ill
17, 63, 72). Both forms continue IE *mergh- ‘to rot, to soak’. The
verbs mardh ‘to chill, to freeze’ and mërdhij id. are deverbatives. 0
PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 535, Kelt. Gr. I 105; LA PIANA Studi 141; MANN
Language XVII 18; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 231; PISANI Saggi 124;
POKORNY I 739; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 147; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XX 10-
14; DEMIRAJ AE 256.

m are f, pl. mare ‘bearberry, strawberry-tree’. Borrowed from Lat marum

‘cat-thyme, kind of sage’.

m arenë f, pl. marena ‘marsh rosem ary’. Borrowed from Slav *marena
‘plant Rubia tinctorum ‘ attested in West and East Slavic.

m argaç m, pl. margaçë ‘ass, donkey’. A derivative of *marge, see magar.

0 K o n it z a Albania VIII/Ser. 9 52 (from Rom *marcätum ~ *mercätum
‘m arket’).

(G) m argjën uer m ‘ledge of a rock serving as a cover’. A suffixal

derivative of *margjen borrowed from Lat marginem ‘edge, brink’ (ÇABEJ
St. I 332).

m arm ur m ‘m arble’. Borowed from Lat marmurem id. (M e y e r -

LU b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1049). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 332.

m ars m ‘M arch’. Borrowed from Lat Martins id. ( M e y e r Wb. 261).

0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 17; Ç a b e j St. VII 215; H a a r m a n n 135.

m artë f, pl. marta ‘Tuesday’. Borrowed from Lat Martis (dies) ‘(day
246 M ARTESË - MAS

of) M ars, T u e sd a y ’ (MEYER Wb. 261). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente

40 (from Ital marte id.); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 183 (supports MEYER);
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 17.

martesë f, pl. martesa ‘m arriage’. Borrowed from Rom *maritätiö id.

( P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 0 8 ). 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 23 (to Lith marti
‘sister-in-law’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 183.

martoj aor. martora ‘to m arry’. B o rro w ed from Lat maritare id. (M lK ­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 39; M e y e r Wb. 261). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 2 I 1047, 1050; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 308; JOKL LKUBA 13-15
(to IE *meri ‘yo u n g w o m a n ’); SKOK AArbSt. I 2 1 0 (d eriv ed from IE
*merï ‘y o u n g w o m a n ’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 183 (q u estio n s JOKL’s
ety m o lo g y ); ÇABEJ St. VII 266; HAARMANN 135; DEMIRAJ AE 2 5 6 -
257.

marr mora ‘to take, to grasp’. From PAlb *marna, a deverbative

aor.
based on the heteroclytic word for ‘hand’ preserved in Gk (lápti, Lat
manus ( N e is s e r BB XIX 1 2 1 -1 2 2 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 261 (to Skt mrsáti
‘to touch’); P e d e r s e n BB XX 231 (to Gk pápirrco ‘to grasp, to
seize’); JOKL Studien 5 3 -5 4 (agrees with N e is s e r ) ; L a PIANA Studi I
9 4 (to Gk neipo|ioa ‘to divide’); P o r z ig Gliederung 178; FRISK II 175;
C h a n t r a i n e 667; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I I 34 -3 5 ; P o k o r n y 1 740; C im o-
CHOWSKI St. IE 43; H am p Laryngeals 140 (compares marr with Gk
apv-oni ‘to take’ and reconstructs *(s)med-Hernö), Norw. JLing. XXIII
13-14, Sprache XXX 157; HULD 89-9 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE 2 5 7 -2 5 8 (to Skt
prá-mrna, imper. ‘to pack’).

marre adj. ‘mad, foolish, crazy’. Literally, ‘dim, m urky’. See marrtë.
0 G il ’ f e r d in g Otn. 23 (to Skt milra- ‘stupid’); M a n n Language
XXVIII 37 (to Hitt marsas).

marrtë ‘murky, cloudy, dim. dull’. A suffixal derivative of PAlb *marsa

related to Slav *morx~b ‘dusk, fog’. 0 TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIX 222; OREL
Orpheus VI 68.

mas aor. mata ‘to m easure’. From PAlb *matja, a denominative verb
based on an adjective in *-to~, *ma-ta- further related to IE *me- id.:
Skt mimäti, Tokh A me- and the like ( C a m a r d a I 35; M e y e r BB VIII
190, Wb. 262-263, Alb. St. Ill 24, 63, 81). 0 P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. II
 MASI IK — MATUKF. 247

575; JOKL Sprache IX 118-119; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 184; PISANI Saggi

123; P o k o r n y 1 703-704; Ç a b e j StF I (XIX)/3 41; C im o c h o w s k i St.
1E 44; M a y r h o f e r li 638; V a n W in d e k e n s I 295-296; H u ld 95;
DEMIRAJ AE 258.

mashë f ‘gum, paste, glue’. Borrowed from Lat massa ‘lump, mass,
adhering stuff’.

(G) mashën f ‘barn, hayloft, cowshed’. A singularized plural of

*mashë borrowed from Lat nom. mansiö ‘place of abode, dwelling’.
0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 3 2 (from Lat massa).

mashkull m, pl. meshkuj ‘m a n ’, adj. ‘m a le ’ . B o rro w ed from Lat mas-

culus ‘m a le, m a sc u lin e ’ (CAMARDA I 86; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
40; MEYER Wb. 2 6 2 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1042, 1049;
JOKL LKUBA 143; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 184; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1 -
2 17; H a a r m a n n 135; L a n d i Lat. 9 4 , 1 3 7 -1 3 8 .

mashkull m. pl. mashkuj ‘hook’. Borrowed from Lat masculus ‘male,

masculine’ used to denote the part of the hinge which is inserted into
another called fem ina ‘fem ale’. Thus, Lat masculus et fëm ina > Alb
mashkull e fem ër ‘hook and eyelet’. 0 OREL Orpheus VI 68.

mashterk m. pl. mashterq ‘big wooden platter, dish’. Another variant

is mashtër. Borrowed from Rom *magistericus, literally, ‘master’s (dish)’.
0 ÇABEJ St. I 332-333 (from SCr masur ‘wooden platter’).

mashurkë f, pl. mashurka ‘green bean, pod’. Derived from mashë.

mat m ‘bank, shore’. Continues PAlb *mata < *mnto- related to Lat
möns ‘mountain’ ( V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 3 9 -4 0 ). 0 J o k l LKUBA
3 1 4 -3 1 5 (borrowed from Gk â|aa0oç ‘sand, sandy soil’); B a r i c
Lingv. stud. 17 (agrees with V a s m e r ); W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 1 0 8-109;
POKORNY I 726; Ç a b e j St. I 3 3 3 -3 3 4 (related to OIr math ‘sand’).

matkë f, pl. matka ‘queen-bee’. Borrowed from Slav *matbka id., cf.
South Slavic forms: Bulg matka, SCr matka ( J o k l LKUBA 2 8 6 -2 8 7 ).
0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 167; SVANE 158.

matukë f ‘mattock, hoe’. An early borrowing from Slav * moty ha id.

 248 M A ZA ! O R K - M BARRSHTOJ MBAROJ — M BA TI I 249

................... ......t M n o - g sjuo .if ç , r : \ . . F Â ' Î W ’/ • 01- M c v fr Wh

w ttçw im m w n m m w m , ..,., , _, o ; J a n s o n Ui
0 SKT
nt.
tenie 7 8 , 142; S v a n e 76. 54.

mazatore f, pl. mazatore ‘one year old heifer’. Derived from mëzat, mbaroj aor. mbarova ‘to fin is
i, to end, to complete’. A préfixai deriv-
see mëz. ative o f pare. 0 MEYER Wb.
55 (to mbar)-, T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 1 8 5
(a g rees w ith M e y e r ); Ç ab e,
St. VII 230.
mazë f, pl. maza ‘cream, skin on the milk’. The same word is attest­
ed as madh. mazë ‘corn skilly with cream’. Borrowed from Slav *mazb mbars aor, mbarsa ‘to make p
■egnant, to fecundate’. Derived from the ~ *maz-h ‘fat, ointment’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg m a z\ SCr adjective mbarsë, barsë ‘pn
gnant’. The latter continues PAlb *en- maz. 0 JOKL Studien 5 4 (to maj); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 1 4 9 ; ClM O- hartja related to IE *bher- ‘to
give birth’ ( M e y e r Wb. 2 8 ) . 0 P o k o r n y CHOWSKI LP II 2 5 1 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 5 0 (madh- to Skt médas- ‘fat’); I 1 2 8 - 1 3 2 (presented togethe
with *bher- ‘to bear’); ÇABEJSr. I 334- ÇABEJ apud DEM IRAJ (to Goth mats ‘food, meal’); DEM IR AJ AE 2 5 8 - 3 3 5 ; M a n n Comp. 7 2 (barsë
dentical with Illyr [equa] bardia ‘preg- 2 5 9 (related to Slav *mazb); OREL Orpheus VI 6 8 . nant [mare]’).

mbaj aor. mbajta ‘to hold, to carry’. From PAlb *en-barnja, a causative mbart aor. mbarta ‘to bear, to
:arry (back)’. Continues PAlb *en-barta derived from *bera > bie ( M e y e r Wb. 3 5 ) . 0 JOKL LKUBA 1 9 6 based on an adjective in *-to
- and related to mbar. (reconstructs *-bhoreiO but Italo-Albanian forms preserve -nj), IF XXXVII
1 0 3 - 1 0 5 ; TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia 1 8 7 ; H a m p S í. Whatmough 8 2 ; ÇABEJ mbarre f ‘shame’. Another j
ihonetic variant is marre. The original St. VII 2 0 1 , 2 2 7 ; H u l d 9 0 (believes that in the cluster *-rnj- the first meaning was ‘burden’. Derh
ed from mbar.
element is preserved); O REL FLH V III/ 1 -2 3 9 ; DEM IRAJ AE 8 6 .
mbas prep, ‘after’, adv. ‘behir
d ’. A préfixai variant of pas id. These mball rnbolla ‘to bung’. A préfixai derivative of ballë.
aor. 0 M eyer forms continue PAlb *en-apa
-tsi from *en apo k id , cf. pa. 0 M e y e r Wb. 264 (to Gk epßocMuo ‘to throw in, to put in’). Wb. 3 2 2 - 3 2 3 (to Skt pascal ‘a
ter, behind’); HAMP KZ LXXV/1-2 23.
mballoj aor. mballova ‘to turn out to graze’. The noun mballesë mbase adv. ‘perhaps, maybe’. F
■om mba(j) se (M e y er Wb. 264). 0 Ç abej
‘meadow, pasture’ is derived from mballoj. From an earlier *mbëlloj St. VII 193, 247.
reflecting a loan from Lat ambulare ‘to walk (around)’.
mbasi conj. ‘s in c e ’ As elea
from a variant mbassi, continues a mbar mbara ‘to bring (back)’. From PAlb *en-bara, further
aor. seq u en ce mbas si.
related to mbaj and bie (BOPP 5 4 0 ; C A M A R D A I 1 3 5 ; M e y e r Wb. 3 5 ) .
0 JOKL IF XXXVII 1 0 4 ; TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 1 8 5 ; ÇABEJ St. I 5 4 - mbath aor. mbatha ‘to put on
(shoes)’. From PAlb *amb(i)-autsa, a 55. préfixai verb based on *autso
< *ou-k-. The latter is an extension of
IE *eu- id.: Arm aganim ‘to p
it on (clothes)’, Lat ex-uO ‘to draw out, mbarë adj. ‘right, good, favorable’. A tabooistically used Lat impar to pull off’, Lith aunu, aüti, S
lav *uti. Q M e y e r Wb. 264 (from Rom ‘uneven, unequal’. 0 M EYER Wh. 35 (to mbar); ÇA BEJ St. VII 230. *bassus ‘lower part, under;
/ea r’); BARIC ARSt. 54-55 (from IE
*ambhi-oudhö, derivative of
he above *eu-); TAGLIA v in i Dalmazia mbarështoj aor. mbarështova ‘to arrange, to dispose, to administer’.
186; L a P ia n a St. Varia 18-21
) (to IE *auedh-)\ A c a r e a n HAB I 76; Another variant caused by the analogical influence of shtroj is F r a e n k e l 27; W a ld e - H o f m a
síN 1 434-436; P o k o r n y I 346; V a s m e r mbarështroj. Goes back to the phraze mbarë shtoj (ÇABEJ St. I 334). III 109; Ç a b e j St. I 335-336 (
o Slav *bosT> ‘barefooted’, Lith basas 0 Jo k l ZfromPhil XLI 233 (from Lat ministrare ‘to take care of, to id. - but there is no *fc in this
root!); OREL Orpheus VI 68.
250 M BES M B Ë R R IJ ~ M B ËR R ÎJ

mbes aor. mbeta ‘to remain, to stay’. A préfixai derivative of jes (C a m a r d a

I 134; M e y e r Wb. 163). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 186.

mbesë f, pl. mbesa ‘n ie c e , gran d d au gh ter’. B o r ro w e d from Lat nepötia

id. known only in Dalmatia, > O D alm nepoça (M EYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 21 1 0 4 0 ; TAG LIAVINI Stratificazione 1 1 7 - 1 1 8 ) . 0 M EYER Wb. 2 6 4 -
2 6 5 (phonetically incredible com parison with Lith mésa ‘sister-in -la w ’);
BUGGE BB XVIII 1 8 0 (from R om *neptia); PEDERSEN BB XX 2 3 2 (recon­
stru cts IE *nepötiä), KZ XXXVI 3 0 8 , Kelt. Gr. I 9 3 ; JOKL LKUBA 2 7
(again st the Latin e ty m o lo g y ), WuS XII 8 2 ; W IED EM A N N BB XXVII
2 0 1 ; T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 1 1 7 - 1 1 8 ; E R N O U T -M E IL L E T 4 3 8 ;
H u l d 9 0 ; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 1 4 9 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 5 9 .

mbë prep, ‘at, in’. Another variant is me. From the atonic form of PAlb
*ambi continuing IE *ambili: Gk ot|u<pi ‘about, around’, Goth bi, OIr
imm- < Celt *mbi and the like ( M e y e r Wb. 2 6 5 , Alb. St. Ill 3 5 , 6 4 ) .
0 B o p p 4 9 9 (to Skt dpi)-, C a m a r d a I 1 7 0 (to Gk é n t ‘upon’); F e i s t
Goth. 8 7 - 8 8 ; F r i s k 1 9 8 ; P o k o r n y I 3 4 ; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 9 5 ; H a m p
Laryngeals 1 3 0 , Ériu XXVIII 1 4 5 ; M a n n Language XVII 2 2 ; Ö L B E R G
KZ LXXXVI 1 2 8 ; K O R T L A N D T Arm-IE 4 5 ; D E M IR A J ZfBalk XXIX 6 4 -
6 7 , AE 2 6 0 - 2 6 1 .

mbëltoj aor. mbëltova ‘to plant’. Borrowed from Rom * implantare ‘to
plant’, cf. Lat plantare id. 0 K r is t o f o r id h i 227 (derived from balte)',
Ç a b e j St. IV 79, VII 230.

mbërdhe adv. ‘on the ground’. A compound of mbë and dhe with an
epenthetic -r-.

mbërthej aor. mbërtheva ‘to fasten, to button’. A préfixai derivative

of birth (see birk). For the semantic development cf. Germ knöpfen
‘to button’ ~ Knopf ‘button, knob, bud’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 265 (from Lat
invertere ‘to turn upside down’); ÇABEJ St. I 336-337 (phonetic trans­
formation of mbath).

mbërrij ~ mbërrîj aor. mbërrita ~ mbërrina ‘to arrive’. Another variant

is mërrij. Derived from arrij (M EY ER Wb. 17). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 337 (related
to mbar).
 M BËSH EL — M BLED H 251

mbëshel aor. mbëshela ‘to shut, to c lo s e , to lo c k '. O ther variants are

mbëçel and mbërshel. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f çel (JOKL Studien 5 5).

mbështet aor. mhështeta ‘to stand, to prop’. From PAlb *ambhi-stata

based on an adjective *stata identical with IE *st(h)atos ‘standing’,
cf. Skt sthità-, Gk oiaxôç id., Lat status id. (JOKL LKUBA 250). 0 F risk
I 739; M a y r h o f e r III 526-527; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 596-599;
P o k o r n y I 1006; D e m ir a j AE 259.

mbi adv. ‘on, upon’. Oiginally, an adverb. From a tonic form of PAlb
*ambi, cf. mbë.

mbiatu adv. ‘immediately, at once’. A Calabrian phonetic variant of

mbi ato ‘on this’ > ‘at once’ (Ç a b e j St. I 337). 0 C a m a r d a II 153
(mbi + Ital atto ‘act’); M e y e r Wb. 265 (repeats CAMARDA’ s etymol­
ogy).

mbij - mbij aor. mbiva ‘to th riv e, to g ro w , to sh o o t’. F rom P A lb *en-

biinja related to IE *bheu- : *bhu- ‘to g r o w , to b e ’ (CAMARDA I 48;
M e y e r Wb. 36-37, BB VIII 189). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 35; J o k l apud
WALDE-HOFMANN I 504 (to IE *bher- ‘to b r in g ’); POKORNY I 146-
150; Ç a b e j St. I 66 (to IE *bhei- ‘to beat, to strik e’); D e m ir a j AE
100-101 (fo llo w s Ç a b e j).

mbjell aor. mbolla ‘to sow’. A préfixai derivative o f pjell (MEYER Wb.
3 4 2 ). 0 P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 124; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 4 2 .

mblatë f, pl. mblata ‘shew bread’. Borrow ed from Lat oblata id.
(M ey er Wb. 38), with a non-etymological nasal in the anlaut. 0 JOKL
LKUBA 292; Ç a b e j St. I 337-338.

mbledh aor. mblodha ‘to gather, to collect’. Continues P A lb *ambi-

ledza, a préfixai verb related to Gk Xeym id., Lat lego ‘to read, *to
gather’ ( M e y e r Wb. 265, Alb. St. Ill 17). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 335;
B a r i c ARSt I 13; JOKL LKUBA 8; L a P ia n a Studi I 56; M a n n Lan­
guage XXVI 382; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 231; PORZIG Gliederung 192,
211; P is a n i Saggi 129; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 350; F r i s k II 94-96;
C h a n t r a i n e 626; W a ld e - H o f m a n n 1 780; P o k o r n y 1 658; S ir o k o v
ZFL XXIV/1 15 (to Goth lisan ‘to gather’); KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum
28; Ç a b e j St. VII 243; H u ld 145, 156; D e m ir a j AE 261-262.
252 M B LO I — M BRO D H

mbloj aor. mblova ‘to fill’. Borrowed from Lat implêre id. (M E Y E R
Wb. 265). 0 C a m a r d a T 125 (related to piote)-, L a m b e r t z LVII 71
(follows C a m a r d a ); M a n n Language XXVI 383; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t
Verbum 254-255; Ç ABEJ St. I 338.

mbloj aor. mblova ‘to betroth’. Historically identical with mbloj ‘to
fill’.

mbrapa adv. ‘behind, back’, prep, ‘behind’. Together with prapa id.
continues PAlb *(en)-per-apa, cf. per and pa (C A M A R D A 161; M e y e r
Wb. 351). 0 J o k l MRIW I 302; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 188.

mbraz adj. ‘empty, void’. Results from the recombination of mbrazëm

< *(m)brazen, borrowed from Slav *porzdbm> id., cf. Bulg prazen,
SCr prazan (MEYER Wb. 266). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 193, 323-
325; H AM P LB XIV/2 15.

mbrej aor. mbrejta ‘to harness, to yoke’. Another variant is mbreh. From
PAlb *en-breunja, further related to brez (M E Y E R Wb. 46). 0 T A G L IA ­
VINI Dalmazia 1 8 8 .

mbrenda adv., prep, ‘inside, within’. Variant of brenda.

mbres aor. mbreta ‘to bruise, to beat’. A préfixai derivative of pres.

mbret m, pl. mbretër ~ mbretën ‘king’. Borrowed from Rom *imperätus

for Lat imperätor ‘em peror’. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 32; MEYER
Wb. 266 (directly from imperätor)-, MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I
1043; T a g l ia v in i Origini 191, 256; R o se t t i RRL XXVII/6 495;
M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV /1-2 26; Ç a b e j * . VII 239,280; H a a r m a n n 130;
L a n d i Lat. 145.

mbrëma ~ mbrama adv. ‘in the evening’. From PAlb *en-prama the
second element of which is identical with Gk 7tpôp,oç ‘foremost man’,
Goth from ‘from ’, OHG fram id. (M E Y E R Wb. 266, Alb. St. ITT 64, 72).
0 F e ist Goth. 164; M a n n Language XVII 20; F r is k II 600; P o k o r n y
1 814.

mbrodh aor. mbrodha ‘to h elp , to do g o o d ’. A su ffix a l d eriv a tiv e o f

prodh ‘to p r o d u c e ’, a b a ck -form ation o f prodhoj. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 6 6
(con tin u ation o f Ital prode ‘b rave, v a lia n t’); MANN Comp. 4 (from IE
*en-pro-ago).
 M BRO J - M BU TO J 253

mbroj aor. mbrojta ‘to defend, to protect’. Borrowed from Rom

* imparare id. (HAARM ANN 140).

mbruaj ~ mbruej aor. mbrujta ‘to k n ea d ’. F rom P A lb *brunja related

to brume ( M e y e r Wb. 266) and, furth er, to Lat ferveO ‘to b o il’ (JOKL
LKUBA 263). D er iv ed from mbruj is mbrits ‘to stu ff fu ll’ . 0 M a n n
Language XVII 15 (to OE beorm ‘b arm ’, Lat fermentimi); P is a n i Saggi
126; D e m ir a j AE 111.

mbufas aor. mbufata ‘to inflate, to swell’. A préfixai derivative of *bufas

borrowed from Slav *buxati ‘to beat, to swell’ (Ç a b e j St. I 338). 0
MEYER Wb. 54 (to Ital buffare ‘to blow’).

mbulim m ‘source; burial, grave’. Deverbative o f mbuloj. 0 ÇABEJ

St. I 339-340 (to buie).

mbuloj aor. mbulova ‘to cover, to bury’. Another variant is mbloj. Bor­
rowed from Rom *manipulare ‘to dig in handfuls’, cf. Lat manipu-
lus ‘handful’. 0 MEYER \\1t. 267 (from Rom *invëlâre ‘to cover’); M e y e r -
LüBKE Gr. Grundriß 11 1049; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 538 (agrees with
M e y e r ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 187; H a a r m a n n 131; K l i n g e n -
SCHMITT Verbum 172; ÇABEJ St. I 339-340 (identical with mbloj).

mbuloj aor. mbulova ‘to seal’. Attested only in BUZUKU. Based on *bulë
borrowed from MLat bulla ‘seal’ (ÇABEJ St. I 340). 0 H e lb i g 84 (from
Ital bolla id.).

mburr aor.mburra ‘to praise’. Denominative of burrë (M eyer Wb. 5 5 ).

0 M ann Comp. 1 2 6 (to Lat furo ‘to rage’).

mbush aor. mbusha ‘to f i l l ’. C on tin u es P A lb *en-busa rela ted to Gk

ßuveco < *ßvo-v-£co ‘to fill up’ and its cognates (CAMARDA I 52; MEYER
Wb. 267, Alb. St. Ill 32, 61, 80). 0 L a P ia n a Studi 191; M a n n Lan­
guage XXVIII 39 (to Gk (pXútü); F r is k I 276-277; C h a n t r a i n e 202;
P o k o r n y I 101; D e m ir a j AE 262 (reco n stru cts a n asal p resen t for
P ro to -A lb an ian ).

mbutoj aor. mbutova ‘to seal, to bung’. Denominative based on but ‘barrel,
tub’.
254 M BYLL — M EH ~ MF.F

mbyll aor. mbylla ‘to shut, to fasten’. Continues PAlb *ambi-wela, orig­
inally, * ‘to encircle’, related to Skt vaiati ‘to turn’, Gk eiXém ‘to roll
tight up, to close’, OIr fillid ‘to bend’ and the like (HAMP Evidence
139-140). 0 ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 130; F r is k I 457-458; M a y r h o f e r
III 161; POKORNY I 1140-1143; Ç a b e j St. VII 230, 233.

mbys aor. mbyta ‘to strangle, to drown, to kill’. From PAlb *ambi-
witja with the regular development of *-iwi- > -y-. Further related to
Skt vyáthate ‘to sway, to rock’, Goth wipon ‘to pour’. 0 JOKL Studien
56 (to Lat confutare ‘to suppress, to restrain’, ON bauta ‘to strike’);
P o k o r n y I 1178; C i m o c h o w s k i St. IE 130; Ç a b e j St. VII 233, 254;
H u l d 90-91; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 130; HAM P Laryngeals 139 (derived
from IE *ijed— *ud- ‘w ater’, cf. also zhys ‘to dive’); DEM IRAJ AE
262-263 (derived from pi).

me m ‘insufficience, lack’, adj. ‘insufficient, scanty, not full’. From

PAlb *manu etymologically close to Gk póvir piKpóv. ’A0uu«vfç (Hes.),
pavôç ‘thin’ and Arm m am ‘small, thin’ (O REL Linguistica XXIV 430).
The form mete ‘insufficient’ is derived from me after the fall of the
final nasal. Related to me is mej ~ mêj ‘to reduce, to diminish’. 0 MEYER
Wb. 273 (comparisons with Lat minuö ‘to lessen’, Ital meno ‘less’ or
Slav * n ib n b ‘small(er)’); M EILLET MSL VIII 164; KRISTOFORIDHI 227
(to mangut, mungoj)\ A C A R E A N HAB III 257; M A N N Language XVII
20-21 (mej < IE *nu}iö)\ FRISK II 171-172; POKORNY I 728-729; NEROZ­
NAK Paleob. 199 (to IE *(s)meik- ‘small’); ÇABEJ St. IV 79.

me prep. ‘with’. From PAlb *me(t) etymologically connected with Goth

mip id., Gk p é ta ‘in the middle, between’ (M a n n Language XXVIII
32). 0 C a m a r d a I 314 (identifies me with NGk né); M e y e r Wb. 268
(borrowed from NGk |aé); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 188 (against M e y e r );
F e is t Goth. 364; F r isk II 216; P o k o r n y I 702; Wmav Laryngeals 140,
NTS XXTII 13 (follows M a n n ); H u l d 91.

meçkë f, pl. meçka ‘she-bear’. Borrowed from one of South Slavic taboois-
tic names for bear: Bulg mecka, SCr mecka. <) ÇABEJ St. VII 184.

mefshtë adj. ‘slow, sluggish’. A suffixal derivative of mehem.

meh - m ef aor. meha ~ mefa ‘to soak’. From PAlb *meu-ska related
to Latv maût ‘to dive’, Slav *myti 'to wash' and other continuants of
 MEHEM — MEMEC 255

IE *meu- ~ *meua- ‘w e t’. 0 VASMER III 26; POKORNY I 7 4 1 -7 4 2 ; O r e l

Orpheus V I 68.

mehem refi, ‘to f a il’. G o e s back to P A lb *nwja related to O H G muoan

‘to w ork d ilig e n tly ’, G k nô>À.oç ‘toil ( o f w a r )’, S lav *majati ‘to w o rk
s lo w ly ’. 0 FRISK II 282; P o k o r n y I 746; BER 702; T r u b a C e v ÈSSJa
X V II 132-134; OREL Orpheus V I 68.

mekem r e f i ‘to gasp , to c h o k e ’. R elated to meke't ‘w e t’ (JO K L apud

W A LD E-H O FM A N N I 5 0 8 ) a cco rd in g to a sem an tic u n iv ersa l lin k in g
w ord s for ‘b ein g sile n t’ and ‘m e ltin g ’. 0 M e y e r Alb. St. I ll 4 , 63 (to
S lav *mblcati ‘to be sile n t’); PEDERSEN KZ X X X III 549; TRUBACEV
PlEJa 1 00-105 (ex a m p le s o f this sem an tic d ev elo p m en t); A n i k i n 6 7 -
78 (sem a n tic p arallels); DEM IRAJ AE 2 6 4 (e x p r e s siv e w o rd ).

mekët adj. ‘w e t’. C f. a lso the v erb mek ‘to m ake w e t’. C on tin u es P A lb
*maka related to makë (ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ). 0 J o k l apud WALDE-
H o f m a n n I 50 8 (to Lith minkau ‘to k n ead ’); C im o c h o w s k i LP V 193;
C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 1 10; DEMIRAJ AE 2 6 3 -2 6 4 (b o rro w ed from SCr
mek, Bulg mek).

meksh m, pl. meksha ‘buffalo-calf’. Another variant is meshk ‘bull-calf’.

From *megsh continuing PAlb *magusa related to OIr maug ‘slave’,
Goth magus ‘youth’ (from IE *maghu- : *maghos). 0 F e ist Goth. 339;
P o k o rn y I 696; Ç abej St. I 3 4 0 (related to meke't).

mel m ‘m ille t’. B o r ro w e d from Lat milium id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 523; M e y e r Wb. 2 6 8 ). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 189; M e y e r -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045; MIHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 18; HAAR­
MANN 136.

mellë f ‘clay, lo e s s ’. B orrow ed from S lav *meh, ~ *melb ‘chalk, lo e s s ’,

c f. B u lg mel, SC r mel.

memec m, pl. memecë, memeca ‘deaf-mute, dumb’. Borrowed, with assimil­

atio n of nasals, from Slav *nembcb ‘stranger, mute person’, cf. Bulg
nemec, SCr nemac, nijemac (M E Y E R Wb. 269). Such assimilation is,
in fact, attested in Bulg dial, memkin’a < nemkin'a ‘kind of haricot’,
originally, ‘Germ woman’, fem. of * n e m b C b . 0 S c h u l z e Kl. Sehr. 2 1 4 ;
SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 1 9 5 - 2 8 6 ; SV A N E 1 8 5 .
256 M EM ZI M ERË

memzi adv. ‘h ardly, s c a r c e ly ’. A nother variant is mëzi. B ased on mem,

a p articipai form o f mej ~ mej ‘to red u ce, to d im in ish ’, se e me.

menati adv. ‘early in the m o r n in g ’. A le x ic a liz e d p hrase me nate w ith

an ad verb ial m arker.

mençëm adj. ‘c le v e r , in te llig e n t’. A d eriv a tiv e in -ahem o f mend (JOKL

LKUBA 106).

mend pl. ‘m in d ’. B o rro w ed from Lat mentem id. (G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn.

25; C a m a r d a I 306; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4 0 -4 1 ; MEYER Wb.
2 7 4 ). N o te the d en o m in a tiv e verb mendoj ‘to think, to c o u n t’ . 0
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1044, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 189;
M a n n Language XVII 20-21 (from IE *mt}tis), XXVIII 32 (from Latin);
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV / 1-2 17; Ç a b e j St. V II 255; H a a r m a n n 136; L a n d i
Lat. 5 5 , 8 3 -8 5 , 116.

mendër f, pl. mendra ‘m int’. A suffixal derivative based on *mende

borrowed from Lat menta id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 41; MEYER
Alb. St. I 55 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 7 2 (from Ital menta id.); MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044; JOKL LKUBA 232; ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 0 (from Gk
|iiv0T| id.); L a n d i Lat. 5 5 , 135.

mendull f ‘almond’. Borrowed from Rom *amendula, cf. Ital dial, ammen-
nola < *amendula (ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 1 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4 8 5
(from Ital Venet mandola id.); MEYER Wb. 258-259 (follows MlKLOSICH);
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 189-190; M ihäescu RESEE IV / 1-2 21; H a a r m a n
110 (from Lat amyndala).

(G) merajë f ‘w inter pasture’. A derivative o f mera ‘pasture’, o f Turkish

o rig in (Ç a b e j St. I 3 4 1 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 5 9 -2 6 0 (from Lat hibernälis
‘w in tr y ’); JOKL LKUBA 2 65 (fr o m R om *invernälia ); MlHÄESCU
RESEE I V /1 - 2 31; H a a r m a n n 129.

merendoj aor. merendova ‘to a rr a n g e’. A recen t fo rm a tio n b ased on

the ad verb merend ‘in o r d e r ’, a le x ic a liz e d p hrase me rend, cf. rend.

merë f ‘fea r’. A p hon etic variant o f tmerr (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 190).

merë f ‘m ea su re’. B o rro w ed from S lav *méra id., cf. in South S lavic;
 M ERË - (Cr) M ETEH 257

Bulg m ’ara, dial, mera, SCr mera, mjera (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente
26; M e y e r Wb. 270). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 182; S v a n e 89.

m erfi f ‘scent, fragrance’. Borrowed from Lat myrrha ‘m yrrh’ > Rom
*mirra.

m erim a n g ë t' ‘spider’. Other variants are merimagë, mirëmangë, mil-

imangë, milingonë and merimajkë. Tabooistic transform ations of
merming id. borrowed from NGk pt>p|ifjyYi ‘ant, midget’ (M e y e r Alb.
St. I 77). 0 M e y e r Wb. 274-275 (compound the first element of which
is compared with Slav *paçlch ‘spider’); KRISTOFORIDHI 220, 234 (to
Gk juùppriç); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from Gk Dor púppai;
‘ant’); ÇABEJ St. I 341-342 (follows MlHÄESCU).

m esë ‘skin (of onion), milk-skin, film ’. Goes back to PAlb *matsä
related to make and reflecting IE *mokvi-. Thus, Albanian seems to
reflect a labiovelar in this root.

m esn ik m ‘meat pasty’. Borrowed from Bulg mesnik id. 0 M e y e r Wb.

270 (to Slav *mçso ‘meat’).

m esh ë f, pl. meshë ‘mass’. Borrowed from Lat mis sa id. (CAMARDA I
86; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 42; MEYER Wb. 270). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 26 (from Slavic); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1045; JOKL
LKUBA 22; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 23; ÇABEJ St. VII 209; HAAR­
MANN 136; L a n d i Lat. 56.

m esh n o h em refi, ‘to become senile, to dote, to be childish’. A pré­

fixai derivative (in me- < mbë-) of *shenoj borrowed from Lat senëre
‘to be old’.

m etale f, pi. metale ‘snow-drift’. Borrowed from Slav *metadlo ‘heap’,

cf. in South Slavic: Bulg metalo, SCr metalo. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 2 (from
Bulgarian). 0 S v a n e 174.

(G) m eteh m ‘boundary, frontier’. Another variant is metef. A dever­

bative based on an unattested *meteh ‘to partake, to share’. The latter
is borrowed from MGk hetÉx® id. From MGk ^etóxiov ‘priory, farm ’,
metoq ‘stable’ has been borrowed. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 3 4 2 (borrowed from
MGk hetÓjciov ‘priory’, later - ‘farm ’).
258 M E TË — M ËKRESË

metë f, pl. meta ‘swallow, mouthful’. A deverbative based on Slav *metati

‘to throw’ (depicting a swallow as a ‘throw ’ of food into the mouth).

m ezh d ë f, pi. mezhda ‘baulk, strip of land between fields’. Reflects a

Bulgarian continuant of Slav *medja ‘boundary’ > mezda. Another
regional loanword, megjë id., reflects a Serbo-Croatian continuant of
the same provenance, SCr medja (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 26).

m ë ~ m â adv. ‘m ore’. Continues P A lb *mai from IE *males with a

secondary nasalization. Related to Goth maiza id., Osean mais id. 0
MEYER Wh. 271 (borrowed from Lat ma gis id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
Grundriß 2 I 1042; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 86-88 (< IE *maison-);
M a n n Language XVII 23 (same as M e y e r ); K l u g e 470; F e i s t Goth.
342; P o k o r n y I 704.

m ëgash tër f, pl. mëgashtra ‘sage’. Another variant is mugashtër. Bor­

rowed from Rom *medicaster reflected in Ital medicastro (JOKL
LKUBA 211-213). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 31; Ç a b e j St. I 342;
H a a r m a n n 136; L a n d i Lat. 82, 109, 136.

m ëkat m, pl. mëkate ‘sin’. Borrowed from Lat peccatimi id. (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 48; C a m a r d a II 199; M e y e r Wb. 271). The initial m-
results from mp- as demonstrated by the form mpkat in B o g d a n i
(WEIGAND BA III 205) and seems to be a prefix added already in Alban­
ian. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1051; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
180; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 18; Ç a b e j St. I 343; H a a r m a n n 141.

m ëk eq aor. mëkeqa ‘to anger’. A préfixai derivative of keq.

m ëk ëm b ~ m ëk am b aor. mëkëmba ~ mëkamba ‘to set up, to erect’. A

préfixai denominative of këmbë.

m ëk oj aor. mëkova ‘to feed’. Borrowed from Lat medicare ‘to heal,
to cure’ (M e y e r Wb. 282). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 23; Ç a b e j St.
VII 184, 244; HAARMANN 135.

m ëk re së f, pl. mëkresa ‘tombstone’. Together with its morphonologi-

cal variant mëkrejcë ‘baulk’, reflects a préfixai derivative of krye.
 M ËLCOJ - M ËLT.EZË 259

mëlcoj aor. mëlcova ‘to sweeten’. Other variants are ëmbëlcoj ~ ambël-
coj. Derivative of ëmbël (M a n n HAED 279; Ç a b e j St. I 343). 0
M e y e r Wb. 281-282 (from Rom *mellïtiâre based on Lat mellïtus ‘of
honey, related to honey’); i O K L LKUBA 212, 287-288 (derivative of
mjaltë in -ësoj); PEDERSEN Philologica II 111 (agrees with J o k l) .

mëlçi f, pl. mëlçi ‘lung, liver’. Also used in phrases mëlçi e bardhë
‘lung’ and mëlçi e zezë ‘liver’ and, originally, representing a word
for spleen borrowed from Ital milza id. (MEYER Wb. 2 7 1 -2 7 2 ). 0 H a m p
Festschr. Kahane 3 1 0 -3 1 8 , Festschr. Shevoroshkin 95.

mëlmej aor. mëlmeva ‘to add fat and oil to food’. Based on majmë even
though the origin of -I- is not clear.

mëltoj aor. mëltova ‘to graft, to wed (of plants)’. Borrowed from Lat
maritare ‘to m arry’, also used in the sense of mëltoj.

mëllagë f, pl. mëllaga ‘marsh mallow’. Another variant is mullagë. From

the original *mëllakë, with an unexplained sonorization of the auslaut.
Borrowed from G k paA-axil id. (M e y e r Wb. 2 7 1 ). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dal­
mazia 193 (considers g < x to be strange); ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 3 -3 4 4 (from
the same pre-Indo-European source as Lat malva ‘mallow’ and G k
|aoc?uxxr| id.); ÇABEJ St. VIT 208; H u l d KZ XCIX 2 4 7 .

mëllenjë f, pl. mëllenja ‘blackbird’. There exist also phonetic variants

mëllënjë, mëllinje and the like. Continues PAlb *melanja from IE fem.
adj. *mebnia ‘black’ > Gk péÀouva id., cf. also Skt malina-, fem. malin!
‘dirty, unclean, Latv mçïns ‘black’ (V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 4 2 -4 3 ;
Ç a b e j St. I 3 4 4 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 45 (borrowing from Gk |.iéÀ,ociva);
S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 2 07 (Greek origin); M e y e r Wb. 271 (from Rom
*mer(u)lanea, derivative of Lat menda ‘blackbird’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII
5 3 7 (accepts M e y e r 's etymology); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I
1048; W e ig a n d 5 8 (from Rom *merlönia, cf. Rum merloi < Rom
*merlönius)\ Jo k l LKUBA 1 93-194; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 138;
POKORNY I 7 2 0 -7 2 1 ; M a y r h o f e r II 598; F r is k II 1 9 8 -1 9 9 ; Ç a b e j
St. Pisani I 1 7 6 -1 7 7 , St. Ill 259; JANSON Unt. 205; OREL ZjBalk XXIII
149, Koll. Idg. Ges. 362; DEMIRAJ AE 2 6 4 -2 6 5 (to OHG amasia,
amsala ‘thrust’).

mëllezë f, pl. mëlleza ‘kind of elm; blackbird'. Another variant is mullezë.

260 M ELLE ~ M L 'L L Â M ËN GË ~ M AM GË

A d eriv a tiv e in -zë o f mëllenjë (VASMER Alb. St. I 42; JOKL LKUBA
1 9 3 -1 9 4 ). 0 ÇABEJ Festschr. Pisani I 1 7 6 -1 7 7 , St. I 345; DEMIRAJ AE
2 8 0 -2 8 1 .

mëllë - mullâ m, pl. mëllënj ~ mullanj ‘grief. From PAlb *melana ‘black’,
the masculine form of the adjective represented in mëllenjë (MEYER
Wb. 283). 0 MEYER Wb. 285 (from Ital malanno ‘m isfortune’); JOKL
LKUBA 195 (follows M e y e r Wb. 283); M a n n HAED 298 (figurative
use of mëllë ‘swelling’).

mëllë ~ mullâ m, pl. mëllënj ~ mullanj ‘s w e llin g , lu m p ’. D er iv ed from

mullë (ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 5 -3 4 6 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 53 (fro m R om *bullâna,
to bulla ‘b u b b le’); B a r i c AArbSt I 145 (p réfix a i form ation w ith -llâ
b ein g related to lungë); SCHMIDT KZ L 2 3 6 (related to bulë); T r e im e r
Slavia III 5 4 5 (co n n ected w ith mall ‘p rop erty, g o o d s ’, a T urkish lo a n ­
w ord ).

mëllugë f, pl. mëlluga ‘scale; scar, m ark’. Related to mëllë.

„L~:zr -.ÌMmàrv’JvfbYmÍ7il¿?."Srrif 6$ (iWäfÄTö'Sßk jianjia);

T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 117; ERNOUT-MEILLET 381; ÇABEJ St. V II
21; D e m ir a j AE 26 5 .

m ënd m. pi. mènde ‘m o m e n t’. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat momentum id.

(M e y e r Wb. 2 7 4 ).

mënd aor. mënda ‘to suckle, to feed’. Continues P A lb *manzda, a nasal

present further related to maj. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 6 4 (to Gk |iaÇ ôç);
T o m a s c h e k BB IX 101; K r e t s c h m e r Glotta X V I 182; L a P ia n a Studi
1 1 1 3 ; M a n n Language XVII 2 0 (to Lat mentum); D e m ir a j AE 2 6 5
(related to même).

mëndafsh m, pl. mëndafshra ~ mëndafshna ‘silk’. Borrowed from Lat

metaxa ‘raw silk’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 40; MEYER Wb. 2 7 2 )
or from M G k p é t a l a id. (CAMARDA I 4 5 ), in both cases, through an
intermediary stage of Rom *mentaxa. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1050; H a a r m a n n 136; L a n d i Lat. 135, 140.

mëngë ~ mangë f, pl. mëngë ~ mangë ‘armful, sleeve’. Borrowed from

 M ËN GËR ~ M A N G EN — M Ë N JA N Ë 261

Lat manicae ‘s le e v e ’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 39; M e y e r Wb. 272).

N o te a d eriv a tiv e mëngore ‘short jack et, fu r -c o a t’. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042; M a n n Language XVII 23; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 135; L a n d i Lat. 48, 111.

mëngër - mangën f, pl. mëngra ~ mangna ‘o il-p re ss, p ress, r o lle r ’. B o r­

ro w ed from Gk p á y y a v o v ‘a x is o f a p u lley , b o lt’ (THUMB IF XXVI
9 ) or, rath er, from M G k p a y y a v o v ‘m ach in e, c o n tr iv a n c e ’ . 0 M e y f.r
Wb. 272 (from N G k p a y y a v o v ‘p r e s s ’); JO K L/F XXXVI 250, XLIV
24-27; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042, 1050; M a n n Language
XVII 23; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350; ÇABEJ St. I 346 (a G eg variant
mangë resu ltin g from the d eco m p o sitio n o f mangën); ÖLBERG SPhAen
42; JANSON Unt. 42.

mëngoj aor. mëngova ‘to rise e a r ly ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat manicare ‘to

co m e in the m o rn in g ’, d erivative o f mane ‘m o rn in g ’ (MEYER Wb. 272-
273). 0 CAMARDA I 141 (to Lat mäne); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1039, 1047; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 26; ÇABEJSr. VII 184; HAAR­
MANN 135.
(T) m ëngjër adj. ‘left’. Borrowed from Rom *mancinus, cf. Lat
mancus ‘maimed, infirm ’ ( M e y e r Wb. 273). 0 HAARMANN 134;
R o h l f s Spr. 161; Ç a b e j St. VII 203.

mëngji ~ man gji f, pl. mëngji ~ mangji ‘sorcery, witchcraft; medicine’.

Borrowed from Lat magia ‘magic, sorcery’ (M e y e r-L ü b k e Gr.
Grundriß 2 I 1050) influenced by the popular etymology linking it to
mëngjër. 0 MEYER Wb. 253 (from Gk payera ‘sorcery’); JOKL IF XLIV
24-27 (from Gk páyyavov ‘charm, drug’); ÇABEJ St. I 346-347 (de­
rived from mjek).

mënoj aor. mënova ‘to halt, to be la te ’ . P h o n etic variant o f vënoj id.

( M e y e r Wb. 274, IF VI 105), see vonë. ô C a m a r d a 1 44, 61 (to vonë);
MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 39 (from Lat manëre ‘to stay, to re m a in ’);
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1047 (a g r e e s w ith MlKLOSICH);
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 287; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 17; H a a r m a n n
134.

mënjanë adv. ‘at the s id e ’. A u n iverb ation o f me nj(ê') anë. F rom it,
a verb mënjanoj ‘to a v e r t’ is d erived .
 262 M Ë N JË M ËRKURË M ËRLAQET M ËSOJ 263

m ën ië f ‘manna: drizzle'. From Rom *mannia, cf. Lat manna ‘manna’. * m ërla q et refi, ‘to eat greedily’. An expressive verb of onomatopoeic t f%r
VI g l i , 1 U O V- . J J V » 1 V/ VV\ ^^4 v i . j.® ll

EYER Wb. 2 7 3 -2 7 4 ) with the further assimilation I m ërm ëris aor. mërmërita ‘to murmur, to m utter’. Borrowed from Slav ^ at vlS '^ a vigil
4IHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 23 (from Lat mane vigil); « *m'hrmrhrati id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg m w rnor’a, SCr to Rom *mingilia. 0 ]
I mrmrati. HAARMANN 157.

i ‘sapling, shrub, shoot’. Borrowed from Lat malle- m ënjollë f. pl. mënjoll
m ërq in jë f ‘jujube, kind of b rie r’. Borrowed from Rom *myrïcïnia
ith a dissimilation of sonorants (MEYER Wb. 274). olus ‘mallet-shoot’ v
based on Lat mynca ‘tamarisk, kind of shrub’ ( M e y e r Wb. 2 7 4 ). 0
<111 542; ÇABEJ St. I 347 (from Ital Venet magli- 0 P e d e r s e n KZ X X
H a a r m a n n 137.
134. olo id.); H a a r m a n ?
m ërsh ë f ‘corpse, carrion’. From PAlb *merusa based on IE *mer-
fascinated, to be charm ed’. Borrowed from Lat m ëreh em refi, ‘to be
‘to die’: Skt mriyàte, Lith mirti. Slav *merti and the like. 0 FRAENKEL
□ be astonished’. mîrârï ‘to wonder, 1
4 5 7 -4 5 9 ; MAYRHOFER II 6 9 6 -6 9 7 ; POKORNY I 7 3 5 ; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa
XVIII 101-102.
0 exile, to drive away’. Borrowed from Lat mergere m ërgoj aor. mërgova ‘
;M e y e r Wb. 274). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grund- ‘to thrust, to push’
m ërsh in ë f, pl. mërshina ‘wineskin’. Borrowed, with an epenthetical
scu RESEE IV/1-2 28; H a a r m a n n 136; H a m p riß 2 I 1039; MIHÄI
from Slav *mësina id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg mesina, SCr mjesina, SCL X X V III/1 73-7
\.
mesina (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 2 7 5 ). 0 ÇABEJ St.
VII 185; SVANE 68. m ër g jy z ë ~ m ër g jiz
s f, pl. mërgjyze ~ mërgjize ‘marigold, narcissus’,
id of mër- < Maria and gji, ‘M ary’s breast’. Based on a compou
m ëru ~ m ir û m, pl. mërurë ~ mërun ‘handle’. Borrowed, with a
metathesis, from Rom *manurus. The latter is a derivative of Lat manus m ëri ~ m ën i f, pl. m ëi
1 ~ mëni ‘hate, wrath’. Borrowed from Lat mania
‘hand’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 275 (from *manöbrium or mamibrium ‘handle’); ‘m adness’ (MEYER
Wb. 273). Note, however, that an alternative
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 T 10 5 4 . source could be Gk
xavia with its stress corresponding to that of the
^ a r m a n n 134; J a n s o n Unt. 54-55. Albanian word. 0 H
m ërzej aor. mërzeva ‘to rest at n oon ( o f a n im a ls)’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat
meridiäre ‘to take a m id-d ay n a p ’ (MEYER Wb. 274). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE m ërk o sh m, pi. mèrla
sha ‘man lying in w ife’s bed after childbirth and
Gr. Grundriß 21 1052; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 17; HAARMANN 136. receiving visitors; lc
ver’. Borrowed from Rom *märicösus ‘husband­
man ‘m ale’. For the formation cf. bellicösus like’, based on Lai
m ë r z is aor. mërzita ‘to bore, to hate’. Borrowed from Slav *nibrziti ‘warlike’. 0 JOKL L.
CUBA 10-13 (related to Skt márya- ‘young man,
‘to hate’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg mi~bzi, SCr mrziti (M lK ­ lover’ and the like):
ÇABEJ apud D e m ir a j (borrowed from a poorly
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 275). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, nase­ attested Bulg mi.rh
\is ‘m iserable, broken’); DEMIRAJ AE 267-268
lenie 191; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 198; S v a n e 237. (derived from Turk
meraki ‘hypochondriac’); OREL Orpheus VI 68.
m ëso j aor. mësova ‘to teach, to train’. Borrowed from Rom *invitiare m ërkurë f, pl. mërkun
! ‘Wednesday’. Borrowed from Lat Mercurii (dies),
id. > Rum învefa, Prov envezar and the like (MEYER Wh. 276, Alb. cf. MlKLOSICH Ron
!. Elemente 5 1 6 . 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 190;
St. IV 81). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1051; PU§CARIU EWR ÇABEJ St. I 347; h a
\RMANN 136.
78; PEDERSEN KZ X X X III 538; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 43 (from
264 M Ë SY J — M ËSHTEKOHEM

Gk p.av0àvcû ‘to learn’); Ç a b e j St, I 3 4 7 -3 4 8 (a préfixai derivative

of pësoj).

mësyj aor. mësyta ‘to attack’. A préfixai derivative of sy, cf. Germ ins
Auge fassen (MEYER Wb. 276; ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 8 ). 0 WEIGAND BA I 2 5 9
(from mbë syj)\ JOKL Mélanges Pedersen 149-150 (related to qoj)\ ÖLBERG
¡B K X IV 109; DEMIRAJ AE 3 5 7 -3 5 8 .

m ëshere f ‘small piece of cheese’. Borrowed from Rom *mensöra for

Lat mensura ‘m easure’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 9 (identical with mueshirë).

mëshikë f ‘bubble, blister, bladder’. Borrowed, with an irregular change

of the anlaut, from Lat vesica ‘bladder’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
70; MEYER Wb. 2 7 6 -2 7 7 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 2 6 (from
Slavic); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1 0 4 4 , 1053.

m ëshirë f ‘pity, m ercy’. Borrowed from Lat miseria ‘wretchedness’.

0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 42; MEYER Wb. 2 7 7 (based on an unat­
tested *m ësh(ijroj borrow ed from Lat miserere ‘to feel p ity ’);
MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 18; ÇABEJ St. V II 224; HAARMANN 136.

m ësh k en jë f, pl. mcshkenja ‘cad aver, c a r r io n ’. D er iv ed from mërshë.

mëshoj aor. mëshova ‘to be heavy, to bear down’. Another variant is

pëshoj. Borrowed from Lat pensare ‘to weigh’ > Rom *pesare (MEYER
Wrb. 3 3 6 ). 0 P is a n i Saggi 124.

m ëshqerrë f, pl. mëshqerra ‘heifer’. A préfixai derivative of shqerra

(MEYER Wb. 4 1 7 ).

m ështekër ~ m ështekën f, pl. mështekra ~ mështekna ‘b irc h ’. B o rro w ed

from Lat masticinus ‘rela ted to the m a stic -tr e e ’ (> R um masteacan
‘b ir c h ’). 0 M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 29; Ç a b e j St. I 3 4 9 (fro m Gk
ô é v ô p o v |ia o tí% iv o v ‘m a stic -tr e e ’).

m ështekohem refi, ‘to b e c o m e w ild , to ra v e, to r a g e ’. B o r ro w e d from

Lat masticare ‘to c h e w ’, w ith an unusual sem an tic d ev elo p m en t partly
refllected by Rum mesteca ‘to chew, to m ix’ (MEYER Wb. 277) 0 PijSCARHJ
EWR 91; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 17; H a a r m a n n 135.
 M E T R IK M IE T I, 265

m ë tr ik m ‘disease of cattle, tumor, gangrene of intestines’. Borrowed

from Rom *mâîricus based on Lat matrix ‘womb’ MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV/1-2 17). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 349; H a a r m a n n 135.

m ë z ~ m â z m, pl. mëza ~ mâza ‘f o a l’. F ro m P A lb *mandja r e la te d to

mënd ‘to s u c k le ’ ( M e y e r Wb. 276, Alb. St. I l l 28). A c lo s e ly re la te d
f o rm is a tte s te d in M e s s a p ic , in J u p it e r ’s n a m e Menzana (STIER KZ
X I 148). F ro m P r o to - A lb a n ia n , R u m mînz ‘f o a l’ w a s b o r r o w e d w h ile
Ital manzo ‘o x ’ a n d o th e r f o rm s g o b a c k to M e s s a p ic . 0 MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 39 ( fro m Ita! manzo ‘ta m e o x ’); TOMASCHEK BB IX
101; KRETSCHMER Einleitung 266; PU§CARIU EWR 94; CHARPENTIER
KZ X L 436 (to L a t mandas); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 184, Stratifi­
cazione 138; J o k l Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 384; P o r z i g
Gliederung 150; PISANI Saggi ì l i ; SCHMIDT KZ L V II 33; POGHIRC 1st.
limb. rom. II 332; ROSETTI ILR I 279; POKORNY I 729; HAMP St. What­
mough 79; ÇABEJ Ciotta X X V 51-52; St. V II 204, 212; JANSON Unt.
27; D e m i r a j AE 267.

m i ~ m î m, pl. minj ‘m ouse’. From PAlb *mü(s) related to IE *müs

id.; Skt mus-, Gk pî>ç, Lat mils and the like (M e y e r BB V III 190, Wb.
278). The nasalization in Geg is secondary. 0 STIERÂZ X I 139 (bor­
rowed from Greek); MbYLR Alb. St. I ll 63-64, 81; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI
282; J o k l Studien 77; T a g l ia v i n i Dalmazia 190, Stratificazione 138;
L a P ia n a Studi I 95; M a n n Language XXVI 387; E r n o u t -M e il l e t
424; F r is k II 275-276; M a y r h o f e r II 668; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 132-
133; p o k o r n y 1752-753; H u l d 91-92; O r e l ZfBAlk X X III 149; D e m ir a j
KZ CVI 100-103, AE 267-268.

m ic ë f, pi. mica ‘cat’. A word of onomatopoeic origin represented in

Romance: Rum mita, Ital micio. 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25 (from
SCr mica id. - but there is no such word); M e y e r Wb, 263 (follows
M i k l o s i c h ); T a g l ia v i n i D abm zia 192.

m id ë r f, pl. ntidra ‘raspberry’. Another variant is miter. A figurative

use of miter ‘womb, uterus’, of Modern Greek origin.

m ie li m, pl. miellra ~ miellna ‘flour’. Continues P A lb *melwa closely

related to OHG melo id., ON mjçl id., Slav *melvo ‘grain for grind­
ing’ and continuing IE *melyo-, further - to *mel- ‘to grind’ (MEYER
Wb. 2 8 2 , Alb. St. I l l 6 4 , 7 5 ). 0 T a g l ia v i n i Dalmazia 191; K l u g e 4 7 0 ;
266 M IH ~ M IF — M IL I.

MANN Language XXVIII 36; PISANI Saggi 122; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 9;
K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 145; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XVIII 92-93;
P o k o r n y I 716-718; D e m ir a j AE 268.

mih ~ mif aor. miha ~ mifa ‘to dig, to hoe’. F ro m PAlb *mik-ska related
to Skt mimiksati ‘to mix’, Gk jjiayco < *(jiyoKco id. (with a voiced velar),
Lat misceö id., OHG miskan id. and the like. 0 FRISK II 192-193;
M a y r h o f e r I I 632-633; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 95-96; P o k o r n y 1 714;
C o p ÏA IV 294-295; H a m p Sprache XI 139 (< IE*(s)mi(d)-sk-)\
Ç a b e j St. VII 254.

mijë f, pl. mije, mija, mijëra ‘thousand’. A phonetically more archaic

variant is mile. Borrowed from Lat ml lia id. (CAMARDA 1171; M l­
KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 41; MEYER Wb. 278). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
Grundriß 2 1 1044, 1050; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; ÇABEJ St. VII
193; H a a r m a n n 136; H a m p Numerals 920.

m ik m. pl. miq ‘f r ie n d ’. B o r r o w e d f ro m L a t amicus id. ( G i l ’ f e r d in g

Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 2; M e y e r Wb. 278). T h e d e r iv a ­
tiv e mikloj ‘to fla tte r, to fo n d le , to c a r e s s ’ se e m s to be b a se d o n *mikull
c o n tin u in g L a t amlculus ‘f r ie n d ’. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I
1044, 1049; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 192, Origini 209; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 21; HAARMANN 110; H u l d 92 (o n th e a p h e r e s is o f th e p r e ­
to n ic v o w e l); Ç a b e j St. VII 257; L a n d i Lat. 59, 136.

milak m, pl. mi lake ‘leveret’. Borrowed from SCr milak ‘dear one’. 0
M e y e r Wb. 2 78 (to milor ‘young ram ’, of Rumanian origin); PASCU
RE 65 (suffixal derivative of *mel borrowed from Rum mel ‘lam b’);
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from G k |iéA.Âa^ ‘boy’); Ç a b e j St. I
350 (follows M i h ä e s c u ).

milingër f ‘b ligh t on le a v e s ’. A su ffix a l d eriv a tiv e o f *milingë b o r­

ro w e d from S lav *melirn>ka ‘crum b, p in c h ’, o th e rw ise unattested in
S outh S la v ic . 0 M e y e r Wb. 279 (c o m p a r iso n w ith SCr medljika
‘m ild e w ’); SCHUCHARDT ZfromPhil XI 489-490 (fr o m G k -R o m
melandrya).

mill m , pl . mille ‘sheath’. From PAlb *meila ‘fastening (of a knife)’

related to Skt minoti ‘to fasten’, OIr -tuidmen id. and the like. 0 POKORNY
I 709; Ç a b e j St. VII 233.
 .M IRE — M IS H K O N J Ë 267

mire adj. ‘good’. From PAlb *mira forming a separate isogloss with
Slav *mii~b ‘peace’ ( V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 43-44; as to OLith mieras,
it was borrowed from Slavic despite VASMER II 626). Further con­
nections are OPrus mils ‘nice’, Lith meilus ‘dear’, Slav *mil'b ‘nice,
pleasant’ (MEYER Wb. 279, Alb. St. Ill 64, 78) and other continua­
tions of IE *mei- ~ *ml- ‘mild, weak, nice’. 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 23
(to Skt mitra- ‘friend’ ); PEDERSEN KZ XXX111 541; iOKL LKUBA 228
(on suffixes *-/- ~ *-r- in this stem); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 192;
MANN Language XXVI 386-387 (from Lat mints ‘wonderful, amazing’);
P i s a n i Saggi 125 (follows V a s m e r ) ; H o l u b - K o p e c n ÿ 224 (follow
V a s m e r ) ; F r a e n k e l 449; P o k o r n y I 711-712; P o g h i r c 1st. limb,
rom. II 345; HULD 92 (confused account of JOKL’s analysis); ÇABEJ
apud D e m ira j (to G k opùpiç ‘emery’); O r e l Koll. Idg, Ges. 362; DEMIRAJ
AE 268-269.

mis m, pl. misa ‘limb, m em ber’. Continues PAlb *mitja related to Lith
miklas ‘supple’, mitrùs id. (for the semantics, cf. Germ gelenkig as a
usual translation of miklas), Latv mikls id., mitrs id., mikât ‘to knead’.
0 F r a e n k e l 447-448, 452.

miskë f, pl. miska ‘turkey’. Unclear.

misur m, pi. misure ‘deep plate’. Derivative of an unattested *mise bor­

rowed from Slav *misa ‘plate’, cf. South Slavic reflexes; Bulg misa,
SCr misa (MEYER Wb. 280). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 44.

mish m/n, pl. mishra ~ mishna ‘flesh, m eat’. From PAlb *misa further
related to IE *memso- id.: Skt mâmsa- ‘flesh, m eat’, Arm mis, Goth
mimz, Slav *mçso (G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 23; M e y e r Wb. 280, Alb. St. Ill
61, 64, 68). The development of *-em- to *-i- seems to precede the
“ruki” rule. 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 56, Kelt. Gr. I 82; JOKL LKUBA
326; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 192, Stratificazione 93; L a PIANA Studi I
113-114; BARIÇ Hymje 39; A C a r e a n HAB III 323-324; PISANI Saggi
100; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 395; M a y r h o f e r II 615; F e is t Goth. 361;
P o k o r n y I 725-726; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XIX 7-11; H a m p S SL LXVI/1
222; Ç a b e j LP VIII 128, St. VII 242; H u l d 92-93; OREL Sprache XXXI
280; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X 221; D e m ir a j StF I X /1 359, AE 269-270.

mishkonjë f, pi. mishkonja ‘midge, gnat’. Another variant is mushkon-

jë . A feminine derivative of *mushkë ~ *mushkue borrowed from Lat
 268 M IT Ë — M JA L 'l'Ë M JA L L O J M JE K Ë R 269

RESEE IV /1-2 31; HAARMANN 137 (from Rom *mnscönea). onomatopoeic origin.

îulberry; tares’. Other variants are mjetërr, mitë f, pl. mita ‘shoot’. Continues PAlb *meita related to Skt methi- mjedhër f, pl. mjedhra ‘r
sed ti a phrase mane mjedhëra id. A suffix- ‘pillar, post’, ON meiÔr ‘beam’, Lith miëtas ‘post, stake’. 0 FRAENKEL miter and mjedër. Also i
451; M a y r h o f e r I I 683; P o k o r n y 1 709; Ç a bej St. 1 350 (to Gk pixuÀoç al derivative of *mjedh r
îlated to Lith mëdis ‘tree’, Latv mezs ‘wood’,
as a wood berry. 0 FRAENKEL 4 2 3 -4 2 5 ; ‘hornless’). thus defining m ulherrj
lBEJ St. I 3 5 0 -3 5 1 (from *mer-dâ related to
P o k o r n y I 706-707; Ç^
mitë f ‘bribe, tip’. Borrowed from Slav *myto ‘payment’, cf. in South OIr merenn ‘m ulberry’)
Slavic: Bulg mito, SCr mito (M e y e r Wb. 2 8 1 ). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, nase­
d ’. O ther variants, mjergull and njegull, are
lenie 181, 299; S v a n e 2 0 8 . mjegull f, pl- mjegulla ‘cl<
1). From PAlb *meg(u)lâ related to Gk ópí/Xr) secondary (Ç A B E J St. 1 35
1., S la v *mhgla ‘d ark n ess, m ist’ (CAMARDA
mizë f, pl. miza ‘fly’. A derivative in -zë of PAlb *müjä identical with ‘fog, m ist’, Lith miglà i
îe w ord with an unusual vocal m w as reshaped
ON my id., further connected to Gk ju n a d., Lat musca id. and the 1 70). In Proto-Albanian, t
idard pattern w ith *-e- in the root. 0 M e y e r
like (CAMARDA I 75; MEYER BB VIII 190, Wb. 2 8 1 , Alb. St. Ill 6 4, according to a more stai
81). 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 168 (derives mizë from *tints- rather than *müjä); Wb. 283-284 (borrowing
fro m Lat nebula ‘c lo u d ’ or co g n a te o f S lav
TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 193, Stratificazione 139; L a P ia n a Studi I 9 3, *ntbgla and the like); B R
JGMANN - DELBRÜCK I I / 1 362; JOKL Studien
107; P is a n i Saggi 131 (to Arm mzil); E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 4 2 4 ; F r i s k II 57-58 (explains mjergul
by in v o k in g the in flu e n c e o f *mergl!- d ark ’,
2 6 5 -2 6 6 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 133; P o k o r n y I 7 5 2 ; Ç a b e j 5/. VII cf. ON myrkr ‘dim’); T ac
LIAVINI Dalmazia 191; MANN Language XXVI
2 5 4 , 268; DEMIRAJ AE 2 7 0 . 385-386; PISA N I Saggi 121
;; ClMOCHOWSKI LP IV 2 0 2 -2 0 4 (derived from
0; F r is k II 387; F r a e n k e l 451; V a s m e r II *mjergë with suffix -ull
.; H a m p St. Whatmough 80; Ö l b e r g Festschr.
i z( aor. mizova ‘to rage, to snarl, to hate’. Borrowed from Rom 587-588; P O K O R N Y I 7L
3 5 1 -3 5 2 ; H u l d 93; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 149;
*invidiare id., cf. Lat invidia ‘envy, jealousy’ (M E Y E R Wb. 268). 0 Pisani II 687; Ç A B E J St.
M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1049; H A A R M A N N 131. D e m i r a j AE 271-273 (t
j Lat nühës ‘c lo u d ’, W nudd ‘f o g ’ and a lso
to nate).
mizon aor. mizoi ‘to sn o w ( o f ght f lo c k s ) ’. D er iv ed from mizë ( Ç a b e j
ian, doctor’. Borrowed from Lat medicus id. St. I 3 5 0 ), a fig u r a tiv e u sa g e w lespread both in R o m a n ce and S la v ic. mjek m. pi. mjekë ‘physic
mte 40; M e y e r Wb. 282). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e (M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elem

352; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 23; Ç a b e j Si. mjalcë f, pl. mjalca ‘b e e ’. C o n tin u es PAlb *melitja id en tica l w ith G k Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1043, 1
,uá/U oaa ( *|xéÀtxja id. (C a m a r d a 1 7 9 ). Cf. mjaltë. 0 M e y e r Wh. 281; VII 184; H A A R M A N N \ z
6; L a n d i Lat. 51, 109, 137, 139.
Jo k l LKUBA 287; F r is k II 2 0 0 -2 0 1 ; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 0 3 .

i, b ea rd ’. F rom P A lb *smekra e ty m o lo g ic a l- mjekër f, pl. mjekra ‘chii

kur- ‘b ea rd ’, Skt s'mdsru- id ., A rm mawruk‘ B altë m /n / f ‘honey’. Continues PAlb *melita related to Hitt milit id., ly related to Hitt zamar
(M e y e r Wh. 282, Alb. St. Ill 4, 58, 71, 84).
Gk (LtéX.1 id., Goth milip id. (C A M A R D A I 79; M e y e r Wb. 281-282, Alb. id., Lith smäkras ‘chin’
St. Ill 64, 78). 0 M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 40 (from Lat mel); P E ­ 0 BUGGE ß ß XVIII 169;
P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 86; Jo k l LKUBA 268;
D E R SE N Kelt. Gr. I 162; JO K L LKUBA 287-289; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia
191 ( f o llo w s MEYER), Stratificazione 93;
190; F e i s t Goth. 359-360; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 394; P i s a n i Saggi 132; A c a r e a n HAB III 375; N
[ANN Language XXVIII 39; PORZIG Gliederung
M a n n Language XXVI 383; P O R Z IG Gliederung 203; P O K O R N Y I 75, 126, 161; F r a e n k e i
, 839; M a y r h o f e r III 382; P o k o r n y I 968;
723-724; F r i s k II 200-201; C h a n t r a i n e 682; Ö l b e r g IBK XVII 38; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 11(
ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani II 683, 687; HAMP
Ç A B E J St. VII 230; D e m i r a j AE 270-271. BSL L X V I/1 222; HULD
33-94; A d a m s JIES X V I/1-2 76; K o r t l a n d t
270 M JE L — M JE T Ë

SSGL X 220; RASMUSSEN Morph. 263; D E M IR A J AE 273.

mjel aor. mola ‘to milk’. From PAlb *melga identical with Gk aue^y®
id., Lat mulgeö id., Lith mélziu, meliti id. and the like ( C a m a r d a I
40; MEYER Wb. 283, Alb. St. Ill 17, 64). The loss of -g- may be rather
late if the variant mjelg adduced by CAMARDA is not an artefact. 0
MEYER Gr. Gr. 23; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 550, Kelt. Gr. I 43; JOKL
LKUBA 275; BARIC ARSt 20; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 192; M a n n Lan­
guage XXVI 382, XXVIII 37; FRAENKEL 434-435; FRISK 1 91; WALDE-
H o f m a n n II 121; POKORNY I 722-723; H am p Laryngeals 139; H u ld
94-95; D e m ir a j AE 273-274.

mjellme f, pl. mjellme ‘swan’. Derived from miel, cf. similar connec­
tions of Slav *olbçdb ‘swan’ related to Lat albus ‘white’, Gk ccÄcpt
‘barley flour’. 0 MEYER Wb. 283 (to Slav *belbmo ‘wall-eye, white
spot’); V a s m e r II 470; P o g h ir c LB VI 98 (follows M e y e r ).

m jerë adj. ‘unhappy, unfortunate’. Borrowed from Lat miserem id. >
Rom *mis rem (CAMARDA I 133). 0 MEYER Wb. 283 (to TE *mehn-
‘black’), Alb. St. Ill 64, 78; JOKL LKUBA 193-194 (from *mel-); PED­
ERSEN KZ XXXIII 541 (to Lat morior ‘to die’); M a n n Language XXVIII
39 (to Lat miser); ÇABEJ St. VII 254, 264, apud DEMIRAJ (to OIr meirb
‘lifeless’); D e m ir a j AE 274 (to Gk puxpôç ‘stained’).

mjeshtak m, pl. mjeshtakë ‘brother-in-law ’. Borrowed from Rom

*domestiâcus, cf. Lat domesticas ‘belonging to the house’,

mjeshtër m, pi. mjeshtër, mjeshtra ‘m aster, b u ild e r ’. B o rro w ed from

Lat magister ‘m a ste r’ (CAMARDA II 204; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
37; M e y e r Wb. 284). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 17; Ç ab ej St. V II252; H a a r m a n n 134; L a n d i
Lat. 56, 136, 139.

mjet p re p /a d v . ‘(up) to, among, between’, m, pl. mjete ‘means; bound­

ary’. From PAlb *meta related to Gk p e tá , p éra ‘among’, Goth mip
‘with’ (JO K L Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87). 0 T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 191-
192; Ç a b e j St. VII 187; D e m i r a j AE 274-275.

mjetë f ‘coarse wool, lint, yarn’. Borrowed from Gk pixoç ‘thread

 M J E Z D IT Ë — M O DHULL 271

( o f the w o o f ) ’ w ith the ch an ge o f v o w e l sim ila r to that o f mjegull. 0

C a m a r d a I 4 4 (to Gk p iio ç ) ; M e y e r Wb. 2 8 4 (fro m R om *migetta
~ *micetta > Fr miette ‘cr u m b ’); ÇABEJ St. I 352 (a p réfix a i d eriv a ­
tiv e o f jes).

m jezd itë f ‘n o o n ’. W h ile in the p arallel fo rm s mesditë and mestiate

‘m id n ig h t’ the first elem en t is mes ‘m id d le ’ o f M od ern Greek o rig in ,
in mjezditë and mjeznatë ‘m idn igh t’ tnjez con tinu es Lat medius ‘m id d le’
(MEYER Wb. 2 8 4 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 89 (mjez- to Gk piaoç ‘m id d le ’);
M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1043; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 191.

m k eq em refi, ‘to g et w o r s e ’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f keq.

m ly sh m, pl. mlysha ‘kind offish , pike’. Another variant is mlyç. B or­

rowed from Rom *maris lücius ‘sea pike’, even though in Albanian
the word refers to a sweet water fish. 0 M e y e r Wb. 284 (a hesitant
comparison with Ital merluzzo ‘cod, hake’), NGr. St. Ill 39; ÇABEJ St.
I 352 (from Lat lücius ‘pike’); MTHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 23; HAAR­
MANN 133.

(G) m lle f m ‘rancor, wrath’. A derivative in - /( = Tosk -h) of mëllë

(ÇABEJ St. I 352-353).

m nerë f ‘fear, frig h t’. A p h on etic variant o f tmerr.

m o ç m. pl. moça ‘one year old wether’. From PAlb *matusa derived
from mot.

m oçoj aor. moçova ‘to insult, to offend'. Borrowed from Lat monsträre
‘to show, to report, to witness against’.

m od h m ‘bushel’. Borrowed from Lat modus ‘m easure’.

m o d h u ll f, pl. modhulla ‘v e t c h , c h i c k l i n g , c h i c k - p e a ’ . C o n t i n u e s PAlb

*madzula d e r i v a t i o n a l l y c l o s e t o L i t h mazidis ‘s m a l l ’ ( P E D E R S E N KZ
XXXVT 335) a n d f u r t h e r r e l a t e d t o L i t h mazas i d . ( M E Y E R Wb. 284-
285, Alb. St. Ill 16, 64, 83). B o r r o w e d t o R u m mazare. 0 C A M A R D A
I 178 ( t o G k j i ô ô o ç ' k i n d o f p l a n t ’ ); J O K L LKUBA 182-186 ( t o G o t h
mats ‘d i s h , f o o d ’ , OIr maisse i d . ) ; B A R I C ARSt 55-56 ( t o S k t mäsa-
‘b e a n ’ ); T R E I M E R Slavia III 453 ( t o mot)’, C lM O C H O W S K I LP 11 233;
272 M OKËR ~ M OKËN - M O LLË

C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 117 (su ffix -«//); F r a e n k e l 4 2 2 -4 2 3 ; P o g h ir c 1st.

limb. rom. II 332; ROSETTI ILR I 278; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 218;
H a m p SCL XXX 89; BURROW Hennins 95; OREL ZfBalk XXIII
149; DEMIRAJ AE 2 7 6 .

mokër ~ mokën f, pl. mokra ~ mokna ‘millstone’. Borrowed from Gk

(XTixavTi ‘device, instrument’ (THUMB IF XXVI 16). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 37 (from Lat machina ‘machine, instrument’); MEYER Wb.
285 (from Latin); BARIC ARSt. I 19 (follows THUMB); JOKL Reallex.
Vorgesch. I 89; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 195 (prefers the Latin etymol­
ogy); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 31; O l b e r g SPhAen 42; H a a r m a n n
134 (from Latin); JANSON Unt. 43; LANDI Lat. 27, 112.

m okërr f, pl. mokrra ‘millipede, woodlouse’. Borrowed from the sub­

stantivized Slavic adjective *mokra, fem. ‘w et’, cf. *mokrica ‘milli­
pede’.

molar adj. ‘dirty, muddy’. A préfixai formation based on lare, a par­

ticipial form of lyej.

molë f, pi. mola ‘moth’. Borrowed from Slav *molb id., cf. South Slavic
continuants: Bulg mol, SCr molj. A parallel form molicë continues
S lav *molica id. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 285). The
verb molis ‘to eat away (of m oth)’ is derived from molë. 0 S e l i SCev
Slav, naselenie 198; SVANE 154.

molikë f, pl. molika ‘silver fir ’. An early b orrow in g from S lav *moldika
‘y o u n g tall tr e e ’, cf. B u lg mladika, SC r mladika. 0 JOKL LKUBA 196-
197, 2 0 0 (to mëllenjë and its cogn ates); SELlSÒEV Slav, naselenie 164;
S v a n e 127.

molis aor. molisa, molita ‘to make tired, to weaken’. Borrowed from
Slav *m'bdbliti id., cf. CS mbdliti, Slovene medliti.

mollë f, pi. molle ‘apple, apple tree’. Borrowed from Lat mälum id.
( G i l ’ f e r d i n g Otn. 25; M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 38; M E Y E R Wb. 285).
0 C a m a r d a I 46 (compares with G k jafi^ov id.); M i h ä e s c u RESEE
IV/3-4 350 (from G k ia.TjA.ov); Ç a b e j St. VII 210, 254; H U L D 94 (molle
described as a cognate of Lat mälum and G k jxrjÄov).
 M OLLOK — M ORTH 273

mollok m, pl. mollokë ‘boulder, rock, lump’. Derived from molle.

moraçë f ‘fennel’. Borrowed from South Slavic *moracb id.: Bulg

morar, SCr morac (M ik l o s ic h Slav. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 259).

more interj. A vocative particle used in a call to a man. Other variants

are mre, bre, ore. In feminine forms mo] and mori are used (but vore
in Italo-Albanian). The same interjection is used in all Balkan lan­
guages. The source of more may be one of the aoristic forms of marr.
0 CAMARDA I 323 (to Gk òpàco ‘to see’); MEYER Wb. 28 6 .

more f ‘bogey, nightmare’. Borrowed from Slav *mora id., cf. South
Slavic reflexes: Bulg mora, SCr mora (MEYER Wb. 2 8 6 -2 8 7 ). 0 SVANE
2 1 6 , 23 7 .

mori f ‘swarm, mass, crowd’. Borrowed from Slav *m or’e ‘sea; (fig.)
large amount, swarm ’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg more, SCr more. 0
ÇABEJ St. VII 2 0 9 , 281

mornica pi. ‘shivering fit’. Borrowed from Slav *morbnica ‘shiver­

ing; kind of illness’, cf. Bulg mornica, Slovene mornica (SVANE 184).

morovicë f ‘ant’. Borrowed from South Slavic *mor\ica id., cf. Bulg
mravica, SCr mravica (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 287).
Alb -oro- seems to reflect an analogical change of *morvica to
*morovica, cf. Ukr muravic'a and the like. 0 S e l i SCev Slav, nasele-
riie 198; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 196 (contamination with morr).

morovinë f ‘sultriness’. Borrowed from Slav *morovina, deverbative

of *moriti ‘to destroy’ otherwise unknown in South Slavic. 0 SVANE
172.

m ort m ‘death’. Borrowed from Lat mortem id. (G il ’ f e r d in g Otn.

25; CAMARDA II 145; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 42; M e y e r Wb. 2 8 7 ).
0 M e y e r -LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1045, 1048; MTHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-
2 18; H a a r m a n n 137; L a n d i Lat. 85.

morth m ‘chilblain’. Derivative of morr, cf. a similar semantic rela­

tionship in Rum paducci ‘chilblain’ ~ päducel ‘small louse, n it’
274 M ORR — MOT

(ÇABEJ St. I 353). 0 MEYER Wb. 260 (to mardh)\ MURATI Probleme
91.

m orr m, pi. morra ‘lo u s e ’. F rom P A lb *merwa based on IE *mer- ‘to

d ie ’ as Gk q>0eip ‘lo u s e ’ is b ased on (p 0 e ip r o ‘to d e s tr o y ’(OREL Fort.
79 ). 0 STIER KZ XI 2 4 5 (to Lat mordeO ‘to b ite ’ or to NCik ¡ K o p á ) ;
M e y e r Wb. 2 8 7 (fo llo w s S t ie r ) ; J o k l Studien 58 (to Skt marcdyati
‘to en d a n g e r’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 196, Stratificazione 139; F r is k
II 1 0 1 2 -1 0 1 3 ; D e m ir a j AE 27 7 .

mos adv. ‘not’ (prohib.). From P A lb *mats connected with TE *më id.
(BOPP 497; CAMARDA I 102, 214; MEYER Wb. 2 8 7 ). The Indo-Euro­
pean prohibitive *mê is directly reflected in a simple form mo. The
second element may go back to IE *k“e ‘and’ so that mos continues
*me k^e as reflected in Gk nr|te ‘and not’ (OREL SBJa Leksikol. 149-
150). 0 BO PP497 (identifies -s in mos with s ’ ‘not’ so that mos is treated
as a double negation); MEYER Wb. 2 8 7 (-s = s ‘not’ < Lat dis-)', PE­
DERSEN KZ XXXVI 322; JOKL AArbSt. I 3 7 -3 8 (connects - i with the
pronominal stem ~ *k“i-); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 197; M a n n Lan­
guage XXVI 383; ClMOCHOWSKl LP IV 205; LA PIANA Studi I 2 2 , 90;
P is a n i Saggi 110; P o k o r n y 1 703; C h a n t r a i n e 692; Ç a b e j St. 1 3 5 3 -
3 5 4 (analyzes mos as two subsequent negations mo + s’; HAMP SCL
X X X / 1 89; H u l d 9 4 -9 5 (follows O r e l ) ; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 349; ;
D e m ir a j AE 2 7 5 -2 7 6 .

moshë f ‘age’. In dialects, a more phonetically archaic form mocë is

preserved. Goes back to PAlb *mätusä derived from *mäti- > mot.
Borrowed to Rum mos, ‘grandfather’ after the change of *-t(u)s- to
*-s- (JOKL LKUBA 33: reconstructs *met-sio-). 0 M e y e r Wb. 263 (to
mas): POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 345; ROSETTl 1LR I 279; ÇABEJ St.
I 354; H u l d 95; D e m ir a j AE 278.

mot m, pi. mote ‘time, weather, storm, thunderbolt’. Goes back to PAlb
*mati- etymologically identical with Skt mäti- ‘m easure’, Gk nfjxiç
id., OE rne'd id. derived from IE *me- ‘to m easure’ and, in particu­
lar, to Iran *maty a- ‘day’; Sogd my 8, Yagn met, Yazg mlO, and also
Osset met, mît ‘snow’ (T r u b a c e v Ètimologiia 1965 14). Semantical­
ly, mot is also close to Lith mëtas ‘time, year’ (G il ’ f e r d in g Otn. 23;
M e y e r Wb. 263, Alb. St. Ill 23, 63, 87) which, however, displays a
 M OTËR — M REKULL 275

short vowel in the root, and to Hisp-Celt maTus ‘(favorable) period

of time’ reflecting a zero-grade. 0 JOKL LKUBA 33, 40, 326, Sprache
IX 117; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 197; L a P ia n a Studi I 114; M a n n Lan­
guage XXVI 383; PORZIG Gliederung 176; F r a e n k e l 445; F r is k II
232-233; M a y r h o f e r II 638; P o k o r n y I 703-704; M o r g e n s t ie r n e
Frontier II 24, 229 (Baltic ~ Iranian comparison); A b a e v II 124 (iso­
lates the Ossetic word from the rest of Ianian); ÇABEJ St. VII 187,
252; H u ld 95; ESKA Botorrita 75-76; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 148;
D e SNICKAJA Sravn. 203; D e m ir a j AE 278.

motër f, pi. motra ‘sister’. From PAlb *mater going back to IE *mater-
‘m other’: Skt matar-, Gk |ar\xnp. Eat mater and the like (G i l ’ f e r d -
ING Otn. 23; CAMARDA I 72; MEYER BB VIII 190 ( ‘m other’ > ‘elder
sister’), Wb. 287-288, Alb. St. Ill 24, 64, 72, 82). 0 PEDERSEN Kelt.
Gr. I 48; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 197, Stratificazione 118; L a P ia n a
Studi I 22; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 390; F r isk II 232; C h a n t r a in e 699;
M a y r h o f e r li 619-620; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I I 49-50; P is a n i Saggi 99;
B a r iç Hymje 38, 71; POKORNY I 700; HULD 95-96 (reconstructs the
Omaha-kinship system for Proto-Albanian); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 146;
D e m ir a j AE 278.

m o to v ile f. pi. motovile ‘reel, spool'. Borrowed from Slav *motovid-

lo id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg motovila, SCr motovilo (MEYER Wb.
287). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 171, 306; ÇABEJ St. VII 254; SvANE
46, 252.

m pij ~ m pîj aor. mpiva ~ mpiva ‘to benumb, to make stiff’. Goes back
to PAlb *en-paginja related to Gk rcnyv\)(ii ‘to make firm, to make
stiff’, Lat pangö id., Goth fähan ‘to catch’ and the like (CAMARDA II
157; M e y e r Wb. 265). 0 F r is k II 525-526; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 245-
246; F e i s t Goth. 134-135; POKORNY I 787; ÇABEJ St. I 354-355
(reconstructs *en-paginja).

m raz m, pi. mraze ‘rain-storm, bitter frost’. Borrowed from Slav

*morzT> ‘cold, frost’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg mraz, SCr
mraz ( S v a n e 174, 237).

mrekull f, pi. mrekull, mrekullra ‘m iracle’. A singularized plural of

*mrakull borrowed from Lat miräculum id. (M IK I.O S IC II Rom. Elemente
276 M RET MUF

41-42; M e y e r Wb. 288). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1043, 1048;

P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 536; Ç a b e j St. I 355; H a a r m a n n 136; L a n d i
Lai. 4 5 , 86, 1 4 1 -1 4 2 .

m ret m, pi. mreta ‘arbutus, wild straw berry’. Derivative of mare id.

mrezhë f ‘net’. Borrowed from Slav *merza id., cf. South Slavic: Bulg
mreza, SCr mreza (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 27; M e y er Wb. 2 8 8 ).
0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 170; SVANE 153.

m ti ~ m tì tri ‘churn’. Other variants are bëti, peti, muti, tpî. Borrowed
from Rom *patina for Lat patina ‘broad dish, pan’. 0 MEYER Wb. 295
(based on Slav *mçsti ‘to sweep’ or *moliti ‘to stir’); ÇABEJ St. I 355-
356 (to tire ‘barrel’).

mu ~ mû adv. ‘just, right, exactly’. Borrowed from Lat imnnlne

‘freely, absolutely’. 0 CAMARDA I 311 (to me)-, ÇABEJ St. I 356 (to
me ‘m ore’).

muaj ~ muej m, pi. rtiuaj ~ muej ‘month’. From PAlb *mäsnja, derived
from an earlier *mesn-, metathesis of IE *mëns- ‘moon, month’: Skt
más-, Gk |xt|v, Lat mênsis, Oír m i and the like.The same metathesis
may be supposed for Slav *mësqcb < *mësen-ko- id. 0 BOPP 4 6 7 (direct
comparison with reflections of IE *mëns-)\ CAMARDA I 58 (follows
BOPP); MEYER Wb. 2 8 8 , Alb. St. I ll 64; PEDERSEN Festskr. Thomsen
2 4 7 , Kelt. Gr. I 86; JOKL IF X L IX 2 7 6 , WuS X II 8 1 , Sprache IX 150;
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 194-1 9 5 ; L a P ia n a St. Varia 44; M a n n Lan­
guage X X V I 383; CiMOCHOWSKJ LP II 223; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 398;
F r is k II 2 2 7 -2 2 8 ; M a y r h o f e r II 6 3 1 -6 3 2 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 7 1 -
72; L e w is - P e d e r s e n 24; V e n d r y e s [MJ 46; P o k o r n y 1 731-732; K lin -
GENSCHMITT Münch. St. Spr. X L 127; T r u b a c e V ÈSSJa X V III 192-
194; HULD 9 6 (treats -j in muaj as a suffix similar to -i in ari % O r e l
Z ß a lk X X III 142; D e m ir a j AE 2 7 9 -2 8 0 .

muf adj. ‘unripe’. From PAlb *muska (with -/< -h) related to IE *meu-
‘w et’, cf. Latv maût ‘to plunge, to swim’, Slav *myti ‘to wash’ and,
formally, Lat muscus ‘m oss’ belonging to the same root. 0 POKORNY
1 7 4 1 -7 4 2 .
 M U FA S — MUND 277

m u fas aor. mufata ‘to puff up, to swell, to inflate’. From *mpufas, a
préfixai derivative of puhas.

m ug m, pi. mugje ‘twilight’. From PAlb *smuga related to OE smoca

‘smoke’, Oír múch id., Arm mux id. (ÇABEJ St. I 356). 0 C a m a r d a
I 131 (to Gk p/ujcôç ‘in sid e ’); MEYER Wb. 272-273 (to mëngoj); BARIC
ARSt. I 104 (to Gk àx^vç, ‘m ist, g lo o m ’ < IE *ipgh-); ACAREAN HAB
III 353; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 45 (to O N mykr ‘d u n g ’); L e w is -
P e d e r s e n 41; V e n d r y e s [M ] 69-70; POKORNY I 971.

m u gu ll m, pi. muguj ‘shoot, bud, sprout’. Another variant is mungali.

From PAlb *mugula identical with Lith *mugulas on which muguliúoti
‘to move’ is based. The latter is further related to mugóti ‘to go through
the mud’, miiginti ‘to touch, to move’ and the like. Borrowed to Rum
mugur. 0 MEYER Wb. 288 (quotes the non-existent Skt mulula- ‘bud’);
BARIC ARSt 54 (prefix mu- and a cognate of Gk (iÀaoxôç ‘sprout, shoot');
JOKL LKUBA 267 (suffix -ull); FRAENKEL 468; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom.
II 345; ROSETTI ILR I 279; I o n i t a SCL XL 485 ( fr o m an unattested
R o m *muculus)\ OREL Orpheus V I 68.

muj ~ muej aor. mujta, mufta ‘to be able, to prevail’. From PAlb *mundnja,
a secondary formation based on mund.

m ujoj aor. mujova ‘to disprove’. Derived from muj (ÇABEJ St. I 356).
0 C a m a r d a I 47 (to Lat müniâre ‘to defend, to protect’).

m u llë r ‘stomach’. Borrowed from Rom *mula > OFr mule id. (M e y e r
Wb. 289). 0 JOKL LKUBA 285; M a n n Language XXVIII 33 (to Skt
miirdhan-).

mulli ~ m ullí m, pi. mullinj ‘mill’. Borrowed from Lat mollnum id. (MEYER
Wb. 289), 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 43 (from Ital molino id.); M ey ER-
L übke Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044, 1049; JOKL IF L 47; T a g l ia v in i Dal­
mazia 199; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 411; M ih ä e SCU RESEE IV /1-2 23;
HAARMANN 137; JANSON Unt. 55; LANDI Lat. 88, 137, 158.

m und aor. munda ‘to be able’. Continues PAlb *munda, a nasal present
related to Lith muda ‘possibility’, mudúoti ‘to try, to attempt’, Skt
mo'date y ‘to rejoice, to be m erry’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 291 (to OHG muntar
278 MUNGOJ — M L 'R T A J Ë

'fresh’, Lith mundrits ‘cheerful, m erry’), Alb. St. ITT 64, 80; JOKLStudien
58 (adds Lith mandrils ‘high-spirited’, Slav *mçdr'b ‘wise’ to M e y e r ’ s
parallels), Reallex. Vorgesch. I 91, IF XXXIII 127, XXXVI 131;
B a r ic ARSt. I 105; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 198; S c h m id t KZ LVII 37;
L a P i a n a Studi I 23; F r a e n k e l 467; C h a n t r a in e 664; M a y r h o f e r
II 693; POKORNY I 741-742; HAMP Laryngeals 138 (adduces Lith isminfis
‘to be able’); ÇABEJ St. I 357-358 (to OHG magari ‘to be able’ or to
Gk (¿ôyoç ‘trouble, distress’); D e m ir a j AE 281-283 (follows ÇABEJ).

mungoj aor. mungova ‘to lack’. A more archaic variant is mëngoj. Bor­
rowed from Rom *mancare > Ital mancare id. (MEYER Wb. 273). 0
ÇABEJ St. VII 251.

murg ~ mung m, pi. murgj ~ mungj ‘m o n k ’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat

monachus id. (MEYER Wb. 289). 0 M a n n Language XVII 14; ÇABEJ
St. I 358; ÖLBERG SPhAen 49; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 23; HAAR-
MANN 137; J a n s o n Unt. 45-46; LANDI Lat. 61, 138-139.

murg adj. ‘dark, grey’. From PA lb *murga related to Lith margas ‘m ul­
ticolored’, mirgúoti ‘to sparkle, to shine’, Latv mirga ‘gleam’, murgs
‘fantastic image’. The word for ‘mould’, murgjan, is derived from murg.
Borrowed to Rum murg ‘brown’. 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 250 (from
Lat amurca); MANN Language XVII 14 (to ON myrkr)\ FRAENKEL 410-
411; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 333; PISANI Saggi 122; ROSETTIÌLR
I 279.

murgë f ‘lees of oil’. Borrowed from Lat amurga id. 0 C a m a r d a II

163 (from Gk à|aópyri id.).

murmë adj. 'dark, grey’. Related to murret. 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 8 6 (related

to muer ~ mor id. borrowed from Turk mor id.).

murmuroj aor. murmurara ‘to m urm ur’. B orrow ed from Lat murmurare
id. ( M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 43; M e y e r Wb. 2 9 2 ).

murtajë f ‘plague’. Another variant is mortaje. Borrowed from Rom

*mortalia, based on Lat mortälis (M e y e r Wb. 287). Ô M e y e r -LDBKL
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1049; HAARMANN 137; LANDI Lat. 28, 88, 147.
 M U RRASH MUS HK 279

m urrash m, pl. murrashë ‘sparrow ’. Identical with murrash ‘dark,

dark grey’, cf. tnëllenjë.

m urrelë f, pl. murrela ‘horsefly, gadfly’. Related to murrët.

m urrë ~ m urrâ m ‘North wind’. Borrowed, with an assimilation of

the initial b-, from Rom *boreânus, an adjectival formation of Boreas
id. (M e y e r Wb. 42). 0 M e y e r -LU b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1052; Ç a b e j
St. I 358-359 (to murrët).

m urrët adj. ‘dark’. A derivative in -ët based on *murr continuing PAlb

*mura. The latter is etymologically related to Lith muras ‘mud’, murinas
‘dirty’, Latv mûrît ‘to besm irch’ and other reflexes of *meu-ro-
‘dirt’. 0 F r a e n k e l 419; POKORNY I 7 4 2 .

m urriz m, pi. murriza ‘brier, hawthorn, whitethorn’. Since it is also

translated as ‘Schwarzdorn’ by M e y e r , murriz may be linked to murrët.
0 SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 250 (connected with Ital marruca ‘Christ-thorn’);
M eyer Wb. 292 (from *mburniz- connected with NGk TtpouveÄaa ‘briar’);
JOKL/F XXXVI 148 (agrees with SCHUCHARDT); TREIMER Slavia III
455 (from a compound *mollë drizë)\ Ç.ABEJ St. I 359 (to morr).

mushicë f, pi. mushica ‘midge’. Another variant is mushiqe. Borrowed

from Slav *musica id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg musica, SCr
musica (M ik lo sic h Slav. Elemente 27). 0 S e li SCev Slav, naselenie 198;
S v a n e 155.

mushk m, pi. mushqe ‘mule’. Together with Bulg nibsk id., ORuss mi,ski,
id. and other Slavic forms (presumably, spreading from the South),
mushk forms an areal Balkan word for ‘mule’. Rum mu§coi id. is derived
from *mu§cu borrowed from Albanian. 0 M i k l o s i c h Slav. Elemente
26 (from Slavic); C a m a r d a II 158; S t i e r KZ XI 149; HlRT IF XII
2 2 5 (to Lat mains id., G k jju x^ ôç id.); M e y e r Wb. 2 9 3 -2 9 4 (to Lat
mulus id. < *muslus; adduces Ital dial, musso ‘ass’), Alb. St. Ill 64;
BARIC AÄ& 56; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 139; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 420;
P is a n i Saggi 129; P o g h i r c 1st. limb. rom. II 346; R o s e t t i H R I 279;
C h a n t r a i n e 7 2 0 ; H a a r m a n n 137; C l a c k s o n LR 23 1 .

mushk m ‘shoulder’. Results from the recomposition of mushkull. 0

 280 M U S H K Ë I.L Y E R — MUT

MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 5 4 9 (borrowed from Lat musculus ‘muscle’);

CAMARDA II 1 5 8 ; M e y e r Wb. 2 9 4 (follows M i k lo s ic h ) ; B a r i c ARSt
56 (to Lat umerus ‘shoulder’); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 200; Ç abej St.
I 3 5 9 -3 6 0 : H a a rm a n n 137.

mushkëllyer adj. ‘dun, grey-brown, red-brown’. A parallel form is mushkyl-

luar. Borrowed from Rom *muscellärius ‘colored like a m ouse’, cf.
Lat muscellärium ‘m ouse-trap’.

mushkëri ~ mushkni f, pl. mushkëri ~ mushkni ‘lu n g, liv e r ’. A s mëlçi,

this w ord m ay be used in phrases mushkëri e bardhë ‘lu n g ’ and mushkëri
e zezë ‘liv e r ’. D er iv ed from mushk ‘sh o u ld er’. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 4 3 (from Lat musculus).

mushkuar ~ mushkuer m ‘buffalo steer’. A préfixai derivative of shkuar,

participle of shkoj. Here a wide-spread pattern of calling cattle as ‘walking’
is used (cf. B e n v e n i s t e Inst. I 1 4 5 ). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 6 0 (somehow related
to Gk (iôo%oç ‘young bull’).

mushkull f ‘m uscle’. Borrowed from Lat musculus id.

mushllinzë f, pi. mushllinza ‘clambering vetch’. A parallel (secondary)

form is bushllizë. Based on *mushllî borrowed from Rom *mustëlïna.
The latter is a derivative of Lat mustèla ‘weasel’. For the semantic
development cf. Russ mysij gorosek ‘mouse vetch’. 0 ÇA BEJ St. I 3 6 0
(from *mbështëllizë, to mbeshtjell).

Rom. Elemente 43; MEYER Wb. 294). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2

I 1046, 1053; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; HAARMANN 137.

mushtëkohem refi, ‘to settle down’. Borrowed from Rom *domesticare

based on Lat domesticus ‘belonging to the house’.

mushtuar ~ mushtuer adj. ‘adult, ripe (of human beings)’. A participial

form of mushtoj ‘to train, to accustom, to make ferment (of wine)’,
derived from musht.

mut m, pi. mutra ~ mutna ‘excrement’. Continues PAlb *mukta for­

 MUZ — MYS 281

mally identical with Skt muktá- ‘released’ ( M e y e r Wb. 294, Alb. St.
Ill 5, 64). The latter is derived from muñcáti ‘to loose, to free’, cf.
also Lith mukti ‘to get free, to flee’ and the like. 0 FRAENKEL 418;
M a y r h o f e r II 649-650; P o k o r n y I 744.

muz m ‘corn-m easure’. A rare word from a Shkodran document in

Turkish reflecting a Latin loanword from modius id. (Ç A BEJ St. I 360).

muzg m ‘dusk’. From PAlb *muzga borrowed from to Slav *tm,zga

‘rainy weather’. The position of muzgë ‘m ud’ is not clear: it may be
related to muzg or, less probably, to represent a borrowing from Slav
*muzga ‘sap, mud’ (but neither Bulgarian, nor Serbo-Croatian pre­
serve the meaning ‘m ud’).

(T) mvrojtur adj. ‘dark’. A secondary phonetic form of mvrëjtur, a

participle of mvrëj ‘to cloud over’. The latter is a préfixai derivative
of vrër.

mycö f, pi myca ‘brushwood’. Derivative in -ce of my je.

myjë f ‘hardwood interior of trees, medulla’. Another variant is my

~ mi, mí id. Borrowed from Lat medulla id. 0 JOKLLKUBA 195 (related
to mëllenjë and based on IE *m eh- ‘black’).

myk m ‘mould, slime’. Borrowed from Lat mucus ‘slime’ ( M e y e r Wb.

n M.HJ— « i « .

mykë f ‘back edge (of knife)’. From PA lb *mükâ etymologically related

to Gk |iD%ôç ‘innermost part’, A rm mxem ‘to put into, to insert’. 0
M e y e r Wb. 360 (identical with pykë); F r isk II 279; POKORNY I 745.

myll m ‘mule’. Borrowed from Lat mülus id. (M ey er Wb. 295). 0 MEYER-
L ü BKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 24.

mys m ‘clod (of earth); bread crust’. From PAlb *mütja, based on IE
*meu3- ‘wet, dirty, to wash’. For the development of meaning, cf. LGerm
2H4 NDES — N I) ËR

Rom. Elemente 31 (b orrow ed from Lat honorem id.); M e y e r Wb. 2 9 8 -

2 9 9 (co n tin u es an unattested *ner b o rrow ed from Lat honorem id.);
MEYER-LübkE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1046, 1049; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 202-
20 3 (fo llo w s M e y e r ) , Origini 366; T r e im e r ZfromPhil XXXVIII 4 0 2
(p r éfix a i form ation in nd-)\ MANN Language XXVI 3 8 6 -3 8 7 ; ÇABEJ
St. I 3 6 1 -3 6 3 (to ëndërr)', L a n d i Lat. 6 4 -6 5 , 101.

ndes aor. ndesa ‘to have troubles’, refi, ndeset ‘to get tangled up (of
threads)’. Goes back to PAlb *en-datsa reflecting IE *dek-- and
closely related to the isolated Lith dàkyti ‘to mix up, to put in disor­
der’, dhknyti id., dàkanoti id. 0 FRAENKEL 80-81; ÇABEJ St. VII 184;
OREL Orpheus VI 69.

ndesh aor. ndesha ‘to meet’. Continues PAlb *en-da-sja etymologically

related to Gk ôrjco ‘to find’ (OREL Orpheus VI 69). 0 PEDERSEN IF V
47 (to Slav *desiti ‘to meet’ - but it continues IE *dek~); JOKL Studien
60-61 (follows and compares ndesh with ndieh)\ TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
203; F r is k I 383; P o k o r n y I 217; D e m ir a j AE 285.

ndez aor. ndeza ‘to set alight, to ignite’. From PAlb *en-dadzja, a causative
formation based on djeg and continuing *-dog hew (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI
323-324). 0 JOKL LKUBA 333; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 208; La P ia n a
Studi I 74, St. Varia 33; ÇABEJ St. Ili 124, VII 217, 219; HULD 147;
D e m ir a j AE 286.

ndë prep, ‘in, into’. A frequently used parallel form is në; in Old Alban­
ian the initial vowel was still preserved in ende (B U Z U K U ) . Goes back
to PAlb *en-da composed of IE *en ‘in’ (cf. Gk ev, Lat in and the
like) and IE *do: Slav *do ‘to’, Gmc *tö id. (M E Y E R Wb. 299). 0 T A G L I ­
AVIN I Dalmazia 201; M A N N Language X V II22; F R ISK I 508-509; W A L D E -
H o f m a n n I 687-688; O N IO N S 927; P O K O R N Y I 181-183, 311-313;
K O P E C N Y ESSJI 59-66; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 37-38; H u l d 97-98 (sep­
arates ndë from në and derives the latter from IE *eni).

ndër prep, ‘under, between’. Borrowed from Lat inter ( M E Y E R Wb.

299). 0 B O P P 500 (related to Lat inter); P E D E R S E N Krit. Jahresbericht
IX 213; M a n n Language XXVIII 32; H a m p Laryngeals 136 (recon­
structs *I/enter)-, Ç a b e j St. VII 201, 208; D E M IR A J AE 286-287.
 NDËRGOJ - N D IEJ 285

ndërgoj aor. ndërgova ‘to suck’. Borrowed, with a metathesis, from

Lat integrare ‘to restore, to refresh’.

ndërliq aor. ndërliqa ‘to tangle up threads; to interlace, to w ea v e’. Another

variant is ndërlik p reser v in g the o rig in a l form o f the auslaut v elar.
D e r iv e d from liq ( K r i s t o f o r i d h i 2 7 1 ). T he d ia lecta l form ndrëliks
id. < *nderliks is d eriv ed from ndërlik (ÇABEJ St. I 3 6 4 ). 0 CAMARDA
1 4 2 (to G k évxn X íaao) ‘to ro ll, to wrap u p ’); M e y e r Wb. 301 (fo llo w s
C a m a r d a ) ; Ç a b e j Sr. IV 80.

ndërtoj aor. ndërtova ‘to build, to construct’. A derivative of Rom

*direttóre, cf. Lat directus ‘straight’ ( M e y e r Wb. 66). 0 CAMARDA I
123 (derived from drejt)\ WEIGAND 6 0 (follows CAMARDA); MIHÄESCU
RESEE I V / 1-2 25; ÇABEJ St. I 3 6 4 -3 6 5 (to trajtoj).

ndërzej aor. ndërzeva ‘to m a te’ . A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f zë. 0 MEYER
Wb. 3 0 0 (b o r ro w ed from S la v *drazniti ‘to irritate, to a r o u se ’ );
Ç a b e j St. V II 2 5 0 .

ndërroj aor. ndërrova ‘to change, to alter’. Borrowed from Lat alterare
id., with an irregular change of the sonorant (MEYER Wb. 3 0 0 , Alb.
St. IV 15). 0 C a m a r d a I 45 (to tjetèr); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 203;
H a a r m a n 110; ÇABEJ St. I 3 65 (to Skt ántara- ‘other’ and the like);
M a n n Comp. 27 (same as ÇABEJ).

ndëshkoj aor. ndëshkova ‘to punish’. A préfixai derivative of *dëshkoj

borrowed from Lat dêspicârï ‘to despise’. 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-
2 14; Ç a b e j St. I 3 6 5 -3 6 6 (from Lat castigare ‘to correct, to chastise,
to punish’); H a a r m a n n 116 (same as Ç a b e j ).

ndiç adv., conj. ‘well, at any rate’. Another form is ndish. Goes back
to në diç ‘if you know’ ( Ç a b e j St. I 366).

ndiçëm adj. ‘old, withered, stale’. Another form is ndishëm. Histori­

cally identical with ndishëm ‘sensitive’, an adjectival derivative of ndiej.

ndiej aor. ndjeva ‘to fe e l, to p e r c e iv e , to h ea r’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e

o f di ( M e y e r Wb. 66). 0 C a m a r d a 1 8 1 (to Gk voeco ‘to se e , to p er­
c e iv e ’); M e y e r Alb. Gr. (to gjegj, variant o f dëgjoj); J o k l Studien 6 0 ,
IF XXXVI 112; B a r i c ARSt. I 3 3 -3 4 ; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 5 4 7 (to
286 NDIH ~ NDIF — NDODH

dè'gjem); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 203; Ç a b e j St. I 366-367 (related to

Goth pagkjart ‘to think’); DEM IRAJ AE 287-288.

ndih - n d if aor. ndiha ~ ndifa ‘to help’. Continues P A lb *en-diska related

to Gk öiepai ‘to hurry, to drive’, Skt dlyati ‘to fly, to soar’ and the
like. For the semantic development cf. Russ s-po-spes-estvovat’ ‘to
assist, to help’ ~ spesit’ ‘to hurry’. 0 CAMARDA I 135 (to Gk xet^oç
‘wall’ or Tt>XT) ‘luck, fortune’); MEYER Wb. 3 0 0 (to Goth peihan ‘to
thrive, to flourish’), Alb. St. Ill 6-7; SCHEFTELOWITZ KZ LVI 2 0 8 -2 0 9
(to the non-existent Skt day- ‘to take care’); F r is k I 3 8 9 -3 9 0 ; ÇABEJ
St. I 367-368 (continues IE *deik- ‘to show’); MAYRHOFER I I 46; POKORNY
I 187.

ndikoj aor. ndikova ‘to influence’. Borrowed from Lat indicare ‘to impose,
to inflict’. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 257-258.

ndjej aor. ndjeva ‘to pardon, to forgive’. More archaic forms are ndëjej
and ndëlej. Borrowed from Lat indulgere ‘to be indulgent, to concede’
(MEYER Wb. 299). Note the development of the group -Ig- as in mjel.
0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1050; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 23;
H a a r m a n n 130.

n d jek aor. ndoqa ‘to fo llo w , to ch ase, to p u r su e’. F rom P A lb *en-teka,

a p refix form ation related to IE *tek“- ‘to run, to f lo w ’: OIr techim
‘to f le e ’, Lith teku, tekëti ‘to ru n ’, Slav *tekg, *tekti ‘to flo w , to ru n ’
( M e y e r BB VIII 185, Wb. 300-301, Alb. St. Ill 3, 24). A n oth er v erb ,
*awa-teka , is r e clec te d as vdjek ‘to p u r su e’ instead o f *ftjek under the
in flu e n c e o f ndjek. 0 F r a e n k e l 1074-1075; L e w is - P e d e r s e n 291;
V e n d r y e s [TJ 40; V a s m e r IV 37; P o k o r n y I 1059; P is a n i Saggi 120
(to G k SicoKG) ‘to p u rsu e’); CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 96; H a m p Laryngeals
126 (on V- in vdjek); ÇABEJ St. VII 269; HULD 97; KLINGENSCHMITT
Koll. Idg. Ges. 227; DEMIRAJ AE 288.

n d jell aor. ndolla ‘to entice, to lure; to call (to an animal)’. Continues
PAlb *en-delna, a denominative related to the Balto-Slavic word for
‘palm (of the hand)’: Lith délna, Slav *dolnb. 0 MEYER Wb. 301 (to
Lith délka ‘fishing-rod’); FRAENKEL 87-88; TRUBAÓEV ÈSSJa V 63-
64.

ndodh aor. ndodha ‘to h appen, to take p la ce , to o c c u r ’. F rom P A lb

 (T) NDOHTË NDREQ, 287

*en-tâdza continuing IE *täg- (or *tâg- as implied by Baltic): Gk xáooco

‘to arrange, to put in ord er’, Tayp ‘ordering, array’, Lith pa-togus
‘com fortable’, su-togti ‘to m arry’. 0 MEYER Wb. 301 (to Lat tangö ‘to
touch’ or to Goth tekan id.), Alb. St. Ill 17; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI
335; B ark? ARSt. I 5 7 -5 8 (to Lat cadö ‘to fall’); F r isk II 8 4 5 -8 4 6 ,
859; F r a e n k e l 551; POKORNY I 1055; Ç a b e j St. I 3 6 9 -3 7 0 (to Gk
T£\)X® ‘to prepare’).

(T) ndohtë adj. ‘d irty, f o u l’. B ased on ndoh ‘to m ake d irty ’, an in ch o a ­
tive d eriv a tiv e o f ndyj (MEYER Wb. 301; KRlSTOFORlDHl 2 2 9 ). 0 JOKL
Studien 6 1 -6 2 (to dhjes)\ DEMIRAJ AE 2 9 0 -2 9 1 .

ndorë f ‘charge, tutelage, patronage’. A back-formation based on ndoroj

‘to manage, to control, to protect’. A metathesized borrowing from
Rom *pantöräre < Apatronare, cf. Lat patrönus ‘protector, defend­
e r’.

ndormë adj. ‘unleavened; ordinary’. Derived from dorë with the orig­
inal meaning ‘handy, easy to m ake’ (ÇABEJ St. I 3 7 0 ). 0 ClMO-
CHOWSKI LP II 321 (to Skt táruna- ‘young, fresh’); Ç a b e j St. VII 2 1 2 ,
242.

ndorrina conj. ‘although’. Other variants are ndorina and ndori. More
frequent variants use the adverbial element -na but the original con­
junction is ndori, a form of ndor ~ ndorë. The underlying meaning
is ‘(even) with the protection of’. 0 ÇABF.J St. I 3 7 0 -3 7 1 (from ndo
rri ‘although you are sitting’).

ndoshta adv. ‘perhaps, maybe’. Derived from ndosh ‘to happen’, a sec­
ondary formation based on ndodh (KONITZA apud Ç a b e j St. I 3 7 1 ).
0 WEIGAND BA I 2 6 0 (from në do të ishte)\ ÇABEJ St. I 3 7 0 -3 7 1 (from
SCr doista ‘truly’); MURATI Probleme 92.

ndrag aor. ndraga ‘to m ake d ir ty ’. F rom P A lb *en-traga, a d en o m i­

native verb related to OHG dree ‘dirt, dung’, O N Iprekkr id., Gk axepyàvoç
‘d u n g ’ (H es.) and the like ( M e y e r Wb. 3 0 1 ). 0 K l u g e 141; F r is k II
790; POK O RNY I 1032.

ndreq aor. ndreqa ‘to put in ord er, to a rra n g e’ . D er iv ed from ndreq
~ ndrejt, adv. ‘straigh t, d ir e c t’, c f. drejtë.
288 N D R IK U I.I, — NDUK

ndrikull f, pi. ndrikulla ‘godmother; midwife’. Borrowed from Lat matrícula

used in the sense of Roin *mâtrïna id. > Ital madrina (M IK LOSICH
Rom. Elemente 40; M EYER Wb. 301).0 M E Y E R -L ü B K E Gr. Grund­
riß 2 I 1054 (from Lat nutrïcula); H a a r m a n n 135.

ndrizë f, pi. ndriza ‘band, bandage’. Continues *n-dridh-ze related to

dredh (JOKL Studien 18).

ndrydh aor. ndrydha ‘to press, to squeeze, to tw ist’. From PAlb *en­
trada etymologically connected with Lat trüdö ‘to thrust, to push, to
press on’, Goth us-priutan ‘to burden’ and the like. The verb ndrydh
is a source of secondary expressive forms ndryp ‘to press, to squeeze’
and ndi-ys ‘to massage’ (the later may be a derivative in *-tja). 0 M e y e r
Wb. 301 (from Rom *intrudo)', TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia 261; W a l d e -
H O FM ANN IT 710; F e i s t Goth. 535-536; P o k o r n y 1 1095-1096; Ç a b e j
St. I 372 (to dredh).

ndryj aor. ndryva ~ ndryna ‘to lock’. Derived from dry. M ANN Lan­
guage XVII 16 (from dru). (> ÇA BEJ St. VII 243.

ndryqem ~ ndriqem refi, ‘to stretch oneself’. Continues PAlb *en-truka

i itn n r f» c c ’ T itVi
 N D U I.K F .M — NEM AK 289

E R N O U T -M e i l l e t 186; M A N N Language XXVI 384; KLUG E 885; FEIST

Goth. 4 7 8 -4 7 9 ; W a l d e - H o f m a n n I 3 7 7 -3 7 8 ; POKORNY I 2 2 0 -2 2 1 ;
Ç a b e j St. I 3 7 3 -3 7 4 ; D e m i r a j AE 291.

ndulkem refi, ‘to ripen’. From PAlb *en-tulka etymologically linked

to Lith telkiii, telkti ‘to gather, to bring together’, Slav *telkti ‘to beat,
to pound’. M e y e r Wb. 313 (derived from Lat dulcís ‘sweet'); V a s m e r
IV 7 3 -7 4 ; F r a e n k e l 1078; Ç a b e j St. I 3 7 4 (to tul); O r e l Orpheus V I
6 9.

ndyj ~ ndyej aor. ndyra ‘to make dirty, to soil, to dip, to imm erse’.
From PAlb *en-dünja related to Gk 8úco ‘to sink, to cause to sink, to
plunge in ’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 0 7 (to OHG tühhan ‘to immerse’); F risk
I 4 2 7 -4 2 8 ; POKORNY 1 2 1 7 - 2 1 8 .

ne pron. ‘we’. From PAlb *nö(s) etymologically related to Skt nas-,

Av no, Lat nos id. and other continuations of this stem in Indo-Euro­
pean (BOPP 464; G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 23; CAMARDA 1 2 1 6 -2 1 7 ; M e y e r
Wb. 2 9 6 , Alb. St. Ill 6 3 , 6 5 ). Oblique cases have na from the Indo-
European form of accusative with a short vowel. In some dialects, na
appears in nom. sg. while ne represents oblique cases. 0 JOKL Sprache
IX 142; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 204; L a P ia n a Studi I 8 5 , 90; E r n o u t -
290 NEM EC — NEVO) E

nemec m, pl. nemeca ‘dumb, stuttering person’. Borrowed from Slav

*nembci, id. a lso denoting Germans, cf. in South Slavic Bulg nemec,
SCr nijemac, nemac (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 2 7 ). The form nemc
‘G erm an’ goes back to the same source, 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 204;
S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 195, 286.

nepërkë f, pl. nepërkë ‘adder, viper’. A more archaic form is nepërtkë.

Borrowed from Slav *neprb rtkb attested in Bulg neprhthk ‘buttercup,
yellowgold’ (its other name being zabun'ak ‘related to toads’) con­
nected with some other marginal Slavic forms such as *jbzportbk’b
‘miscarried fetus’ and *vyporthkb id. The original form being the source
of nepërkë described a freshly hatched snake. The Albanian word was
borrowed to Rum nàpîrcà.0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 71 (from Lat
vìpera ‘viper’); MEYER Wb. 303 (follows MIKLOSICH); TAGLIAVINI Strat­
ificazione 139; V a SMER I 369; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 346; ROSETTI
1LR I 279; ÇABEJ St. V il 195. 204; MOUTSOS Z ß a lk XXXII/2 204
(borrowed from Rum nàpîrcà continuing Rom *natricipertica)’, OREL
Orpheus VI 69.

nesër adv. ‘tom orrow ’. From PAlb *natsör continuing *nok“tiör, an

adverbial derivative of ^nok^t- ‘night’, cf. W neithiwr, neithwyr ‘last
night’, Bret neizœr, neiziir id. (M a n n Hist. Gr. 2 0 4 ). 0 CAMARDA I
3 09 (to Gk úaxepaíoc ‘the day after tom orrow ’); M e y e r Wb. 3 0 3 (to
Goth neha ‘near’ and the like), Alb. St. Ill 13, 65; PEDERSEN BB XX
2 3 6 -2 3 7 , KZ XXXVI 3 3 6 (from an earlier *nati herë ‘at the hour of
night’), Kelt. Gr. I 123; B a r i ÓARSt. I 5 8 -6 0 (from *en auso- ‘at dawn’);
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 20 4 (supports P e d e r s e n ) ; L e w is - P e d e r s e n 4 1 ,
109; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 4 5 -4 6 (compound of nes- < *en öku-
‘swift’ and herë)\ Ç a b e j St. I 3 7 4 -3 7 5 (from në esëll herë ‘at the time
of morning fast’); DEMIRAJ AE 2 9 2 -2 9 3 .

neveris aor. neverita ‘to d esert, to n e g le c t’. B o rro w ed from Slav *ne
vëriti ‘not to b e lie v e ’ (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 27; MEYER Wb. 3 04).
0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 192; SVANE 24 6 .

nevojë f, pi. nevoja ‘need’. Borrowed from Slav *nevol’a ‘lack of freedom,
necessity’, cf. South Slavic parallels: Bulg nevol'a, SCr nevolja (M I­
KLOSICH Slav. Elemente 27; MEYER Wb. 304). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, nase­
lenie 178; S v a n e 222
 NËM E ~ NAM Ë — NËNTË ~ N A N I) 291

nëmë ~ namë f, pl. nëmë ~ name ‘curse’. From PAlb *namá related
to nëm ~ nam ‘to curse’ from PAlb *nama. Etymologically connect­
ed with Gk vepco ‘to distribute’, Goth niman ‘to take’ and the like,
with the semantic shift justified by the development in Greek, cf. vé(ieaiç
‘wrath’ (CAMARDA I 36; M e y e r Wb. 2 9 7 , Alb. St. Ill 6 4 -6 5 ). 0 F r i s k
II 3 0 2 -3 0 4 ; F e i s t Goth. 3 7 5 -3 7 6 ; P o k o r n y I 7 6 3 ; Ç a b e j Festschr.
Pisani I 184; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 145; D e m i r a j AE 293.

nëmëroj aor. nëmërova ‘to number, to count’. Borrowed from Lat numerare
id. ( M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 44; MEYER Wb. 3 1 2 , Alb. St. IV 19).
Other similar forms, such as numër ‘num ber’, are of Italian or learned
Latin origin (Ç a b e j St. I 3 8 4 ). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß21 1046,
1050; MiHÄESCU PESEE I V / 1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 138.

nën prep, ‘under’. A more conservative variant is ndè'n. An extended

form of ndë ( M e y e r Wb. 299).

nënë ~ nanë f, pl. nëna ~ nana ‘m other’. An onomatopoeia compara­

ble with that of SCr nana id., Rum nana id. and the like (MEYER Wb.
291, Alb. St. Ill 6 5 ). 0 MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 27 (fro m Slavic);
SCHMIDT KZ LVII 18; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 2 0 1 , Stratificazione 118;
H u l d 98 (traces nënë ~ nanë back to Indo-European); JANSON Unt.
9 7 -9 8 ; D e m i r a j AE 29 4 .

nënëris aor. nënërita ‘to m urm ur’. An onomatopeia.

nëng ~ nang adv. ‘n o t’ . A difficult form . Probably, a Latin loanword,

cf. Lat numquam ( M e y e r Wb. 3 0 4 ), but then the vowel remains unex­
plained. Is it a double negation from *ne nuk developed to *nenk >
nëngl 0 H u l d 99.

nëngj m ‘knot’. Borrowed from Rom *nodunculus (M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr.

Grundriß 2 1 1054).

nëntë ~ nand num . ‘nine’. The Tosk form is an analogical innovation

that has replaced *nëndë. Continues P A l b ne unti- representing a ti-
derivative of IE *neyn id.: Skt nava, Lat novern, Goth niun and the
like (BOPP459; M e y e r Wb. 304, Alb. St. Ill 65). 0 JO K L Reallex. Vorgesch.
I 85; P E D E R S E N Kelt. Gr. I 61; L a P i a n a Studi I 84; P i s a n i Saggi 106;
292 N ËPER — N GALEM

M a n n Language XVII 2 0 ; MAYRHOFER II 1 4 1 - 1 4 2 ; W a l d e - H o f m a n n

II 1 7 9 - 1 8 0 ; F e i s t Goth. 3 7 8 - 3 7 9 ; P o k o r n y I 3 1 8 - 3 1 9 ; H a m p IF
LXXXI 4 3 - 4 4 (to Ulyr Neunt(i)us), Numerals 9 1 5 -9 1 6 ; H ULD 154; D e m t r a j
AE 2 9 4 - 2 9 5 .

nëpër prep, ‘through’. A compound of në and për. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 193.

nëse eonj. ‘if’. A lexicalized sequence of në and se (Ç A BEJ St. I 3 7 5 ).

nga prep. ‘out’. Goes back to PAlb *en-ka, a compound consisting of

*en- identical with IE *en ‘in’ and *ka (also preserved as dialectal
ka ‘out’), a reflex of IE *kom, cf. Slav *k'b ‘to, towards’ (O R E L SBJa
Leksikol. 1 5 0 ) . A particularly interesting parallel of PAlb *en-ka is
found in Slav *vbn-kT> (Czech venku, Ukr vonka) < IE *en-kom. The
unusual semantic shift of nga is a part of a general transformation of
prepositional meanings in Albanian, cf. ith. 0 C A M A R D A 8 4 ; M EYER
Wb. 3 0 4 - 3 0 5 (ka < Gk Kociá ‘down’ with an inexplicable loss of the
second syllable); POK O RNY I 3 1 1 - 3 1 2 , 6 1 2 - 6 1 3 ; K OPECN Y ESSJ I
1 0 5 - 1 0 6 (on Slavic prepositions); ÇA BEJ St. VII 2 1 1 .

ngac aor. ngaca ‘to check, to halt’. A denominative based on *ngalcë

derived from ngalem.

ngacmoj aor. ngacmova ‘to incite, to tease’. A form parallel to ngall-

moj and based on *ngac me, derivative of *ngacë - ultimately, to nga s.

ngaj aor. ngava, ngajta ‘to run’. Another variant is nga(h). From PAlb
*en-ganja related to the reduplicated Skt jáháti ‘to leave, to abandon’,
OHG gân, gën ‘to go’ and the like (M E Y E R Wb. 3 0 5 , Alb. St. Ill 6 - 7 ) .
Other morphological variants of the verb are nga(h) < *en-gaska and
ngas < *en-gatja. 0 C a m a r d a I 4 0 (to NGk ‘to touch’); P e ­
d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 3 1 (borrowed from Slav *nukati ‘to prompt, to

urge’); TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 2 0 5 ; K LUG E 2 4 1 ; ClM OCHOW SKI St. IE
4 4 (to Slav *kotiti ‘to roll’); MAYRHOFER I 4 2 6 ; POKORNY 1 4 1 8 ; ÇABEJ
apud D e m i r a j (to Lat quatiö ‘to shake’); D e m i r a J AE 2 9 5 - 2 9 6 .

ngalem refi, ‘to be limping, to be lame, to be paralyzed’. From PAlb

*en-gala, a denominative based on an unattested *gala ‘end, obsta­
cle’ related to Lith galas ‘end’, Latv gals id., OPrus gallan ‘death’. 0
M e y e r Wb. 3 0 5 (from Ital incagliare ‘to halt’); H e l b ig 2 3 - 2 4 (from
Rom *incalleäre); O S tir Anthropos VIII 1 6 5 - 1 6 8 (to gui ‘hornless’);
 N GALLI S — NGAS 293

F r a e n k e l 130; ÇABEJ St. I 375-376 (to Lat callum ‘hardened, thick

skin’).

ngallis aor. ngallita ‘to sprout, to shoot’. Another morphological

variant is ngalloj. Denominative based on ngallë ‘flowering head of
an onion’ <*‘sprout, shoot’. The latter is derived from *ngall ‘to sprout,
to shoot’, a préfixai verb built from kail ~ kalli (ÇABEJ St. I 376-377
with differences in details). A related form with a different prefix c-
is ckalloj id. (ÇABEJ Et im. Ill 51). Ô JOKL Studien 80 (to shkal,
shqelm).

ngallis aor. ngallita ‘to annoy, to irritate’. A derivative of ngas based

on an unattested nominal form *ngall(e).

ngallmoj aor. ngallmova ‘to urge, to irritate, to arouse’. Based on *ngallme,

a deverbative noun in -me related to *ngall, see ngallis (ÇABEJ St. I
376). 0 M e y e r Wb. 305 (from Ital incalmare ‘to inoculate’ or Rom
*incalamâre); JOKL LKUBA 269 (to akull and Slav *kaliti ‘to temper
[iron]’); HAARMANN 130.

ngardhuliqe f, pi. ngardhuliqe ‘goldfinch’. Borrowed, with a secondary

n- and an additional suffix -iq-, from Lat carduëlis id. 0 MEYER Wb.
305 (reconstructs Rom *cardellicula).

ngarend aor. ngarenda ‘to run fast’. A univerbation of nga rend or ngas
rend still preserved in Old Albanian (ÇABEJ St. I 377).

ngarkoj aor. ngarkova ‘to load, to charge, to burden’. Borrowed from

Rom *incaricare id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 11). 0 M e y e r Wb.
305 (from Ital incaricare id.); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2I 1048
(from Italian); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 14, 16; Ç a b e j St. VII 184;
H a a r m a n n 130.

ngarmoj aor. ngarmova ‘to drive away, to incite, to irritate’. A pho­

netic variant of ngallmoj. Cf. also ngërmoj id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 12 (from
Ital angheria ‘oppression, tyranny’); KRISTOFORIDHI 261 (to gërmoj);
Ç a b e j St. I 378-379 (agrees with K r is t o f o r id h i ).

ngas aor. ngava ‘to u rg e, to in cite , to a n n o y ’. F rom PAlb *en-gatja, a

ca u sa tiv e related to ngaj. 0 M e y e r Wb. 221 (to qas)\ P e d e r s e n KZ
 294 NGASTËR — N G ËRDHFJ N G Ë R IIIS — N G O R D II 295

XXXVI 331 (borrowed from Slav *nukati ‘to urge, to say nu')\ ngërhis a o r. ngërhita ‘to snore, to snort’. Another variant is ngërhas.
Ç a b e j St. VII 154, 218. A préfixai derivative of gërhas.

ngastër f, pi. ngastra ‘piece, part, section; block, quarter’. Another variant ngërthej a o r. ngërfheva ‘to press, to encircle’. A préfixai derivative of
is ngascr. Derived from ngas ( M E Y E R Wb. 221). Note a secondary cluster k(e)thej with an epenthetic Cf. kthej. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 379 (to gardhë).
-st- < -s-, 0 Ç A B E J St. I 377 (from NGk yáoxpa ‘wide part of a ja r ’).
ngërzis aor. ngërzit ‘to annoy’. A préfixai derivative of an unattested
ngashërej a o r. ngashëreva ‘to touch, to move, to affect’. Another *gërzis borrowed from Slav *groziti ‘to threaten’, cf. in South Slavic:
variant is ngashëroj. The Geg form is preserved in ngashnjej ‘to incite, Bulg groz’a, SCr groziti.
to rouse’. Built on the basis of Rom Hnmusinare, cf. Lat causa ‘cause’.
ngij ~ ngîj a o r. ngiva ~ ngina ‘to sate, to suckle’. Dialectal forms pre­
ngatërroj a o r. ngatërrova ‘to entangle, to complicate’. The antonym is | serve gl- and gj-. From PAlb *gleinja related to Lith gliejit, glieri ‘to
shkatërroj ‘to undo, to disentangle’. Derived from ngatërr ‘hair 1 sm ear’, OHG klënan id. and the like. 0 B A R I Í ARSt. I 62 (from *ni-
ribbon’ < *‘thread’. The latter is based on ngas. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 305 (to g‘f no- ‘swallowed down’); F r a e n k e l 157; P o k o r n y 1 362-363; Ç a b e j
‘.... ............. . /,'.7wVn'lK(Vrn ' 7nqualërhârë)\"QAkid' ÄR'S'r.' o u -o'i (io sntie ana sntriy,
Ç A B E J St. I 377-378 (back-formation of shkatërroi based on katër). _________ neoio’ fvo, ,Ç\I ?,,, ,TT\o ,, f «y»,<>

ically identical with ngojoj ■w»***“ ™ t # jgöffw stilt l-rom 1

ngalth related to ngoloj a®f. ngolova 'to try, to taste’. Histo:
; variant of gojë. ngalem. Derived from golë, a phonetically archai

. Derived from golle on the nge f, pi. nge ‘time, leisure, chance, opportunity’. Goes back to ngae ngollar m ‘sodomite; sodomite sexual act
MEYER Wb. 3 0 6 (from Slav
preservec: in dialects. From PAlb *en-gada etymologically related to basis of an intermediate verb *(n)golloj. 0
ARSt. 61 (prefix n- followed Slav *godrh ‘time, year’ with which it shares the temporal meaning *gozlari,, to *gQzi, ‘anus, bottom’); BARIC?
(JOKL Studien 6 2 - 6 3 ) . 0 M EY ER Wb. 3 0 5 - 3 0 6 (to Lith gaivùs ‘cheer­ by a cognate of Gk kt|A.t|).
ful, m erry’), Alb. St. IIT 7 , 3 9 ; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 4 6 ; T r u b a c e v
to gop ‘greedy, gluttonous’, ÈSSJa V I 1 9 1 - 1 9 2 ; M U R A T I Probleme 9 2 - 9 3 . ngop aor. ngopa ‘to sate, to cram ’. Related
related to IE *gep-l*gebh- The latter continues PAlb *gapd probabb
s back to *en-gaptja (ClMO- ngec aor ngeca ‘to get stuck, to halt, to hesitate’. A morphonological ‘to eat’. A parallel form ngos ‘to sate’ goe
EJ St. I 3 7 9 (ngos borrowed
variant of ngac. CHOW SKlLV 194). 0 POKORNYl 382; ÇAI
from NGk *àyx<i)vo) ‘to choke’).
ngel aor. nge Ia ‘to get stuck, to rem ain’. A morphonological variant
) stiffen, to become erected of ngalem. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 238-239. ngordh aor. ngordha ‘to die (of animals), t
Continues PAlb *kâr(i)da (of penis)’. A synonymic form is kordh
t ’, hence - ‘to stiffen’ and, ngeq aor, ngeqa ‘to become worse, to get bad’. Derived from keq. going back to IE *kër dhë- ‘to take a ro<
cf. Lith këras ‘root’, Slav finally, ‘to die’. For the first componen!
cordare, cf. kordhë); K ris TO- ngërç m ‘cramp, stiffness’. Derived from kërç. *korenb id. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 0 6 (from Rom *ii
low o ff); F r a e n k e l 241; FORIDHI 2 6 5 (to NGk Kopóóvonoci ‘to s

Cl 62-65; Ç abej St. IV 80, ngërdhej aor. ngërdheva ‘to mock, to sneer, to mimic’. Another variant POK O RNY I 5 7 2 - 5 7 3 ; T r u b a C e v ÈSSJa '
is ngërdhesh. Derived from ngrydh. VII 184.
296 NGRATË — NGRYS

ngratë adj. ‘wretched, m iserable, unhappy’. Borrowed from Lat

ingratus id. (MEYER Wb. 306). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1041;
HAARMANN 131.

ngre aor. ngrita, ngrejta ~ ngrêjta ‘to lift, to r a is e ’. A p arallel form is

ngreh ~ ngref r e fle c tin g an in ch oative in *-sk-. C o n tin u es P A lb *en-
grada and *en-gradska related to Lat gradior ‘to step, to w a lk ’, G oth
a cc .grid ‘step ’, OIr in-grenn- ‘to pursue’, S lav *grçdç, *grçsti ‘to w a lk ’.
0 CAMARDA I 5 6 (to G k éyeípoo ‘to ro u se, to stir u p ’); MEYER Wb.
3 0 6 (rep eats CAMARDA’s e ty m o lo g y ), Alb. St. Ill 8 , 7 1 ; PEDERSEN KZ
XXXIII 5 4 5 ; JOKL Sprache IX 1 2 8 ; L a PIANA Studi I 9 3 ; W a l d e -
HOFMANN I 6 1 5 - 6 1 6 ; FEIST Goth. 2 2 2 ; POKORNY I 4 5 6 - 4 5 7 ; HAMP
Laryngeals 1 3 9 ; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 7 6 ; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII
1 2 3 - 1 2 4 ; DEMIRAJ AE 2 9 6 - 2 9 7 (to Lat cresco ‘to g r o w ’).

ngrij ~ ngrîj aor. ngriva ~ ngrina ‘to freeze’. From PAlb *en-kreinja,
a denominative verb related to Lith krenh ‘film, thin skin (on m ilk)’,
Latv kriena id. For the semantics cf. another Baltic cognate - Lith krygà
‘floating pieces of ice’. 0 MEYER Wb. 306-307 (to Gk K p ù o ç ‘frost’);
JOKL Studien 63-64 (to Slav *cbrstvb ‘hard, dry’); SCHUCHARDT KZ
XX 245 (to Frioul criure ‘cold’); FRAENKEL 297; POKORNY I 618; ÇABEJ
St. VII 243.

ngroh ~ ngrof aor. ngroha ~ ngrofa ‘to warm ’. From PAlb *en-gräja
etymologically identical with Slav *grejy, *greti id. ( M e y e r Wb. 3 0 7 ,
Alb. St. Ill 8 , 7 1 ; O REL FLH V III/ 1 -2 4 6 ) , continuing IE *g“her- ‘to
burn’ . 0 PEDERSEN KZ X X X V I 3 2 1 , 3 2 4 - 3 2 5 , Kelt. Gr. I 1 0 8 ; PISA NI
Saggi 1 2 5 (follows M e y e r ); V a s m e r I 4 5 6 {ngroh from *en-grêsko)\
P o k o r n y 1 4 9 3 - 4 9 5 ; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 4 8 ; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Verbum
7 7 ; ÇA BEJ St. VII 2 1 7 , apud DEM IRAJ (to Lith kdrstas ‘warm ’); H U L D
9 8 (on ¿¿-formations in Albanian), KZ CVII 1 6 9 ; D e m i r a j AE 2 9 8 .

ngrydh - ngridh aor. ngrydha ~ ngridha ‘to work up, to foment, to ferment’,
refi, ‘to be in heat (of horses)’. From P A lb *en-krüda etymological­
ly related to Lith gruziu, grusti ‘to stamp, to punch’, Latv grûst id. 0
MANN Language XXVIII 33 (to Slav *sbrditi sç ‘to get angry’);
F r a e n k e l 173-174; P o k o r n y I 460-462; ö l b e r g Festschr. Pisani II
684 (to Skt gfdhyati ‘to wish’).

ngrys aor. ngrysa ‘to darken’. Goes back to PAlb *en-krütja further
 NOUC — NOUS 297

connected with Slav *kryti ‘to cover’, Lith kráuju, kráuti ‘to pile’. 0
JOKL Studien 64 (to Lat creper ‘dusky, dark’); B a r i <Í Glasnik SND II
167-170 (to Gk yvôipoç ‘darkness, gloom’); F r a e n k e l 291: P o k o r n y
I 616-617; Ç a b e j St. I 379-380 (to IE *kers- ‘black’); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa
XIII 71-72.

nguc aor. nguca ‘to ro u se , to in c ite ’. A p h o n etic variant o f ngus.

ngujoj aor. ngujova ‘to e n c lo se , to lock u p ’. A p réfixai d eriv a tiv e o f

kunjoj. 0 WEIGAND 62 (d en o m in a tiv e based on kunj ‘p eg , w e d g e ’);
Ç a b e j St. I 380 (fo llo w s W e ig a n d ) .

ngul aor. ngula ‘to thrust in, to stick in ’. F rom P A lb *en-kula , a zero
grade etym ologically related to Lith kulti ‘to thresh’, Latv knit ‘to strik e’
and further co n n ected w ith IE *kel(a)- ‘to str ik e ’ (MEYER Wb. 307,
Alb. St. Ill 4). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 206; M a n n Language XVII 14;
F r a e n k e l 211; P o k o r n y I 545-546; Ç a b e j St. VII 243.

ngulmoj aor. ngulmova ‘to in s is t’. D e r iv e d from ngulmë ‘in s is te n c e ’,

a d ev erb a tiv e o f ngul.

nguq aor. nguqa ‘to red d en ’. A p réfix a i d erivativ e o f kuq (MANN HAED
322).

nguroj aor. ngurova ‘to growl, to howl’. Based on an unattested noun

*gur etymologically related to Skt gavate ‘to sound’, Gk yôoç ‘lamen­
tation’, Latv gaura ‘chatter’, Lith gáuti ‘to howl’ and the like. 0 M ey er
Wb. 307 (onomatopoeia comparable with Germ gurren ‘to coo’ and
similar); FRAENKEL 141-142; MAYRHOFER I 445; F r is k I 317-318;
P o k o r n y I 403.

nguroj aor. ngurova ‘to harden, to p e tr ify ’. D er iv ed from gur. A nother

form based on gur is ngurr ‘to stiffe n ’.

ngurroj aor. ngurrova ‘to hesitate, to falter, to stop’. From late Lat incur-
rere ‘to commit (a fault)’, see WEIGAND BA I 259. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 380-
381 (to gur and nguroj).

ngus aor. nguta ‘to urge, to force’. From PAlb *en-kutja related to Lith
298 N G U SH — N G JE L M Ë T

káuti ‘to s tr ik e ’, Slav *kovati ‘to f o r g e ’, L at cüdö ‘to s trik e ’, OHG

houwan id. 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 46-47; BOGA li 153; FRAENKEL
232; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 300-301; POKORNY I 535; OREL Orpheus VI
69.

ngush a o r. ngusha ‘to annoy, to irritate’. Continues PAlb *en-kusa related

to Lith klisti ‘to move’, Latv kustinât ‘to move, to touch’. 0 FRAENKEL
321-322.

ngush aor. ngusha ‘to embrace, to neck’. Derived from gush.

ngushtë adj. ‘narrow ’. Borrowed from Lat angustus id. ( G i l ’f e r d i n g

Otn. 25; CAMARDA II 61; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 2; M e y e r Wb.
307). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
206; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 12; ÇABEJ St. VII 184; H a a r m a n I I I ;
H u l d 98.

ngushulloj a o r . ngushullova ‘to comfort, to give consolation’. Another

variant is ngushëlloj ~ ngushëllonj. Based on an unattested *kushul-
loj borrowed from Lat consolare, id. (MEYER Wb. 307) 0 HAARMANN
119.

ngjalë f, pi. ngjala ‘eel’. A back-formation of *ngjelë understood as an

umlauticized plural. The latter is borrowed from Lat anguilla id. (MIK­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 15; MEYER Wb. 308). 0 CAMARDA I 36 (to Gk
eyy.tÀDç id.); PEDERSEN BB XX 232, KZ XXXVI 283; MlHÄESCU RESEE
I V / 1-2 21; H a a r m a n 110; ÇABEJ St. I 3 81-382 (from Illyr *engella
related to Lat anguilla).

ngjat adv. ‘near’. Derived from gjatë, cf. Ital lungo ‘along, beside’, Fr
le long de ‘along’ and similar coinages (ÇABEJ St. I 382-383). 0
C a m a r d a I 323 (to ngas); M e y e r Wb. 2 20 (to qas); W e ig a n d BA I
254 (to ngjis).

ngjelmët adj. ‘salty, briny’. Another variant is ngjelbët < ngjelmët. The
source of this word is PAlb *en-salma related to IE *sal- ‘salt’: Gk
aXç, Lat sal, O Ir salanti, Arm ai and the like (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI
285). 0 J o k l Studien 64 -6 5 , LKUBA 231; ACAREAN HAB I 114-116;
L a P ia n a Studi I 41; F r is k I 78-79; V e n d r y e s [S] 17-18; W a l d e -
H o f m a n n II 4 6 5 -4 6 6 ; POKORNY I 8 7 8 -879; OREL IF XCIII 106
(reconstructs PAlb *en-salima); DEMIRAJ AE 298-299.
 N G JE S H — N G JIZ E M 299

ng jesh aor. ngjesha 'to gird’. From PAlb *en-jäusa etymologically con­
nected with Av yarjhayeiti id., Gk Çcovv'um. id., Lith júosti id., Slav
*jasati ‘to tear clothes’ <*‘to tear into bands’, *po-jasrh ‘belt’ (M e y e r
Wb. 308, Alb. St. Ill 39, 61). The development of PAlb *-s- to -sh is
explained by the “ruki” rule rather than by derivation of -sh- from
*-sj-. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 105; L a P ia n a Studi I 92; P is a n i Saggi 102,
R E IE IV 10; POKORNY I 513; F r a e n k e l 198; V a s m e r III 351; F r isk
I 617-618; HAMP Laryngeals 134; B a r b e r JIES ITI/4 294-320; Ç a b e j
St. VII 219; HULD 99, KZ CVII 169; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 129; OREL
FLH V III/1-2 38, IF XCIII 103; DEMIRAJ AE 299-300.

n g jesh a o r. ngjesha ‘to knead’. Derived from gjesh.

n g jë ro j aor. ngjërova ‘to try, to sample, to taste’. The corresponding

Geg form is gjinonj. Borrowed from Lat jëjünâre ‘to fast’, with the
further semantic development from ‘not eat’ to ‘taste only’. The
meaning ‘to fast’ is preserved by Geg ngjinoj. 0 MEYER Wb. 308 (to
gjër): OREL Orpheus VI 69.

ngjëroja o r. ngjërova ‘to encircle; to jump over, to wade through’. Another

variant is gjeroj. Derived from gjer. A relatively rare case of a verb

based on a preposition/adverb.

n g jir m, pi. ngjire ‘whirlpool’. Another form is ngjirr. Derived from

gjerë. 0 SCHMIDT KZ L 241-242 (to Skt sira ‘stream ’).

n g jire m refi, ‘to get hoarse’. The same verb is attested without prefix
as qirem ‘to get hoarse’, cf. also shqirem id. An onomatopoeia
(H e r m a n n KZ XLI 47). 0 M e y e r Wb. 308 (to Gk Kép/voç ‘hoarse­
ness’ or E hoarse)', PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 329 (to Gk icépxvoç);
Ç a b e j St. I 383 (to shqerr)-, D e m ir a j AE 300-301.

ngjis aor. ngjita ‘to stick to’. Continues PAlb *en-gleitja related to Lith
glieju, gliëti ‘to sm ear’, glitùs ‘sticky’, Gk yXoioç ‘sticky stuff’ and
similar (MEYER Wb. 309). 0 CAMARDA I 135 (to Gk eyiceiiioa ‘to press
upon’); B a r i C ARSt 62-63 (to Skt sájati)-, F r a e n k e l 157; F r is k 1312-
313; POKORNY I 363; Ç a b e j St. VII 219, 243.

n g jizem refi, ‘to clot, to curdle’. Derived from gjizë.

300 N G JO K N O FKË

n g jo k aor. ngjoka ‘to knock'. Derived from qok (ÇABEJ St. I 383). 0
MEYER Wb. 192 (derived from klokë ‘hooked stu ff of Romance
origin).

ngjyej aor. ngjyeva ‘to dip, to p lu n g e, to dye, to c o lo r’. B o rro w ed fro m

Lat unguere ‘to sm ear, to anoint’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 69; M ey er
Wb. 308). 0 C a m a r d a I 67 (to G k %eco ‘to p o u r ’); MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV / 1-2 20; Ç a b e j St. VII 225; H a a r m a n n 156.

ninë f ‘cradle’. Borrowed from Rom *ninna id.: Ita! ninna iu lla b y ’,
Sard ninna ‘cradle’ and sim ilar (M e y e r Wb. 3 09). The lack of
rhotacism may be explained by a specific development of the gemi­
nate. Derived from nine is ninnile ‘lullaby’.

nip m, pl. tlipa, nipër ‘nep h ew , g ra n d s o n ’. B o rro w ed fro m L at nepös

‘g ra n d s o n ’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 44; MEYER Wb. 310). A ra re
case o f a L atin lo a n w o rd based not on the oblique stem nepötem but
on the re s tru c tu re d nom . sg. *nepos. T h e vocalismi o f nip m ay re fle c t
a re la tiv e ly late b o rro w in g fro m D alm L a t nepo < L at nepös. 0
CAMARDA I 200 (tre a ts nip and L at nepös as cognates); PEDERSEN BB
XX 99 (from IE *nepöt-), Kelt. Gr. I 92; B a r t o l i Daim II 414; JOKL
LKUBA 15-28; S k o k AArbSt. I 221 (fro m D a lm atian R o m an ce);
TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 207 (agrees w ith PEDERSEN), Stratificazione 118-
119; H uld 99 (follows P e d e r s e n ); L a n d i Lat. 51, 143-145; O r e l Z ßalk
X X III 146; B e e k e s CIEL 139 (sam e as P e d e r s e n ); K l in g e n s c h m it t
Koll. Idg. Ges. 226; D e m ir a j AE 301-302.

nis aor. nisa ‘to start, to begin, to prepare for journey’. Continues PA lb
*neitsa going back to IE *neik-iö and related to Lith su-riikti ‘to set
upon, to attack’, Slav *niknçti ‘to rise, to grow ’. If this comparison
is accepted, the dubious Greek parallel in v e î k o ç ‘quarrel, struggle’
should be dropped. 0 M e y e r Wb. 310 (from Gk ¿KÍvrioa ‘to set off,
to start out’ - not without doubt); LAMBERTZ - PEKMEZI Lesebuch 107
(follow M e y e r); B a r i£ ARSt 63 (to Gk ¿veyiceív); F r a e n k e l 503; F r is k
II 297; VASMER III 74-75; ÇABEJ St. VII 258; OREL Orpheus VI 69.

n o çk ë f, pl. noçka ‘knuckle, joint’. There exists a close form noçë id.
Unclear.

nofkë f, pi. nofka ‘nickname’. Borrowed from an unattested South Slavic

 N O FU LL — NU HAS 301

*novhka ‘new (name)’, cf. SCr Novka, a feminine proper name.

n o fu ll f, pi. nofulla ‘jaw, jawbone, cheekbone'. Back-formation based

on the borrowing of Lat in offulae, cf. offula ‘small piece, little bit’
(Ç A B E JSt. I 383-384), with a semantic evolution opposite to that of
bukë, cf. Ital dial, gnoffele ‘jaw ’ of the same origin. 0 M EYER Wb. 310-
311 (compares nofull with Ital ganascia ‘jaw, jow l’; similarity with
offula is accidental); B a r k '’ AArbSt. I 150-151 (compound of no- related
to Lat gena ‘face, cheek’ and of -full compared with Slav *cel’ustb
‘jaw ’); T r e i m e r KZ LXV 114 (to Skt snâpayati ‘to make wash’); TAGLI­
AVINI Stratificazione 93-94.

n o k ë r adj. ‘small, tiny’. Derivative of *nokë borrowed from Lat

innocuus ‘harmless, innocent’. 0 CAMARDA I 137 (to G k piKpôç id.);
M e y e r Wb. 311 (repeats C a m a r d a ’ s etymology).

n o sh të r f, pi. noshtra ‘sprout, young plant, sapling’. Borrowed from

Rom *novaster > Ital dial, novastro id. (JOKL IF XXXVI 98-100, LKUBA
2 1 2 -2 1 3 ). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1 -2 31; HAARMANN 138; LANDI Lat.
129, 136.

n otoj aor. notova ‘to swim’. Borrowed from Rom *notclre replacing
classical Lat natäre id. (M IKLO SICH Rom. Elemente 43-44; M e y e r Wb.
311). 0 MANN Language XXVIII 39 (from IE *sne- id.); M lHÄESCU
RESEE I V /1-2 18; HAARM ANN 138.

n o zik ë f ‘knife worn at the belt’. An early loanword from Slav

*nozikb unattested in South Slavic, a diminutive of *noib ‘knife’ (MEYER
Wb. 311). Note a peculiar substituion of Slav *-z-. 0 S v a n e 85.

nu adv. ‘when’. Continues P A lb *nu etymologically identical with IE

*nu ‘now’: Skt nú, Gk vûv, Goth nu, OHG nñ and the like. Ö FRISK
II 325; K L U G E 515-516; F e i s t Goth. 380; M A Y R H O FER II 175;
P o k o r n y I 770.

nuhar m, pl. nuharë ‘lair of young deer’. Derivative of nuhas, cf. also
its derivative nuhuris ‘to track (of hounds)’. 0 M EY ER Wb. 311
(nuhuris from Slav *n’uxati ‘to smell’).

n u h as aor. nuhata ‘to s m e ll, to s n if f ’. A n o th e r v a r ia n t is njuhas. B o r -

304 N JE G U IX — N JË ~ N JT

similation of sonorants, from Lat reiterare ‘to repeat’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I

386 (onomatopoeia).

Nj
n je g u ll f ‘fog, m ist’. A dialectal phonetic variant of mjegull (Ç A BEJ
St. 1 386). 0 MEYER Wb. 283-284 (from Lat nebula ‘fog’); JOKL Studien
57.

njeh - n je f aor. njeha ~ njefa ‘to count, to consider’. From PAlb *nemska
further connected with IE *nem- ‘to divide, to take, to arrange, to count’,
cf. Gk vé|aro ‘to divide’, Goth niman ‘to take’, Lat numerus ‘member,
element, num ber’ and minimus ‘coin, money’ (OREL IF XLIII 113-
114). 0 MEYER Wb. 314 (identifies njeh with njoh which is not very
plausible semantically); BENVENISTE Inst. I 81; FEIST Goth. 375-376;
W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 186-187; F r is k 1 302-304; P o k o r n y 1 763-764.

n je ri m, pl. njerëz ‘man, person, human being’. A more archaic form

of sg. njer is preserved in Geg dialects. Goes back to PA lb *nera further
connected with Skt ndr- ‘m an’, Gk àvr)p id., Arm ayr id. (BOPP 461 -
462; G i l ’ f e r d i n g O í /l 23; CAMARDA I 186; M e y e r Wb. 313, Alb. St.
Ill 66, 71). Note a rare plural in -ëz < *-adja (JOKL LKUBA 89). 0
PEDERSEN Krit. Jahresbericht IX 242; JOKL Studien 102; ACAREAN HAB
I 173-174; F r is k I 107-108; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 208-209; M a n n
Language XXVIII 38; PORZIG Gliederung 155; PISANI Saggi 131;
M a y r h o f e r II 148-149; P o k o r n y 1 765; H u l d 100-101; O r e l Z ß a lk
XXIII 142; D e m ir a j AE 304-305.

njerkë f, pl. njerka ‘stepm other’. Borrowed from Lat noverca id. (M I­
KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 44; M e y e r Wb. 313). The masculine form njerk
is built on the basis of njerkë (Ç a b e j St. I 3 8 6 ). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr.
Grundriß 2 I 1 043, 1048; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 18; HAARM ANN
138.

n je th e t refi, ‘to fertilize, to be fertile, to grow, to b u d ’. From *ngje-

thet, derivative of gjethe.

n jë - n ji num . ‘one’. From PAlb *ainja, a derivative of IE *oi-no- id.:

Lat ünus, Goth ains, OPrus ains and the like (C a m a r d a I 169). 0 MEYER
 N JIC Ë — N JO M Ë ~ N G JO M Ë , N GLO M Ë 305

Wb. 313-314 (p refers an erron eou s com p arison with Skt anyá- ‘o th er’,
Gk ë v io i ‘s o m e ’), Alb. St. I l l 66; B a r i Û ARSt 64-65 (fro m *rt-sem-);
Ham p Anc. IE 113 (follow s M e y e r and connects një w ith M essap enrían);
T r a u t m a n n APSpr. 296-297; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 209 (a g rees w ith
M e y e r ) ; F e i s t Goth. 24; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 821-823; P o k o r n y I
286; HULD 101 (w ith ou t any serio u s reaso n , p o stu la tes a b a ck -fo r­
m ation from fem . *smieH ); OREL FLH V I I I / 1-2 39; H am p Numerals
903 -9 0 4 ; CLACKSON LR 175.

njicë f, pi. njica ‘big fish in g n e t’. F ro m *ngjicë, d e riv e d fro m ngjis in
view o f the ex p re ssio n (peshku) ngjis ‘(the fish) sticks to the n e t’ =
‘gets into the n e t’ (ÇABEJ St. I 386-387).

njilë f, pi. njila ‘te n c h ’ . A d ialectal form o f ngjalë ( Ç a b e j St. I 387).

njoh ~ njof aor. njoha - njofa, njova ‘to k n o w ’. F ro m P A lb *gnäska

re la te d to IE *gena- ~ *gnö- id., cf. p a rtic u la rly , G k yvyviooKco,
E p id au r yvàoK m , L at (g)nôscô ( G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 23; CAMARDA I 47;
MEYER Wb. 314, Alb. St. Ill 17, 66). The vocalism o f present was changed
u n d er the in flu en ce o f ao r. njova w hich is identical w ith O E cnáwan
id. < *gne-v- (OREL ZfBalk X X I I /1 8 2-83). 0 ASCOLI KZ X V II 351;
B a r iC ARSt 65-6 6 ; F r i s k I 3 0 8 -3 0 9 ; P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I 339
(re c o n stru c ts *gne-sk-), Kelt. Gr. II 547; LlNDEMAN IF L X X I 283 (to
ON knd, kne'gum < G m c *knë-jan); HOLTHAUSEN AEW 54; TAGLIAVINI
Dalmazia 209; L a P ia n a Studi 1 93; M a n n Language XXVIII 34; W a ld e -
H o f m a n n II 176-177; P o k o r n y I 376-378; A n t t i l a Schw. 71; Ç a b e j
St. VII 239; H u l d 101-102 (clum sy reconstruction o f a causative *gnoH-
èskoH ); KLINGENSCHMITT Münch. St. Spr. X L 130; OREL IF X C IIl 113;
DEM IRAJ AE 3 05-306 (sim ila r v o calism in H itt ganês- ‘to k n o w ’).

n jo llë f, pl. njolla ‘spot, m a rk , sta in ’. D ialects p re se rv e a m o re arch aic

fo rm ngjollë. F ro m PA lb *en-sälä re la te d to O N sçlr ‘d ir ty ’, O Ir sal
‘d ir t’ (JOKL Studien 65-66). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 47 (to njoh);
V e n d r y e s [S] 16; P o k o r n y I 879; Ç a b e j St. I 387 (to ngjyej).

njomë ~ ngjomë, nglomë adj. ‘w e t’. T he v e rb njom ‘to m ake w e t’ is

d eriv ed from the adjective. B ased on PA lb *glaima related to O E cldm
‘c la y ’, L ith gléimés ‘slim e ’ and o th e r co n tin u a n ts o f IE *glei- (JOKL
Studien 66). 0 M e y e r Wb. 315 (b o rro w e d fro m L at unguö ‘to spread,
to s m e a r’); POKORNY I 364; ÇABEJ St. I 387-388 (v e rb a l adjectiv e o f
306 OBORR - O P 1N G Ë

ngjyej)', DEM IRAJ AE 306-307 (to Goth hnasqiis ‘soft, fine’ or to OHG
naz ‘w et’).

o
ob orr m, pi. oborre ‘yard , c o u r t’. B o r ro w e d from Slav *obvori> id.,
c f. South S la v ic continuants: B u lg obor, SCr obor (MIKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 3 1 4 ). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 210; S e lt S c e v
Slav, naselenie 1 5 0 -1 5 1 ; MLADENOV 1st. 77; SVANE 5 8 .

o fiq m, pi. ofiqe ‘service, function’. Borrowed from Lat officium id.

o fsh m ‘glow, heat’. Variant of afshë. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 (to afe ‘breath’).

o fsh ë f, pi. o f sha ‘curse’. Derived from ofsh. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 220.

o grajë f, pi. ograja ‘pasture’. Borrowed from Slav *ogordja ‘fencing’,

cf. SCr ograda. As to Alb -j-, it may either reflect an early South Slavic
*-dj- or, rather, go back to *-gj- < SCr -dj-. 0 MEYER Wb. 315 (to
SCr ograda ‘fence, yard’); JOKL Slavia XIII 305-306 (from Chaka-
vian ograja)', ; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 159; RUSAKOV Lis 1982 195;
S v a n e 58.

okër f ‘kind of grain, Einkorn’. Borrowed from Gk (¡r¿poq ‘birds’ pease,

Lathyrus Ochrus’ (ÇABEJ St. I 389) or, rather, from substantivized
d>xpôç ‘pale-yellow ’. 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from Gk
(S k ih o v ).

o k itë f ‘frost or snow (on tree branches)’. Borrowed from Slav

*ob(iy)kytb id., cf. SCr okit id. (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim. 14).

o k o ll adv. ‘around’. Borrowed from Slav *okolT> id., cf. in South Slavic:
Bulg okol, SCr oko, okolo (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22; MEYER Wb.
3 1 5 ). 0 B e r n e k e r I 548; S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 197, 303; Ç a b e j
St. I 3 8 9 (local borrowing from Serbo-Croatian); SVANE 2 7 1 .

o p in g ë f, pi. opinga ‘sandal’. Other variants are opangë, opengë. Bor­

rowed from Slav *ob(-b)pbm>k'b ‘sandal, shoe’, cf. SCr opanak (MIK­
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 28; M e y e r Wb. 3 1 5 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, nase-
 ORENDl — PAD IS 307

lenie 175-176; H A M P L ß X IV /2 13; ÇABEJ St. V II 216; F l o r e s c u REF

I X /6 5 9 4 (on the Dacian origin of this type of sandals); SVANE 100.

o r e n d i pi. ‘e q u ip m e n t, u t e n s ils ’ . A n e a r ly b o r r o w in g fro m S la v

*orçdbje id. (ÇABEJ St. I 3 8 9 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 3 1 6 (from Ital arredo
‘fittin g s, fu r n ish in g s’); S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 173, 192; SVANE 65.

orok m ‘time, term, limit, appointment’. Borrowed from Slav *oh(i,Iraki,

id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg obrok, SCr obrok. Note that oroqe ‘wish’
is a singularized plural of orok. 0 SVANE 176.

orrl m ‘eagle, buzzard’. Borrowed from S la v *orbh, id., cf. Bulg orel,
SCr orao (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 3 1 6 ). 0 SVANE
148.

osh adv. ‘trailing, along the ground’. A fossilized form of a rare osh
‘harrow ’. Thus, the original meaning of the adverb was ‘trailing as
a harrow ’.

osh të f, pi. oshta ‘p o le, d raw b ar’. B o rro w ed from S lav *ojiste id.: B u lg
oiste, SC r ojiSte (MEYER Wb. 3 1 6 ). 0 SVANE 29.

otavë f ‘second crop of hay’. Borrowed from Slav *otava id., cf. South
Slavic continuants: Bulg otava, SCr otava (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim.
11). 0 SVANE 4 1 .

P
pa prep, ‘without’, conj. ‘before, then’, particle ‘let’ (in imperative). From
PAlb *apa reflecting IE *apo: Skt dpa ‘away, off’, Gk òrco ‘from ’,
Goth a f ‘from ’ and, in particular, Lith pa- (prefix), Slav *po ‘on, along’
(B op p 500; C a m a r d a I 320; M e y e r Wb. 3 1 7 , Alb. St. Ill 3 0 ). 0 J o k l
IF X X X V II 1 0 7 -1 0 8 {pa ‘before’ < *parj related to prej)\ T a g l i a v i n i
Dalmazia 224; F e i s t Goth. 3; P o k o r n y I 5 3 -5 5 ; M a y r h o f e r I 37;
F r a e n k e l 519-520; V a s m e r III 292-293; Ç a b e j St. I I 5 (against J o k l) ,
apud D e m ir a j (to Ose perum ‘without’); H u l d 156; O r e l SBJa Lek-
sikol. 1 5 1 -1 5 2 ; DEMIRAJ AE 3 0 7 -3 0 8 (to Goth faw ai ‘few, little’).

p ad is a o r .padita ‘to a c c u s e ’. B o r ro w e d , w ith a sem an tic ch a n g e, fro m

308 PAGËZOJ — PA K

Slav *padati ‘to fall’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg pcida, SCr padati (MIK­
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 3 1 7 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, nase-
lenie 181, 294; J o k l Slavia XIII 303 (from Slav *pgditi)\ SVANE 238.

pagëzoj aor. pagëzova ‘to baptise’. A parallel form is pakëzoj. Bor­

rowed from Lat baptizare id. (MEYER Wb. 317, Alb. St. IV 25). The
unusual development of *bapt- > *pagt- is a combination of a dis­
similation and shift of voicedness. 0 C a m a r d a 1 139 (to Gk ßocTm^co
id.); MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 6 (from Italian); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII
538; M e y e r -L O b k e Gr. G rundriß21 1055; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 212;
M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 13; H a a r m a n 112; Ç a b e j Sr. II 5-6.

pah m ‘scab , d u st’. F rom P A lb *pauja con n ected w ith IE *peu- ‘to
b low up’ and, in particular, with A rm hogi ‘breath’ < IE *pouio- (O rel
FLH V III/ 1-2 4 5 ). 0 K r is t o f o r id h i 3 0 4 (to G k m x v r | ‘f r o s t 4);
A c a r e a n HAB III 107 -1 0 8 ; P o k o r n y I 847; Ç a b e j St. IV 80.

pajë f ‘side, party, dow ry’. Also attested as pale. Historically identi­
cal with pale ‘pair’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 318 (in the meaning ‘dow ry’, bor­
rowed from Lat pallium ‘cover, coverlet’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
212 {pajë ‘dow ry’ from Ital palio ‘prize, rew ard’); H a a r m a n n 140.

pajt p rep, ‘thanks to’. Borrowed from Lat abl. pacto, cf. hocpactö ‘this
way’, aliö pactö ‘otherwise’ and the like. 0 Ç a b e j St. II 6 (from *per
anë te ‘from the side of’).

pajtoj aor. pajtova ‘to ap p ease, to r e c o n c ile , to h ire, to e n g a g e ’. O ther

variants are paqoj, paqtoj. B orrow ed from R om *päctäre (MIKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 45; M e y e r Wb. 3 1 9 ) in w h ich d eriv a tiv es o f Lat pâx
‘p e a c e ’ and pâciscor ‘to m ake a b a rg a in ’ h ave co n v e r g e d ( C a m a r d a
I 105). 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 26; M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2I 1054;
JOKL LKUBA 3 2 4 (on -jt- < Lat -ct-), RIEB II 6 4 (A lb an ian d eriv a tiv e
in -toj o f paq); Di G io v in e Gruppo -ct 5 6-60 ; Ç a b e j St. II 6 -7 (fo llo w s
J o k l RIEB)\ H a a r m a n n 139; L a n d i Lat. 8 3 -8 5 .

pak adv. ‘a little, f e w ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat paucus ‘fe w , little ’ (MIK­

LOSICH Rom. Elemente 48; C a m a r d a I 53; M e y e r Wb. 3 1 8 ). 0 M e y e r -
L ü BKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1047; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 212; MANN Lan­
guage X X V I 382; MIHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 -2 24; HULD 102; HAARMANN
5 9 , 141; L a n d i Lat. 72.
 PAK F. — PA LN JË 309

pakë f, pl. pake ‘side of ham, buttock’. Borrowed from West Gmc *bakkon
‘ham, flitch’ (Frankish bako, OHG bahho), derivative of Gmc *bakan
‘back’ (Ç A B E J St. II 7).

palavi f,pi.palavi ‘obscenity; pus’. Two historically unrelated homonyms

of which one palavi ‘pus’ is a compound of pa- ‘not’ and laj, cf. palare
‘unwashed’ (M EY ER Wb. 237) and another palavi ‘obscenity’ contin­
ues NGk 7iaA.(xßpa ‘talking big’, of Romance origin. 0 ÇABEJ St. IT
8 (treats both words as one compound pa-lav- ‘dirty, unwashed’).

p a lc ë f ‘marrow, pith’. Note that the same word appears as palsë and
palëz (JOKLLKUBA 115, 284). Derived from palë ‘pair; fold’. Seman­
tically, an important tertium comparationis is found in Slavic paral­
lels of palë - *pol-h ‘h a lf and *pol~b ‘hollow’, since palcë designates
a substance with which hollow spaces in a bone or a plant are filled
(OREL Linguistica XXIV 430-431). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 47-48;
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 213.

pale part, ‘ev e n so, a n y w a y ’ (in request or indirect sp eech ). A seq u en ce

o f tw o p a rticles, pa and le (KRISTOFORIDHI 2 9 9 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 319
(to S lav *le)\ Ç a b e j St. II 8 (fo llo w s K r is t o f o r id h i ).

p alë f, pl.palë ‘pair; fold; group, class, party’. Goes back to P A lb *pala
further related to Slav *poh, ‘half; hollow’, Lat palam ‘evidently, man­
ifestly’, Hitt palhi- ‘wide’ (JOKL Studien 6 6 -6 7 , 83; OREL Linguisti­
ca XXIV 4 3 1 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 3 2 0 (to Gk 7téXo|aoci ‘to turn’ but the
Greek word belongs to IE *k'el-), Alb. St. TII 30; JOKL Studien 83 (com­
pares with shpall ‘to declare’ but this verb is a phonetic variant of
shpërrall, derived from përrallë < Lat parabola); M a n n Language XVII
18 (to Gk òx-nXóoq); P o k o r n y I 8 0 3 -8 0 5 , 9 8 5 -9 8 6 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n
II 237; M ihäESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 2 4 (from Lat päla)\ H u ld 143, 147
(from *polteH)\ O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 145; D e m ir a j AE 3 0 8 -3 0 9 (to O N
fe l ‘fold’).

palnjë f, pi.palnja ‘maple’. Other variants a re panjë, pënjë. Borrowed

from Rom *platania derived from Lat platanus ‘plane-tree’, with a
metathesis in the first syllable. As shown by an Albanian loanword
in Rum paltin ‘maple’ < *paiten, the form platanus was also borrowed.
310 PA LL — PA R

0 M e y e r Wb. 332 (from SCr panj ‘stump’); PU§CARIU EWR 109; JOKL
LKUBA 188-190 (to Lat palpäre ‘to stroke, to pat’); ÇABEJ St. II 9
(cognate of Gk nXáxavoq, Lat platanus); D e m ir a j AE 309-310.

pall aor.palla ‘to bray, to bellow’. A variant of përrall ‘to jest, to trifle’
with compensatory long [a:] reflecting the fall of an intervocalic con­
sonant. For the phonetic development cf. shpall. 0 CAMARDA I 240
(to Lat palam ‘evidently, manifestly’); J o k l Studien 83-84 (repeats
C a m a r d a ’ s etymology); ÇABEJ St. II 9-10 (adds non-existent Tokh
pal- ‘to celebrate’).

pallë f, pi .palla ‘p o le, clu b , w a sh in g -stick , sw o rd , m a lle t’. B o rro w ed

from Lat pala ‘sp ad e, s h o v e l’ ( M e y e r Wb. 319-320). 0 MEYER -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042; L a n d i Lat. 28, 111.

pallë f ‘rest, quiet’. In a phraze be] palle ‘to rest, to be quiet’. Bor­
rowed from Gk Jtœotax ‘rest, pause’. 0 M EYER Wb. 320 (from NGk
TtaûXa).

pam particlc. A synonym of pa, it is a compound of pa and më (Ç A BEJ

St. II 10).

pamëta adv. ‘a g a in ’. A parallel form is pameta. A co m p o u n d o f pa

and meta ‘again’, from N G k pexá ‘afterw ards’ (C a m a r d a 1 310; M e y e r
Wb. 2 7 0 ). 0 L a m b e r t z KZ LITI 295; Ç a b e j St. II 10.

panderë f ‘apron, em broidered sash’. B orrow ed from R om *panticarium

based on Lat pantex ‘p au n ch ’, cf. a sem an tica lly d ifferen t but fo rm a lly
c lo se R um pîntecaraie ‘d iarrh ea’ (M e y e r Wb. 3 2 0 ). 0 ÇABEJ St. II 10-
11 (b o r ro w ed from Ital dial, bandiera ~ bandera ‘f la g ’).

paq m ‘peace’. Borrowed from Lat pacem id. (CAMARDA I 305; MIK­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 48; M e y e r Wb. 318-319). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. IV
47, V 97; M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1041, 1048, 1051; MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV /1-2 18; Ç a b e j * . II 11; H a a r m a n n 139.

paqyll adj. ‘d u ll, lim ited , stu p id ’. D e r iv e d from pak. 0 Ç a b e j St. II 11

(a p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e in pa- < *po- o f quii, qullè't).

par m, pi .par ‘p a ir’. B o r ro w e d from Lat parem id. (MEYER Wb. 3 2 1 ).

 PA R A — PARZËM 311

0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. G rundriß2 1 1042; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 24;

H a a r m a n n 140.

para adv., prep, ‘before’. A parallel form is pare. From PAlb *para
related to IE *per- ‘before, forw ard’: O H G /«ri, Lat prae and the like
(CAMARDA I 303; MEYER Wb. 3 2 1 -3 2 2 ). This word appears as a first
element in such compounds as paravesh ‘slap in the face’ (Ç a b e j St.
11 12), pardje ‘the day b efo re y e ste r d a y ’ (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 2 1 4 )
and the lik e. 0 BOPP 5 03 (to pare); PEDERSEN Krit. Jahresbericht 213;
J o k l IF XXXVII 1 0 7 -1 0 8 ; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 2 1 4 ; W a l d e -
H o f m a n n II 351; P o k o r n y 1 8 1 2 ; W a t k in s 1ER 4 9 -5 0 ; Ç a b e j * . Ill
193; HAMP Numerals 9 0 4 -9 0 5 (reco n stru cts IE *pjH-uo-); DEMIRAJ
AE 310.

pare f, pi .pare ‘fish s c a le ’. A sin g u la rized plural o f *par co n tin u in g

P A lb *para, a d ev erb a tiv e rela ted to Lith periU, pefti ‘to str ik e ’, Slav
*pbrç, *perti ‘to p r e ss’. 0 FRAENKEL 578; V a s MER III 240; POKORNY
1 8 1 8 -8 1 9 .

pare adj. ‘first’. From PAlb *para etymologically identical with and
derived from the adverb para (C A M A R D A I 303). T h e adjective parmë
‘front’ is derived from pare. Ô M EY ER Wb. 321-322 (connection with
para and Indo-European words for ‘first’: Lith pirmas and the like),
Alb. St. Ill 30, 71; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 544; J o k l IF XXXVII 108
(to Skt purva- id.), Sprache IX 141; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 214; PORZIG
Gliederung 186; M a n n Language XVII 18; H a m p St. Whatmough 82,
BSL LXVI 223, LB XXIV/3 48; Ö l b e r g KZ LXXXVI 133; K l i n -
GENSCHMITT Verbum 68; H u l d 68; D e m i r a j AE 311.

parmëndë ~ parmendë f, pl. parmënda ~ parmenda ‘plow’. Borrowed

from Rom *peraramentum, cf. Lat perorare ‘to plow through, to scratch’
( M e y e r Wb. 3 2 2 ). 0 J o k l IF XXXVI 155, LKUBA 136 (agrees with
M e y e r ) ; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 30; H a a r m a n 111; Ç a b e j * . II
12 (from Rom *parämentum or Lat apparâmentum ‘preparation’).

parzëm f, pi.parzma ‘b reast’. A parallel form , parmëz, reflects the o rig ­

inal structure o f the w ord, a d erivative in -ëz o f parmë , cf. parë (ÇABEJ
St. II 1 2-13). 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 2 2 (to Slav *pbrsi ‘b reast’); V a s m e r Alb.
Wortforsch. 4 8 (from Lat parma ‘kind o f s h ie ld ’); S k o k RIEB I 298
312 ¡’A R R I / — PATË

(against M e y e r ); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 215-216 (follows M e y e r ), Strat­

ificazione 94; ÇABEJ St. VII 187, 204.

parriz m ‘paradise’. Borrowed from Lat paradïsus id. (M IK LOSICH

Lat. Elemente 593). 0 M EY ER Wb. 322 (from Ital paradiso id.); TAG LI­
AVINI Dalmazia 214-215 (follows M IK LO SICH ); M IH Ä ESC U RESEE
I V /1-2 24; Ç a b e j St. II 13-14 (loss of the intervocalic -d- as charac­
teristic of Latin loanwords); H A A R M A N N 140; L A N D I Lat. 109.

pas adv., prep, ‘after, behind’. A parallel form is mbas. Goes back to
PAlb *(en) apa tsi continuing IE *(en) apo k"id. For the etymology
of components see pa and çë. 0 B O PP 500 (to Skt pascó- 'back, pos­
terio r’); G i l ’ f e r d i n g Otn. 21 (same as B O PP ); M EY ER Wb. 322-323
(same as B O P P ), Alb. St. Ill 13, 30; PEDERSEN Festskr. Thomsen 250,
KZ XXXVI 311 (to pa and -s as in mos)\ TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 184;
L A P i a n a Studi I 33; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 527; M a n n Language XXVI
386-387 (to Gk tio x í ‘against, towards’), XXVIII 32; H am pKZ LXXV
23 (to Lith päshui ‘behind’); DEM IRAJ AE 311-312.

pash m, p i. pash ‘fathom, pace, outstretched arm s’. Borrowed from Lat
passus ‘step, pace’ (M IK LO SICH Rom. Elemente 47; M e y e r Wb. 323).
0 M e y e r -L Ü B K E Gr. G rundriß2 1 1041; M IH ÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18;
H a a r m a n n 140; L a n d i Lat. 139, 148-149.

pashkë f, p l. pashkë ‘Easter’. Borrowed from Lat Pasqua id. (MIKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 47; M EY ER Wb. 324). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 216;
M IH ÄESC U RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 140; L a n d i Lat. 120, 147.

pashnik m, pl. pashnikë ‘cloth, cover, towel’. Borrowed from an unat­

tested Slav *pasbtiik'h. 0 M e y e r Wb. 323 (from Turk ba$hk ‘hood’);
Ç a b e j St. II 14 (derived from parce segmented from përparcë).

pashtrak m ‘pasture rent, pasturage money’. Borrowed from Rom

*pastüräcus based on Lat pastura ‘pasture’. 0 M IH ÄESC U RESEE
IV /1-2 31; Ç a b e j St. II 14-15 (from Rom *pastüräticus)\ H a a r m a n n
140.

patë f, pi .p a ta ‘goose’. A cultural Wanderwort attested in Slavic as

well as in Romance, cf. Spanish pata id. (M E Y E R Wb. 324). 0 G i l ’ f e r -
d i n g Otn. 23 (to Skt pata-ga- ‘bird’); M IKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 28
 PA TK U A ~ PATK UE - PELFN Ë 313

(from Slavic); T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 216 (from Slavic); SC H U C H A R D T

KZ XX 244 (from SCr patok).

patkua - p atk u e m, pi. patkonj ‘horseshoe’. Borrowed from Slav

*poch,kovb id., a morphological variant of the more widespread
*pod-hkova id. (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 30; O r el LB XX IX /4 70).
0 MEYER Wb. 349-350 (from Slav *podbkova); SELláíEV Slav, nase­
lenie 306, 326; JOKL Slavia XIII 641 (from Slav *pod-bkova); H a m p
LB X IV /2 13; SVANE 85.

p e ~ p ê m, pl. penj, penjë, pêjna ‘thread’. Borrowed from Lat panus

‘thread wound upon the bobbin’ ( M e y e r Wb. 3 3 1 ). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e
Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1041; JOKL Zb. Belie 44; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 218;
M a n n Language XVII 2 0 -2 1 (from IE *petino-)\ MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV / 1-2 24; HAARMANN 140.

p e c adj. ‘shortsighted, blind’. Continues PAlb *paitsa (with the pre­

served affricate as in some other cases) related to ON feigr ‘close to
death’, Lith paTkas ‘stupid’ from IE *peik-. 0 POKORNY I 7 9 4 .

p e c ë f, pi .peca ‘cloth, rag, napkin’. From PAlb *paitsä related to Gk

7toiKÎA,oç ‘m ulticolored’, OHG fëh id., Slav *pbstri, id. For the
semanic development cf. Slav *gun'a ‘cloth’ borrowed from Iran *gaunya-
‘m ulticolored’. 0 POKORNY I 795; VASMER III 251.

(G) p êjn ë f ‘fringe’. Singularized plural of pe (M a n n HAED 358). 0

Candrea-Densu§IANU 1378 (borrowed from Rom *pedinus > Rum
piedin ‘fringe’ > Alb pedim id.); Ç a b e j St. II 16 (repeats M a n n ’ s ety­
mology).

p e jz ë f, pi .pejza ‘muscle, sinew, string’. Derivative of pe. 0 ÇABEJ St.

VII 273.

p ek m, pi. peqe ‘worry, concern’. Based on Slav *pekti sç ‘to worry,

to care’ (M e y e r Wb. 324).

p e le n ë f,p l .pelena ‘diaper’. Borrowed from Slav *pelena ‘cover, napkin',

cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg pelena, SCr pelena (MIKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 326). 0 SVANE 96.
 314 PELÉ PEM Ë PEN D A R — PER ËN D O J 315

p e lë f, pl. pela ‘m are’. From PAlb *pôulâ related to Gk nwXoç ‘foal’, M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 19; H a a r m a n n 143; L a n d i Lat. 64.
Goth fula id. (X y l a n d e r 279; C a m a r d a I 172; M e y e r Wb. 326). 0
S t ier KZ XI 147; M e y e r Alb. St. III 88; J o k l Festschr. Kretschmer pendar m, pl.pendarë ‘watchman’. An early borrowing from Slav *pgdarib
83 (reconstructs *pölnä with *-/«- > -/-); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 218 id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg phdar, SCr pudar (M e y e r Wb. 3 3 2 ).
(agrees with JOKL), Stratificazione 139; M a n n Language XXVI 386- 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 181, 291; S v a n e 197.
387; B a r iç Hymje 22; F r is k I I 634; C h a n t r a in e 961 ; P o k o r n y I 843;
F e ist Goth. 170-171; P o r z ig Gliederung 150; SCHMIDT Sybaris 134; p en d è f, pi .pende ‘feather; pair (of oxen)’. Borrowed from Lat pinna,
ÇABEJ Die Sprache XVIII 153, St. II 16; HULD 102 (beware of the inac­ penna ‘feather’ (CAMARDA II 73; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 48;
curately summarized literature!); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 147; DEMIRAJ M e y e r Wb. 326). The second meaning ‘pair of oxen’ seems to be a
AE 314. metaphoric derivative of Lat penna ‘plum age’ or the like. Note
pendull id. and pencil derived from p e n d i (ÇABEJ St. II 17). 0 M e y e r -
p elin m ‘wormwood’. Borrowed from Slav *pelym> id., cf. South Slavic LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044, 1050; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 178 (to Lith
forms; Bulg pelin, SCr pelin (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 28; MEYER spándau ‘to stretch’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 218; C a n d r e a -D e n s u -
Wb. 326). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 163; S v a n e 109. SlANU 199 (pendull from Lat pínnula ‘little plume’); JOKL LKUBA 302
n. 1 (penëll borrowed from Lat pinnula)', MANN Language XVII 20-
pelq aor. pelqa ‘to stir up (water)’. Goes back to PAlb *pelkja related 21, XXVI 386; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 65; MIHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18;
to Lith pelkëti ‘to become m arshy', pe'lkè ‘marsh, swamp’, Latv peïce H a a r m a n n 142; L a n d i Lat. 58, 135; D e m ir a j AE 314-315.

V
‘t n u r i n a t e ’ O F R A F N K F I
KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 51;
M e y e r Wb. 332). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. p e llë f, pi pella ‘comb’. From PAlb *petsla, a derivative in *-/- related
to Gk JtÉKO) ‘to com b’, Lith pèsti ‘to pull, to pluck’, Lat pecten Grundriß 21 1048; MlHÄESC
U RESEE IV /1-2 27; HAARMANN 143.
‘com b’. 0 F r is k II 492-493; FRAENKEL 580-581; W a l d e -H o f m a n n
II 269-270; POKORNY I 797. p e n e z m, pi. peneza ‘silver c<
►in (used as ornam ent)’. Borrowed from
Slav *penqdzb ‘coin’, prese
ved in South Slavic as Bulg penez, SCr
nente 28; MEYER Wb. 327). 0 S e l i Sc e v p e llg m, pi. pellgje ‘pond, pool, depth". In Old Albanian the word is penez (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele
ANE 90. preserved as pellëg (BUZUKU, BUDl). Borrowed from Gk icétaxyoç ‘high Slav, naselenie 176, 182; S \
sea’ (ÖLBERG SPhAen 43). 0 CAMARDA I 40 (unspecified connection
with Gk nekayoq); LOEWF.NTITAL WuS X 176 (related to Gk n é layoç); p en g m, pi. pengje ‘pledge,
p a w n ’. B o r r o w e d from Lat pignus id.
M e y e r Alb. Studien I 24 (related to Lith pélkè ‘marsh, swamp’), Wb. (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente
50; MEYER Wb. 327).ö JOKL Studien 68
541-344; M e y e r -L ü b k e AArbSt III 205- 326 (borrowed from NGk 7téX,ayoç); BARld AArbStar 1 151-152 (from (to pende)-, S k o k AArbSt II
*pö-leugä com pared with legate and Slav *luia); JOKL Reallex. 206; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 113
(su ffix -g); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 24;
Vorgesch. I 87; PORZIG Gliederung 151; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. I I 337; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 5 4 ; H a a r *
[ANN 142; L a n d i Lat. 125, 130, 147;
ROSETTIILR 273 (related to R um bile ‘m arsh’); GINDIN Form. S N 60; D e m ir a j AE 3 1 4 .
ÇABEJ St. II 16-17; O r e l RRL XXX/2 105-106 (agrees with LOEWEN-
pengë f, pi.penga ‘fetters (for h
)rse)’. Borrowed from Lat pedica ‘shackle, THAL).
fetter’ with a secondary inis
ut nasal (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 48;
p em ë f, pi. pemë ‘fruit-tree, fruit’. Borrowed from Lat pömum ‘fru it’, M e y e r Wb. 3 2 7 ). 0 Ç a b e j 5
VII 254; H a a r m a n n 141.
pömus ‘fruit-tree’ (G il ’ f e r d in g Otn. 26; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
51; M e y e r Wb. 326). 0 C a m a r d a II 190 (to Gk jiéjrcca ‘to ripen’); p erënd oj aor, perëndova ‘to
;et (of the sun)’. A difficult word from
which i
316 PESE ~ PÉSE — PF.SHK

a sa c r ific e (to the d ead ), to sa tis fy ’ or, rather, from its p a ssiv e c o r ­
relate parentârî. 0 BOPP 341 (perèndi < Lat imperantem, p h o n etica lly
d ifficu lt, cf. mbrety, CAMARDA I 341-342 (u n su ccessfu l attem pt o f s e g ­
m en tin g the w ord as per-ëndi)\ MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 32 (a g rees
w ith BOPP); JOKL LKUBA 13 (d eriv es perendoj from anë); MEYER Wb.
328 (p a ra llelism b etw een dielli perëndon and N G k ò îîàioç ß a a i^ e tje t
lead in g to the d eriv a tio n o f perëndi fro m Lat imperantem)-, PEDER­
SEN BB XX 229 (to S lav *peruni>)\ LOEWENTHAL ANF XXIX 99 (sam e
as PEDERSEN); H a s d e u EMR II 495; H e s s e l in g Neophilologus V 165-
169 ( dielli perëndon as a caiq u e from G reek); PISANI IF LXXIX 152-
153, Saggi 124; POKORNY I 54; FRAENKEL 635; G in d in (Mom. 87; ÇABEJ
St. II 17-20; N e r OZNAK BF 84-87; MOUTSOS Z ß a lk V III/1-2 148-160
(sam e as HESSELING); HAARMANN 130; OREL SBJa Leksikol. 151-152
(d e riv e d from rëndë ~ randë).

p e së ~ p ê s ë n u m . ‘five’. From PAlb *pentSe going back to IE *penk“ e

‘five’: Skt pdñca, Gk névxe, Lat quinqué and the like (BOPP 512; G i l ’f e r -
DING Otn. 24; C a m a r d a I 169 without explanation of -së: PEDERSEN
KZ XXXVI307-309). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. I I 47-48, Wb. 329 (from *penatici).
Alb. St. Ill 5, 25, 30; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 37; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch.
I 89, Melanges Pedersen 157-158, Sprache IX 123; SCHMIDT KZ LVII
26; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 218-219 (fo llo w s P e d e r s e n ); L a Pia n a Studi
I 72; PISANI Saggi 102; FRISK II 506-507; M a n n Language XXVIII
32; M a y r h o f e r II 187; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 407-408; P o k o r n y I
808; ÖLBERG IBK XIV 109-110; H am p St. Whatmough 79, Numerals
9 10-911 ; H u ld 102-103 (adm its the co n fla tio n o f *penklë and *pnkl‘ti);
K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Münch. St. Spr. XL 126, Koll. Idg. Ges. 227 ; D e m ir a j
AE 315-316.

p esh ë f, pi .pesha ‘weight; stone, boulder’. Borrowed from Lat pensum

id. (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 49; M e y e r Wb. 336). 0 P e d e r s e n IF
V 47 (peshë ‘stone’ - to Skt pämsii- ‘crumbling soil’ and the like);
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 219; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 18; ÇABEJ St.
II 20-21; H a a r m a n n 141.

p esh k m, pl.peshq, pishq ‘fish’. Borrowed from L atpiscem id. (G il ’ f e R-

d in g Otn. 26; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 50; M e y e r Alb. St. IV 125,
Wb. 3 2 9 ). In singular, -k- (instead of -q-) may result from the restruc­
turing of the Albanian paradigm or from a morphological change in
Romance. 0 M e y e r -LU b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1043 (from Italian); T a g l i -
 PE SH K O P - PË G FJ ~ PUGÂJ 317

AVINI Dalmazia 219; H a a r m a n n 46; H a m p KZ LXXVII 256-257

(peshk as an indigenous form!), JIES I 512; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-
2 19; ÇABEJ St. II 21-22 (the morphological development and the orig­
inal paradigm of peshk); HULD 103; HAARMANN 142; L a n d i Lat. 57.
120, 144.

peshkop m, pl. peshkopë ‘bishop of the Orthodox church’. Borrowed

from Lat episcopus ‘bishop’.

petë f, pi. pete, peta ‘layer (of a flaky pâté); metal plate; flat stone’.
From PAlb *pati- ‘flat object’ to be compared with IE *pet- ~ *petd-
‘to stretch’: Gk 7iexávvu)Ji id., Lat pateo ‘to stretch, to be spread’ and
the like (OREL Linguistica XXIV 431-432). One of the derivatives of
petë is petull ‘small flat stone’ (D e s n ic k a j a Slav.jaz. V III153). Note
also patë ‘plectrum’ < PAlb *pata. 0 MEYER Wb. 330; POKORNY I 824-
825; F r isk II 520; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 262.

petk m, pi. petka ‘clothes, garm ent’. A parallel form is petkë. From
PAlb *patika, derivative of petë (CAMARDA 180; OREL Linguistica XXIV
431-432). 0 MEYER Wb. 330 (related to Goth paida xixcibv, Gk ß a iir|
‘peasant leather clothes’); JOKL LKUBA 215-216, RIEB II 73-75
(derived from pjetë); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 219; T r e im e R KZ LXV
88-89; X h u v a n i BShkSh VI/2 32; POKORNY 192-93; C a m a j Alb. Worth.
113 (suffix -kë); O r e l Balcanica 114 (with unvoicing from *baita);
D e m ir a j AE 316.

pezëm m ‘inflammation, irritation, sorrow, anger’. Derived from an

unattested *pezë (cf. buzëm from buzë), itself a form in -zë related to
pjek. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 336 (reconstructs *për-zëm- to be compared with
Slav *s-h-mçtç ‘to sweep away’); K R IS T O FO R ID H I 305 (from Gk J i e î c |i a
‘persuasion, confidence’); Ç A B E J St. II 22 (follows K R IS T O F O R ID H I).

pëgëj ~ pugâj Aor.pëgëva ~ pugana ‘to make dirty, to soil’. An early

borrowing from Slav *poganiti id. The adjective pëgërë ~ pëgan
‘filthy’ goes back to Slav *pogam> ‘pagan, unclean, filthy’ while the
Geg form pëgam ‘soiled’ is a regular participle of pëganj (MIK­
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 29). 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 46 (from Lat
pägänus ‘pagan’); MEYER Wb. 331 (follows MIKLOSICH); MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß21 1042; THUMB IF XXVI 55-57; JOKL LKUBA 132 (from
318 PËLGAS — PË L L U M B

Balkan Romance); ÇABEJ St. VII 213; HAARMANN 139, 210; L a n d i

Lat. 48, 80.

pëlcas aor.plasa, pëlcita ‘to burst, to e x p lo d e ’. D eriv ed from plas. P re­

se rv e s an archaic -c- < *-tj-. 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 337 (to G erm
platzen); DEMIRAJ AE 324 (from *plasas).

pëlhurë f, pi. pëlhura ‘cloth, stu ff. Other variants are plëhurë, plihurë,
pluhurë. Derivative of plah. 0 M e y e r Wb. 343 (to plaf)\ JOKL Studien
69-70 (follows MEYER and links p laf and pëlhurë to Lat plectö ‘to plait’);
Ç a b e j * . VII 215, 230; D e m ir a j AE 316.

pëlqej aor. pëlqeva ‘to please . B orrow ed from Lat piacére id.
(CAMARDA I 55; M ik l o sic h Rom. Elemente 50; M e y e r Wb. 331-332);
MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 19; HAARMANN 142.

pëlqyer m, pl.pëlqerë ‘thumb’. A phonetic variant of pulqyer.

pëllas aor. palla, pëllita ‘to bray’. A morphological variant of pall.

pëllas m ‘palace’. Borrowed from Lat palâtium id. (MIKLOSICH Rom.

Elemente 46). 0 MEYER Wb. 319 (from Ital palazzo); MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 21 1041 (follows MIKLOSICH); C a n d r e a -D e n SUSIANU
1330 (same as MIKLOSICH); JOKL LKUBA 93-94 (follows CANDREA-
D e n s u s i a n u ); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; ÇABEJ St. II 22-23;
H a a r m a n n 139; LANDI Lat. 80, 111, 125.

pëlle f, pl.pëlla ‘milch cow, ewe or goat’. A suffixal derivative of pje11

(JOKL LKUBA 225). Another derivative is pile ~ pile ‘fertile domes­
tic animal’.

pëllëmbë ~ pëllambë f, pl. pëllëmbë ~ pëllambë ‘palm (of the hand)’.

Borrowed from Gk 7raA.ánr| ‘hand, palm’ (ÇABEJ St. II 23). The cluster
-mb- < *-m- is a secondary feature. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 46
(from Lat palma); M e y e r Wb. 331 (borrowing from NGk jtaÀ.à(iT|
id.), Alb. St. IV 93; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 248 (agrees with MIKLOSICH);
MANN Language XVII 20 (from IE *pfma); HULD 103 (agrees with
Ç a b e j ).

pëllumb m , p l . pëllumba ‘pigeon, dove’. Borrowed from L atpalumbes,

 PËQ I ~ PËQ Î — PËRD ËI.FJ 319

palumbus ‘wood-pigeon’ (C a m a r d a II 160; M ik lo sic h Rom. Elemente

46; MEYER Wb. 331). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046, 1050;
MlHÄESCU RESEEIV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 140; L a n d i Lat. 80, 93, 115.

p ë q i-p ë q î m, pl.pëqinj ‘seam, hem’. A parallel form spëlqi may reflect

an earlier *pëlqi borrowed from Rom *plicinus ‘fold’, cf. Lat plicô
‘to fold’ (M e y e r Wb. 331).

për prep. ‘fo r’. The reflexes of PAlb *peri and *pra related to Skt pdri
‘round, about’, G k 7tepi ‘around’ and Gk rcpó ‘before, forw ard’, Lat
pro id. correspondingly (BOPP 503-504; G tl’ferdinc . Otn. 23; CAMARDA
I 320-321; MEYER BB VIII 189, Alb. St. Ill 30) were contaminated
with PAlb *per borrowed from Lat per ‘for’ (MEYER Wb. 332). 0 M e y e r -
LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1057 (from Latin); JOKL Realiex. Vorgesch. I
89, IF XXXVII 106; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 213-214; SCHUCHARDT KZ
XX 246; FRISK II 512-513, 596-597; CHANTRA1NE 886; M a n n Lan­
guage XVII 22; M a y r h o f e r II 216-217; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 364-
365; P o k o r n y I 811-816; Ç a b e j St. II 23-25 (of Indo-European
origin); DEMIRAJ AE 316-317.

përbalcë f ‘contest, tournam ent’. A suffixal derivative of përball ‘to

face, to defy’ similar to përballje ‘contest’. 0 MEYER Wb. 332 (to Ital
balzare); ÇABEJ St. II 25 (to përbalt ‘to bespatter with m ud’).

përcëlloj aor.përcëllova ‘to roast’. A prfixal drivative from sjell with

a secondary c- < s- (CAMARDA 1 88). The original meaning must have
been ‘to roast by rotating on a spit’. 0 MEYER Wb. 334 (from Slav
*pi,rskati ‘to sprinkle’); Ç a b e j St. II 25 (follows CAMARDA).

përç m, pl. për ça ‘uncastrated he-goat’. Borrowed from South Slav *pbrcb,
cf. Bulg pi-bc. SCr prc (M e y e r Wb. 334). 0 K l e p ik o v a SPT 43-44;
Ç a b e j St. VII 235.

përçlam m ‘ivy’. Other variants are përçllan and berçlen. Borrowed

from South Slavic, cf. Bulg b rb sl’an, SC r brsljan (ÇABEJ St. II 2 5).

përdëlej aor. përdëleva ‘to pity’. Another form is përdëllej. Borrowed

from Rom *per-indulgëre, cf. ndëlej (M e y e r Wb. 299). 0 L a P ia n a
Vocale 23 (from L a t perdolëre ‘to grieve greatly’); MlHÄESCU RESEE
I V /1-2 15 (follows L a P i a n a ); Ç a b e j St. II 25-26 (Albanian forma­
320 P Ë R G JË R O J — PËRM BYS

tion based on Lat dolere ‘to grieve, to deplore’); HAARMANN 141.

p ërgjëroj aor. përgjërova ‘to swear’. A préfixai formation based on

*gjëroj borrowed from Lat jüräre id. (M e y e r Wb. 332). 0 MlHÄESCU
RESEE I V /1-2 17.

p ërgjoj aor. përgjova ‘to pry, to peep, to spy’. A préfixai derivative

of gjuaj (C a m a r d a 1113; W e ig a n d 68). 0 M e y e r Wb. 332 (from Lat
pervigilâre ‘to remain awake, to watch all night’); MlHÄESCU RESEE
I V /1-2 27; ÇABEJ St. II 25 (based on an erroneous segmentation of
ndëgjoj in which ndë- is treated as a prefix); HAARMANN 141.

p ërk as aor, preka, përkita ‘to touch’. Derivative of prek.

p ërk o rë ~ përk u er adj. ‘temperate, moderate (in food)’. Derived from

kuaj. 0 MEYER Wb. 333 (from *përkoj, borrowed from Lat parcere
‘to spare’); ÇABEJ St. VII 258; HAARMANN 140.

p ërk u l ao r. përkula ‘to bend’. From PAlb *per-kula, a préfixai deriv­

ative of IE *k“el- ‘to turn’ in zero grade, cf. sjell (JOKL LKUBA 2 2 9 ).
0 MANN Language XVII 14; POKORNY I 6 3 9 -6 4 0 ; C a m a J Alb. Wortb.
3 0 , 81; ÖLBERG M X I V 113; DEMIRAJ AE 3 17.

përkund a o r . përkunda ‘to swing, to sway, to rock (a cradle)’. Another

£ mm ;;mm mt^rrmtm fñ ^
 PËR M EN D P Ë R P JE T Ë 321

formation based on the adverb whose first part is identical with

përmbi. As a whole, përmbys goes back to PAlb *per-ambi-uptja, the
third component *uptja ‘under, lower’ connected with Skt upa ‘toward,
near to’, Gk íjjcó ‘under’, Goth u f ‘under’ and the like. 0 M e y e r Wb.
268 (identical with përmbys ‘to flood’, cf. mbys)\ JOKL Studien 56 (follows
M e y e r ); M a y r h o f e r I 105; F r is k II 971-972; F e ist Goth. 509;
P o k o r n y I 1106-1107; Ç a b e j St. II 28 (to mys).

përmend aor. përmenda ‘to m en tion , to r e ca ll, to n o m in a te’. D e r iv a ­

tive o f mend (W e ig a n d BA I 2 6 0 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 94; Ç a b e j St. II 28
(fo llo w s W e i g a n d ).

përmëles aor.përmëleta ‘to break a fast, to season with butter’. Other

variants are përmbles, përbules, burbules. A denominative based on
*përmbletë, the latter unattested form must have been borrowed from
Rom *praeambulàtus ‘prem ature’, to Lat praeambulâre ‘to walk
before’. 0 C a m a r d a 1 339 (to Gk m p a -n e À iœ ‘to disregard, to neglect’);
M e y e r Wb. 3 33 (from SCr izmeljati ‘to besm ear’); Ç a b e j St. II 28-
29 (considers burbules to be the original form).

përm jerr aor. per morra ‘to urinate’. Goes back to PAlb *per-medirá
related to IE *meigh- id.: Skt me'hati, Gk 0pei%io, Lat meio, ON miga
(C A M A R D A I 70). Note the irregularities in the development of the
root vow'el and the consonantal cluster. 0 MEYER Wb. 335 (to Skt mala-
322 PER PO SH — PËRTOJ

fix a i d eriv a tiv e o f p o sh të ( M e y e r Wb. 3 4 9 ). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I

2 9 0 (-posh from loc. sg. *-pëd-su ‘at the f o o t ’), Kelt. Gr. I 50; ÇABEJ
St. VII 24 3 .

p ërp ash hot. përpusha ‘to poke, to stir up’ . From *për-prush, cf. prush
(Ç a b e j St. II 30).

përqell aor. përqella ‘to deride, to m ock’. D erived from qell (ÇABEJ
St. II 3 0 -3 1 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 225 (from Lat percellere ‘to beat dow n’);
P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 5 3 8 -5 3 9 (against M e y e r as Lat -II- cannot yield
Alb -//-); Ç a b e j St. VII 188, 25 8 .

përqi f, pi.p ërq i ‘do w ry ’. B orrow ed from MGk jtpoiiciov id. (ÇABEJ
St. II 31). 0 M e y e r Wb. 333 (from SCr prcija id.); J o k l LKUBA 78
(follow s M e y e r ) .

përskas aor.përskita 'to sprinkle’. B orrow ed from Slav *pn,$kati id.,

cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg p rb ska m , SCr prskati (MEYER Wb.
334).

përshesh aor. përshesha ‘to crum ble, to break up, to raze to the
g ro u n d ’. A préfixai denom inative of shesh. From the verb, the noun
përshesh ‘sop o f bread, m ilk and b u tter’ has been derived. 0 MEYER
Wb. 3 2 9 (noun përshesh - from Turkish parça ‘piece’ and as ‘soup’ ),
3 55 (noun pshesh < *mshesh, from Slav *mesati ‘to m ix ’); ÇABEJ St.
IT 31 - 32 (deverbative o f shij).

përshpjetem reti ‘to arrive unexpectedly’. An active form përspjes

(with dialectal -s-) m eans ‘to train, to drill, to re a r’. C orrupt form s
o f *përshpejt based on shpejt. Ö JOKL apud ÇABEJ St. II 31 (from SCr
prispjeti 'to be on tim e’).

përshtat aor, përshtata ‘to fit, to ad apt’. A d en o m in a tiv e p réfix a i v erb

b ased on shtat. 0 JOKL LKUBA 2 5 0 (to IE *sthä- ‘to sta n d ’ ); Ç a b e j
St. IT 3 2 (u n iverb ation o f p ër shtat ‘for sta tu re’).

përtoj aor. përtova ‘to be lazy’. B orrow ed from Lat p igritan ‘to be
slow, to be sluggish’ (MEYER Wb. 334). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rund­
riß 2 I 1048; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 142.
 Pl.RTYP PËSOJ 323

n ë r t v n aor, n ë rtv n n ‘to r h e w ’ D p riv p r l fr n in *tvn cpp twrtth ô ' ~

Alb. St. 111 59 (to Lat stipo ‘to squeeze t ig h tly ’); JOKL Studien 85-86
(to Gk xpaTcéco ‘to press (grapes)’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 263; M a n n
Language XXVI 387; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 11; D e m ir a j AE 317-318.

përvëloj aor.përvëlova ‘to boil down, to boil, to ignite, to kindle’. A

phonetic variant of pravulloj.

përvjel aor. p er vola ‘to fling out, to let fly, to turn over, to roll up, to
cut fleece on sheep’s belly’. A préfixai derivative of vjel (Ç a b e j St.
II 32), probably, influenced by a partial synonym pcrvesh ‘to roll up
(sleeves)’.

përzhis aor,përzhita ‘to scorch, to roast, to bake’. B orrow ed from Slav

*pbrziti ‘to roast', cf. in South Slavic: B ulgprhza, SCr prziti id. (MEYER
Wb. 334). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 155; S v a n e 238.

përrallë f, pi, përralla ‘tale, sto ry ’. B orrow ed from Lat parabola

‘proverb, speech’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 47; M e y e r Wb. 350).
0 C a m a r d a I I 72 (to Gk KapaßoXr) ‘proverb, parable’); M e y e r -L ü b k e
Gr. G rundriß 21 1055; PEDERSEN KZ X X X III 536; MlHÄESCU RESEE
I V /1-2 24; Ç a b e j St. II 33; HAARMANN 140; L a n d i Lat. 72, 80, 130.

përrua ~ përrue m, pi. përrenj, përronj ‘brook; riv er-b ed ’. Early b o r­

row ing from Slav *porovn> ~ *parovh, cf. Pol parów ‘rav in e’, name
of a source in G reece Ilopôpoç (of Slavic origin), see O r e l LB
X X IX /4 70-71. Alb përrua was borrow ed to Rum päräu. 0 CAMARDA
1312; M e y e r Wb. 335 (reconstructs *per-rën- connected with *re(i)-
'to flo w ’); JOKL Studien 282-284, LKUBA 277 (explains *per-ren- as
a form ation etym ologically close to OHG ritman ‘to flow ’, Slav
*roniti ‘to d ro p ’), IF XXX VII 90-91, ZONE X 189-190, Sprache IX
130; SPITZER MRIW I 296; B ariC AArhSt 1/1-2 152-153 (from IE *per-
srouno-), Hymje 70; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 51 (from B ulg poroj);
M a n n Language XXVI 383 (from IE *per-eio- ‘passage’); GEORGIEV
Festschr. Rosetti 287-290; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 346; ROSETTI
1LR I 280: CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 52; ÇABEJ St. VII 217, apud D e m ir a j
(to Gk jrepáiú ‘to penetrate, to p ierce'); D e m ir a j AE 318.

pësoj aor. pësova ‘to suffer, to en d u re’. B orrow ed from Rom *patiäre,
324 PËSHKO J — PI

cf. Lat patior id. (MEYER Wb. 335). 0 CAMARDA I 62 (to Lat patior);
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1050 (fro m Lat patior); MlHÄESCU
RESEE I V / 1-2 18; ÇABEJ St. VII 227; HAARMANN 140.

pëshkoj aor . pëshkova ‘to wash up, to rinse’. Borrowed from Rom
*persiccare ‘to dry up’, cf. Lat persiccätus ‘quite dry’. 0 MEYER Wb.
33 6 (from *shkëpoj borrowed from Ital scopare ‘to sweep out’); ÇABEJ
St. II 3 3 -3 4 (from *përshkoj, derivative of shkoj, ‘to go again’ > ‘to
rinse’).

pështjell aor. pështolla ‘to wrap up’. From *për-shtjell, based on

shtjell (M E Y E R Wb. 4 1 6 ) .

pështjerë adv. ‘down, low’. An obsolete Old Albanian form representing

a deverbative *për shtjerë based on shtie. 0 J o k l Studien 59-60 (from
*ped-s-t-ero- related to përposh); ÇABEJ St. VII 201.

pëshpëris a o r . pëshpërita ‘to w h isp e r, to s ig h ’. An o n o m a to p o e ia c o n ­

nected w ith ih e ad verb pësh pësh ‘in w h is p e r s ’. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 220.

pështyj aor. pështyta, pështyva ‘to s p it’. A d en o m in a tiv e d esc rip tiv e
stem co n tin u in g P A lb *pistünja and sim ila r to th o se o f Lat spuö id.
and Gk rrtúco id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 336 (from Rom *sputïre ‘to spit’); M e y e r -
LUBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1055 (from Lat sputare); TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 2 3 1 -2 3 2 (q u estio n s M e y e r ’s solu tio n in v ie w o f the m eta th e­
sis in R um stupi id.); MANN Language XXVI 3 8 7 (to Gk rciùto); F r is k
II 6 1 7 -6 1 8 ; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 5 8 0 -5 8 1 ; P o k o r n y I 9 9 9 -1 0 0 0 ;
Ç a b e j St. VII 25 8 .

pështym aor. pështyma ‘to dry w o o d , to sm o k e o u t’. A d en o m in a tiv e

verb based on the participle o f pështyj describ in g the p ro cess o f w o o d -
d ryin g as ‘sp ittin g o u t’ w ater.

pi nor. piva ‘to drink, to suck’. From PAlb *plja with the regular loss
of *-/- ( O r e l FLH VIII 41-42). Related to IE *pö(i)- ~ *pl- ‘to drink’:
Skt pati ‘to drink’, G k îiivco, Lat bibö (BOPP483; G i l ’ f e r d i n g Otn.
24; C a m a r d a I 17). Note a structural similarity between *pija and
Slav *pijç. Aor. piva displays PAlb *-w>- reminiscent of Skt 1 sg. perf.
papdu (O R E L ZfBalk XXII 82-83). 0 M EYER Wb. 336, Alb. St. Ill 30,
Gr. Gr. 105; T O M A S C H E K Thr. II 18 (participle pirë - pinë < *pîno-
 P IC A S — PIKF. 325

compared with Thr [?] tuvov ‘beer’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 219-222;

M a n n Language XXVI 386-387; K r a u s e Corolla linguistica 137-144;
POKORNY I 839-840; M a y r h o fe r I I 252; F risk I I 540-542; C h a n t r a in e
905; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 103-104; HULD 103; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges.
362; Ç a b e j apud D e m ir a j (reconstructs PAlb *plno)\ D e m ir a j AE
318-319 (from a reduplication *pipH- > P A lb *pib-).

p ica s aor. picata ‘to catch mice'. Derived from the stem pic-, cf. picërr.

p icërr adj. ‘tiny, small’. Together with picë ‘little girl’, picël ‘needle­
point’ and picak ‘naked’, this word is derived from pic ‘tip, end, top’
borrowed from Ital pizzo id. (Ç a b e j St. II 34-35). 0 M e y e r Wb. 341
(to Ital picciolo ‘little’, piccino id.).

pidh m, pi.pidhëra ~ pidhna,pidhe ‘female pudenda’. From PAlb *p(e)izda

directly related to Slav *pizda id. and OPrus peisda ‘bottom’ (M e y e r
Wb. 336-337, Alb. St. Ill 16, 30). 0 W ie d e m a n n BB XXX 207-209
(reconstructs *peighdh-)\ JOKL IF XXX 198-200; TAGLIAVINI Strati­
ficazione 94; PISANI Saggi 125; POKORNY I 831; H a m p IJSLP XI 25-
26, Münch. St. Spr. XL 43; H u l d 149; D e m ir a j AE 319-320.

pihatem reti, ‘to be tired, to be exhausted’. Borrowed from Slav *pyxati

( s q ) ‘to be short of breath’, cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg p - b x a m , Slovene
pihati ( D e s n i c k a j a Slav. zaim. 16). 0 SVANE 257.

p ik m ‘spotted woodpecker’. Derived from pik ‘to fill holes, to

pierce’.

p ik aor. pika ‘to fill holes, to pierce’. A descriptive stem similar to

that of Ital piccare ‘to prick’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 337 (from Romance).

p ik aor. pika ‘to make bitter’. A metaphorical usage of pik ‘to fill holes,
to pierce’ (MEYER Wb. 337).

p ik ë f, pi. pika, pikë ‘drop’. A descriptive stem similar to Rum pic id.
The verb pikoj ‘to sprinkle’ is derived from pikë. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 49 (from Lat picca); M e y e r Wb. 337 (related to pik ‘to make
bitter’); PU§CARIU EWR 114; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044
(from Rom *pica); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 221; Ç a bej St. II 35-36 (derived
from pjek ‘to m eet’).
326 PILA S P IN G Ê

pilas pl. ‘eyebrows’. Based on sg. *pil borrowed from Lat pii leus ‘felt
cap, ^protective hair’ ( Ç a b e j St. II 35).

pilë f, pi. pila ‘heap, pile, pebble, group of stones used in a game’.
Borrowed from Ital pila ‘pile’ (ÇABEJ St. II 36-37). 0 HAARMANN 142
(from Lat pila id.).

pilikuri adv. ‘bare, naked’. A derivative with an expressive prefix pili-

based on ko re, A fossilized noun pilikor ‘unconsciousness’ is a folk
etymology derivative of pilikuri. 0 PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 177 (from
per and lakur); Ç a b e j St. II 37 (from per and lëkur),

pilipizgë f, pl. pilipizga ‘kind of pipe’. A derivative with an expres­

sive prefix pili- based on pizgë.

pilivesë f, pl. pihvesa ‘dragonfly’. Another variant is pilivoesë. A deriv­

ative with an expressive prefix pili- based on ve, voe (ÇABEJ St. II
37).

pillë f, pi. pilla ‘stone trough’. Borrowed from Lat pila ‘m ortar’, in
Romance - ‘trough’, cf. Ital pila (MlHÄESCU/? £ S £ £ IV / 1-2 18; Ç a b e j
St. II 3 7 -3 8 ). 0 D e m ir a j AE 3 2 0 -3 2 1 .

pillë f, pi. pilla ‘flax comb’. Borrowed from an unattested derivative

of Lat pilo ‘to com b’ ( D e m i r a j AE 320-321). 0 JO KL Studien 68-69
(from IE *pek-la related to Lat pectö ‘to comb’ and the like); O REL
ZfBalk XXIII 145.

pillë f, p\. pilla ‘small stone (for play)’. Borrowed from Lat pila ‘ball,
playing-ball’ (MEYER Wb. 337). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 538 (against
MEYER as *pellë is expected); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 51 (from
an Italian dialect); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 221; Ç a b e j St. II 38 (agrees
with M e y e r ).

pingë f, pi .pinga ‘top’. Goes back to PAlb *pinka related to Lith pinklas
‘w icker-w ork’, Latv pinka ‘tuft’, pinkât ‘to tousle’. From pingë,
pingui ‘downwards, vertically’ and pingel ‘tip, top, point’ are derived.
0 F r a e n k e l 594; Ç a b e j St. II 39 {pingui from a compound of per
and ngul).
 P IN G R O J P IS P IL L O IIE M 327

pingroj aor.pingrova ‘to twitter, to chirp’. Borrowed from Rom *pin-

nigeräre ‘to behave as a bird, to bear feathers’, cf. Lat pinniger
‘feather-bearing’. 0 Ç a b e j St. II 39 (onomatopoeia).

pip m, pi.pipa ‘sprout, shoot, pipe, tube’. Borrowed from Rom *plpa
‘tube, pipe’, cf. OFr pipe, Spanish pipa and the like (M EY ER Wb. 338).
0 H a a r m a n n 142.

pip aor. pipa ‘to peep, to chirp’. A descriptive stem similar to Germ
piepen id., Lat pipJre id. (ÇABEJ St. II 39-40). 0 M e y e r Wb. 338 (bor­
rowed from pipite); HAARMANN 142.

pir m ‘h abit, sp r ite ’. A m etap h oric u sage o f pire ‘p rick , th o r n ’, see

pirrë.

pirem refi, ‘to bend, to bow’. A dialectal form of prie rem. see prier
(M A N N HA ED 387).

pirë f, pi .pira ‘pore’. Goes back to PA lb *pirä, a zero grade form related
to Gk neipco ‘to bore’, Slav *perjg id. and the like. Note a derivative
piri ‘funnel’. 0 F r is k II 491-492; VASMER III 240; POKORNY I 816-
817; ÇABEJ St. II 40 (piri borrowed from Venetian peiria or its Greek
source).

pirrë f, pi .pirra ‘couch-grass, rye-grass; hedge’. Another variant is

pire ‘prick, thorn’. Borrowed from Slav *pyrb id., cf. South Slavic
continuants: SCr pir (TA GLIA VINI Dalmazia 222). 0 JOKL LKUBA
216-217 (pirrë ‘hedge’ related to Gk jceipco ‘to pierce’ and its cog­
nates); D e m i r a j AE 321.

pisë f ‘cat, ta b b y -ca t’. A n o n o m a to p o e ia sim ila r to that o f R um pisâ

id. and the lik e (MEYER Wb. 3 3 9 -3 4 0 ).

piskas aor. pi ska ta ‘to sh ou t, to c r y ’. B o r r o w e d from S lav *piskati ‘to

p e e p ’, cf. in South S lavic: SC r piskati (MEYER Wb. 3 3 9 ). 0 SVANE
26 1 .

pispillohem refi, ‘to dress up, to smarten oneself’. An expressive redu­

plication of piilohem id., a reflexive form of pilloj ‘to hackle (flax)’,
cf. pille.
328 P IS P U T H P IZ G Ë

pisputh m ‘swine, bastard’. A compound of pis ‘dirty, filthy’ (derived

from a Modern Greek loanword pisë ‘hell’) and puth. 0 ÇABEJ St. II
40 (to purth and spurdhis).

pishë f, pi. pisha ‘pine’. Continues PAlb *pï-s-a, with *-s- > -sh- accord­
ing to the “ruki” rule, related to other Indo-European names of pine
with different suffixes: Gk 7tm>ç, Lat plnus (from *pitsnos or *pisnos).
0 MEYER Wb. 340 (related to Lat plnus), Alb. St. I ll 30, 61 (to Gk
TtEÚicri id.); JOKL LKUBA 32 (reconstructs *pït-s-ia)\ YiKKlCARSt I 95
(to Lat picea id.), Hymje 50; FRISK II 545-546; CHANTRAINE 908; W a l d e -
H o f m a n n II 308; P o k o r n y 1794; F r ie d r ic h Trees 34; Ç a b e j St. VII
212; H a m p IF LXVI 51 ; H u l d 142, KZ XCV 303 (from *pit-so- related
to Lat plnus)', DEMIRAJ AE 321-322 (old collective in *-s(i)o-).

pishkulloj a o r . pishkullova ‘to whisper’. A parallel form is pishtëlloj.

Borrowed from Rom *fistulare ‘to sound like a pipe’, cf. Lai fistula
‘pipe’. Note the irregular substitution of L a t/L > Alb p-.

pitas ~ pitas adv. ‘numb, numbly (of cold)’. Derived from pij ‘to benumb’,
cf. mpij.

pite f, pi .p ite ‘honeycomb’. Borrowed, with phonetic irregularities,

from Lat pecten ‘com b’. The immediate source must have been Rom
*pectum > *pejtë.

pite f, pi. pite ‘gruel’. A singularized plural of *pite continuing PAlb

*pitu- further related to Lith piêtus ‘noon meal, lunch’, Skt pitti- ‘feeding’,
OIr ith ‘grain, corn’ and the like. 0 FRAENKEL 587-588; MAYRHOFER
II 278; POKORNY I 794.

pite f, pi. pita ‘kind of bread, cake’. A M editerranean cultural Wan-

derwort present in South Slavic (Bulg pita, SCr pita), Turk pita, Hbr
pîtû and NGk tuttcx as well as in Romance where it seems to

continue Rom *picta (M e y e r Wb. 340 ).

pitër adj. ‘frequent’. Based on P A lb *pim(i)ta related to OIr e'im ‘quick,

fast’, ON fim r id. 0 POKORNY I 795.

pizgë f, pi.pizga ‘kind of wind instrument’. Borrowed from Slav *piska,

cf. in South Slavic: SCr piska id. (MEYER Wb. 3 3 9 ). Note the unusual
 P IZ G U L L — P JE K 329

substitution of Slav *-sk- > -zg- , probably, reflecting an early date

of borrowing when there were no unvoiced sibilant in the Albanian
consonantal system, 0 Sni.lScEV Slav, naselenie 193; S v a n e 218, 261.

pizgull f, pi.pizgulla ‘piece, splinter’. Derived fro m pizgë ‘chip, splin­

ter, loop’, a phonetic variant of pisk.

pjalm m ‘dust, thin dust, fine flour’. From PAlb *pelma related to Gk
7táXr| ‘fine flour’, Skt palala- ‘ground sesamum’, Lith pelena1 ‘ashes’,
Latv pqlni id., Slav *polmç ‘flam e’, Lat pollen ‘dust, fine flour’
(SCHMIDT KZ L 2 4 3 , 2 4 8 ). 0 M a n n Language XXVI 3 8 3 (to Osset
fœ lm ‘fog’ < *pelmrf)\ V A S M E R III 273; F R A E N K E L 5 6 6 -5 6 7 ; W A L D E -
H o f m a n n II 3 3 1 -3 3 2 ; M a y r h o f e r II 232; F r is k II 4 6 7 ; P o k o r n y
I 802; Ç a b e j St. II 4 0 -4 1 .

pjavicë f, pi.pjavica ‘leech’. Borrowed from Slav *pijavica id., cf. South
Slavic reflexes: Bulg pijavica, SCr pijavica (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente
29). A parallel form piskavicë results from an influence of piskoj ‘to
pinch’ (M e y e r Wb. 3 3 9 ). 0 K r is t o f o r id h i 324; J o k l Studien 113;
S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 189; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 220; ÇABEJ St.
IV 99; S v a n e 157.

pjek aor. poqa ‘to bake, to cook’. Goes back to PAlb *peka etymo­
logically continuing IE *pek“- id.: Skt pacati, Gk rceaaco, L a t coquö,
Slav *pekç, *pekti ( G i l ’ f e r d t n g Otn. 21; C A M A R D A I 67; M e y e r BB
VIII 185, Wb. 341). 0 M E Y E R IF V 181 (on the ê-grade in aorist), Alb.
St. Ill 3-4, 30; J o k l Studien 11; P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. 1 129; T a g l i a v i n i
Dalmazia 220; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 141; L A P IA N A Studi I 45; M A N N
Language XXVI 382; B A R IÇ Hymje 20; F R IS K II 519-520; C h a n t r AINE
890; M a y r h o f e r I1 185-186; W a l d e - H o f m a n n 1 270-272; P o k o r n y
I 798; H a m p BSL LXVI/1 222; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Münch. St. Spr. XL
124; Ç A B E J St. VII 217, 239; H u l d 103-104; D E M IR A J AE 322.

pjek aor .poqa ‘to touch, to m eet’. From PAlb *peka, related, with an
irregular development of IE *-ìc-, to Gk jiekco ‘to com b’, Lith pesh,
pèsti ‘to pull, to pluck’ and the like. 0 C A M A R D A I 113 (to Gk 7iiiyv\>ni
‘to stick, to fix in’); M e y e r Wb. 341 (to Gk tiXekco ‘to plait’), Alb.
St. Ill 4, 32; M A N N Language XXVIII 35; F R A E N K E L 580-581; F R IS K
II 492-493; P o k o r n y 1 191.
330 PJE K Ë - P JE R R

pjekë f, p l . pjekë ‘eyelash’. From PAlb *pekâ related to pjek ‘to touch,
to meet" (Ç A B E J St. II 41-42) < *‘to com b’, cf. for the semantic devel­
opment Skt pdksma- ‘eyelash’ derived of the same root (JO K L Studien
69). 0 M A Y R H O F E R II 184.

pjell aor.polla ‘to beget, to produce, to bear’. From PAlb *pelna con­
nected with Lat pellö ‘to drive, to push’ (O R E L Alb. 64; D E M IR A J AE
323), Gk 7táAAio ‘to poise, to swell, to swing’. Note important deriv­
atives *en-pelna > mbiell ‘to sow’ and *pela > pjellë ‘child’. For the
semantic development of this root in Albanian cf. Germ werfen ‘to
bear (of animals)’ and Slav *kotiti ‘to roll; to bear (of animals)’. 0
M E Y E R Wb. 342 (to Goth fula ‘foal’ and - at the same time - to IE
*peb- ‘to fill’), Alb. St. Ill 30; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 543; F r i s k II
469; W a l d e - H o f m a n n II 276-277; PO K O R N Y 1 801; M a n n Language
XXVIII 31; C A M A J Alb. Worth. 39, 99; Ç A B E J St. VII 230; H u l d 104
(follows M E Y E R and reconstructs *pelö).

pjepër ~ pjepën m, pl. pjepra ~ pjepna ‘sweet m elon’. Borrowed from

Rom *pepinem id., cf. Lat pepönem ‘kind of large melon, pumpkin’
(M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 48; M e y e r Wb. 342). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1043; T h u m b IF XXVI 44 (from Greek); MIHÄESCU
RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 141; ÖLBERG SPhAen 43.

pjerdh aor. pordha ‘to fart’. From PAlb *perda etymologically iden­
tical with Skt pdrdate, Gk jiép8o|iai id., O H G ferzan id., Lith pe'rdziu,
pe'rsti id. and the like (C A M A R D A I 43; M e y e r Wb. 3 4 2 , Alb. St. Ill
28, 3 0 , 7 2 ). 0 J o k l LKUBA 2 3 0 -2 3 1 (zero grade), Sprache IX 130;
E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 4 9 3 ; L a P i a n a St. Varia 2 6 (medial form); M A N N
Language XXVI 382; C lM O C H O W S K l LP II 246; F r a e n k e l 577; F R IS K
II 5 1 1 -5 1 2 ; M a y r h o f e r II 225; P o k o r n y I 819; D e m i r a j AE 3 2 3 .

pjergull f, pi. pjergulla ‘v i n e - a r b o r , p e r g o l a ’ . B o r r o w e d f r o m L a t

pérgula ‘s h e d , b o o t h , v i n e - a r b o r ’ (M E Y E R Wb. 342). 0 M IK L O S IC H Rom.
Elemente 48 ( f r o m I t a l pergola)’, M e y e r -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1043;
M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 141; L a n d i Lat. 50, 135,
137.

pjerk adj. ‘hanging (down)’. A derivative in -k from pjerr.

pjerr aor.pora, porra ‘to bend, to incline’. Continues PAlb *pera related
 P JE SË — PLAH ~ PLAF 331

to L ith periù, perti ‘to str ik e ’, S lav *pbrç, Aperti ‘to p r e s s ’. 0 FRAEN­
KEL 578; V a s m e r III 240; P o k o r n y I 819; Ç a b e j St. VII 206, 243.

pi.pjesë ‘part’. Borrowed from Rom *petia id. (Ital pezza, Fr

p j e s ë f,
pièce), see MEYER Wb. 3 4 2 . 0 CAMARDA I 112 (comparison with Fr
pièce); MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4 9 (from Ital pezza, pezzo)', MEYER -
LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1043; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 18; HAAR
MANN 141; L a n d i Lat. 53.

p j e s h k ë f, p l .pjeshkë, pjeshka ‘p ea ch ’. B o r ro w e d fro m R om *pesca <

Lat persica id ., c f. Ital pesca and the lik e (M IK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente
49; M e y e r Wb. 3 4 2 , Alb. St. IV 102). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 221;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 24; H a a r m a n n 141; L a n d i Lat. 5 3 , 114.

‘to be ruptured, to have hernia’. Based on PAlb *peta ‘to

p j e t e m refi,
be ruptured’ < *‘to widen’, related to Gk Ttexávv'upi ‘to widen’, Lat
pateó ‘to be open’ and the like. This word may be the first element
of pjetëposhtë ‘downwards’ (for the second element see poshte). 0 F r isk
II 520-521; WALDE-HOFMANN I 262; POKORNY 1 824-825.

piaf m , pl. plafë, plëfënj ‘wool blanket, ru g ’. A deverbative based on

plah (D E M IR A J AE 324) and, apparently, of Geg origin. There existed
also an older form plah. From the Proto-Albanian plural form *plaskai
tai > *plaxai tai the Balkan and Carpathian Slavic *plax~bta ‘sack,
underskirt’ was borrowed. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 343 (to pëlhurë)', JO K L
Studien 69-70 (to Lat plectO ‘to plait’ and its cognates); V A S M E R Alb.
Wortforsch. 51-52 (to MHG vlies ‘fleece’); D e s n i c k a j a Slav. zaim.
11 (from Slav *plax-h); Ç A B E J St. VII 230.

p l a g ë f, pl. plagë ‘wound’. Borrowed from Lat plaga id. (M IK L O S IC H

Rom. Elemente 50). 0 M e y e r Wb. 343 (from early Ital *plaga >
piaga)-, 0 M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1041 (from Italian), 1050;
M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 142; L a n d i L a r . 103, 113,
134.

plah ~ plaf a o r . plaha ~ piafa ‘to cover’. Goes back to PAlb *p(e)laska,
inchoative formation related to Gk -KeXaq ‘skin’, Lith pala ‘linen ker­
chief’, piene ‘thin skin, mem brane’, ON fjall ‘skin’ and the like. 0
F r a e n k e l 615; F r i s k I I 499-500; P o k o r n y I 803; D e m i r a j AE 323-
324 (from IE *p¡H-síco/e-).
332 PLA K PLENG

plak m, pi.pleq ‘old m a n ’. F rom P A lb *p(e)laka < *pehkos e ty m o lo g ­

ic a lly c lo s e to Lith pìlkas ‘g r e y ’ < *plakos (SOLTA Sprache II 122-
124). F urther p a ra lle ls m ay b e g ro u p ed under IE *peh-, cf. Gk
%oÀ.tôç ‘g rey , g r iz z le d ’ and the lik e (BOPP 491; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia
224). 0 CAMARDA I 46 (com p ares plak w ith Gk naXawc, ‘o ld , a n cien t’
but the latter has n- < *&"-); MEYER Wb. 344 (rep eats CAMARDA’s e ty ­
m o lo g y ), Alb. St. Ill 31; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 328; P o r z ig Gliederung
204; FRAENKEL 591; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 115 (su ffix -k ); H am p Lan­
guage XXXIII 530-531 (in terp rets -k- as a con tinu ant o f * //); SOLTA
Sprache I I / 1 122-126; F r is k II 575-576; P o k o r n y I 804-805; HULD
104-105; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 43; D e m ir a j AE 324.

plang m ‘board, plank’. Borrowed from Lat planea ‘board, slab’. 0

M e y e r Wb. 3 4 4 (from early Ital *planca > Piem pianca ‘plank’).

plang m, pi. plangje ‘property, building site, house, farm ’. Borrowed

from Rom *planticus derived from Lat planto ‘to set, to plant’. 0 C A M A J
Alb. Worth. 114.

plas àoj.plasa ‘to burst, to split’. From PAlb *platja, a denominative

verb related to Skt prthii- ‘broad, wide’, Gk TCÀorrùç id., Lith plañís
id. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 4 4 (to Lith plësti ‘to tear’, Slav *pleskati ‘to
splash’), Alb. St. Ill 13, 32; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 82 (to plis); F r a e n k e l
606-607; F risk I I 553-554; MAYRHOFER II 333; POKORNY I 833; DEMIRAJ
AE 3 2 4 -3 2 5 .

pleh ~ plêh m, pl. plehra ~ plêhna ‘sw e e p in g s, dun g, ru b b ish ’. D e r iv ­

ative o f plah. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 45 (from S la v *pelva ‘m em brane, s k in ’);
S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 160 (a g re es w ith M e y e r ) ; JOKL LKUBA 129,
IF XLIX 289; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 22 3 .

píeme f, pl. píeme ‘barn, h a y lo ft’. B o r ro w e d from B u lg plemna id. <

S lav *pelvbna (M e y e r Wb. 345). 0 ÍOKL LKUBA 315 (fo llo w s M e y e r ).

pleng m ‘bandage’. Borrowed from Slav *pel(e)nrb ka id., deminutive

of *pelena ‘cover’. 0 V A S M E R III 228-229.

pleng m ‘baseness, disgraceful act’. Metaphorically used pleng ‘heavy

object’.
 PLEN O — PLËNDËS ~ PLAN DËS 333

pleng m, pl. plengje ‘heavy object’. A related form is plengë ‘catapult’.

Borrowed from Lat phalanga, palanga ‘roller or pole for moving heavy
objects’.

plep m, pi .plepa ‘p o p la r’. B o r ro w e d from R om *plöpus, m eta th esis

o f Lat pöpulus id. (MlKLOSTCH Rom. Elemente 51; M e y e r Wb. 3 4 5 ).
0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 259;
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 223; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 522; M ih ä e s c u RESEE
I V /1 - 2 19; H a a r m a n n 143; L a n d i Lat. 64.

pleq m ‘council, congress’. Singularized plural of plak (ÇABEJ St. II

4 2 -4 3 ). 0 WEIGAND BA I 261 (from Rom *placium, cf. Lat placitum
‘order, opinion’).

plesht m, pi. pleshta ‘f le a ’. F rom P A lb *pleusta, a taboo tra n sfo rm a ­

tion o f IE *bhlusâ, cf. Lith blusa, S lav *bli>xa, G k x|/ùÀAa, Arm lu <
*plus- (MEYER Wb. 34 5 , Alb. St. Ill 32, 62 ). 0 STIER KZ XI 244; BUGGE
Beiträge 11; PEDERSEN IF V 33, KZ XXXIX 347; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
2 2 3 , Stratificazione 139; A c a r e a n HAB II 2 9 9 -3 0 0 ; PISANI Saggi 116,
121; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa II 129-131; F r i s k I I 1 1 4 0 -1 1 4 1 ; FRAENKEL 51-
52; POKORNY I 102; D e m ir a j AE 325 (reco n stru cts *-ou- in the
root).

plevas aor.plevata ‘to swim’. Borrowed from Slav *plyvati id., cf. Bulg
plivam , SCr plivati ( D e s n i c k a j a Slav. zaim. 16). 0 SvANE 2 5 8 .

plevicë f, pi. plevica ‘barn, h a y lo ft’. B o r ro w e d from S la v *pelvi,nica

id.: B u lg plevnica (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 29; MEYER Wb. 3 4 5 ).
0 J o k l LKUBA 315 (fo llo w s MEYER); S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 151,
160; S v a n e 60.

plëndës ~ plandës m, pl. plëndësa ~ plandësa ‘paunch, stomach (par­

ticularly, of a ruminant animal)’. Other variants are blëndës ~ blandës,
blënx ~ blanx, piène ~ plane. Of those, the latter is more archaic as
it reflects Venet panza ‘paunch’ influenced by old Venet *splenza ‘spleen’
( H e l b ig JblRS X 83). Other forms reflect a secondary interpretation
of piene ~ plane as a deverbative in -ës. 0 MEYER Wb. 39 (from Lat
panticem ‘paunch, bowels’ and its Romance reflexes); JOKL LKUBA
291 (follows H e l b ig ); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 223; M ih ä e s c u RESEE
IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 140; L a n d i Lat. 48, 83.
 334 P L IM PLYM PLOG Ë P I,O JE PU. Hl R PLU H U N 335

p lim ~ p lym m ‘mass, crow d’, adv. ‘in heaps, in piles’. A deverbative developping from ‘leaning, lying without moving’. 0 JOKL Studien 71
in -(i)m based on an unattested verb *plyej continuing PAlb *plänja (from *pë-log-, a préfixai form related to Lat neglegO ‘to slight, to
‘to fill’. The latter is related to IE *plê- ‘full, to fill’, cf. piote'. neglect’ - but -ë- of the first syllable left no traces), LKUBA 155; CAMAJ
Alb. Worth. 114, 122; S e il e r KZ CVI 2 (to Gk àÀiyco ‘to take account
pliq m, pi. pliqe ‘twisted woollen cord’. Borrowed from Lat pie eta ‘border of’); SZEMERÉNYI Syncope 144-160; BEEKES Laryngeals 26; DEMIRAJ
of interwoven lines in relief, *plait’. Note the development of -ct- > AE 327.
*-jt- > -q-.
p lo je f, pl. pio je ‘slaughter, carnage’. From *ploe < PAlb *pldga
p lis ni, pi.plisa ‘clod of earth, sod, piece of turf’. Continues PA lb *plitja, related to Gk 7iXr|yrj ‘blow ’, Lat plaga ‘blow, slaughter’. 0 WALDE-
a zero grade derivative in *-to- related to Sktphdlati ‘to burst, to split’, H o f m a n n II 315; F r isk II 561-562; P o k o r n y I 832.
Lat spolium ‘stripped skin or hide, spoil’ and other reflexes of IE *(s)pel-
(JOKL Studien 70-71, LKUBA 215). 0 MEYER Wb. 345 (from NGk jiXiv0oc p iote adj. ‘full’. From PAlb *pläta identical with IE *pleto- ‘full’ derived
‘brick’); V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 43 (follows M e y e r ) ; W a l d e - from *peh- ‘to fill’: Skt preitd-, Lat com-plëtus (CAMARDA 1 59, 138;
H o f m a n n II 577-578; M a y r h o f e r II 393; P o k o r n y I 985-987; MEYER Wb. 345, Alb. St. Ill 23, 32). 0 JOKL Studien 71, Sprache IX
ÇABEJ LP VIII 82 (to p ill'‘"l' P A M A T Alh W n r f h 9.0 í c a m p a s C Í H P l V ,OÛ>, ,TV,Æ,4, X. T

) f m a n n II 322; P o k o r n y I 799; K l in g e n s c h m it t
TILA Schw. 145; HULD 105; DEMIRAJ AE 327-328 (related
plis m, pl.plisa ‘f e lt ’. F rom P A lb *p(i)litja rela ted to O H G /í/z id ., Lat
>i).
pellis id ., G k jivX o ç id ., S la v *pblstb id. 0 F r is k II 536; VASMER III
318; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 275-276; P okorny I 830.
pl.plorë ‘plowshare; prow’. Borrowed from NGk rcXobpri
St. II 4 3 -4 4 ). 0 M a k u Se v Vars. Univ. Izv. 1871 122
plish m. pl.plisha ‘kind o f reed, Phragm ites co m m u n is’. C ontinues PAlb
tgarb)\ M e y e r Wb. 3 4 6 (adduces MLat plovum ‘plow’
*plüsi- co n n ecte d w ith Lith pl(i)tìsìs ‘r e e d ’ (Ç a b e j St. II 43). 0 J o k l
Germanic but prefers M a k u Se v ’ s explanation); OSTIR
LKUBA 32-33, 215-216 (to plis), Slavia XIII 309 (fro m *(s)phel- ‘to
;to OHG pflug id.); M e r in g e r IF XVII 113 (borrowed
s p lit’ ; re co n stru cts *plosio- > plish); FRAENKEL 628; CAMAJ Alb.
I. pflua ‘plow’ < Pflug id.); SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 255
Worth. 114; J a n s o n Unt. 183; OREL Sprache XXXI 285, Koll. Idg. Ges.
i); JOKL l.KUBA 130-141 (suggests a segmentation *pë-
351 (-sh- < *-s- a cco rd in g to the “ru k i” ru le); DEMIRAJ AE 326.
T a g l ia v in t Dalmazia 2 2 9 (against JOKL); DEMIRAJ

plitë f, pi. plita ‘sun-dried brick’. Borrowed from Slav *plita ‘plate,
slab’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg plita, SCr plita (SVANE 63).
e ‘plow’. Borrowed from Slav *plugT> id., cf. in South
ig, SCr plug (M e y e r Wb. 346). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, nase-
plog m, pl. plogje ‘gran ary, barn, h e a p ’. F rom PAlb *plaga related to
ÍVANE 28.
Gk nXàyioç ‘p laced sid e w a y s, slo p in g , le a n in g ’, Lat plaga ‘quarter,
r e g io n ’(OREL Fort. 79). For the sem an tic d ev elo p m en t, cf. Slav *kletb
Lm ‘dust, powder’. A phonetic development of *plëhur
‘b arn ’ < IE *klei- ‘to lean, to be in c lin e d ’. 0 JOKL Studien 71-72 (from
^ed from pleh. 0 CAMARDA I 70 (related to Lat pulvis
); MEYER Wb. 346 (from Rom *pluverem < Lat pul-
IE *plë-g-, to *ple- ‘fu ll’); F r is k I I 547; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 114 (related
to plotë)\ W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 314; P o k o r n y I 832-833; D e m ir a j
ÏER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1053 (same as M e y e r );
Z XX 251; T a g l i a v i n i Origini 239, 366; Ç a b f j St. VII AE 326 (b o rro w ed fro m B u lg blog ).
in 144.
p lo g ë adj. ‘la z y ’. H isto r ica lly id en tica l w ith plog, the m ea n in g ‘la z y ’
336 P L U M B ----- P O ~ PO R

plum b m, pl. plumba ‘lead ’. B orrow ed from Lat plumbum id. (CAMARDA
1 198; M ik lo sic h Rom. Elemente 50; M ey er Wb. 3 46). 0 M e y e r -LU b k e
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046, 1054; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 224; MlHÄESCU
RESEE I V / 1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 142; L a n d i Lat. 115, 141.

plusk m ‘blizzard; fine flour; dust’. Other variants are pluskë, plluskë,
plyskë. Borrowed from Slav *pl’uska ‘bubble, hull, husk’, cf. South
Slavic continuants: Bulg p i ’uska, SCr pljuska (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele­
mente 2 9 ). 0 SVANE 174.

pllajë f, p i. pila ja ‘upland, gentle slope’. Borrowed from Rom *plagius

id. (Rum piai, Ita! piaggia and the like), cf. JOKL LKUBA 1 7 4 -1 7 5 .

pllangë f, pi . pllanga ‘supporting beam, support, lever; spot, m ark’. A

more phonetically conservative variant is pëllangë which is a dialec­
tal form of pëllëmbë ~ pëllambë.

pllashicë f. pl. pllashica ‘whitefish’. Borrowed from Slav *plaSica ‘kind

of fish’, cf. Bulg plasica. 0 S v a n e 152.

pllaz m ‘sole of plow’. Borrowed from Slav *polz-h id., cf. South Slavic
continuants: Bulg plaz, SCr plaz (SVANE 2 8 ).

pllenoj aor. pile nova ‘to make pregnant (of animals)’. A recent deriv­
ative of pile - pile (see pelle).

plloçë f, pl. plloça ‘flat stone, slab’. Borrowed from Slav *ploca id.,
cf. in South Slavic: Bulg ploca id., SCr ploca id. (MIKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 29; M e y e r Wb. 3 4 3 ).

plloskë f, pi. plloska ‘flat wooden bottle, wooden vessel’. Other vari­
ants are pllockë and plloçkë. Borrowed from Slav *ploska id., cf. South
Slavic reflexes: Bulg ploska, SCr ploska (M e y e r Wb. 3 4 3 ). 0 S e l i Sc ev
Slav, naselenie 154; SVANE 69; M u r a t i Probleme 132.

pllymëz f, pi.pllymëza ‘kind of fishing net’. From *për-lym-ëz, see lym.

po ~ por adv. ‘yes; so, well’, conj. ‘but’. Borrowed from Lat porro
‘then, moreover; but’ (MEYER Wb. 3 4 6 ). The loss of the final -r seems
to be explained by the permanent unstressed position of the conjunction.
 P O B R A T IM — P O L IC E 337

T h e sa m e a d verb is u sed as a p a rticle o f p r o g r e s s iv e fo r m s. 0

CAM ARDA I 314 (com parison with Skt épura- ‘p osterior, la ter’ or with
Lat porro ‘fu rth er’); M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045; TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 225.

pobratim m ‘friend, adopted brother’. Other variants are probatim,

prohotim, probatin. Borrowed from Slav *pobratinvb ‘adopted brother',
cf. in South Slavic: Bulg pobratim, SCr pobratim (MEYER Wb. 3 5 4 ).
0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 184; Jo k l Slavia X III 307; M a n n Lan­
guage X V II 12; S v a n e 187.

poç m, pi.poçe, poça ‘pot, vase, vessel’. A cultural term derived from
pot. 0 MEYER Wb. 350 (to Fr pot, Spanish pote ‘pot’).

pod m. pi. ‘story, floor, cellar’. Borrowed from Slav *pod-b ‘bottom,
ground’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg pod, SCr pod (V A S M E R Alb. Wort-
forsch. 5 2 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 148; S v a n e 55.

pohoj a o r. pohova ‘to admit’. A derivative of po. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 273.

pojak m, pi. pojakë ‘field guard’. Another variant is polak. Borrowed

from Slav *pol’ak’b ‘man related to the field’, cf. in South Slavic: SCr
poljak ‘field guard’ (MEYER Wb. 347). 0 S e l i Scev Slav, naselenie 181,
302; S v a n e 197.

pojatë f, pi. pojara ‘cabin, shack, cattle-pen, porch'. Borrowed at an

early stage from Slav *polata ‘palace, building, tent’, cf. OCS polata.
From Albanian, this word - as a shepherding term - was passed to
Rum poiatâ and other Carpathian and Balkan languages. 0 OKDA Vopros-
nik 38; S v a n e 63.

pokrovë f, pi. pokrova ‘clo th , sh e e t’. B o r ro w e d from S la v *pokrovh

‘c o v e r ’, cf. B u lg pokrov, SCr pokrov (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 29;
M e y e r Wb. 347). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 174, 325.

poi m, pi. pola ‘fold; door-hinge’. Another variant is potè'. Borrowed

from Slav *pola ‘fold’, cf. Bulg pola, SCr pola (M e y e r Wb. 347). 0
S v a n e 49.

policë f, pi. polica ‘shelf, ledge’. Borrowed from Slav *po!ica id., cf.
338 POLLE — P O R O S IT

South S la v ic con tinu ants: B u lg polica , SC r polica (MIKLOSICH Slav.

Elemente 29; MEYER Wb. 3 4 7 ). 0 S e l i Sc e V Slav, naselenie 149; SVANE
66 .

p o llë f, pi .polla ‘apron’. Historically identical with pol.

p o n ic ë f, pl. ponica ‘flower pot; oven, stove’. Borrowed from Slav

*podbnica 'pot, oven’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg podnica, ponica
(M ik l o sic h Slav. Elemente 30; MEYER Wb. 3 4 7 -3 4 8 ). 0 SELlScEV Slav,
naselenie 149, 153-1 5 5 ; SVANE 72.

p o n is doT.ponita ‘to honor, to respect’. Borrowed from Slav *pombniti

‘to remember’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg pom n’a, SCr pomniti. 0 M e y e r
Wb. 3 47 (from SCr poniziti se ‘to let oneself down’).

p op m, pi.popa ‘Orthodox priest’. Borrowed from South Slavic: Bulg

pop id., SCr pop id. (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 30).

p o p ë l i\p\.popla ‘b ou ld er, p e b b le ’. A d esc rip tiv e stem sim ilar to that

o f OE popel ‘p e b b le ’ and the lik e. 0 CAMARDA II 73 (to G k 7to(i(póÀD^
‘water b ubble’); JOKL Studien 72, LKUBA 215 (to IE *(s)phel- ‘to sp lit’);
Ç a b e j St. VII 2 2 2 -2 2 3 ; D e m ir a j AE 32 9 .

popull m, pi.popuj ‘people’. Borrowed from L atpopulus id. (MIKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 51; M e y e r Wb. 3 4 8 ). 0 L a n d i Lat. 107, 130, 145.

p ord h ë f, pi. pordhë ‘fart’. Continues PAlb *pârdâ related to pjerdh.

0 Ç a b e j St. VII 21 8 .

porend m, pi.porenda ‘thorn h ed ge’. B orrow ed from Slav *porçdi, ‘order,

r o w ’ (D e s n ic k a j a Slav. zaim. 12). 0 S v a n e 5 9.

p o r e z m, pi. poreza ‘tax’. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg

p o r ’az, porez, SCr porez id. (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 30; MEYER
Wb. 3 4 8 ).

p o ro sit hot. porosità ‘to ord er, to d em a n d ’. A n ea rly lo a n w o rd fro m

S la v *porçciti (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 30; MEYER Wb. 3 4 8 ) w ith
S la v * -c - > P A lb *-ts- > -s-. 0 JOKL LKUBA 93; S e l i S c e v Slav, nase-
 PO RTE — POSTAK AT 339

tenie 181, 293; HAMPLßXTV/2 15; OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 68; S v a n e

239.

portë f, pi .porta ‘door’. Borrowed from Lat porta id. (MIKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 51; MEYER Wb. 348). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1045;
M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 19; Ç a bej St. VII 216; H a a r m a n n 143; L a n d i
Lat. 60, 114.

porriq m ‘leek’. Borrowed from Rom *porricium derived from porrum

id. Another derivative Rom *porrïnum is the source of porri ~ porri
id. (M e y e r Wb. 3 4 8 ). 0 H a a r m a n n 143.

porre m ‘honeycomb stomach, reticulum ’. Derive from porr ‘stove,

oven’ continuing PAlb *pärü related to G k fut. 7tpf|oco ‘to burn, to
set on fire’, Slav *pari> ‘vapor, steam’. 0 P o k o r n y I 809; F r is k II
538-539; V a s m e r III 203.

porris aor. porrita ‘to extinguish, to destroy’. Borrowed from South

Slavic, cf. SCr pobrisati ‘to blur, to efface’ (M e y e r Wb. 3 4 9 ). Note
the development of the cluster -hr- > -rr-.

porropi f ‘devastation, ruin, misadventure’. Other variants a re poropi,

perupi. The word is identical with përrëpi ‘precipice, drop', përrëpirë
~ përrëpinë id., deverbatives based on an unattested préfixai *për-
rjep, cf. rjep. 0 XllUVANI apud Ç a bej St. II 44 (from NGk aTtpéjieia
‘inconvenience’); ÇABEJ St. II 44 (from NGk porcr| ‘inclination,
decline’).

posaçe adv. ‘especially, separately’. A compound of posa ~ porsa ‘just,

hardly, scarcely’ (from po and sa) and çë. Its synonym pos is an allegro
form of posa. 0 M e y e r Wb. 266 (pos from SCr *po se, cf. na po se
‘separate, singular’); Ç a b e j St. II 4 4 (agrees with MEYER).

postai m ‘stone trough’. Borrowed from Slav *postavrb id., cf. in South
Slavic: Bulg postav, and in a different meaning SCr postav (MIKLOSICH
Slav. Elemente 30; MEYER Wb. 349). 0 S e l i Sc ev Slav, naselenie 154;
S v a n e 67.

postafat adv. ‘on purpose, deliberately’. Based on *postave borrowed

from Slav Spostava ‘something set’.
340 POSTAHE — POTERE

p osta h e f, pi.postahe ‘blanket, quilt used for sitting’. Borrowed from

Slav *postaja ‘bed cover’, cf SCr postaje. The meaning of the word
may have been influenced by a Turkism postiqe id. 0 MIKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 30; M e y e r Wb. 349 (from SCr postav ‘cloth, kerchief’);
S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 174; JOKL IF XLIX 288 (follows MEYER);
ÇABEJ St. II 45 (on postiqe); S v a n e 48.

p o sta s aor. postata ‘to weaken, to exhaust’. Borrowed from S la v

*postati, cf. Bulg postan id. ( D e s n ic k a j a Slav. zaim. 16: recon­
structs *po-ustati). 0 S v a n e 263.

postât m, pi. postate ‘garden plot, bed’. Borrowed from Slav *postatb
id., cf. SCr postât (M ey er Wb. 349). 0 S v a n e 59.

p o str e ~ p o str é f, pi .postre ~ postré ‘shelter, porch’. Another variant

is postrehë. Borrowed from Slav *postréxa, a préfixai derivative of
*strëxa ‘roof’ reflected in Albanian as strehë ( S e l i Sc e v Slav, nase­
lenie 148). Cf. SCr postresiti ‘to thatch’. 0 S v a n e 54.

p o su llë f ‘bill, slip, note, letter’. Other variants are pusullë, pusollë,
pustull. An early borrowing from Slav *posyla. 0 MEYER Wb. 349
(from Slav *pos-blT> ‘m essenger’).

p osh të adv. ‘down, below’, prep, ‘under’. Borrowed from Lat post, poste
‘behind, back’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 51; MEYER Wb. 3 4 9 ) with
a radical change of meaning corresponding to other similar shifts in
the Albanian system of prepositions and adverbs. The adjective
poshtër ‘mean; low er’ is derived from poshtë. 0 G i l ’ f e r d i n g Otn. 21
(to Skt pas'cá- ‘back, posterior’); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 2 9 0 (to
përposh and, further, to loc. pl. *pëd-su ‘down, at the feet’), Kelt. Gr.
I 5 0 , 181; JOKL Studien 5 9 -6 0 , LKUBA 3 2 -3 3 , Festschr. Kretschmer
LXXXVIII; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 231; Ç a b e j * . II 4 5 -4 6 (follows
P e d e r s e n ) , HI 114; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 142; H a a r m a n n 143; H am p
ZfceltPh XXXIV 2 0 -2 2 ; D e m ir a j AE 3 2 9 -3 3 0 .

pot m, pi .pota ‘mill-hopper, flour-bin; little boy’. Borrowed from Rom

*pottus ‘pot’ > Fr pot. 0 MEYER Wb. 349 (from Turk pota id. of Romance
 PO TK Ë — PRANO J 341

Slavic *poter’a id., cf. Bulg poterà, SCr patera (MEYER Wb. 349).

potkë f, pl. potka ‘scarecrow, boundary mark, landm ark’. Borrowed

from Slav *poti.ka ‘landm ark’, cf. SCr potka ‘kind of boundary
m ark’ (SeliScev Slav, naselenie 182). 0 SVANE 206.

pothuaj ~ pothue adv. ‘nearly, almost’. A univerbation of 2 sg .po thuaj

‘you say’ (M a n n HAED 397). 0 ÇABEJ St. II 46 (repeats M a n n ’s expla­
nation).

pra adv. ‘so, therefore’. Results of an erroneous segmentation or of

the allegro reduction of Old Albanian prashtu id., prato id. (BUZUKU)
continuing *për ashtu, *për ato. 0 JOKL Studien 80 (to OCS proce ‘there­
fore’).

praf m dust, powder . Borrowed from Slav ^poixh id., ct. South Slavic
continuants: Bulg prax, SCr prah (SVANE 164, 239).

prafullimë f, pi. prafullima ‘spark (thrown out of an engine)’. Dever­

bative of prafulloj ‘to toast, to singe’ derived from praf. 0 Ç a b e j St.
VII 221.

prag m, pi.pragje ‘threshold’. A parallel form is prak. Borrowed from

Slav *porgT> id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg prag, SCr prag
(M ik lo sic h Slav. Elemente 30; M e y e r Wb. 350). 0 S e li Sc e v Slav, nase­
lenie 148; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 226; H a m p L S X IV /2 13; S v a n e 53.

pranë adv. ‘alongside, beside, nearby’, prep, ‘near, by’. Goes back to
për anë.

prandaj conj. ‘th e re fo r e, th u s’. G o e s b ack to *për andaj (CAMARDA I

306; M e y e r Wb. 11). 0 Ç a b e j St. II 46-47.

prangë f, pi.pranga ‘fetter, chain, handcuff. Borrowed from Gmc *pranga-

‘constriction, cramping", cf. Germ Pranger ‘pillory’ (MEYER Wb.
3 5 0 -3 5 1 ). 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 63 (from Ital spranga ‘bolt’);
K l u g e 5 6 2 -5 6 3 .
 342 PRAPA — PREHËR ~ PREHËN PREJ — PRES 343

n rana ariv ‘h ack, b ack w ard s. 1-------- J ’ ‘L"

o f the sam e w ord exp lain ed by accentual m od ification s in P roto-A lb an ­ the lo c a tiv e Gk npa'i ‘ea rly , in the m o r n in g ’ = OHG /
noi id. derived
ian is prapë ‘b ack , again , the other w ay ro u n d ’. C o n tin u es *per apa from IE *p rö ‘fo rw a rd , in front o f, b e fo r e ’ (O r e l FL
7 V i l i/ 1-2 45).
~ *për ape', the se co n d co m p o n en t b ein g h isto r ic a lly id en tical w ith 0 M e y e r Wb. 353 (to S la v *prçg@ ‘to tig h te n ’), Alb
St. I li 3 1, 72;
pa (BOPP 502; CAMARDA I 306; MEYER Wb. 351). T h e P ro to -A lb a n - ÇABEJ St. II 4 8 (co m p a res w ith Lith spriñgti ‘to chol
.e. to swallow’
ian form m ust h ave b een *per apa or *pra apa. Ô JOKL MRFW I 302, c o n n ected w ith S lav *prçgç); TAGLIAVINI Stratificaz,
one 95 ; F r i s k
IF XXXVII 108; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 187-188; C a m a j Alb. Worth. II 6 0 7 -6 0 8 ; P o k o r n y I 8 14.
I l l ; H a m p Laryngeals 125 (to hap)\ D em ir a j AE 330-332.

ìbic PAlb *prei prej prep, ‘to, towards; from, out of’. In fact, from disili
•rning’ = OHG praqe pl. tantum ‘stirrups’. Semantically modified plural of prak, identical with the locative Gk jtptoi ‘early, in the m<
v a r i a n t o f prag. fruoi id. derived from IE *prö ‘forward, in front of, be!
ire’, cf. prehè'r.

praroj aor .prarova ‘to gild’. From *për-aroj, denominative of ar (M EYER prek aoT.preka ‘to touch’. From PAlb *praka, a dérivât
ve of an adver-
;htaw ay\ Slav Wb. 14). bial *pra-k- related to Gk rcpóica ‘forthwith, strai
tio n s o f fpro
*prokrh ‘rem ainder, rem aining’ and sim ilar form;
prashis aor.prashita ‘to hoe over, to rake over, to cultivate’. Borrowed ‘forw ard’. 0 CAMARDA I 242 (analyzes prek as *pre-l
-); M e y e r Wb.
from Slavic *porsi ti ‘to turn into dust, to cover with dust, to hoe’, cf. 352 (to Gk 7tpexoaco ‘to do, to w ork’); FRISK II 599; V
%SMER III 373.
Bulg prasa, SCr prasiti (M e y e r Wb. 3 5 1 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, nasele-
nie 158; SVANE 7 7 , 2 3 9 . prell m ‘sunny side’. Borrowed from Gk napT|Xioç ‘
te a r th e sun’.

pravulloj a o r . pravullova. ‘to boil down, to boil, to wash in hot w ater’. premte ~ prëmte f ‘Friday’. Other variants are ( T ) prem
He, (G) prende.
Continues *per-avulIoj, a denominative based on avidi. Deverbative based on premtoj in its unattested meanin
g ‘ to f o r e b o d e ,
Gk 7tapaoK £ \> r| to prepare in advance’ and representing a translation of
pre f, pi. preja ‘p rey , b o o ty , p lu n d e r’. B o r ro w e d from Lat praeda id. ‘getting ready, preparing; Friday’. 0 MEYER Wb. 26
) ( t o mbrëmë);
(M e y e r Wb. 351). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 143; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 227.
L a n d i Lat. 7 1 .

t prömittere ‘to premtoj aor .premiava ‘to p r o m ise ’. B o r ro w e d from La

pregjim m 'party on the occasion of child-birth; visit paid to m ourn­ for b o d e , to p r o m ise ’. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
52 (from Ital
ers after a death’. Other variants are përgim, përgjim. A regular dever­ promettere ‘to p r o m ise ’); MEYER Wb. 352 (sa m e as \
:i k l o s i c h ).
bative of përgjoj. 0 E n d z e l in KZ XLV 230 (to Lith gimti ‘to give birth’,
to Lith perih, Latv dzimt id.); Ç a b e j St. II 4 7 -4 8 (from MGk Kp(ûtoyévvri|a.a ‘first pres aor. preva ‘to c u t’. F rom P A lb *p(e)retja relatec
\ I 42; M e y e r birth’); D e m ir a j AE 332 (agrees with Ç a b e j ). petti ‘to beat, to th u m p ’, Gk rcpico ‘to s a w ’ (CAMARD
4; T a g l i a v i n i Wb. 3 5 3 , Alb. St. Ill 31, 7 2 ). 0 SCHMIDT KZ L 243-2¿
y I 819; H am p
preh ~ pref a o r . preha ~ prefa ‘to sharpen’. Continues *për-eh, a pré­ Dalmazia 2 2 7 ; FRAENKEL 5 7 8 ; FRISK II 596; POKORN
eh). fixai derivative of eh (M EY ER Wb. 352). 0 ÇA B EJ St. VII 239. KZ LXXVI 135; H u l d 105; D e m ir a j AE 3 3 2 -3 3 3 (to

etymologically prehaluq adj. ‘emaciated’. A suffixal derivative of preh. 0 ÇA B EJ St. pres aor. prêta ‘to wait, to expect’. Continues PAlb *pratjc
prantù, pràsti II 48 (contamination of preh and hale). related to Goth frapjan ‘to think, to understand’, Lit!
préfixai verb ‘to get used, to understand’. 0 CAMARDA I 143 (a
Lai verb related prehër ~ prehën m ‘bosom, lap; apron’. From PAlb *projena *‘front’, related to IE *es- ‘to be’); B u G G E BB XVIII 169 (a prefi
344 PRESH — P R IE R

to Lat emö ‘to b u y, to p u r ch a se’); B a r i Í ARSt I 9 0 (to OIr 3 sg. frith

‘is foun d ’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 228; FRAENKEL 6 4 6 -6 4 7 ; F eist Goth.
165-1 6 6 ; P o k o r n y I 845; H a m p KZ LXXVI 135 (fro m IE *prkto-,
to *prek- ‘to a sk ’).

presh m, pi. presh ‘leek’. Borrowed from Gk jiptxoov id. (THUMB IF

XXVI 19). 0 m ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350; Ç a b e j St. VII 278, 281.

prevë f, pi .preva ‘op en w a y , track, fo r d ’. B o rro w ed from Lat prlvum

(iter) ‘private (road, p a ssa g e )’. 0 CAMARDA I 27 (id en tica l w ith treve);
MEYER Wb. 353 (repeats CAMARDA’s identification); V a s m e r Alb. Wort-
forsch. 5 2 -5 4 ; ÇABEJ St. V II 184, 23 3 .

prëj ~ prâj aor. prëjta ~ prâjta ‘to incline, to cling to, to lean; to infect’.
The semantic development ‘to cling’ > ‘to infect’ is quite frequent,
cf. E to stick. The original meaning of PAlb *per(i)-anja appears to
be ‘to incline, to bend to the side’. It is derived from anë. 0 ÇABEJ
St. II 46 (separates prëj ‘to infect’ and connects it with ëj).

prëj ~ prâj aor. prëjta ~ prâjta ‘to comfort, to soothe’. Goes back to
PAlb *prainja related to Skt prlnati ‘to please’, Goth frijón ‘to love’,
Slav *prijati id. and the like. 0 MEYER Wb. 5 (to ëj); FEIST Goth. 168;
M a y r h o f e r II 380; V a s m e r III 369; P o k o r n y I 844.

prëndverë ~ prandverë f ‘spring’. Borrowed from Rom *prima vera

(> Ital primavera, Rum primävarä), cf. MEYER Wb. 4 6 6 . 0 M i k l o s i c h
Rom. Elemente 5 2 (from Ital primavera); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 226;
M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 19; H a a r m a n n 144; L a n d i Lat. 108.

prënjkë f, pl. prënjka ‘freckle, sunspot’. A derivative in -kë of PAlb

*priknja related to Skt prsni- ‘spotted, speckled’, Gk nepicvôç ‘dark,
spotted’, W erch ‘spotted’ and the like. 0 MAYRHOFER II 336; F r is k
II 515-516; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 43; P o k o r n y I 820-821; Ç a b e j St. II
46 (derived from prëj ~ prâj).

prier aor. prora ‘to incline, to lean, to turn aside’. Goes back to PAlb
*per(i)-era, a préfixai verb etymologically related to Hitt armimi ‘to
move, to shift’, Skt fnoti ‘to arise, to m ove’, Gk opvu(a.i ‘to stir up’,
Lat orior ‘to rise’. 0 CAMARDA I 56-57 (a préfixai verb to be com­
 P R IF T — P R IM ) 345

pared with Gk àeipoo ‘to raise’); M ey er Wb. 354 (a préfixai verb related
to Gk ¿Xáco ‘to drive, to set in motion’); F risk II 422-424; MAYRHOFER
I 122; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 222-223; P o k o r n y I 326-328.

p rift m, pl .priftër, priftërinj ~ priftna, priftinj ‘priest’. Borrowed from

Lat presbyter id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 52; MEYER Wb. 353). 0
M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044; JOKL Slavia XIII 287 (on the
Dalmatian Latin source); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 228; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t
534; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 19; HAARMANN 143; H a m p SCL
XX XII/4 425-428; L a n d i Lat. 102, 121, 130.

prij ~ prìj aor. prina, priva ‘to lead’. Borrowed from Lat praelre ‘to
lead, to precede’ (MEYER Wb. 353). 0 HAARMANN 143.

p rije f, pl. prije ‘drainage ditch’. A derivative of prij, probably rep­

resenting a caique of South Slavic *vada ‘irrigation ditch’ (Bulg vada,
SCr vada) related to *vedç, '*vesti ‘to lead’. 0 KRISTOFORIDHI 345 (from
*për-ijë); Ç a b e j St. IV 85.

prijë f, pl. prija ‘onion-bed’. Usually, in a phrase prijë qepësh id. Bor­
rowed from Lat porrina id.

p rik m ‘slope’. Goes back to *prier-k, a derivative of prier.

p rik ë f, pi.prika ‘dowry’. Derived with the suffix -k ë from prij. 0 SKOK
¿A II 103-110 (from Gk rcpoíí, ‘gift, present’).

p rill m ‘A pril’. Borrowed from Lat aprïlis id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 2; M e y e r Wb. 353). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 12; Ha a r m a n
111; L a n d i Lat. 118, 177.

p rim e pi. ‘folk rem edies’. Deverbative of proj ‘to guard, to defend’
(Ç a b e j St. II 4 8 ).

prind m, pl .prindë, prindër ~ prindën ‘father, parent’. Borrowed from

Lat parentem id. (CAMARDA I 42; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 47;
M e y e r Wb. 353). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß21 1044,1047, 1054;
T a g l ia v in i Origini 189; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n
140; L a n d i Lat. 51, 116, 143-145.
346 P R IN G J — PROJ

pringj m ‘chief, prince’. Borrowed from *prince(s) < Lat princeps ‘chief’
(M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 52; M e y e r Wb. 353). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044; HAARMANN 144.

priqe pi. ‘arthritis’. Another variant is priç ~ prîç. A suffixal deriv­

ative of prij.

priskoj aor priskova ‘to besprinkle’. A relatively recent denominative

formation based on *prisk(ë). The latter was borrowed from Slav *pryskb
‘sprinkling’ otherwise unattested in South Slavic where its variant *prhskb,
*prrbskati is attested.

prish aor. prisha ‘to destroy, to spoil, to waste’. From PAlb *prisa
related to Gk itpico ‘to saw’ (MEYER Wb. 353, Alb. Si. HI 31, 61, 72).
0 JOKL Studien 72-73 (adds Germanic parallels: OHG freisa ‘danger,
destruction’ and the like), LKUBA 24; PISANI Saggi 119; ÇABEJ St. II
49-50; FRISK II 596 (doubts the validity of the Greek - Albanian com­
parison); POKORNY I 846; ÇABEJ St. II 49, V II206, 228; O r e l Sprache
XXXI 280, Koll. Idg. Ges. 351 (-sh- < *-s- according to the “ruki”
rule); DEMIRAJ AE 333-334 (to IE *per- ‘to strike’).

privoj aor. privova ‘to rob'. Borrowed from Lat privare id.

prizë f, pi. priza ‘gutter’. Derived from prije.

probateshë f, pi. probatesha ‘adopted sister’. An innovative feminine

in -eshë based on the recomposition of probatin, see pobratim.

prodhoj aor. prodhova ‘to produce’. Borrowed from Lat prödäre id.
(M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 52). 0 M e y e r Wb. 266 (to mbrodh).

profkë f, pi. profka ‘splitting fruit; water spray; twaddle, bluff’.

Another variant is proçkë ‘blunder, slip of the tongue’. From Bulg
procka ‘wicket-gate’ in various metaphoric meanings. 0 JOKL LKUBA
9 (to prëj), Slavia XIII 289.

prog m, pi. progje ‘nail’. A secondary fonetic variant of prokë.

proj slot, prova ‘to guard, to defend; to precede, to anticipate, to take

precaution’. Borrowed from Lat parare ‘to make ready; to defend’,
 PRO K E — P R R ID H 347

the meaning ‘to defend’ being typical of Romance languages (Ital parare,
Fr parer), cf. ÇABEJ St. II 48. A noun projë meaning at the same time
‘defense’ and ‘booty’ is a deverbative. 0 MEYER Wb. 369 (to ruaj or
from Lat prohibiré ‘to hold back, to prevent’).

prokë f, pl. proka ‘nail, fork’. Borrowed, with an unusual unvoicing

of the anlaut, from Rom *brocca, *broccia ‘fork, roasting-spit’, cf.
Ital dial, brocca, Fr broche) < fern. *brocca ‘projecting (of teeth)’ (MEYER
Wb. 3 5 4 ).

prosek m , pl. prosiqe ‘hut for cattle to be rounded up’. Together with
proseqe ‘chips, chippings (from pruned tree)’ is a Slavic loanword
from *prosek-b ‘kind of axe; opening, cutting (in a forest)’, cf. Bulg
prosek, SCr prosijek (ÇABEJ St. II 5 0 ). The meaning represented in
Albanian is not attested in South Slavic. It has obviously developed
from ‘section, something cut out’. 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 151 (from
Bulg prosek ‘section in a barn’).

prozhëm m, pl. ‘small wood, community forest’. Another, and more

phonetically archaic, variant is proshëm. This word for the *‘nearest
forest’ > ‘community forest’ is borrowed from Lat proximus ‘nearest’.
0 MEYER Wb. 355 (from South Slav *suma ‘forest’); BARlC ARSt I
75 (from *kseuma related to Slav *suma); ÇABEJ St. II 5 0 -5 1 (bor­
rowed from Slav *b r ts fh ‘brushwood’).

prozhmoj aor.prozhmova ‘to slander, to libel’. As in prozhëm, a more

conservative variant is proshmoj. It is borrowed from Lat proximäre
‘to come near, to approach’ with a complicated semantic development,
presumably: ‘to get close’ > ‘to know intimately’ > ‘to slander’. 0
C a m a r d a I 322 (to Gk *rcpo-ai|aôcD, cf. oi|ióco ‘to turn up the nose,
to sneer at’ - but Greek loanwords are not adapted as verbs in -oj);
MEYER Wb. 355 (from Slav *sum-b ‘noise’); ÇABEJ St. II 51 (identi­
cal with përçmoj ‘to despise’ derived from çmoj).

prridh aor.prridha ‘to suffocate’. Continues a préfixai verb *për-ridh

with a root unattested in an unbound form and continuing PAlb
*reida related to Gk èpeiôco ‘to prop, to push'. 0 F r is k I 551;
P o k o r n y I 860.
348 PRROSKË — P IK Ë

prroskë f, pi . prroska ‘brook, mountain stream ’. Derivative in -skë of

pernia (JOKL LKUBA 220, 327).

prush m ‘ember, glowing coal’. From PAlb *prusà etymologically related

to Lat pruna id. < *prusnä, Skt plosati ‘to burn’ (MEYER Wb. 355,
Alb. St. Ill 31, 61). 0 C a m a r d a I 52 (to Gk rcûp ‘fire’); TAGLIAVINI
Dalmazia 231; SCHULZE Kl. Sehr. 479; POKORNY I 846; MANN Lan­
guage XXVI 388 (to Latv pìrksts ‘hot ash’); DEMIRAJ AE 334-335.

psherëtij aor. psherëtiva ‘to sigh, to moan’. Other variants are pshe-
rëtoj and psherëtis. Borrowed, with a metathesis in the phonetically
complicated anlaut, from Rom *suspîritàre, cf. Lat suspirare ‘to sigh’
( M e y e r Wb. 3 5 6 ). 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 221.

pshikëlloj aor. pshikëllova ‘to beat with a cane’. Another variant is fshikul-
loj. Derived from fshikull ‘whip’ borrowed from Rom *fisticula, cf.
Lat fistula ‘reed, cane’.

pshoj aor. pshova ‘to sigh, to m oan’. A back formation of *pshire <
Lat suspirium ‘sigh’, cf. psherëtij.

pshurr a o r . pshurra ‘to urinate’. From *për-shurr, a préfixai deriva­

tive of shurrë.

puçërr r, pi .p u g n a ‘blister, pimple’. Together with pug ‘hair parting’

and pugis ‘to contort (face)’, goes back to SCr puciti ‘to split’.

pufkë f, pi. pufka ‘bubble, blister’. A derivative of *pufë ~ puhë bor­

rowed from SCr puha id. The latter is connected with SCr puhati ‘to
blow (up)’ which, in its turn, has been borrowed to Albanian as puhas
id. Finally, puhi ‘light breeze’ also belongs here (MEYER Wb. 356).

puftë adj. ‘empty, hollow’. Appears only in a context arre' pufte

‘empty nut’. Borrowed from Lat fem. puncta ‘punctured, having a hole’.

puk adj. ‘foolish’. Borrowed from Lat püblicus ‘public; common, ordi­
nary, bad’.

pukë f ‘promenade, public way’. Borrowed from Lat piiblica (via) ‘public
 P U I.E G Ë R — PUNË 349

w a y ’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 53; MEYER Wb. 356). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e

Gr. Grundriß 21 1054; HAARMANN 144.

pulegër f, pl.pulegra ‘dwarf bustard’. Based on *pulege borrowed from

one of Italian or Dalmatian continuations of Rom *pullicus, cf. pullus
‘young fowl, chick’.

pulendër - pulandër f, pl. pulendra ~ pulandra ‘maize porridge’.

Another variant is pullëndër ~ pullandër. Based on *pullënd borrowed
from Lat polenta ‘peeled barley, pearl-barley’.

pulë f, pi. pula ‘hen'. Borrowed from Rom *pulla ‘hen’ (cf. Fr poule),
see C a m a r d a 1 172; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 53; M e y e r Wb. 356-
357. As to pulkë ‘turkey; pullet’, it is borrowed from Bulgpulka ‘pullet’.
0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1046, 1050, 1054; 3OKL LKUBA 219;
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 232; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19; H a a r m a n n
144.

pulisht m, pl. pulishta ‘donkey’s colt’. Another variant is polisht.

Derived from *pul borrowed from Lat pullus ‘foal’ (MEYER Wb. 357).

pulpë f, p\. pulpa ‘calf (of leg)’. Borrowed from Lat pulpa ‘flesh’ (M ik ­
losich Rom. Elemente 53; MEYER Wb. 356). 0 M ey er -L ü b k e Gr. Grund­
riß 2 I 1046; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 144.

pulqyer m,pl.pulqerë ‘thumb; dw arf’. Another variant i s pulqer. B or­

rowed from Lat pollicäris ‘belonging to a thumb’ (MEYER Wb. 357).
0 CAMARDA I 345 (reconstructs Rom *pollicer); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
Grundriß 2 I 1043; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 251; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV/1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 143; L a n d i Lat. 39, 83.

pullëndër - pullandër f ‘washing water, lye’. A singularized plural

of *pulland borrowed from Lat perlavantem ‘washing thoroughly’.

pullaz m, pl.pullaze ‘r o o f’. A secondary variant o f pëllas ‘p a la ce’ (ÇABEJ

II 51-52), w ith the h y p erco rrect v o ic in g o f the auslaut. 0 M e y e r Wb.
356 (varian t o f lëpozë ‘r o o f, r o o f-tim b e r s’, c f. lëpizë); JOKL LKUBA
86-88 (fo llo w s M e y e r ) .

punë f, pl. punë ‘work, thing’. A participle in -ne of an unattested verb

350 FU N JA S H E — PUQ

*puaj continuing PAlb *pänja. The latter is related to Gk 7ievo|iou

‘to strain, to work on' and its deverbative rcôvoç ‘work, labor' (H a h n
I 2 5 1 , II 2 8 ) with uncertain further links. 0 BUGG Eßß XVIII 1 8 8 -1 8 9
(borrowed from Gk rcôvoç); M e y e r Wb. 3 5 7 , Alb. St. Ill 2 9 , 58 (to
Gk otcouÖt) ‘haste, speed’), IV 4 5 (against BUGGE); JOKL Studien 3;
P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVIII 2 0 0 (follows M e y e r ) ; L a P ia n a St. Varia
23; T h u m b IF XXVI 8 1 -8 2 (criticizes BUGGE); SCHMIDT KZ LVII 6
(to Slav *pçditi ‘to push, to press’); BARI Ó ARSt I 86 (from *oposnä,
to Lat opus ‘work’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 225 (disputes B a r i c ’s view);
L a P ia n a Studi I 73; P is a n i Saggi 103, 121; T r e im e r KZ LXV 9 4 (to
Lat pugno ‘to fight’); ClMOCHOWSKl St. IE 46; F r is k II 504-506; CAMAJ
Alb.Wortb. 65 (to *spend- ‘to puli’); KLINGENSCHMITT Münch. St. Spr.
XL 102; ÇABEJ II 5 2 -5 3 (two possibilities are suggested: H a h n ’s ety­
mology or comparison with Lat pondus ‘weight’), IV 58; ÖLBERG IF
LXXIII 212; H u l d 156, 165; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 40; OREL Z ß a lk
XXIII 145; D e m ir a j AE 3 3 5 -3 3 6 .

punjashe f. pi.punjashe ‘purse’. Deminutive of *punje borrowed from

East Germanic, cf. Goth puggs id. ( M e y e r Wb. 3 5 7 ).

pupë f, pi.pupa ‘breast, teat; tassel, bud’. Borrowed from Rom *puppa
‘teat’ (cf. OFr poupe, Ital poppa), see M e y e r Wb. 358. Derived from
pupë is pupërr ‘boil, furuncle’ (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 233). 0 DURI-
DANOV Trakite 80 (to Thr *pupa); DEMIRAJ AE 336.

pupë f, pi. pupa ‘hoopoe’. Borrowed from Lat upupa id. ( M e y e r Wb.
3 5 7 -3 5 8 ). From its derivative pupëzë id. Rum pupâzà was borrowed.
0 H a a r m a n n 156.

pupë f, pi .pupa ‘stern’. Borrowed from Lat puppis id. (MIKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 53; M e y e r Wb. 3 5 7 ). 0 HAARMANN 144.

puprroj aor.puprrova ‘to hoe over’. Borrowed, with dissimilation of

liquids, from Lat preparare ‘to prepare’, in this case - ‘to prepare the
field (for sowing)’.

pupurriqem refi, ‘to tremble’. An emphatic formation built on the basis

of puprroj.

puq aor. puqa ‘to fit together’. From PAlb *pukja, a denominative related
 P IR O ] PU SH K Ë 351

to G k mítica adv. ‘th ick ly , str o n g ly ’, n v k v o ç ‘thick, stro n g ’. 0 F r is k

II 6 2 2 -6 2 3 ; P o k o r n y I 849.

puroj aor.purova ‘to calm, to pacify, to defend’. Borrowed from Rom

Sparare ‘to defend’ (JOKL Studien 112). 0 MEYER Wb. 2 6 7 (from Rom
*barrare ‘to bar’).

p u rtek ë f, pi.purteka ‘rod, stick’. Borrowed, with a metathesis of -ru-

> -ur-, from one of the South-East continuants of Slav *prgt'bk'b ‘rod,
bush’, cf. Bulg prbtak, SCr prutak (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 31; M eyer
Wb. 358-359). 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 244 (from Lat pertica)-, ÇABEJ
St. VII 244.

purth m ‘diarrhea’. Derivative in -th of PAlb *purwa related to Lith

purvas ‘filth, dirt’, Latv purvs ‘swamp, m arsh’. 0 FRAENKEL 6 7 5 .

p urrë f ‘hot ashes’. Borrowed from Slav *pyr’b id. (Czech pyr, Pol
peri). An early loanword with Slav * - j- rendered as Alb -u- (JOKL
AArbSt 1/1 -2 45-46). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 298; JOKL Slavia XIII
291; K r is t o f o r id h i 286 (from NGk nupôç); S v a n e 57; OREL ZfSlaw
XXX/6 913, Koll. Idg. Ges. 362.

p u s m, pi. puse, pusa ‘well, fountain’. Borrowed from Lat puteus

‘well’ (MEYER Wb. 3 5 9 ). 0 MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 31 (from
Slavic), Rom. Elemente 51 (from Ital pozzo id.); ; M e y e r -LU b k e Gr.
G rundriß2 1 1046, 1051; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 233; MlHÄESCU RESEE
I V /1 - 2 19; S v a n e 144; L a n d i Lat. 125, 139.

push m ‘fluff, down, nap, pile’. Continues PAlb *pusa < *puksja ety­
mologically connected with Skt piiccha- ‘tail’ < *puksko-, Slav * p i t x h
‘down’ < *poukso- (Ç a b e j II 5 3 , IV 2 1 9 ) going back to IE *puk- ~
*peuk- ‘covered with hair, bushy’. 0 CAMARDA I 345; M e y e r Wb. 359
(borrow ing from Turk pu$ ‘to cover; cover’); POKORNY I 849;
M a y r h o f e r II 2 9 8 -2 9 9 ; V a s m e r III 414; A d a m s JIES X V I /1 - 2 7 1 -
72; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 351 (on the “ruki” rule in push).

p u sh k ë f, pl. pushkë ‘rifle, gun’. Borrowed from Slavic, cf. Bulg

puska, SCr puska (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 31; M e y e r Wb. 3 5 9 ).
0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 172; H am p LB X I V /2 13; S v a n e 204.
352 PU SH O J - PYES

pushoj aor. pushova ‘to have a rest’. Borrowed from Lat pausare ‘to
halt, to rest (in the grave)’ (PHILIPPIDE Or. Rom. II 660) developping
the meaning of ‘resting’ in Romance, cf. Ital posare. 0 MIKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 51 (from Ital posare)', M e y e r Wb. 359 (from Latin or
from Ital posare); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß21 1049; H ELB IG .Ib1RS
X 127 (agrees with MEYER); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 233; MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV /1-2 19; HAARMANN 143.

pushtet in, pl.pushtete ‘power’. Borrowed from Lat potestatem id. (MIK­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 51; MEYER Wb. 359, Alb. St. IV 10). The verb
pushtoj continues Roin Spotestare. The dialectal form of the verb poshtroj
~ pështroj results from an erroneous etymological link with shtroj. 0
CAMARDA I 178 (to Gk O T p c i)v v u (u ‘to spread’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
Grundriß 2 I 1043; WEIGAND BA I 261 (pushtoj < *pushtet-oj);
M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 24; H a a r m a n n 124 (pushtoj < Rom
*expeditäre); Ç a b e j St. IT 53-55 (repeats the essence of C a m a r d a ’s
etymology: pushtoj < *per-shtroj, to shtroj)', HAARMANN 143; LANDI
Lat. 33, 39, 44.

putë f, pl. puta ‘sole’. From PAlb *pukta related to Gk rcúra adv. ‘thickly,
strongly’, j t u k v Ô ç ‘thick, strong’, cf. puq.

putërë ~ putanë f ‘whore’. Borrowed from Rom *puttana id., cf. Ital
puttana. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 53 (from Ital puttana)', MEYER
Wb. 359 (follows M ik l o s ic h ).

puth aor.putha ‘to kiss’. From PAlb *putsa, an onomatopoeia similar

to many other words for ‘kiss’ reflecting bu- ~ pu- (TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 233). 0 MEYER Wb. 356 (to Gk jruKa^ra ‘to cover closely, to
protect’ so that puth ‘to kiss’ < ‘to em brace’ similar to Fr embrac­
er), Alb. St. Ill 13,31; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 333 (agrees with MEYER);
Ç a b e j St. II 55 (follows T a g l ia v in i ); H u l d 156; D e m ir a j AE 336-
337.

pyes aor. pyeta ‘to ask’. From the umlauticized PAlb *püta related to
Lat putö ‘to reckon, to ponder’, Slav *pytati ‘to ask' (TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 217). 0 G il ’ f e r d in g Otn. 24 (to Skt prach- ‘to ask’); C a m a r d a
I 44 (to G k 7tuv0ávonai ‘to learn’); MEYER Wb. 360 (from Rom *petiö
based on Lat peto ‘to demand, to seek’), Alb. St. IV 50: DIEFENBACH
I 43 (to Lat postò ‘to ask, to beg’); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I
 P Y I.K Ë — QAJ ~ QANJ 353

1044; P e d e r s e n Krit. Jahresbericht IX I 211 (from *per-ves, related

to Skt pravedayati ); WEIGAND BA I 261 (follows MEYER); X h u v a n i
KLeir II 14 (repeats C a m a r d a ’s etymology); W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 393-
394; VASMER III 421 ; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 256; ÇABEJ St. II 55-
57 (from *pe'r-v-es related to Gk ocîtÉcü "to ask, to demand’).

p y lk ë f, pi. pylka ‘wedge; end of the axe-handle’. Another, more fre­

quent, variant is pykë. Borrowed from Lat pa vienia ‘hammer’. 0 M eyer
Wb. 360 (from Rom *pilicum, cf. Lat pilum ‘pestle’).

pyll m. pi.pyje ‘forest’. Borrowed from Balk Rom *padûlem (cf. Rum
pädure id.) < Lat palüdem ‘swamp’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 46;
M e y e r Wb. 360). 0 C a m a r d a I 52 (to Gk üXri ‘forest’?!); P u § c a r iu
EWR 108; M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1039, 1046, 1052; JOKL
Realie.x. Vorgesch. I 92; BARIç Hymje 65; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2
28; Ç a b e j St. VII 251; HULD 105; HAARMANN 139; LANDI Lat. 69,
144-146.

Q
qafë f, pi. qafa ‘n eck ’. B orrow ed from Turk kafa ‘occip ut, h ead ’ (HULD
106). T he su bstitution A lb q- < Turk k- is p o ssib le ( B o r e t z k y Türk.
Einfluß 177). Rum ceaja ‘neck, occiput’ is an Albanian loanword (M e y e r
Wb. 219). 0 C a m a r d a I 93 (to Gk av>xnv id.); M e y e r Wb. 219 (c o m ­
parison w ith Lat collum ‘n e c k ’ and the lik e); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI
330 (again st MEYER); B a r iG ARSt. I 31 (to OHG warb ‘turn, rota­
tio n ’), AArbSt I 146 (from *ko-osk“(h)u-, cf. Gk ôatpùç ‘h ip ’); JOKL
LKUBA 328 (again st BAR 1Í ARSt); T r e im e r AArbSt I 32 (b o rro w ed
from Lat capsa ‘b ox, c h e s t’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 92, Stratificazione
95; POGHIRC ist. limb. rom. TI 339; ROSETTI1LR I 275; H am p Festsehr.
Schmidt 39 (from *kepHä, to Lat caput ‘h ea d ’).

qaj ~ qanj aor. qava ‘to cr y , to w e e p ’. T o sk and G reco -A lb a n ia n form s

p reser v e the in itial kl-. G o e s back to P A lb *klaunja co g n a te w ith Gk
KÀauû < *KÀ.àpuù id. (C a m a r d a I 79; M e y e r Wb. 2 2 0 , Alb. St. Ill
4 ). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 146; M a n n Language XXVI 381; F r is k
I 865; C h a n t r a i n e 538; P o k o r n y I 599; C im o c h o w s k i St. IE 47;
ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani II 686; Hamp Laryngeals 126; KLINGENSCHMITT
Münch. St. Spr. XL 1 1 0 ,Verbum 104; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 40; ÇABEJ
354 QAPË — Q EFT

St. VII 193; H u l d 106; J a n s o n Unt. 178; D e m ir a j AE 337-388 (to

dial, klith ‘to cry’).

qapë f, pi. qapa ‘hobble’. From PAlb *klapa, a nominal derivative of

qep (O R E L Linguistica XXIV 432).

qark m, pi. qarqe ‘circle’. Despite an irregular treatment of the vowel,

this is a loanword from Lat circus id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 14;
MEYER Wb. 2 2 0 , Alb. St. II 2 6 -2 7 ). A synonym of qark - qarkull con­
tinues Latin diminutive circulus. 0 C a m a r d a 1 38 (related to Gk Ktpicoç
‘circle, ring’); JOKL Studien 42 (supports M e y e r ); ÇABEJ St. II 57 (agrees
with C a m a r d a ) ; L a n d i Lat. 8 5 , 9 8 , 139.

qartë adj. ‘c le a r ’. Borrowed from Lat clärus id. (M IKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 15; M e y e r Wb. 220). 0 C a m a r d a I 56; M e y e r -L C b k e Gr. Grund­
riß 2 I 1040 (from Ital chiaro id.); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 93 (from
Italian).

qartoj aor. qartova ‘to q u arrel’. From Lat certâre ‘to c o m p ete’ (MEYER
Wb. 220). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1048; MlHÄESCU RESEE
I V /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 116.

qarr m, pi. qarra ‘Turkey oak, bitter oak’. Borrowed from Lat cerrus
id. (M e y e r Wb. 2 2 0 ). 0 M ih a e sc u RESEE IV / 1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 116;
L a n d i Lat. 9 8 , 1 3 8 -1 4 0 .

qas aor. qasa ‘to approach’. From PAlb *ketja etymologically connected
with the isolated Lith keciu. késti ‘to stretch’. 0 CAMARDA I 70; M e y e r
Wb. 2 2 0 -2 2 1 (to Slav *kasati sç ‘to touch’), Alb. St. Ill 6 , 13; PISANI
Saggi 119; FRAENKEL 2 4 6 (contamination of *ked- and *plet- in
Lithuanian); ÇABEJ St. VII 184, 23 1 .

qazhnë f, pi. qazhna ‘rough white woolen cloth’. Borrowed from an

unattested Slav *tçzuna, fern, ‘heavy’.

qeft m, pi. qefte ‘drinking glass’. Borrowed from Lat captus *‘container’,
participle of capiñ ‘to contain, to hold’. 0 K r i s t O FO R ID H I 187 (from
Gk K£Î>0oç ‘hiding place’); Ç A B E J St. II 58-59 (to sqep).
 Q EFU LL — QELL 355

q e fu ll m, pi. qefuj ‘mullet’. From MGk icécpaXoç id. 0 Ç a b e j Sí. VII

24 4 .

q ejzë f. pl. qejza ‘cuticle’. Another variant is Geg qenëz. Based on PAlb
*kenja ‘new skin’ < ‘new’ etymologically related to Skt kamna-
‘young’, Gk kouvoç ‘new’ and the like. 0 F r is k I 754; POKORNY I
5 6 3 -5 6 4 .

q ek aor. qeka ‘to mention, to quote’. Continues PAlb *kaka or *keka

related to Lith kanku, kàkti ‘to seize, to reach’, Latv kacët ‘to grasp’,
Slav *cekati ‘to expect, to wait’. 0 F r a e n k e l 206; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa
IV 36.

qel m, pl. qela ‘scab’. Borrowed from Lat callum ‘corn, hard skin’.
0 Ç a b e j St. VII 184.

q elb m, pl. qelbra ~ qelbna ‘pus’. From PAlb *kalba related to kalb
( M e y e r Wb. 221-222). Note a denominative verb qelb ‘to fill with
stench, to make ro t’. 0 B a r i Í ARSt. I 53 (from IE *gyol-bh- related
to Arm kei ‘tum or’); T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 93; M a n n Language
XXVIII 34 (to Gk KÉX ecpoç); Ç A B E J St. VII 224-225.

q elë f, pl. qela ‘p r ie st’s h o u se ’ . B o r ro w e d from Lat cella ‘r o o m ’ (MIK­

LOSICH Rom. Elemente 13) 0 H a a r m a n n 116; L a n d i Lat. 98, 158.

q elq m, pl. qelqe ‘glass’. Borrowed from Lat calicem ‘bowl, cup’
(MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 9; MEYER Wb. 2 2 1 ). 0 CAMARDA I 4 6 (to
Gk ‘seed-vessel, shell, pod’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1
1042; H a m p St. Whatmough 82; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1 -2 21; HAARMAN
114; L a n d i Lat. 8 5 , 1 1 1 -1 1 2 .

qell aor. qella ‘to halt, to hold up, to carry’. From PAlb *kela etym ologically
c o n n ected w ith Skt kaláyati ‘to im p e l’, Gk kéàohou ‘to d riv e o n ’ and
the lik e (C a m a r d a I 127; M e y e r Wb. 168). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI
329-330; Jo k l IE XXX 198, LKUBA 266 n. 1 (co n n e cts qell w ith sjell
d esp ite the p h o n etica lly im p o ssib le q- < *kL
‘- b efo re a palatal); FRISK
1 817-818; M a y r h o f e r I 179; P o k o r n y I 549; M a n n Language
XXVIII 34 (to Lith ke'lti ‘to raise’); C A M A J Alb. Worth. 81; Ç A B E J
Sprache XVIII 126 (follows JO K L ), St. VII 230; H U L D 106-107 (recon-
338 Q ERO J (¿E S A S

lim it’. 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 20 (from Latin); ÇABEJ Sr. II 6 0

(related to Gk xepuu and Lat termen ‘boundary’); H a a r m a n n 153 (from
Latin).

qeroj a o r . qerova ‘to ask, to demand’. Other variants are qëroj and
qiroj. Borrowed from Lat quaerere id. (HAARMANN 144).

q erp ë f ‘tuft of hair’. Another variant is çerpë. A metathesis of perçe,

the latter being of Turkish origin (ÇABEJ St. II 60).

q ersë f, pi. ‘fallow land’. From PAlb *kerktja related to Slav *ki>rcb
‘stubbed plot’, Latv kiirkt ‘to become empty (of a turnip)’, OPrus Curche
‘the last sheaf in which a deity hides’. 0 VASMER II 340: MÜHLEN-
b a c h -E n d z e l in II 3 2 2 -3 2 3 ; P o k o r n y I 5 6 8 .

qershi f, pi. qershi ‘ch erry’. B ased on *qersh borrow ed from Gk Kepacoç
id. (C a m a r d a I 56; T h u m b IF XXVI 29). 0 M ik l o s ic h Rom. Ele­
mente 13 (from Lat ceras us); M e y e r Wb. 225 (from R om *cerasium,
c f. cerasus id.); M e y e r -L ü BKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1051; JOKL LKUBA
208 (a g r e e s w ith THUMB); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 98; MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV/1-2 31, IV /3-4 350; ÇABEJ St. VII 230; HAARMANN 116;
L a n d i Lat. 158.

q erth u ll m , pi. qerthuj ‘winch, windlass, circle’. From PAlb *kerts-ula

continuing IE *ker-k- and related to Gk îdpicoç ‘rin g ’ and Lat circus

‘circle’, circuì us (M a n n Language XXVI 385). 0 CAMARDA I 162 (to
qark)-, M e y e r Wb. 220 (same as CAMARDA); JO K L Studien 42 (from
IE *kert- ‘to turn, to bind’); B a r iC ARSt. I 42; CAMAJ Alb. Worth.
118 (suffix -«//); F r is k II 19-20; M a n n Language XXVI 385; W a l d e -
H o f m a n n 1 220-221; P o k o r n y 1 935; D e m ir a j AE 339-340 (borrowed
from Lat circellus ‘little ring’).

qerr m, pi. qerre ‘wagon, cart’. Borrowed from Lat carrus ‘two­
wheeled wagon’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 12; MEYER Wb. 180). 0
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. G rundriß21 1043, 1051; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 94-
95; Ç a b e j St. VII 238, 251.

q esas aor. qesata ‘to cut (branches)’. Borrowed from Slav *tesati ‘to
cut, to hew’, with q- rendering prepalatal Slavic t-, cf. South Slavic
 QHS H - QË ~ QÊ 359

continuants: Bulg tesarti, SCr tesati. Derived from qesas is qeser ‘kind
of broad axe’.

q esh uor. qesha ‘to laugh’. From PAlb *kaksja related to similar ono­
matopoeic verbs in Skt kákhati id., Gk iccxxàÇcD id. and the like
( B a r í Í ARSt. 142-reconstructs *kakhiö). 0 CAMARDA 169 (to Gk yjiatao,
Xaivco ‘to yawn, to gape’); MEYER Wb. 224 (to Goth hlahjan ‘to laugh');
TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 95 (questions BARIÓ’s etymology); PISANI Saggi
122; P o k o r n y I 634; F r is k I 804; M a y r h o f e r I 136; Ç a b e j St. VII
201, 221.

(T) qeshër f, pl. qeshra ‘roof plank’. Borrowed from Rom *casina derived
from Lat casa ‘house, hut’.

q etë f, pl. qeta ‘(jagged) rock’. From PAlb *klaitä directly connected
with W d u d ‘heap’ and Lith slaJtas ‘slope’. C f. also, with a different
vocalism, Gk KÀeiTÙç ‘slope’, OHG hllta id. and the like (OREL Lin­
guistica XXIV 4 3 3 ) . 0 F r a e n k e l 9 9 7 ; Ç a b e j LP VIII 7 9 - 8 0 , St. II 61
(singularized plural of qye); POK O RNY I 6 0 1 - 6 0 2 ; F r i s k I 8 7 3 - 8 7 5 .

q etë adj. ‘quiet’. Borrowed from Lat quietus id. ( M e y e r Wb. 224). 0
M ey e r-L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1051; M ih a e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 19;
H aarm an n 145.

qeth aor. qetha ‘to cut (hair)’. Goes back to PAlb *kaitsa related to
Skt ke's'a- ‘hair (of the head)’, Lith Misti ‘to scrape, to shave’. 0 CAMARDA
I 78 (to Gk K e ip to ‘to cut-); M EY ER Wb. 221 (repeats C a m a r d a ’ s ety­
mology), Alb. St. Ill 6, 24; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 330; J o k l LKUBA
13, 228 (follows M e y e r ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 95; P i s a n i Saggi 102;
C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 45; FR AEN K EL 204-205; M A Y R H O FER I 267;
P o k o r n y I 520; Ç a b e j Sprache XVIII 144-145, St. VII 229; H u l d
147; K o r t l a n d t KZ XCIV 250; D e m i r a j AE 340-341 (to qij).

q ezë f, pl. qezë ‘breadboard, baking plate’. Derived from që.

që ~ qê m ‘round kneading board’. Borrowed from Gk K c x v v a ‘wicker­

work, basket’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 224-225 (from *klen-)\ VASM ER Alb. Wort-
forsch. I 34-35 (from Rom *clavanus derived from Lat clava ‘stick,
staff’ - but Cham ^¿ excludes the possibility of the initial *£/-!); ÇABEJ
360 Qft ~ QI — QIJ

St. II 58 (to Bret kant ‘circle’ and its Celtic cognates).

q ë ~ qi pron. ‘w h ich , that’, conj. ‘that’. B o r ro w e d from Lat qui ‘w h ic h ’

and quia ‘b ecau se, that', quod ‘that’ (MEYER Wb. 217-218). 0 M e y e r -
LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1051; PEDERSEN Krit. Jahresbericht XIX I 206-
208 (from IE *k“id); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 19 (from Lat quod);
Ç a b e j St. II 61-62 (a g re es w ith P e d e r s e n ).

qëlloj aor, qëllova ‘to beat, to hit; to gain , to o b ta in ’. R esto red from
*për-qëlloj b o rro w ed from L a t perceUare ‘to b ea t’. 0 MEYER Wb. 225
(from R om *celläre); LAMBERTZ KZ LII 66 (to qell); ÇABEJ St. II 62-
63 (fo llo w s L a m b e r t z ) .

qëmtoj a o r. qëmtova ‘to gather’. Borrowed from Rom *coêmptâre, cf.

Lat coëmere ‘to buy up’.

qëndroj ao r. që'ndrova ‘to stop, to halt’. Borrowed from Rom *centrare,

derivative of Lat centrum ( M e y e r Wb. 225) used to denote an immo­
bile object, in particular, the immobile leg of a compass. 0 C a m a r d a
I 44 (to Gk K É v x p o v ‘goad, point’).

qëroj aor. qërova ‘to clean, to sort out’. Borrowed from Lat carâre
‘to card (linen)’. Hence, ‘to sort out’. 0 CAMARDA I 4 4 (to Gk K opéco
‘to sweep, to clean’); MIHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 15 (from Lat curare).

qërtoj aor. qërtova ‘to blame, to reproach’. Another variant is qortoj.

See qartoj.

qiell m /n, pi. qiej ‘sky, heaven’. Borrowed from Lat caelum id. (R A S K
apud H u l d 107; G i l ’f e r d t n g Otn. 25; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 8;
M e y e r Wb. 225-226). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1043, 1051;
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 93; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 13; H a a r m a n n
113; L a n d i Lat. 71-72, 137.

qift m, pl. qiftë ‘k ite, kind o f v u ltu re’. B o r ro w e d from Lat accipi ter
‘v u ltu r e ’ (MEYER Wb. 226). For the lo ss o f the last sy lla b le cf. mbret
( J o k l LKUBA 306). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044, 1055;
M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 31; Ç a b e j St. VII 184; H a a r m a n 110.

q ÿ aor. q iv a ‘to cop u late, to h ave sexu al in te r c o u r se ’. B o rro w ed from

 Q IK Ë L — Q IQ Ë R 361

Lat coire id. through the in term ed iate stage *kemj. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 2 6
(from Lat inclinare ‘to cau se to le a n ’), Alb. St. V 90 (to Lat scindo
‘to cut, to tear’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß -1 1054 (sam e as MEYER);
J o k l Zb. Belie 49; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 95; PIS A N I AAL V ili 345 (to
IE *ken- ‘to ru b ’).

qikël f. pi. qikla ‘point, spike, peak’. Singularized plural of *qekel. From
PAlb *kekulä related to Lith këkulas ‘lump, cluster’, Latv cekuls ‘fore­
lock, cluster’. 0 F r a e n k e l 234-235; Ç a b e j St. VII 235.

qime f, pi. qime ‘hair’. Another form is qym. Borrowed from Lat cyma
‘young shoots (of cabbage)’ ( M e y e r Wb. 226-227). 0 MIKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 16 (from Lat coma)', CAM ARDA I 52 (to Gk icijua ‘wave, billow’);
M ih à e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 15; Ç a b e j St. V II205; H a a r m a n n 122; L a n d i
Lat. 69, 100.

qind num. ‘hundred’. Borrowed from Lat centum id. (CAMARDA I 37;
M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 13; M e y e r Wb. 2 2 7 ). 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn.
2 2 (related to Skt sata- id.); M e y e r -L U b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044,
1051; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 95; M l H Ä E S C U RESEE I V / 1-2 22; H a a r ­
m a n n 116; L a n d i Lat. 5 1 , 98; HAMP Numerals 9 1 9 .

qingël f, pl. qingla ‘girth, belly-band (of pack anim als)’. Another
variant is qengël. Borrowed from Lat cìngala id. (CAMARDA I 165;
M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 14; M e y e r Wb. 227) 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE
I V /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 117; L an d i Lat. 98, 111, 117.

qipër f ‘co p p er, b r o n z e ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat (aes) cyprium ‘c o p p e r ’

(M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 2 2 8 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 52
(to Lat cuprum id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1046; MlHÄESCU
RESEE I V / 1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 121.

qipi f, pi. qipi ‘stack’. Secondary derivative of PAlb *küpa related to

OPers kaufa- ‘mountain’, OHG Itufo ‘heap’, OE he'ap id. and also houf
id., Lith káupas id., Slav *kupa id. (JOKL Studien 43). 0 FRAENKEL
231; O n io n s 432; V a s m e r I I 418-419; P o k o r n y I 591-592; D e m iraj
AE 341 (collective of kup id.).

qiqër f , pi. qiqra ‘chick-pea’. Borrowed from Lat cicerem id. (C A M A R D A

 362 Q IQ IR IQ — QOS

I 68; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 14; M e y e r Wb. 226). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e

Gr. Grundriß2 1 1045, 1051; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 22; H a a r m a n n
117; L a n d i Lat. 56, 98, 112.

qiqiriq m, pl. qiqiriq ‘ground-nut’. Derived from qiqër.

qiri m, pl. qirinj ‘candle’. Borrowed from MGk icr|pi id. (M E Y E R Wb.
228). 0 C a m a r d a I 181; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 96.

qis aor. qita ‘to pull out’. From PAlb *kit ja derived from an adjective
in *-to-, *kita, and further related to Gk kicö ‘to go, to move’, Lat
ciêO trans, 'to move’ and the like. 0 M e y e r Wb. 228 (from Lat
excitare ‘to call out, to bring out’); P H IL IP P ID E Or. Rom. II 668
(follows M e y e r ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 96-97; P o k o r n y I 538-539;
F r i s k I 862-863; W a l d e - H o f m a n n I 213-214.

qitër f, pl. qitra ‘citron’. Borrowed from Lat citrum, citrus ‘citrus (tree)’.

qoj aor. qova up’. B o r r o w e d f r o m L a t ciere ‘to m o v e , t o a g i t a t e ’ .

‘to w a k e
0 Cam I 6 6 ( t o gjumë); B a r i C ARSt I 1 2 0 ( f o l l o w s C a m a r d a );
arda

J o k l Melanges Pedersen 147-150 ( t o L a t ciêre); C lM O C H O W S K l LP II

221; M a n n Language XXVIII 34 ( r e l a t e d t o L a t ciëô); Ö L B E R G IBK
XIV 109; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 128-129; JA N S O N Unt. 125-126; D e m i r a j
AE 341.

qok m, pl. qokë ‘kind of ow l’. Another variant is qukë. An ono­

matopoeia.

qok aor. qoka ‘to seize, to touch, to peck’. Another variant is quk. An
expressive verb. 0 M e y e r Wb. 229 (from Slav *k!'ukati ‘to peck’).

qokë f, pl. qoka ‘broody hen’. Derived from qok ‘to seize’.

a z i o n e I4V; c a m a j a i o . w o r m , i l o t i r o m - K-ium->; h a m i-
quar
V 110; Ç abej St. VII 231.
 QUAJ ~ Q IJE J — Q U P I.O J 363

(to Gk k o g | io ç ‘ o r d e r ’ ); F r is k I 8 6 7 - 8 6 8 ; F r a e n k e l 2 7 4 ; W a ld e -
H o fm a n n I 2 2 9 - 2 3 1 ; P o k o r n y I 6 0 4 - 6 0 5 ; Ç a b e j St. I I 6 3 - 6 4 ( “ e x p r e s ­
s iv e s h o r te n in g ” o f quilos).

quaj ~ quej aor. quajta ~ quejta ‘t o c a l l , t o g i v e a n a m e ’ . F r o m P A l b

*kläusnja, a d e n o m i n a t i v e b a s e d o n I E *kleuos ‘g l o r y , w o r d ’ ; Skt
s'rávas-, Gk KÀioç, S l a v *slovo ( C a m a r d a I 5 2 ) . 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 3 0
( t o gjuhë); JO K L IF XLIX 2 9 1 , Studien 6 0 ; B A R I Í ARSt 71 ( t o gjuhè');
P e d e r s e n IF V 3 6 ; P i s a n i REIEIV 7 ; M a n n Language X V II 1 6 , XXVI
3 8 3 , XXVIII 3 3 ; P O R Z IG Gliederung 7 5 ; F R IS K I 8 6 9 - 8 7 0 ; V A S M E R
I I I 6 7 3 ; M a y r h o f e r I I I 3 8 9 - 3 9 0 ; Ç a b e j St. V I I 2 0 1 , 2 3 1 ; H u l d 1 4 5 ;
D e m i r a j AE 3 4 2 .

quar ~ quer m, pi. qore ‘prison, cellar, shelter’. Goes back to PAlb
*klâ(u)ra further related to qos. 0 JO K L LKUBA 9 5 - 9 7 (to Slav *kleth
‘barn’ and its cognates); Ç a b e j St. II 6 4 (to OIr claidim ‘to empty’,
Gk KÀ.a8oepôç ‘fragile’).

qudohem reti, ‘to persist, to be obstinate’. Borrowed from Ital chiud­

ere ‘t o shut’ ( M e y e r Wb. 2 2 9 ) . 0 Ç a b e j St. II 6 4 (to çudis).

quii m ‘porridge’. The original meaning seems to be ‘liquid food’ as

indicated by the denominative quii ‘to make wet’. From P A l b *klu-
sla related to Gk kàÀ)Çcû ‘to rinse’, Lat cluö ‘to clean’ and the like
(M E Y E R Wb. 2 2 8 , Alb. St. I l l 4 with the reconstruction *kludlo-). 0
C a m a r d a I 6 9 (to Gk xu^ôç ‘juice’); F r i s k I 8 7 6 - 8 7 7 ; W a l d e -
H o f m a n n I 2 3 9 - 2 4 0 ; P o k o r n y I 6 0 7 ; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V / 3 - 4 3 5 0
(borrowed from Gk x v ^ ô ç ) ; Ç a b e j St. II 6 5 (follows M i h ä e s c u ).

qumësht m ‘milk, whey’. In dialects (e.g. in Cham), the initial kl- is

preserved. Borrowed from Latin. Continues Rom *clomostrum < Lat
colostrum ‘colostrum, beestings’ (M E Y E R Wb. 2 2 9 ) . 0 JOKL LKUBA
a v in i Stratiju
. II 6 3 ). SCelt X IV /X
364 Q URRA — RABECKË

qurra pi. ‘snot, snivel’. Another variant is qyrra. From PAlb *klura
etymologically identical with Lith sliurti ‘to become dirty’ and going
back to an Indo-European localism *kleu-r-. 0 M e y e r Wb. 230 (from
Turk kir ‘dirt, filth’), Alb. St. IV 87, V 91; F R A E N K E L 1007; Ç A B E J
St. II 6 5 (to Lith krèkti ‘to coagulate, to clot’).

qye m, pi. qej ‘summit, peak’. From P A l b *klaina continuing IE

*kloino- ‘slanting, skew’ > Goth gen. pi. hlaine ‘hill’ ( Ç A B E J St. II
6 1 ) . 0 F e i s t Goth. 2 6 0 - 2 6 1 ; P O K O R N Y I 6 0 0 - 6 0 2 ; O r e l Linguistica
XXIV 4 3 3 .

qyi m ‘slime, mud’. From PAlb *kûla identical with Lith killa ‘out­
g row th4, Slav *kyla id. 0 F R A E N K E L 3 0 6 ; P O K O R N Y I 5 3 6 - 5 3 7 ;
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XIII 2 6 2 - 2 6 3 .

qyr aor. qyra ‘to look’. Another variant is këqyr with a prefix kë-. Con­
tinues P A lb *kewira related to Gk Koéco ‘to note’, Lat caveö ‘to be
aware’, Goth hausjan ‘to hear’. 0 FRISK 1 8 9 0 - 8 9 1 ; W A L D E - H O F M A N N
I 18 6-18 7; P o k o rn y I 587.

qyrë f, pi. qyra ‘rear side (of a knife)’. Together with qytë ‘blunt side
(of an axe)' this form represents a derivative of an unattested verb
*qyej ‘to blunt’ < PAlb *kenja, further connected with IE *ken- ‘to
scratch, to cut’. For the semantic development cf. Lat obtusus ‘blunt’
~ obtundere ‘to beat’. 0 POKORNY I 5 5 9 - 5 5 3 ; B U C K 1 0 7 0 - 1 0 7 1 .

qysh adv. ‘how’. Locative of që.

qytet m, pi. qytete ‘city’. Borrowed from Lat civitate(m) id. ( C A M A R D A

I 5 3 ; M I K L O S I C H Rom. Elemente 1 4 ; M e y e r Wb. 2 2 9 ) . 0 M E Y E R - L O B K E
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1 0 4 3 , 1 0 4 8 ; M l H Ä E S C U RESEE I V / 1 - 2 1 4 ; T A G L I ­
A V I N I Origini 1 9 0 ; H A A R M A N N 1 1 7 ; Ç A B E J St. II 6 5 - 6 6 (on the umlaut
in the suffix -et); O R E L Linguistica XXIV 4 3 8 (on the evolution of
PAlb *-ïwi- and Lat -ivi-); L a n d i Lat. 8 3 , 8 5 , 1 4 6 .

R
rabeckë f, pi. rabecka ‘sparrow ’. Based on *rabee borrowed from Slav
*vorbhCb id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg vrabec, SCr vrabac ( D e SNIC -
K A J A Slav. zaim. 1 3 ) . 0 S v a n e 1 4 5 .
 RA BU SH - RA SE 365

rabush m ‘hard outer scale of onion’. Another variant is rapush

‘onion-top, flower of onion’. Borrowed from Bulg rabus ‘tally, tag’.
0 M a n n HAED 421 (to lè'push).

radis aor. radita ‘to prepare, to make ready (of food)’. Borrowed from
Slav *raditi ‘to settle, to arrange, to make ready’, cf. South Slavic
continuants: Bulg ra d ’a, SCr raditi ( M I K L O S I C H Slav. Elemente 31;
M e y e r Wb. 360). 0 S v a n e 223, 240.

radhë f, pt. radhë ‘row ’. From dialectal NGk p à ô a id., cf. NGk à p à ô a
( M e y e r Wb. 360). 0 C a m a r d a II 334; Ç a b e j St. VII 279.

ragal m ‘kennel’. A Tosk hapax registered by JO K L in a phrase ragal’a

e senit ‘dog’s kennel’. Early borrowing from Slav *rogalb ‘corner’,
cf. SCr ragalj (G lN D IN - K a l u Z s k a j a SBJa Ètnokul’t. 30-32); note
Alb -a- < Slav *-o-. Semantically, cf. Slav *kgtja ‘house, hut’ derived
from *kgfb ‘corner’ ( T r u b a c e v ZfPhon. XXXIV 477). 0 JO K L IF XLIV
13-15 (connects ragal with Rum argea ‘shed’ and ancient Maced apyeWux
‘Macedonian baths’); P IS A N I REIE IV 17 (fantastic comparison with
Lat nebula); H a s d e u EMR II 309 -310 (Rum argea < ancient Balk
*arge Ila)', TAGLIAVINI Origini 149; ClORANESCU I 36 (R u m argea <
Turk C hag arya ‘box’); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 328; ROSETTI ILR
271-272; ÇABEJ St. II 94; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 362; DEMIRAJ AE 342-
343.

rangë f ‘h om e w o r k ’. F rom P A lb *wranka w ith an o rig in a l m ea n in g

* ‘gathering’, etymologically identical with Lith tanka ‘hand’, parankà
‘gathering’, renku, riñkti ‘to gather’, Slav *rçka ‘hand’. 0 F R A E N K E L
697; V A S M E R III 515; P O K O R N Y I 1155; Ç A B E J St. II 67-68 (connect­
ed with Ital rangola ‘preoccupation’ or Lat rancor ‘ro t’).

rapë f ‘tu rn ip ’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat râpa id. (MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.

Grundriß 2 I 1042). 0 JOKL LKUBA 232.

(G) raqitë f ‘broom (bush)’. Borrowed from Slav *orkyta id., cf. Bulg
rakita, SC r rakita (MEYER Wb. 361). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 189;
SVANE 127.

rasë f, pl. rase ‘case’. A phonetic variant of rast, a Turkish loanword,

influenced by ra, aoristic stem of bie ( Ç A B E J St. II 68).
366 RA SË — RE ~ RÈ

rasë f, pi. rasa 'cassock’. From MGk páoov id. (ÇA B EJ St. II 69), prob­
ably, via Bulg rasa, SCr rasa.

rashë f ‘kind of woman’s shirt’. Borrowed from MLat räsum ‘kind

of C l o t h ’ ( Ç a b e j St. II 68-69).

rashqel m, pi. rashqela ‘rake’. Another variant is rrashqel. Borrowed

from Lat rdstellus ‘little hoe’.

ratë adj. ‘horizontal’, Derived from rashë, aor. of bie.

ravë f, pi. rava ‘path (in mountains or snow)’. An early borrowing from
Slav *rovrh ‘ditch’. 0 B a r i £ ARSt I 7 8 (to Slav *noga ‘foot’); V A S M E R
Alb. Wortforsch. 54 (etymologically related to Slav *rovb); Ç A B E J St.
II 6 9 - 7 0 (metathesis of varrë).

ravgë f ‘path (in mountains)’. An early borrowing from Slav *rovbki>

‘ditch’, cf. ravë. Derived from ravgë is ravgoj ‘to wander, to walk to
and fro ’ (ÇABEJ St. II 70).

re indecl. ‘attention’. Used in ve' re ‘to pay attention’. Identical with

rojë ‘guard’ derived from ruaj ( Ç a b e j St. II 71-72). The verb vërej
‘to pay attention’ is a univerbation of vë re. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 362 (to Lat
gravis ‘heavy’); W i e d e m a n n BB XXVII 210 (to Lith regeti ‘to see’);
J o k l Studien 75-76, LKUBA 207 (follows W i e d e m a n n and points to
ruaj as the closest connection).

re ~ ré f, pi. re ~ rê ‘cloud’. Singularized plural of *ri. Goes back to

PAlb *rina etymologically identical with Illyr pivoç- à%kx>ç (JO K L AfslPh
XXXI 2 3 8 , Reallex. Vorgesch. I 8 6 ) . Further connections are Skt rinati
‘to pour, to let flow’, Gk Lesb opivco ‘to move’. 0 C A M A R D A I 9 2 (to
Gk trpp ‘a ir’); M e y e r Wb. 3 6 2 (to Gmc *raukiz ‘smoke’ > OHG rouh,
ON reykr and the like), Alb.St. Ill 3 7 , 9 0 ; B a r ic ': ARSt I 7 8 (to IE *nebh-
‘cloud’); S c h m i d t KZ L 2 4 4 (to Skt ràja-)\ R i b e z z o RivAlb I 1 4 0 (to
Gk e'peßoq); T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 2 3 5 (follows M E Y E R ); P IS A N I Saggi
9 9 , 1 2 3 ; P o k o r n y I 3 3 0 ; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 5 2 (to pernia); H a m p
St. Whatmough 8 0 (agrees with JO K L ); Ç A B E J St. II 71 (repeats J O K L ’ s
etymology but also compares re with err); H u l d 1 0 7 - 1 0 8 (links re to
Lat rös ‘dew’, Lith rasa id.); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 1 4 5 ; D E M IR A J AE
3 4 4 (agrees with R lB E Z Z O ).
 RE — REM 367

re f, pi. reja ‘young woman, daughter-in-law, bride’. Substantivized

feminine of ri.

red m ‘row ’. Borrowed from Slav *rçdb id., cf. South Slavic contin­
uants: Bulg red, SCr red (M IK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 3 2 ) . 0 SVANE
224. 241.

regëzinj aor. regëziva ‘to tear (clothes)’. An Old Albanian form

(BUZUKU) based on the noun rragozinë ‘rag ’ (LA PIANA Studi. Varia
41). The latter is an early Slavic loanword continuing Slav *rogozina
‘bast mat’. 0 Ç a b e j St. II 72 (metathesis of *gërzinj derived from gris).

regj m, pl. regjer ‘king’. Borrowed from Lat rêgem id . (M IK L O SIC H Rom.
Elemente 5 5 ) . 0 M E Y E R Wb. 3 6 2 (from Lat rëg(u)lus); M E Y E R -L Ü B K E
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1 0 4 4 ; R E S U L L I Studi albanesi III-IV 2 1 1 - 2 1 3 (from
Old Ital rege i d . ) ; M lH Ä E S C U RESEE I V / 1 -2 1 9 ; Ç A B E J St. II 7 2
(agrees with M E Y E R Gr. Gr.); H A A R M A N N 1 4 5 ; L A N D I Lat. 8 3 , 9 6 ,
145.

regj aor. regja ‘to tan’. From PAlb *raugja, a denominative verb ety­
mologically related to ON reykr ‘smoke’, OHG rouh id. The original
meaning of the word was ‘to smoke’. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 362 (from SCr
redjati ‘to put in a row, to set in ord er’); JO K L Slavia XIII 299
(agrees with M E Y E R ); P O K O R N Y I 872; M A N N Language XXVI 382-
383 (to Gk péÇco); Ç A B E J St. II 73-74 (from IE *ureg- related to Gk
epyov ‘w ork’); D E M IR A J AE 345 (to Lith rugti ‘to become sour’).

rekë f ‘brook, rivulet’. Another morphonological variant is rëké

( J o k l LKUBA 225). Borrowed from Slav *rëka ‘riv er’, cf. in South
Slavic: Bulg reka, SCr rijeka, reka (M IK LO SIC H Slav. Elemente 32; M E Y E R
Wb. 363). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 188, 323; S v a n e 172.

rekës m ‘giant’. Verbal adjective based on rrek (Ç abej St. II 7 4 ). 0

MEYER Wb. 363 (to Slovene orjak id.).

rem m ‘copper’. Singularized plural of the attested form ram id. bor­
rowed from Ital rame id. (M IK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 54; M E Y E R Wb.
361). 0 M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß2 1 1042; V A SM E R Alb. Wortforsch.
29 (follows M i k l o s i c h ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 234 (the same); J o k l
 368 REM E — RESE RESH RËK O SH 369

Arch. Rom. XXIV 35 (from Lat aerarnen ‘bronze or copper shavings’); cal with rese ‘guard, envy’. The reed trellis was used to protect the
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 12; H a a r m a n 110; Ç a b e j St. II 74-75 roof from falling. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 75-76 (borrowed from Bulg resa ‘stamen’).
(agrees with Jo k l ).
resh resha ‘to fall (of snow or rain)’. Secondarily restored from
aor.
remë f, pi. rema ‘watermill ditch’. Borrowed from NGk pé^a < Gk the aorist rashë of hie ‘to fall’ (JOKL IF XL11I 52-55). 0 MEYER Wb.
pe% a ‘ditch, rivulet’ (CAMARDA I 53; M e y e r Wb. 373). 0 MANN HAED 363 (to Skt vèrsati ‘to rain’ and the like), Alb. Studien III 86; JOKL
425, 434 (identical with rremb); ÇABEJ St. II 75 (agrees with M a n n ). Studien 73-74 (to Lith rasa ‘dew’, Slav *rosa id.); BARld ARSt 1 79
(to IE *sneig“h- ‘snow’); C a m a j Alb. Worth. 52; Ç a b e j St. II 76
rend m, pl. rende ‘r o w ’. A n early loanw ord from S lav *rçdi, (MIKLOSICH (agrees with M e y e r ); Ham p IF LXXXVI 191-192; H u ld 108; D e m ir a j
Slav. Elemente 32; MANN Language XVII 20-21), cf. red. The verb Koll. Idg. Ges. 12, AE 345-346.
rendis ‘to put in o r d e r ’ r e fle c ts S lav *rçditi id. 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, nase­
lenie 182; S v a n e 223, 241. reshis aor. reshita ‘to ex tin g u ish ’. B orrow ed from Slav *resiti ‘to s o lv e ’
also m ean in g ‘to e x tin g u is h ’ as in SCr resiti (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele­
rend aor. renda ‘to run, to hurry’. Continues PAlb *renta, a deriva­ mente 32; M e y e r Wb. 363). 0 S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 181, 192; S v a n e
tive of *rena etymologically related to Goth rinnan ‘to run’, ON ritma 24 1 .
id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 363 (from MGk pevxoa ‘horse-race’); JOKL LKUBA
280-281 (derivative in *-t- of *ren-)\ M a n n Language XXVIII 37 (to reshpe f, pl. reshpe ‘avalanche, rocky precipice’. Another variant is
Skt ramhati); FEIST Goth. 398-399; POKORNY I 328 (to IE *er- ‘to reshme. In the anlaut, rr- is also possible. Derived from resh. 0
rise’). MEYER Wb. 364 (from Ital raspa ‘scraper, rasp’).

rendoj aor. rendova ‘to grate’. Secondary formation based on rend ‘row ’. resht aor. reshta ‘to keep away; to stop’. Anlaut in rr- is also possi­
ble. A secondary formation based on rreshtoj ‘to arrest’ borrowed
repë f‘desert’. Continues an umlauticized PAlb *raupä etymologi­ from Rom *arre stare ‘to stop, to arrest’. 0 C A M A R D A II 159 (to Lat
cally related to ON rauf ‘pit’, Lith raupiii, raüpti ‘to hollow out’ further resisto ‘to stop’); M E Y E R Wb. 364 (from Ital restare ‘to stop’).
related to IE *reup- ‘to tear, to break’. 0 FRAENKEL 7 0 7 -7 0 8 ; POKORNY
I 87 0 . rezhdë f: pl. rezhda ‘ring at goat’s throat’. Another variant is rrezhdë.
Etymologically identical with rezhgë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 373 (to rrezhdë
repë f, pl. repa ‘tu rn ip ’. B o r ro w e d from Slav *repa id ., cf. in South ~ rreshtë ‘bone’); Ç a b e j St. II 76-77 (from SCr resa ‘ring at goat’s
Slavic: Bulg r'apa, dial, repa, SCr repa (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente throat’, Bulg resa ‘stamen’).
32). 0 S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 162; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 24 (from
Lat râpum); SVANE 108. rezhgë f, pl. rezhga ‘honeycomb cell’. Borrowed from Slav *rëzbka,
unattested derivative of *redrbkrb ‘ra re ’.
repuq adj. ‘to rn ’. A suffixal derivative of rjep
rëfyrë f, pl. rëfyra ‘knot, outgrowth (on a tree)’. Préfixai derivative
resë I. pi. resa ‘e n v v '. H i s t o r (>,, 4cru a r H ’ H ^ r i v p r l »J , C IO Cl C4IV.J U t VJ>I L ^ a .1

id. (JOKL Studien 76). 0 BORGEAUD RRL 6 ( 1973) 529-531 ; ÇABEJ St. j rëkosh m ‘fat cheese’. A prefi; . of *k
370 RËM ËR ~ RËM EN RËRË ~ RANË

rëmër - rëmen m, pl. rëmënj ‘Valachian; shepherd’. Attested in Greece

only. Borrowed from Lat Rormnus ‘Roman’ (MEYER Wb. 365). 0 M e y er -
L ü BKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1049; ÇABEJ St. II 77 (from Arum arumîn
‘Arumunian’); Pu^CARlu Etudes 60 (semantic development of rëmër
and vllah).

rëmoj rëmova ‘to d ig ’. B o r r o w e d from Lat rimàri ‘to d ig , to h o e ’

aor.
(MEYER Wb. 365). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1049; SCHUCHARDT
K Z X X 251.

rëndë ~ randë adj. ‘heavy’. Continues PAlb *raunta derived from the
verbal stem of aor. rashë < *rausa, see hie ‘to fall’ (ÇABEJ St. II 71).
From rëndë the verb rëndoj ‘to be heavy’ is derived. 0 CAMARDA I
47 (to Skt ramate ‘(he) is quiet’); MEYER Wb. 365 (borrowing from
Lat grandis ‘large’), Alb.St. Ill 8, IV 25; BUGGE BB XVIII 183 (agrees
with M e y e r ) ; J o k l Studien 74 (participle of a verb reflected in Lith
ri'eju, rieti ‘to stack, to bend’); BARIC ARSt. I 86-87 (to Lith sveriii
‘to weigh’ and the like); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 234-235; M a n n Lan­
guage XVII 20 (from *g"ri}dho-)\ ÇABEJ St. II 71 (arguments in favor
of B a r iC ’s etymology); HULD 108 (supports JOKL ‘s etymology).

rëngë f, pl. rënga ‘chime, tinkling (of bells)’. Borrowed from one of
the continuants of Gmc *xrengaz ‘ring’, cf. *xrengjan ‘to ring, to tinkle’:
ON hringja, OE hringan and the like. 0 HOLTHAUSEN AEW 174-175;
Z a l i z n ’ a k Etimologi]a 132.

rënkoj aor. rënkova ‘to moan, to groan’. Another variant is rëkoj. Tosk
equivalents of ankoj. 0 CAMARDA I 56 (to Gk péyicco ‘to snore’).

rënxoj aor. rënxova ‘to cause hernia’. Borrowed from Rom *hernizäre
based on hernia ‘rupture, hernia’. 0 MEYER Wb. 365 (to Ital ernia ‘hernia’);
Ç a b e j St. II 78 (phonetic variant of rrëzoj).

rëpjetë adj. ‘steep’. A variant of përpjetë in which rë- seems to rep­

resent a phonetic transformation of per- (JOKL IF XXXVII 95-96, LKUBA
244 n. 1). The same is true of rëposh - përposh. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 243.

rërë - ranë f ‘sand’. Borrowed from Lat aréna id. (MIKLOSICHRom.

Elemente 3; MEYER Wh. 366, Alb. St. IV 17). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 21 1044; JOKL LKUBA 281 ; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 234; MANN Language
 R Ë S H IR Ë ~ R Ë S H IN Ë — R IK Ë 371

XVII 23; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 12; H a a r m a n 111; Ç a b e j St. II

78-79; JANSON Uni. 57-58; LANDI Lat. 54, 80, 114.

rëshirë ~ rëshinë f ‘resin; grape juice’. Borrowed from Lat resina id.
(M e y e r Wb. 369). 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 244.

rëzëgojë I ‘arsenic’. Another variant is rëzigojë. Results from the folk

etymology (rrëzë and gojë) of the original *ërsingë borrowed from
NGk á p a e v i K Ó v id. (MEYER Wb. 366).

ri adj. ‘new, young, recent’. From PAlb *rija, a zero-grade derivative

of IE *er- ~ *or- ‘to rise, to make move’, cf. O N grr ‘quick’, O S am
id. of a similar origin (OREL Linguistica XXIV 4 3 3 -4 3 4 ). 0 CAMARDA
I 85 (from *neuos ‘new’); MEYER Wb. 3 6 6 (comparison with rris);
BUGGE BB XVII1 170 (follows CAMARDA); B ari Ó ARSt 79 (from *neuios);
TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 2 3 7 (rejects BUGGE’s etymology); POKORNY I
3 2 6 -3 3 2 ; HULD 1 0 8 -1 0 9 .

rig m, pi. riga ‘king (in cards)’. Borrowed from MGk pfjyaç ‘king’.

rigash m, pl. rigashë ‘turkey’. Derivative of rig.

rigë f ‘drizzle’. The verb is rigoj ‘to drizzle’. The latter is borrowed
from Lat rigare ‘to sprinkle, to irrigate’. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
55 (from Ital riga, rigare ‘to make w et’); MEYER Wb. 366 (follows
M ik l o s ic h ).

rij ~ rî ‘to make humid’. Continues PAlb *rinja related to Skt rinati
‘to stream, to release’, Slav *ringti ‘to flow’ and the like (JOKL Studien
74-75). Note a deverbative (G) rîtë ‘w et’. 0 V a s m e r III 484;
M a y r h o f e r III 59-60; P o k o r n y I 330-331; Ö l b e r g apud D em ir a j
(to OHG reineo ‘stallion’); Ç a b e j St. II 79-80 (to Gk paivcu ‘to sprin­
kle’, Slav *roniti ‘to drop, to pour’); DEMIRAJ AE 346.

rikë f, pi. rika ‘duckling, duck’. Cf. also rikëz ‘piglet’. Based on an
onomatopoeic verb PAlb *rika denoting quacking or similar sounds
and connected with Lith rikti ‘to c ry ’ and the like. 0 MEYER Wb. 366
(rikëz explained as an onomatopoeia), 369 (to SCr ricka ‘kind of duck’);
F r a e n k e l 717, 734; Ç a b e j St. II 80 (onomatopoeia).
372 R IM I!' — R O B T IS

rinite adj. ‘dark blue, blue, azure, green’. A parallel and more archaic
form is rrimtë. Derived from rrime, cf. OBret uurm ‘dark (color)’,
W gwrm ‘dark blue' as color designations based on the word for ‘worm’
(O re l IF XLIII 116). 0 BariC ARSt. 80 (to OE m'pan ‘to become dark’);
Ç abej St. II 80 (compares with remtë ‘dark brown, bronze’).

riqe f, pi. riqe ‘b rier’. Borrowed from Gk épeíieri id. or NGk peiKvot
id. (C a m a r d a II 159; M e y e r Wb. 366). 0 H a a r m a n n 123 (from Lat
eñca)\ ÇABEJ St. II 81.

ris m, pi. riser ~ risen ‘lynx’. Borrowed from Slav *rysb id., cf. in
South Slavic: Bulg ris, SCr ris.

rishte pi. ‘cartilages; kind of dry pastry’. Umlauticized form of rreshtë.

rizë f, pi. riza ‘kerchief’. Borrowed from Slav *riza ‘shirt, kerchief’,
cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg riza, SCr riza (MIKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 32; M e y e r Wb. 367). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 174;
S v a n e 49.

rjep aor. ropa ‘to strip off (skin or bark), to tear o f f. A parallel form
is rrjep. Goes back to PAlb *repa connected with IE * r e p Gk
èpé7tî0|iiav ‘to eat’, Lat rapiö ‘to seize, to grasp’, Lith rè'pti ‘to grasp’
and the like (MEYER BB VIII 189, Wb. 367, Alb. St. Ill 31). 0 CAMARDA
I 79 (to Gk Aino ‘to peel’); MEYER Gr. Gr. 167; TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 237; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 251 (borrowed from Lat rapiö);
E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 564; P is a n i Saggi 130; F r a e n k e l 721-722; F r is k
1552-553; W a ld e - H o e m a n n I I 417; POKORNY I 856; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 19 (borrowed from Lat rapere); HAMP Münch. St. Spr. XXXVII
61; H u ld 150; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 40, Linguistica XXIV 437; H a a r ­
m a n n 145 (from Latin); D e m ir a j AE 346-347.

rob m, pi. rob, robër ‘serf, prisoner’. Borrowed from Slav *orb-h id.
(M IK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 32; MEYER Wb. 3 6 8 ). As far as attested
South Slavic languages reflect ra- (Bulg rab, SCr rah), the Albanian
word continues a form from an extinct dialect. 0 SVANE 192, 24 1 .

robtis aor. robtisa ‘to make work hard, to enslave’. Borrowed from
Slav *orbotiti id., cf. rob.
 ROD — R O K O M 1N Ë 373

rod m ‘kin, family’. Borrowed from S lav *rodT, id., cf. in South Slavic:
Bulg rod, SCr rod (S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 184). 0 SVANE 1 8 6 -1 8 7 .

rogeçë pi. ‘masked participants of a carnival’. Based on an unattest­

ed singular *rogaç borrowed from Slav *rogacb ‘horned (creature)’,
cf. in South Slavic: Bulg rogac, SCr rogac (SVANE 214).

rogë f ‘glade, clearing (especially, in the mountains)’. Borrowed

from Slav *rogb ‘horn’, also used as a geographical term, cf. Bulg
rog, SCr rog. 0 iOKLZfOrt X 188 (to OHG riuti)\ ÇABEJ St. II 81 (derived
from rruaj).

rogoveckë f, pi. rogoveca ‘acacia’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav

*rogovbChka ‘horned (object)’.

rois aor. roita ‘to swarm (of bees)’. Borrowed from Slav *rojiti (sç)
id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg roja, SCr roiti se (JOKL LKUBA
2 8 6 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 167; D e s n i c k a j a Slav. zaim. 13;
S v a n e 24 1 .

roj m, pi. roje ‘swarm of bees’. Borrowed from Slav *rojb id., cf. South
Slavic continuants: Bulg roj, SCr roj, cf. rois (SVANE 158, 241).

rojë f, pl. rojë, roja ‘guard’. Derived from ruaj.

rojkë f, pi. rojka ‘bee (in the swarm)’. Borrowed from Slav *rojbka
id., attested in South Slavic as a proper name: Bulg Rojka, SCr Rojka.

rok m ‘term ’. Borrowed from Slav *rokT> ‘time, term, year; fate’, cf.
South Slavic continuants: Bulg rok , SCr rok (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele­
mente 32; MEYER Wb. 3 6 8 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 197.

rokëz f ‘kind of children game, round dance’. Identical with rrokëz

‘helix’ derived from rrokë. 0 MEYER Wb. 368 (from NGk p ó ra
‘fork’); ÇABEJ St. II 81 (derived from rrok).

rokominë f ‘shrunk old m an’. A n exp ressive form ation in roko- < rroko,
cf. rrokë. 0 MEYER Wb. 36 8 (from Ital rocca del camino ‘f lu e ’); Ç a b e j
St. II 81 (d e riv a tiv e o f rrogomis < gorromis ‘to throw d o w n ’).
374 K O N I 1 KM — R L’AJ ~ RUFJ

ron item refi, “ to fall, to crumble’. Borrowed from Slav *roniti ‘to drop,
to let fall’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg ron a, SCr roniti (attest­
ed in a different meaning - ‘to pour’). 0 SVANE 241.

rose f, pi. rosa ‘duck’. From PAlb *anätjä, a cognate of Skt âti- ‘water
bird’, Gk vrjaoa ‘duck’ and other continuations of IE *(a)ndtia
( B a r i Í ARSt 80), contaminated with IE *er(a)- ~ *or(a)- ‘bird’. Rum
r a ß was borrowed from Proto-Albanian. 0 STIER KZ XI 148 (to Hung
ruca, rece and Rum ra{a)\ MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 3 1 (from Slavic);
C a m a r d a II 167 (follows S t ie r ); M e y e r Wb. 368-369 (to rik ‘duck’
and forms adduced by STIER); V a sm e r Alb. Wortforsch. 55; SCHUCHARDT
KZ XX 244 (from SCr raca id.); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 347 (both
Albanian and Rumanian words going back to a substratum reflex of
IE *reudh-so-); MANN Language XXVI 381; POKORNY I 41; FRISK II
317-318; M a y r h o fe r I 72-73; OREL RRL XXX/2 106-107 (PAlb *arütjä
influenced by the Indo-European word for ‘duck’).

rotar m ‘servant’. A secondary phonetic variant of rrogëtar, deriva­

tive of rrogë (Ç a b e j St. II 82). 0 MEYER Wb. 369 (borrowed from a
South Slavic continuant of Slav *ortarb ‘plowm an’, SCr ratar);
S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 178, 326 (follows M e y e r ); V a s m e r Alb.
Wortforsch. I 55 (the same); JOKL Slavia XIII 307-308 (agrees with
M e y e r ).

rozë aor. roza ‘knot (in wood)’. Borrowed from NGk pôÇoç id. (M E Y E R
Wb. 369). 0 C A M A R D A I 96 (to rrënjë).

rozgë f. pi. roiga ‘kind of thistle’. Another variant is rrozgë. Borrowed

from Slav *rozga ‘twig, branch’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg rozga, SCr
rozga (JOKL LKUBA 2 2 0 -2 2 1 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 189; ÇABEJ
St. II 1 0 1 -1 0 2 ; S v a n e 124.

ruaj - ruej aor. ruajta ~ rova ‘to guard, to keep, to observe’. From
PAlb *rägnja etymologically connected with ON r0kja ‘to take care
of’, Gk àpriyco ‘to assist, to defend’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 6 9 (borrowed from
Slav *xorniti ‘to keep’); WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 2 1 0 (to vë re ‘to make
clear’); JOKL Studien 7 5 -7 6 (to Gk ópáw ‘to see’, OHG wara ‘atten­
tion’ and the like); B ariC ARSt I 88 (follows JOKL); FRISK I 137; POKORNY
I 855; Ç a b e j St. II 8 2 -8 3 (follows JoK L and B a r i C); D e m ir a j AE 3 4 7
(follows W ie d e m a n n ).
 RUAZË ~ RU E Z Ë R U RE 375

ruazë ~ ruezë f, pl. ruaza ~ rueza ‘glass bead; glass ball (used as an
amulet)’. There are also variants in rr-. Deverbative of ruaj ~ ruej
(C a m a r d a II 167; J o k l StFil 1/3 9-11). 0 M ey er Wb. 370 (from *prllaze,
to Ital perla ‘pearl’); ÇABEJ St. VII 2 0 1 , 22 5 .

rube f, pi. ruba ‘kerchief’. Borrowed from Slav *rçb-i, ‘seam, border’,
cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg rhb, SCr rub (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele­
mente 32; M e y e r Wb. 3 7 1 ). Semantically closer is Slovene rob ‘cloth,
shirt’.

rudë adj. ‘short and soft (of wool)’. Borrowed from Slav *ruda ‘thick
wool’, cf. South Slavic: Bulg ruda, SCr ruda ( M e y e r Wb. 3 7 0 ).

rudinë f, pl. rudina ‘alpine pasture’. Borrowed from South Slavic *rudina
id., cf. Bulg rudina, SCr rudina.

rufkë adj. ‘soft-boiled (of egg)’. Another form is rufë. Derived from
rufis ‘to sip’, a Modern Greek loanword ( M e y e r Wb. 3 7 0 ).

rugjë adj. ‘c lo s e ly c r o p p e d ’. S in g u la r ize d form o f the o rig in a l *ruge.

A nother variant, w ith the u n v o iced anlaut, is rukë ‘w ithou t sh ell (o f
n u ts), w aste, d ev a sta te d ’. F rom P A lb *ruga co n n ecte d w ith Lith rugti
‘to b eco m e so u r ’ < IE *reu-g- ‘to tear, to p u li’; the latter is d eriv ed
from *reu-. 0 FRAENKEL 746; POKORNY 1 8 6 8 -8 6 9 ; JËGERS KZ L X X X
14 1 -1 4 2 ; Ç a b e j St. II 83 (from rruaj).

runë f ‘air-hole of a chimney’. Analogical transformation of ndê'r une

‘between bricks’ > ndë runë (Ç a b e j St. II 8 4 ).

rungajë f, p i .rungaja ‘avalanche; river-bed’. Other variants are rrun-

gajë, irunga and runga. Continues PAlb *wrunga connected with Lith
rungúoti ‘to wind, to bend’, a secondary ablaut formation based on
zeñgtis ‘to be bent’ < IE *ureng-. 0 FRAENKEL 7 1 9 , 749; POKORNY I
1154.

rungoj aor. rungova ‘to weed’. Borrowed from Lat runcäre id. 0
MEYER Wb. 371 (from Ital roncare id.).

rure f ‘a g o n iz in g d o u b ts’. D er iv ed from ruaj.

376 RUS - RRAFSH

rus adj. ‘red-haired, blond’. Borrowed from Slav id., cf. in South
Slavic: Bulg rus, SCr rus (M e y e r Wb. 3 7 1 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, nase­
lenie 196 (follows M e y e r ); C a p i d a n Dacoromania IV 850 (from Arum
anís)-, ÇABEJ St. II 84 (from NGk povaooç ‘red-haired’).

ryej aor. reva ‘to suffer’. There are also dialectal forms in rr-. From
the contracted PAlb *raudinja related to Skt róditi ‘to weep, to ro a r’,
Lat rudö ‘to shout, to cry’, Lith raudà ‘weeping’, Slav *rydati ‘to weep’.
0 F r a e n k e l 704; M a y r h o f e r III 77; V a s m e r III 526-527; P o k o r n y
1 867; Ç a b e j St. II 79 (reconstructs *uren-).

ryj aor. ryjta ‘to enter’. A préfixai form continuing *rë-hyj, cf. hyj (BARIC
ARSt I 17). 0 C a m a r d a II 61 (to Gk ép e u v á w ‘to seek, to explore’);
MANN HAED 431; Ç a b e j St. II 84 (to Lat ruö ‘to rush’ and the like).

r y s aor. ryta ‘to practice, to exercise’. Continues P A lb *rittja related

to Lat nul ‘to rush down, to fall down’, Slav *ryti ‘to dig’, Lith ráuti
‘to tear, to pull’ and the like. 0 XHUVANI KLetr 1/6 11 (to rusem);
VASMER III 531; F r a e n k e l 708-709; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 453-454;
P o k o r n y I 868; Ç a b e j St. II 84 (to ryej ~ riej).

ryzë f, pl. ryza ‘rue’. Derivative in -zë of an unattested *ryte borrowed

from Lat rüta id. (Ç a b e j St. II 84-85).

Rr

rra f,pl. rra ‘belly-worm’. From PAlb *wragä related to OIr frige ‘vermin,
flesh-worm ’ < *urg- (BARI¿ ARSt. I 88). 0 M e y e r Wb. 372 (from Lat
crlnalis ‘related to hair’); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 538 (against M e y e r );
WEIGAND BA III 217 (from Lat rênes ‘kidneys’); L a PIANA Studi I
6 6 (to Lat vergo ‘to bend, to turn’); POKORNY I 1152; ÇABEJ St. II
89-90 (to Lat corrigia ‘shoe-lace’ and its cognates).

rrabe f, pl. rra be ‘rocky desert (with bushes)’. From PAlb *rauba related
to Goth raupjan ‘to rip ’. 0 F e ist Goth. 395; POKORNY I 869.

rrafës m. pl. rrafës ‘churn-staff’. Deverbative of rrah ~ rraf.

rrafsh m. pl. rraf she ‘plane, flat surface’. Analogically restored from
 RRAG R R A N G i;i.I .A 377

rrafshpj ‘to fla tte n ’, a verb in -ëshoj b ased on a b o rro w in g from Slav
*or\'bivb ‘e v e n ’, cf. S outh S la v ic continuants: B u lg raven, SC r ravan
( M e y e r Wb. 3 6 0 ). 0 JOKL LKUBA 175-177 (fro m S la v *orves-, an s-
stem o f the sam e root); SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 187; ÇABEJ St. II
85; S v a n e 167.

rrag m ‘apron’. Continues PAlb *srauga related to the isolated Lith

srúoga ‘skein, hank; tuft, hairlock’, srauga id. 0 F r a e n k e l 8 90.

rragatem reft, ‘to quarrel’. Borrowed from Slav *rçgati sç id., cf. South
Slavic continuants: Bulg n g a ja , SCr rugati se. 0 SVANE 258.

rrah m, pl. rrahe ‘grubbed out land’. Deverbative of n a h ‘to beat’ (ÇABEJ
St. II 8 6 ). 0 CAMARDA I 132 (to Gk pot^iç ‘lower part of the back’);
MEYER Wb. 3 6 0 (rah ‘hill’ from NGk p à / i ç ‘mountain ridge’); BariC
ARSt 88 (from *uroig-, as in Arm ergicanem ‘to tear’).

rrah aor. rraha ‘to beat, to strike’. From PAlb *wragska etymologi­
cally connected with Gk páaaco id. reflecting IE *urâgh- (Ç A B E J St.
II 86).0 C a m a r d a I 92 (to Gk priyvo^t ‘to tear up’); M e y e r Wb. 371-
372 (comparison with Slav *raziti ‘to strike’ which may be true if
Slav *r- goes back to IE *ur-\ then, *raziti is close to Gk páaooo),
Alb. St. Ill 73; J o k l LKUBA 49 (follows M e y e r ); B a r i C ARSt. I 88;
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 240; C iM O C H O W S K i LP III 161; PIS A N I Saggi 127;
F r i s k I I 643-644; C h a n t r a i n e 829; P o k o r n y 1 1181-1182; H u l d 150;
K Ü D D E R T IZ S C H Festschr. Mac Eoin 66; D E M IR A J AE 348.

rrajë f, pi. rraja ‘path tread in the snow’. Derived from rrah.

rrallë adj. ‘scanty, scarce, rare’. Borrowed, with a dissimilation of sono-

rants, from Lat rârus ‘rare’ or directly from its variant râllus (M IK ­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 54). 0 CAMARDA I 76 (to G k pàôioç ‘easy, ready’);
M e y e r Wb. 3 7 2 (from Lat rällus ‘clean cut’), Alb. St. Ill 74; M e y ER-
L ü BKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 5 3 9 ; MlHÄESCU
RESEE I V / 1-2 19; Ç a b e j St. II 87; H a a r m a n n 145.

rr anguila pi. ‘rubbish, lum ber’. A suffixal derivative of PAlb *ranka

‘gathering(s)’ etymologically connected with Lith ranka ‘hand’, Latv
riioka id., Slav *ryka id. - all of them deverbatives based on the verb
378 R R A N IG Ë — RRASP,

‘to gather’ reflected in Lith renkii, riñkti. 0 FRA EN KEL 697; V A SM ER

III 515.

rranicë f, pi. rranica ‘big piece of bread’. Derived from rranë ‘grain,
bread’. The latter is borrowed from Slav *xorna ‘food, grain’, cf. in
South Slavic: Bulg xrana, xranica SCr hrana (T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia
240-241).

rrap m, pi. rrapa, rrepe ‘platan’. From PAlb *rapa, a denominative derived
from rjep, probably as a caique of Gk nÀàiavoç id. 0 TOMASCHEK
ZÖG XXIV 529 (to OCS repina id.); M e y e r Wb. 372 (follows
TOMASCHEK), Alb. St. Ill 73; WEIGAND 74 (borrowed from Slavic);
SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 164 (borrowed from Slav *grab’b ‘hornbeam’);
JOKL Slavia XIII 309-310 (etymologically connected with Slav *repbjb
‘burdock’, ON ráfr ‘roof on rafters’ < IE *rêp-)\ ÇABEJ St. II 87 (follows
JOKL).

rrapamë f, pi. rrapama ‘crash, din’. Another variant is rropamë.

Derived from Slav *jx.rap'b ‘noise, wheeze’, cf. rrapatem.

rrapashyt adj. ‘thick set, stumpy’. An expressive derivative of shyt.

rrapatem reti, ‘to strain oneself, to get tired’. Borrowed from Slav *xrapati
‘to bite, to tear, to wheeze’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg xrapam, dial.
rapam, SCr hrapati, dial, rapati.

rrapëlloj aor. rrapëllova ‘to make noise’. A parallel form is rraptoj

id. Related to rrapamë.

rraqe pi. ‘rubbish, lumber; house objects’. From PAlb *raka connected
with Lith ràktì ‘to hollow out, to pick’, Latv rakt ‘to dig’. 0 M e y e r
Wb. 361 (from Bulg rakla ‘box, chest’), 372 (from NGk páiaov);
F r a e n k e l 694; P o k o r n y I 335.

rras aor. rrasa ‘to squeeze, to press together’. From PAlb *wragtja
related to rrah (M E Y E R Wb. 372, with a different etymology of rrah).
0 JO K L Studien 76; Ç A B E J St. VII 234.

rrasë f, pl. rrasa ‘s t o n e plate’. Derived from rras (C lM O C H O W S K I LP

 RRASKË — RRECKË 379

III 1 5 8 -1 6 1 ). ô MEYER Wb. 6 6 (to ciérrase): MANN Language XXVIII

3 3; Ç a b e j St. 11 8 7 -8 8 .

rraskë f, pl. rraska ‘rennet’. Derived from Geg rrâ id., cf. trend. 0
Ç a b e j St. VII 200.

rrasoll m , pl. rrasoj ‘pickles’. Another variant is rasoj, a singularized

plural form. Borrowed from Slav *orzsoh, ‘pickles; brine’, cf. in South
Slavic: Bulg razsol, SCr raso (M ik l o s i c h Slav. Elemente 31; M e y e r
Wb. 3 6 1 ). 0 S v a n e 107.

rrasht m, pl. rreshtna ‘bone, skull, skeleton, shell’. A parallel form is

rreshtë representing a singularized plural (ÇABEJ LP VII 184). From
PAlb *wragsta, derivative in -sta from the verbal stem preserved in
rrah ‘to beat, to strike’ ( O r e l IF XCIII 115). For the semantic moti­
vation in this case cf. Gmc *bainan ‘bone’ ~ IE *bhei- ‘to beat, to
strike’, Lith kaiilas ‘bone’ ~ kaúti 'to beat’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 372-373
(from Lat arista ‘awn, beard, wheat-ear, fishbone’; derives rrasht ‘shell’
separately as a continuation of Lat ramus ‘plate’); K R IS T O FO R ID H I 354;
Z a l i z n ’a k Ètimologija 139; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 101 (prefix rr-); Ç a b e j
St. II 88 (prefix rr- + asht bone’), IV 85-86; D e m ir a j AE 82 (same
as C a m a j and Ç a b e j).

rrathë f ‘kind of fishing-basket’. Connected with rreth.

rrazbitem re fi, ‘to weaken’. Note a secondary variant rrobitem influ­

enced by rrob. Borrowed from Slav *orzbiti ‘to defeat, to break’, cf.
South Slavic continuants: Bulg razbija, SCr razbiti (M IK L O S IC H Slav.
Elemente 31; MEYER Wb. 3 6 2 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 178;
S v a n e 25 3 .

rrebe f, pl. rrebe ‘mood, caprice’. Another variant is rebë. From PAlb
*raiba etymologically connected with Lith rdibas ‘multicolored, var­
iegated’, Latv raibs id. 0 M a n n Language XXVIII 37; F r a e n k e l 686-
687; P o k o r n y I 859.

rrebesh m, pl. rrebeshe ‘shower’. Related to rrihë.

rrebull m ‘thrush (illness)’. From *raiba ‘multicolored’ attested in rrebe.

rreckë f, pi. r r e c k a ‘clo th , r a g ’ . B o r ro w e d fro m d em in u tiv e S la v

380 RREGE — RREM B ~ RREM

*rçs-bka ‘fringe’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg reska, SCr reska. 0 MEYER
Wb. 373 (from SCr resa ‘fringe’); Ç a b e j St. VII 253.

r r e g e f, pi. rrege ‘fallow land’. Continues P A lb *wragâ related to Gk

payf| ‘split, cleft’, priyvniai ‘to break, to split’ and its cognates. 0 FRISK
II 637, 652-653; POKORNY I 1181-1182.

r r e g u ll m ‘ord er’. Related to rregull ‘rule’.

r r e g u ll f, pi. regnila ‘rule, norm ’. Borrowed from Lat régula id. (M IK ­

LOSICH Rom. Elemente 54). 0 MEYER Wb. 362 (from Ital regola id.);
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1049 (from Latin); ÇABEJ St. VII 202.

rre j ~ rrê j èrrejta ‘to deceive’. From PAlb *arn-enja further related
ao r.

to G k àpveo|iou ‘to lie’ ( P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 542 n. 2). 0 B a r k î

ARSt. I 88 (rrem ‘lie’, a derivative of rrej, to Lat verbum ‘word’); TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 236; M a n n Language XXVIII 37 (to OE wrœne); F r i s k
I 145-146; POKORNY I 62; Ç a b e j St. II 90-91 (derived from re
‘cloud’); DEMIRAJ AE 348-349 (from a Romance source related to Lat
erroneus ‘erring’).

rre k rreka ‘to strain, to bother’. Continues PAlb *raika related

ao r.

with Lith reikà ‘need, necessity’, reikti ‘to be necessary’ further

explained in connection with Lith riêkti ‘to cut, to plow the fallow
land’. 0 MANN Language XXVIII 37 (to Goth wrohjan); F r a e n k e l
714.

r r e m m, pi. rrema ‘oar’. Borrowed from Lat rëmus id. 0 M e y e r Wb.

363 (from Ital remo id.), Alb. St. Ill 74 (from Gk peüficx).

rre m a d j. ‘false’. Derived from rrej. 0 C a m a r d a I 8 3 (to Lat error

‘mistake’); M e y e r Wb. 3 7 3 - 3 7 4 ; B A R ld ARSt 8 8 - 8 9 (to Gk àpvéoncu

‘to lie’); Ç a b e j St. VII 200.

rre m b ~ rre m pi. rremba ~ rrema ‘branch’. Other variants are rrem
m,

and rremb. Borrowed from L a t rämus id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente

54; M e y e r Alb. St. I 45, Wb. 364-365) with a secondary -mb < -m. 0
M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042; JOKL LKUBA 18-19, 276;
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 235-236; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 19; Ç a b e j
St. II 91; H a a r m a n n 145; L a n d i Lat. 47-48, 97.
 RREP RREVË 381

r r e p m, pi. rrepa ‘turnip’. Other variants are rrap and r(r)epë. Bor­
rowed from Lat räpum id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 54). 0 M e y e r
Wb. 363 (rrap from Ital rapa id. while rrep - from Slav *repa id.);
JOKL LKUBA 232; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 162 (from Slavic); TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 236; LANDI Lat. 45; ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ AE (bor­
rowed from Gk pàrcuç); DEMIRAJ AE 349-350 (borrowed from or related
to Gk pànvjç).

r r e p të adj. ‘strong, inexorable’. Derived from rrjep. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 373

(from Turk rehb ‘fear’); K r is tO F O R I D H I 358 (from Lat rapidus ‘fast’);
Ç a b e j St. IV 86, VII 184.

rre sh k rreshka ‘to roast’. Borrowed from WGmc *raustjan id.,

a o r.

cf. OHG rösten. Note a derivative rreshk ‘smell (of food), appetite’.
0 B A R IÍ ARSt 88 (to Latv su-vergt)', CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 113 (suffix
-kë).

r r e s h k ta q adj. ‘wrinkled (of an elderly person)’. Derived from rreshk.

Cf. also rreshkët ‘dried, roasted’.

r r e t ë r - r r e të n f, pl. rretra ~ rretna ‘long leather rope, twisted leather

lace’. Another variant is retër ~ retén. Borrowed from Rom *retina
‘bridle’ attested in Fr rêne id. (JOKL RIEB II 5 6 -5 9 ). 0 CAMARDA II
142; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 2 4 ; Ç a b e j St. II 9 1; JANSON Unt. 5 8;
H a a r m a n n 146.

r r e t h m, pi. rrathë ‘hoop, rim (of wheel); circle’. Deminutive in -th of

an unattested *rat ‘wheel’, cf. Skt rdtha- ‘wagon’, Lat rota ‘wheel’,
OIr roth, OHG rad and the like (CAMARDA I 3 2 3 ). 0 M E Y E R Alb. St.
1 35 ( r e p e a ts CAMARDA’s e ty m o lo g y ) , Wb. 372 (to OHG chreiz
‘c i r c le ’), Alb. St. Ill 8, 28; B a r i C ARSt. I 31 (re p e a ts CAMARDA’s e ty ­
m o lo g y ); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 235 (a g re e s w ith B a r i C); M a y r h o f e r
III 38-39; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I I 443-444; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 2; V e n d r y e s
[Rj 45-46; P o k o r n y I 866; H u l d 116 (fro m *uroikos, cf. Gk poïKÔç
‘c u r v e d , b e n t’); ÇABEJ St. II 91-93 (a c c e p ts CAMARDA’s e ty m o lo g y
a n d c o m m e n ts on th e u m la u t in sg .).

r r e v ë f ‘lot’. Borrowed from Lat rebus, dat.-abl. pi. of res ‘thing, cir­
cumstance’.
 382 RREZE R R Ë G JO J R R Ë K A JR — R R Ë M U )Ë 383

rrez e f, pl. rreze ‘ray, spoke’. Another variant is tre,i f . Singularized cluster. 0 CAMARDA I 116 (to Lat riiga ‘wrinkle’); MEYER Wb. 373
plural of *rra: borrowed from Lat radius id. (M IK L O S IC H Rom. Ele­ (borrowed from Rom *rödiculäre, derivative of Lat rodere ‘to bite’);
mente 54). 0 C a m a r d a I 96 (to Lat radix ‘root’); M e y e r Wb. 364 Ç a b e j St. II 95-96 (from regi): H a a r m a n n 146.
(from Rom pl. *radia), Alb. Sr. IV 14; M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1044, 1049, 1052; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19; Ç a b e j Sr. II 93; rrëk ajë adv. ‘in torrents, in a stream ’. Borrowed from Slav instr. sg.
H a a r m a n n 145; L a n d i Lar. 45, 85, 97. *rëkojç ‘(in a) riv e r’.

r r ez g m ‘culmination, acme, prim e’. Another derivational variant is rrëke f, pl. rrëke ‘stream (of rain), mountain brook'. Singularized plural
rrezm id. Suffixal derivative of rreze. of *rekë. Borrowed from Slav *rëka ‘riv e r’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg
reka, SCr rijeka, reka ( S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 323). 0 SVANE 172;
rr ez g u ll f, pl. rrezgulla ‘disc, circle’. Derived from rrezg. M u r a t i Probleme 97-99 (derived from rrjedh).

rrezh d e f. pl. rrezhde ‘unripe m ulberry’. Reflects an unattested Bul­ rrëk ëllej aor. rrëkëlleva ‘to ro ll’. A préfixai derivative of këllehem ‘to
garian reflex of Slav *redja fem. ‘thin, sparse’. seethe, to boil up’,

rr ëc o k m ‘bird ’s stomach’. Phonetic variant of rraskë. rrëk u a ll m ‘thistle’. A préfixai derivative in rrë- < për- (JOKL LKUBA
244 n. 1) of kalli. 0 M e y e r Wb. 364 (from Ital cardoscolimo ‘kind of
rrëfa n ë f, pl. ‘handle’. Derived from rrëfej in its unattested meaning wild artichoke’); JOKL Melanges Pedersen 143; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 54;
*‘to carry (away)’ continuing the same meaning of Lat ref erre. 0 Ç A B E J Ç a b e j St. VII 239; D e m ir a j AE 350.
St. VII 234 (to rruvâ with a secondary -/-).
rrëm a ç adj. ‘lefthanded’. Derived from rrern.
rrëfan gull f, pl. rrëfangulla ‘buttonhole’. Derived from rrëfanë ‘handle’.
0 ÇABEJ St. VII 237 (variant of vrangull). rrëm b ej aor. rrëmbeva ‘to rob, to seize’. Borrowed from Lat rumpere
‘to tear, to tear away’. 0 CAMARDA I 5 6 (to Gk peußojjm ‘to roam ’);
rrëfatem refi, ‘to fork, to bifurcate’. Metathesis of *furkatem, ssefurke. MEYER Wb. 374 (from Ital rubare ‘to steal’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 21 1051.
rrëfej aor. rrëfeva ‘to tell, to show’. Borrowed from Lat referre ‘to
tell, to inform ’ ( C a m a r d a 1119; M e y e r Wb. 373). 0 Ç a b e j St. II 93- rrëm ejtë adj. ‘steep'. A préfixai derivative of majë.
94 (prefix rrë- added to -fej borrowed from MGk (paivco ‘to show, to
make appear’). rrëm eta pl. ‘bast shoes’. Borrowed from an unattested Slavic *remata
‘belts, laces’, plural form of *remç - an analogical formation derived
rrëfeshk m, pl. rrëfeshk ‘kind of thistle’. Derived from rrufe (JO K L LKUBA from Slav *remy, *re mene ‘belt, lace’.
221-222). 0 ÇABEJ St. II 94 (derived from ferr: *rri-ferr-shk).
rrëm ih aor. rrëmiha ‘to dig up’. Another variant is rrërnoj. Borrowed
r r ëg a llë f, pl. rrëgalla ‘pebbly site; deep and narrow ravine’. An early from Lat rimare id. (MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 19; HAARMANN 146).
Slavic loanword, from *roga lu ‘corner’, see ragal. 0 JO K L IF XL1V 0 CAMARDA I 57 (to Gk pujrôç ‘pole of a chariot; trace’).
13-15, ZONF X 197 (to rugai): ÇABEJ St. II 94-95.
r rëm iq e f, pl. rrëmiqê ‘precipice’. Phonetic variant of rrëmejtë
re ‘to eradicate’ with an irregular development of the inlaut rrëm ujë f ‘disorder, confusion; booty’. Continues PAlb *raimuljO related
Lat eradicò
 RRËQETHEM R R F ./AI.T. 385
384 RREN D RRA R R Ë Q F .B U T .L
386 RRËZË — R R IP Ë

rrëzë f, pl. rrëza ‘foot (of a mountain or a tree)’. From PAlb *wradjâ
etymologically connected with rrënjë. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 21 0 .

rrëzoj aor. rrëzova ‘to throw d o w n , to pull d o w n ’. B a sed on rrëzë. 0

CAMARDA I 96 (d erived from rreze).

rri aor. ndenja, ndejta ‘to sit, to stand, to stay, to r e m a in ’. The su p ­

p letiv e aorist b elo n g s to the paradigm o f ndej. T he fo rm o f p resen t
g o e s back to P A lb *rina ety m o lo g ic a lly c lo se to Skt m o ti ‘to a rise,
to m o v e ’, Gk o p v u |r a i ‘to m o v e u p ’ and rela ted fo rm s. 0 CAMARDA
I 45 (to Gk ep\)K(D ‘to k eep in, to cu rb ’); MEYER Wb. 374 (to IE *klei-
‘to lean, to b en d ’ w ith im p o ssib le p h on etic ch a n g es), Alb. St. IV 59
(evalu ates h is earlier ety m o lo g y as am biguous); BUGGE BB XVIII 170-
171 (to Lat nidus ‘n e st’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 545 (rejects M e y e r ’ s
e ty m o lo g y ); JOKL Studien 16-11 (to G m c *röwö ‘q u ie t’. Gk ápcof) id .),
LKUBA 194 (follow s M e y e r ); B a ri C ARSt. I 80 (from IE *nizdö)\ T a g li ­
a v in i Dalmazia 238; F r isk I I 422-424; M a y r h o f e r I 122; P o k o r n y
I 326-332; ÇABEJ St. VII 234; H u l d 109 (to IE *reidh- ‘to r id e ’).

rribë f ‘gale, wind, waterfall, torrent’. From PAlb *wribä, a zero-grade

formation connected with IE *uerb(h)- ‘to turn, to bend’ and, as far
as the derivational structure is concerned, identical with Slav *vbrba
‘pussy-willow’, Lith virbas ‘rod, birch-rod, tw ig’ (OREL Linguistica
XXIV 434, TBK 195). For the semantic development of rribë cf. E
wind ~ to wind. 0 FRAENKEL 1259; POKORNY I 1153; VASMER I 293.

rrikë f ‘turnip’. Borrowed from Rom *râdica, cf. Lat radix ‘root’ (MIK­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 54; MEYER Wb. 365-366). A parallel form rrilkë
reflects Rom *radícula. 0 MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 32 (from Slavic);
C a m a r d a I 178 (to Gk pàrtnç ‘turnip’); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1044; Jo k l LKUBA 232; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 243; T a g l ia v in i Dal­
mazia 238; S v a n e 145.

rrim e f, pl. rrime ‘rainworm ’. Singularized plural of P A lb *wrima con­

tinuing IE *ijrmi- ~ *urmo- ‘worm’: Lat vermis id., Goth watírms ‘worm,
snake’, Lith varmas ‘insect’ (OREL IF XC1II 116). 0 FRAENKEL 1201;
F e ist Goth. 555-556; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 760; P o k o r n y I 1152.

rripë f, pi. rripa ‘precipice, stone wall’. Borrowed from Lat ripa
‘bank, coast’ (M iklosich Rom. Elemente 55; MEYER Wb. 367). 0 M e y e r -
 RRIQËR ~ RRIQËN RRJESHT 387

LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 19; HAAR­

MANN 146; L a n d i Lat. 97.

rriq ër ~ rriq ën f, pl. rriqëra ~ rriqna ‘tick’. Borrowed from Lat

ricinus id. (M e y e r Wb. 374, Alb. St. Ill 74). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 2 I 1049; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 24; HAARMANN 146.

rris aor. rrita ‘to pull up, to move up, to increase, to grow ’. Goes back
to *writja etymologically connected with IE *uert- ‘to turn’: Skt variate,
Lat verta. Goth w air ¡jan ‘to become’ and the like. 0 G lL’FERDING Otn.
24 (to Skt fdhnóti ‘to grow ’); CAMARDA I 52 (same as G i l ’f e r d in g ) ;
M e y e r Wb. 367 (repeats C a m a r d a ’s etymology), Alb. St. Ill 29; B a riC
ARSt. I 88 (from *urdhö); S c h m id t KZ LVII 29 (to Lat orior); TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 239; M a n n Language XXVIII 31 (to Lith rytas); ClMO-
CHOwsKi LP II 251; M a y r h o f e r III 154-155; W a ld e - H o f m a n n 11
763-765; POKORNY I 1156-1157; HAMP Laryngeals 137 (same as
SCHMIDT, to IE *er- ~ *or- ‘to start moving, to stir’); ÇABEJ St. VII
217, 257; O r e l Linguistica XXIV 433-432 (follows S c h m id t and Hamp);
D e m ir a j AE 351-352 (reconstructs a prefix *n-).

r r isg ë f, pi. rrisga ‘stone splinter’. Somehow connected with rrasë.

rrisk ë f, pl. rriska ‘disc, circle’. A suffixal derivative of rreth.

rrizh goj aor. rrizhgova ‘to creep up (of plants)’. Goes back to *rrish-
goj borrowed from Lat resurgere ‘to rise (again)’.

rrjedh aor. rrodha ‘to flow’. From PAlb *redza etymologically related
to Lat rigare ‘to wet, to moisten’, ON raki ‘wetness’ (PISANI Saggi
130). 0 C a m a r d a 1 43 (to Gk péto ‘to flow’); M e y e r Wb. 374 (to Goth
rign ‘rain’ in which, however, -g- continues IE *-k-), IF V 195, Alb.
St. Ill 18, 73; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 335; C im o c h o w sk i LP II 231;
M a n n Language XXVIII 37 (compares rrjedh with Skt vrdjati ‘to stride,
to go’); W a l d e -H o f m a n n I I 435; P o k o r n y I 857; C a m a j Alb. Worth.
51 (to erdha, see vij); JUCQUOIS Le Muséon LXXVIII 448 (follows
M a n n ); Ç a b e j St. VII 201; H u l d 110 (agrees with M e y e r ); D e m ir a j
AE 352-353 (to a poorly attested IE *sr-edh-).

rrjesh t m , pi. rrjeshta ‘r o w ’. A n oth er variant is rresht. B o rro w ed from

Lat regestum ‘lis t’ (MEYER Wb. 3 7 4 , Alb. St. IV 19). 0 JOKL IF X X X V I
388 R R JE T Ë — RROJ

147 (from Lat restis ‘r o p e ’); BERNARD LB IX /2 86 (fro m Turk ri.¡te

‘th read ’); MIHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 24; Ç a b e j St. II 99-100 ( fo llo w s
Jo k l ); H a a r m a n n 145; L a n d i Lai. 53, 145-146.

rrjetë f. pi. ‘net’. Another variant is rret. Borrowed from Lat rete id.
( M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 55; M e y e r Wb. 364). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e
Gr. Grundriß 1 I 1044; M IH ÄESC U RESEE IV/1-2 24; ÇA BEJ St. VII
277; H a a r m a n n 146; L a n d i Lat. 54, 86.

rroboj aor. rrobova ‘to scatter’. Borrowed from one of the continu­
ants of Gmc *raitbojan ‘to rob, to plunder’: OS röbön, OHG roubön,
Goth biraubon. 0 FEIST Goth. 94.

rrobull m, pi. rrobuj ‘mountain pine’. Borrowed from Lat röbur ‘oak’
with a dissimilation of sonorants (MIHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1 - 2 2 4 ; ÇABEJ
St. II 1 0 0 ) . 0 H a a r m a n n 1 4 6 ; L a n d i L a r . 1 4 7 .

rrodhe f, pi. rrodhe ‘burdock’. Singularized form of *rod he borrowed

from Gk póóov ‘rose’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 6 7 (from Rom *cordella)', B a r i ¿
ARSt. I 9 2 (related to Lith rëzgis ‘basket’); JOKL LKUBA 2 1 9 - 2 2 6 (to
rruaj)', ÇABEJ St. II 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 (supports JOKL).

rrogë f, pl. rroga ‘alpine meadow’. Borrowed from Slav *rogh ‘horn’
also denoting ‘spur of a mountain’ as in Bulg rog, SCr rog. 0 ÇABEJ
St. V I I 2 5 1 , 2 7 9 (from rruaj).

rrogoz m, pi. rrogoza ‘reed m at’. Borrowed from Slav *rogoz,b ‘reed’,
cf. in South Slavic: SCr rogoz (MIKLOSICH Siav. Elemente 3 2 ; MEYER
Wb. 3 6 8 ) . 0 JOKL LKUBA 2 1 6 ; S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 1 7 3 , 3 2 3 ; S v a n e
115.

rroj aor. rrova, rrojta ‘to live, to stay’. Continues PAlb *rânja iden­
tical with Lith roju, roti ‘to cope, to be ready’ further connected with
rieti ‘to stack (wood)’ and derived from IE *rei~. 0 C A M A R D A I 9 2
(to Gk pwoum ‘to move strongly, to dance’); M e y e r Wb. 3 7 5 (to Lat
regere ‘to direct’); M A N N Language XVII 1 2 (from Rom *remanâre
‘to rem ain’); FRAENKEL 7 4 3 - 7 4 4 ; POK O RNY I 8 5 9 ; ÇABEJ St. VII 1 9 8 ,
266.
 R R O JB Ë — - RRO TË 389

rrojbë f ‘cartham us’. Another variant is rrolbë with a secondary

(Ç abej St. II 101). Borrowed from Rum roibâ ‘m adder’ < Lat rubia
id.O PuíjCARFU EWR 132; Ç abej St. II 101 (from Lat rubia); L andi
Lat. 66, 97.

rrok adj. ‘raw ’. Derivative originally meaning ‘something snatched o ff,

based on the verb rrok.

rrok aor. rroka ‘to seize, to snatch, to touch’. Borrowed from Gmc
*rukkjan ‘to move, to remove, to stir, to snatch, to pull, to push’: OE
roccian, OHG rucchan, ON rykkja. 0 CAMARDA I 39 (to Gk priyvupi
‘to tear“); B a ri£ ARSt 89 (to Gk eùpioicco ‘to break asunder, to
rend’); HOLTHAUSEN AEW 262.

rrokë f, pl. rrokë ‘spiral’. Borrowed from Rom *rucca ~ *rocca

‘distaff: Ital rocca, Sp rueca.

rrokoll adv. ‘bad, chaotic’. Derived from rrok ‘to seize’. 0 ÇA BEJ St.
VII 254.

rrokopujë adv. ‘bad, evil’. A compound of rrokë and -pujë, derived

from punë.

rrokotele pi. ‘rubbish’. An expressive fromation based on rrok ‘to seize’.

rrol m, pi. rrola ‘old and unused ox’. From *rrozgël, diminutive of rrozg.

rropak m, pl. rropakë ‘annex’. Borrowed from South Slavic *ropakio,

cf. Bulg ropa ‘pit, quarry’,

rropulli pi. ‘intestines, guts; fruit’. An emphatic préfixai formation based

on pLille.

rroshponjë f, pi. rroshponja ‘cave in a river-bank hollowed out by water’.

A univerbation of Lat rösu(m) pone ‘hollowed out behind (the river)’.0
JOKL LKUBA 244 n. 1 (derived in rro- < rrë- from shpoj).

rrotë f, pi. rrola ‘wheel’. Borrowed from Lat rota id. (MIKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 714; M e y e r Wb. 375, Alb. St. Ill 74). 0 M e y e r -L O b k e Gr.
390 RRO TU LL RRUM

G rundriß21 1045, 1050: TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 241; MIHÄESCU RESEE

IV/1-2 19; Ç a b e j St. VII 254; H a a r m a n n 146; L a n d i Lat. 97.

rrotull t, pi. rrotuila ‘disc, circle’. Another variant is rrokull. Borrowed

from Lat rotula ‘little wheel’. The verb rrotulloj ‘to turn’ is derived
from rrotull. 0 CAMARDA I 323 (to rreth); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 2 I 1045; Ç a b e j St. VII 254.

rrozg m. pi. rrozga ‘old and unused ox’. Borrowed from Slav *rozbka
‘horned animal, horn’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg rozka, rozko.

rrshim m ‘shower’. From *rrebeshim, derivative of rrebesh.

rrua ~ rrue m ‘stream ’. Back formation based on përrua.

rruaj ~ rruej aor. rruajta, rrova ‘to shave’. From P A lb *wragnja

related to Gk pTÍyvDtn ‘to break, to tear’. 0 C A M A R D A 151 (to Gk
épÎKO ‘to pull, to tear’); M e y e r Wb. 375 (from Lat rädere ‘to scrape’),
Alb. St. Ill 74; M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 21 1049; SCHUCH ARDT
KZ XX 251; W E IG A N D 76 (contamination of Lat rädere and ródere
‘to bite’); JOKL LKUBA 223-224 (related to rädere); F r is k II 652-653;
P o k o r n y I 1181; Ç A B E J * . II 102 (agrees with JOKL).

rrudhë f, pi. rrudha ‘w r in k le ’. C on tin u es P A lb *rudzä e ty m o lo g ic a l­

ly co n n ected w ith Lat rüga id. (CAMARDA I 7 4 ). 0 B a r i£ ARSt. 9 0 -
91 (to Skt vdrjati ‘to turn, to tea r’); WALDE-HOFMANN II 4 4 8 -4 4 9 ;
P o k o r n y I 870.

rrufe f, pi. rrufe ‘lightning’. Borrowed from Lat romphaea ‘long

sword’, adaptation of Gk po(i<pcaoc id., with a semantic development
similar to that of Ital saetta ‘arrow, dart’ and ‘thunderbolt’ (MEYER
Wb. 376). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 237; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 333;
O r e l Ètimologija 1980 62-63 (on Bulg rofeja, ru fa ).

rrugë f, pl. rrugë ‘str e e t’. B o r r o w e d fro m R om *rüga id. co n tin u in g

Lat ruga ‘w r in k le ’ (MEYER Wb. 3 7 6 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1 047, 1050; ÇABEJ St. VTI 198, 217; HULD 110; L a n d i Lat. 6 8 , 97.

rrum m ‘clapper; maize-cob stripped of corns’. Another variant is rrome.

 RRU M BU LL — RRYELL 391

F rom P A lb *wrubna id en tical w ith Gk p à ^ v o ç ‘thorny b u sh ’, further

co n n ecte d w ith Lith virbas ‘bran ch , sh o o t’. 0 POKORNY I 1153.

rrumbull adj. ‘rolled into a ball’. Borrowed from Rom *rombulus based
on Lat rhombus ‘magic whirligig or wheel’, cf. Ital dial, rummulu,
rumbulu (MEYER Wb. 3 7 0 ). 0 CAMARDA II 151 (to Gk poußoq ‘magic
wheel’); LANDI Lat. 61.

rrunë f, pi. rruna ‘lamb’. Borrowed from Slav *runo ‘fleece’, cf. South
Slavic continuants: Bulg runo, SCr runo. Note a parallel form runs
continuing Slav *runbCb. 0 MEYER Wb. 371 ( runs from *runt-es ).

rrush m, pi. rrush ‘grape’. From PAlb *râgusa related to Gk pát, id.
( C a m a r d a I 87). The feminine form *rägusä is reflected in the name
of Illyr Ragusa ~ Ragusium (Ç A B E J St. II 102-103). The form of the
latter 'Pocotiaa in Const. Porphyrogen. De adm. reflects the early Alban­
ian loss of the intervocalic voiced stop before the contraction of vowels
( K a l u 2 s k a j a Antic, balk. 5 19). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. 141 (to Pers raz
‘grape’), Wb. 371 (to Slav *grozdb id.); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 241;
M A N N Language XXVI 384 (to Lith rausiü ‘to dig’); FRISK II 642.

rrushkull m. pi. rrushkuj ‘kind of thorny plant’. Borrowed from Rom

*rüsculus, derivative of Lat rüscus ‘butcher’s-broom’ (MEYER Wb. 371).
0 C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 118 (derivative in -nil); MlHÄESCU RESEE
TV/1-2 24; HAARMANN 147; L a n d i Lat. 141.

(G) rruvâ m , pi. rruvanj ‘vine without grapes’. Another variant is rrufâ.
Somehow related to rrush. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 103 (to rrëfanë).

rruvi f, pi. rruvi ‘line’. Metathesis of vèrri ‘little furrow’ (K r isto fo r id h i

22), derivative of vë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 376 (from Rom *rubescula based
on Lat ruber ‘red ’); KRISTOFORIDHI 364 (to vijë); ÇABEJ St. II 103
(vèrri - to varrë), IV 86.

rruzull m ‘sp h ere, g lo b e ( o f ea r th )’. D er iv ed from rruzë (Ç abej St. II

1 0 3 -1 0 4 ).

rryell m. pi. rryej ‘eu p h orb ia’. B orrow ed - w ith a d issim ila tio n o f son o-
rants - from B alkan R om *äliölum > R um aliol, alior id. (PEDERSEN
392 RRYESH ËM S A B JE

KZ XXXIII 539). 0 M e y e r Wb. 366 (from Rom *aliellum); PU §C A R IU

EWR 6-7; C A M A J Alb. Wortb. 118; Ç A B E J St. II 104 (against both M e y e r
and P E D E R S E N ).

rryeshëm adv. ‘slow’. Derived from ryej.

rrylë ~ rrillë f, pl. rryla ~ rrila ‘lentil’. Borrowed from Lat ervilla id.,
derivative of ervum ( M e y e r Wb. 376). 0 M lH Ä E SC U RESEE IV/1-2
22; H a a r m a n n 123.

rrym ë f, pl. rryma ‘flow (of w ater)’. From P A l b *srümâ related to Gk

peûpa ‘stream ’, ON straumr id., Lith siraumuö ‘fast stream ’ and
other derivatives in *-men- of IE *sreu- ‘to flow’ (M A N N Language
XXVI 385). 0 F r i s k II 650-651; F r a e n k e l 887; P o k o r n y I 1003;
Ç a b e j St. VII 202, 111.

rryp ~ rrip m , pl. rrypa ~ rripa ‘belt’. From PAlb *wripa with the further
development similar to that of krymb ~ krimb. Related to Gk pant®
‘to sew together, to stitch’, Lith vefpti ‘to spin’ and the like (M A N N
Language XXVIII 3 7 ) . 0 H a h n 1 1 0 (to rjep); C A M A R D A II 6 2 (follows
H a h n ); M e y e r Wb. 3 6 7 (the same); FRAENKEL 1 2 6 1 ; FRISK II 6 4 3 ;
P o k o r n y 1 1 1 5 6 ; Ç a b e j St. II 1 0 4 (the same).

s
s’ adv ‘not’. Identical with ç ç ë (PED ER SEN KZ XXXVI 321, 341). 0
BOPP497 (identical with -s in mos); C A M A R D A 1312; M e y e r Wb. 376
(from Lat dis-); JOKL AArbSt I 37-38; TAG LIA VIN I 242; PISA N I Saggi
110, 154; Ç a b e j S í . II 104-105 (follows P e d e r s e n ).

sa pron., adv. ‘how’. From PAlb *tsja etymologically connected with

se. 0 M e y e r Wb. 376 (from NGk oáv ‘when, whenever’ < coç av);
H a m p Numerals 836 (from ^k^p).

sabje f, pl. sabje ‘sword’. Other variants are sablë, sabjë. Borrowed
from the South Slavic word for ‘sword’: Bulg sab’a, SCr sablja (M I K ­
L O SIC H Slav. Elemente 32), itself of questioned Hungarian origin
(szablya id. derived from szabni ‘to cut’). See M E Y E R Wb. 376.
 S A JË — SA N A 393

sajë f, pl. saja ‘sledge’. In dialects, an older form sanjë is preserved.

Borrowed from Slav *sarti id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg sani, SCr
sani (M IK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 3 2 ). 0 SVANE 35.

sajoj aor. sajova ‘to devise, to think of’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 7 7 (from Turk
sajiklt ‘clever, far-sighted’).

sak m ‘net’. Borrowed from South Slavic: Bulg sak id., SCr sak ‘package
of hay’, themselves from Rum sac ‘sack, fishing net’ (MEYER Wb. 377).
0 PU§CARIU EWR 134.

sak adv. ‘r ea lly , for s u r e ’. An a lle g r o form o f saktë ‘ex a ct, p r e c is e ’

o f R om an ce o rig in . 0 MEYER Wb. 3 77 (from Turk sahih ‘true, e x a c t’).

sakavicë f, pi. sakavica ‘long hook for pulling down branches’. Bor­
rowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg sakavica ‘axe’ < Slav *sekavica.

sakë f, pi. saka ‘axe’. Back formation based on sakavicë. As to sakicë

‘small axe’, it was formed in Albanian from sakë.

salikoj aor. salikova ‘to carry out the ceremony of burial’. 0 ÇABEJ
St. II 1 0 5 -1 0 6 (derived from psaloj ‘to sing psalms’, a Modern Greek
loanword).

samem refi, ‘to have bad taste, to get spoiled’. Derived from same.

same i ‘dog’s excrem ents’. Continues PAlb *tswa(n)-ma, a derivative

in *-mo- of the Indo-European word for ‘dog’, otherwise unattested
in Albanian, cf. Skt sva, Gk k Ó c o v , Oír cú, Lith suö and the like (OREL
Fort. 7 9 ). For the semantics cf. Slav *govbno ‘excrem ents’, original­
ly - ‘cow’s exrem ents’ derived from IE *gvou- ‘cow’. 0 FRAENKEL
1 0 3 3 -1 0 3 4 ; FRISK I 5 8 -5 9 ; MAYRHOFER III 4 0 2 -4 0 3 ; L e w is - P e d e r -
SEN 7; V e n d r y e s [C] 257; POKORNY I 6 3 2 -6 3 3 .

samtë adj. ‘insipid, unflavored, tasteless’. Based on *samë borrowed

from Slav *sanib ‘self’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg sam, SCr sam. The
intermediate meaning must have been ‘having a taste of itself or similar.

sana pi. ‘e lfs, sp irits o f m ou n tain s’. B o rro w ed from Slav *sanb ‘snake,
d ra g o n ’: C S sa n ’ and the lik e (MEYER Wb. 3 7 8 ).
394 SA N E SERRE

sanë f ‘hay’. Borrowed from Slav *seno id., cf. South Slavic contin­
uants: Bulg s 'ano, SCr sijeno (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 32; M e y e r
Wb. 378). The development of Slav *-e- > -a- is repeated in NGk aavóv
id. 0 JOKL LKUBA 108, Slavia XIII 639; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 160,
295; T a g l ia v in i 243; S v a n e 40.

sarkë f ‘build, frame, figure (of human body)’. Continues PAlb *tserka
derived from IE *k“er- ‘to make, to build’: Skt karoti, Lith kurti and
the like. 0 POKORNY I 6 4 1 -6 4 2 .

se pron. ‘what’, conj. ‘that, than’. From P A lb *tsja continuing pronom­

inal IE *kia ( M e y e r Wb. 383; L a P ia n a Studi I 127). 0 P e d e r s e n
KZ XXXVI 316 (to *A'l'e-); JOKL Sprache IX 123; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
243 (from *sâ); M a n n Language XXVI 385.Hist. Gr. 122 (from *k“em)\
C im o c h o w s k i LP II 225; H u l d 110-111 (agrees with M a n n ); Ç a b e j
St. II 119; H u ld 110; D e m ir a j AE 353-354.

sem b ër pl. ‘two peasants using the same pair of oxen or having
common cattle’. Another variant is sëmbër. Borrowed from Slav *sçbi~h
‘neighbor, comrade, peasant’, cf. in South Slavic: SCr sebar (JOKL
Slavia XIII 2 8 6 , 3 0 2 , Zb Miletic 12 1 -1 2 2 ). 0 ÇABEJ St. II 1 0 6 -1 0 7 ;
S v a n e 192.

sen d m, pi. sende ‘th in g ’. From P A lb *tsjam tarn < IE *kiom tom, a
seq u en ce o f tw o p ron ou n s in neuter o f w h ich the first is rela ted to se
(OREL Fort. 79-80). 0 CAMARDA I 335 (to Skt sant- ‘e x istin g , b e in g ’);
MEYER Wb. 381 (from Turkish); ASCOLI Frammenti linguistici 15 (follow s
C a m a r d a ) ; B a r iC ARSt. I 92 (the sam e); S p it z e r MRIW I 322 (to
Lat genus ‘k in ’); M a n n Language XVII 20-21 (fro m IE *est}tis)\
ÇABEJ St. II 107-108 (from sen w ith a p h o n etica lly d ev elo p p ed -d\ sen
is then ex p la in ed as a cc u sa tiv e o f se).

se re f ‘tar’. Borrowed from Slav *sera ‘sulphur’, cf. Bulg s ’ara, SCr
sera, sjera (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 32; MEYER Wb. 381). 0 SELISCEV
Slav, naselenie 173.

serre f, pi. serra ‘high steep rock’. Borrowed from Ital serra ‘chain
of mountains’.
 SETE - - S IK U N D E R 395

setë f, pi. seta ‘sieve’. Back formation of site taken for a plural in
-/-. 0 C a m a r d a 1 4 6 (to Gk oriGco ‘to sift, to bolt’).

sëmboj aor. sëmbova ‘to ache, to be painful’. Connected with dhëmb

(LAMBERTZ LP VII 88), this verb continues a préfixai form *c-
dhëmboj. 0 Ç a b e j St. II 108 (phonetic variant of cëmoj).

sëmurë - sëmunë adj. ‘ill, sick’. An analogical formation based on sëmundë

‘illness’ < * ‘inability ’, a univerbation of së mund, cf. s ’ and mund
(H a h n 77, 116). 0 C a m a r d a I 101,312 (same as H a h n ); M e y e r Wb.
291 (follows H a h n and CAMARDA); TAGLIAVINI 245; ÇABEJ St. II 108
(semantic parallels in other Balkan languages: NGk àvr||i7topia,
Arum niputeare).

sëpatë f, pl. sëpata ‘axe’. Borrowed from the Bulgarian definite form
in -i>f -sap-bt ‘axe-handle’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 8 2 (indirectly, from Rom
*sappata)\ VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 55.

sfejkë f, pl. sfejka ‘beet’. Derived from Lat felicem, filicem ‘fern,
weed’.

sfurk m, pi. sfurq, sfurqe ‘rake; scorpion’. A préfixai form based on

*furkë borrowed from Lat furca ‘rake, fork’ (JOKL LKUBA 116).

sfytyrij aor. sfytyriva to snort’. A préfixai derivative based on fytyrë.

si adv. ‘how, as’. From PAlb *tsei continuing pronominal IE *k“ei (PED­
ERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 1 7 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 383 (related to IE demonstra­
tive *ki-), Alb. St. Ill 12; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 128; TAGLIAVINI Strat­
ificazione 2 4 3 -2 4 4 ; H a m p IF LXVI 53 (equal to Lat quei > qui ‘how’);
MANN Language XXVI 385 (from *kvi), Hist. Gr. 201 (reconstructs
*k"ija identical with Lat quia ‘why’); POKORNY I 6 4 6 -6 4 7 ; ÇABEJ St.
VII 240; HULD 111.

sikundër conj. ‘as’. Another variant is sindëkur. Compound o f si, ndë

and kur. 0 CAMARDA I 322 (to Lat secundum or Ital secondo)', M e y e r
Wb. 384 (Ital secondo ‘according to ’ influenced by kundër); Ç a b e j
St. VII 272.
396 SILLË — Sri’Ë

sillë f, pl. siile ‘breakfast’. Derivative of sjell (ÇABE; St. II 109-110)

used to denote delay, cf. sillet ‘to be late’. Thus, ‘breakfast’ is treated
as a meal delaying the beginning of day’s work. 0 PEDERSEN Philo-
logica II 114 (from *k"ilâ): B a r iC ARSt. I 59 (related to Gk ecoç ‘dawn’
and the like); ClMOCHOWSKl ABS III 41 (from IE *k!’(e)lä ‘das Her-
bringen’); MANN Language XXVIII 35 (to OE hvil ‘time, while’ and
its cognates).

sillë f, pi. silla ‘power, force’. Borrowed from Slav *sila id., cf. South
Slavic continuants: Bulg sila, SCr sila (MEYER Wb. 384). 0 S e l i Sc e v
Slav, naselenie 178, 303; SVANE 224.

(G) sim ahuer m ‘accomplice’. Borrowed and morphologically adapted

from MGk oùppaxoç ‘comrade-in-arms’ (JOKL IF XLIV 61-62). 0 ÇABEJ
St. II 110.

sim otër f, pi. simotra ‘blood sister, colleague, fellow, partner’. Com­
pound of si and motër. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 273 (neologism).

sip ër adv. ‘above’, prep. ‘over’. Recombination of persipër ‘up there,

above’ < për s ’epër where s ’epër < së epër is the ablative of (i) epër
(Ç a b e j St. II 110-111). 0 Bopp 4 99 (combination of si and për); GlL’FER-
DING Otn. 2 6 (from Lat super); CAMARDA I 3 1 8 -3 1 9 (to Lat super and
its cognates); MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 65 (from Lat super); MEYER
Wb. 38 5 (from pronominal si- and -për, found in tepër); PEDERSEN
Festskrift Thomsen 2 5 0 , KZ XXXVI 311 (-për compared with prej);
THUMB IF XIV 358 n. 1 (borrowed from Lat super).

sis ë f, pi. sisa ‘breast, bosom, tit’. Borrowed from Slav *sisa id., cf.
in South Slavic: Bulg sisa, SCr sisa (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 3 3 ).
0 CAMARDA I 7 8 , 88 (compared with cicë, thithë id.); S e l i Sc e v Slav,
naselenie 195; Ç a b e j St. VII 258; S v a n e 182.

site f, pi. sita ‘sieve’. Borrowed from Slav *sito id., cf. in South Slavic:
Bulg sito, SCr sito (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 33; M e y e r Wb. 3 8 5 -
3 8 6 ). As to the verb sit ‘to sift’, it is borrowed from Slav *sëjati id.
0 Jo k l LKUBA 299; S e l i SCev Slav, naselenie 154; SCHUCHARDT KZ
X X 244; Ç a b e j St. VII 184; S v a n e 72.
 S IT K A — SK A J ~ SK Â J 397

sitka pl. ‘bran’. Borrowed from Slav *sitbka id., deminutive of *sito,
cf. site.

sitkë f ‘cane, rush’. Borrowed from Slav *siti,ka id., deminutive of

*sita id., cf. SCr sita. 0 SV A N E 1 1 3 .

sivjet adv. 'this year’. From PAlb *tsjei wetei, dat.-loc. sg. continuing
IE *kiei uetei (BOPP 460; M e y e r Wb. 383, Alb. St. Ill 12). See sonte.
0 CAMARDA I 188; M e y e r Gr. Gr. 298; M a n n Language XXVIII 33;
C h a n t r a in e 1116; H u l d 112-113.

sivonë f ‘delicate face’. Used by De R a d a . Unclear. 0 Ç a b e j St. II

111 (from sine, accusative of sy, with an epenthetic -vo-, from an exclam­
atory o).

sjell aor. solla ‘to bring’. Continues PAlb *tsela or *tselna related to
IE *k"el-: Skt carati ‘to move, to walk’, Gk irétao ‘to come into exis­
tence, to become’, Lat colò ‘to cultivate, to till’ (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI
277). 0 M e y e r Wb. 386 (reconstructs IE *kel-)\ P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr.
1 127; BARltí ARSt. I 66; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 244 (follows PEDER­
SEN); JOKL LKUBA 229, Die Sprache IX 123; MANN Language XXVI
382, Language XXVIII 35; MAYRHOFER I 376; FRISK II 500-501;
CHANTRAINE 878; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 245-246; P o k o r n y I 639-
640; Ç a b e j Die Sprache XVIII 145, St. II 109-100; ÖLBERG IBK XIV
115; HULD 111 (semantic parallel to sjell in E wind)', DEMIRAJ AE 354.

skallua ~ skallue m, pl. skallonj ‘eye (of a plant), shoot of rice’.

Derived from kalli.

skamur ~ skamun adj. ‘poor, needy’. A univerbation of s' kam.

skaj - skâj m, pl. skanje ~ skâje ‘edge, border’. A préfixai derivative

of an unattested *kanj < P A l b *kanja related to Slav *konib ‘edge’,
Latv atkan ‘again’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 1 7 4 (to kënd); JOKL LKUBA 1 1 6 (from
Slav *kon-b ‘edge’); SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 1 9 7 , 3 2 6 (agrees with
JO KL); V a s m e r III 5 1 ; Ç a b e j St. IT 1 1 1 (together with skanjo ‘chair’
borrowed from Ital scagno id.); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X 1 9 5 - 1 9 6 ; POKORNY
I 564.
 3 98 SKËRDKHKM — S O D IT SOKËLLAS — S O T IN Ë 399

skërdehem refi, ‘to get drunk’. A préfixai derivative of deh. sokëllas aor. sokëllita ‘to shout, to c ry ’. A préfixai derivative of
këllas. 0 M eyer Wb. 389 (to SCr sokoliti).
skërfyell m, pl. skërfyej ‘larynx’. A préfixai derivative of fyell.
sokol m, pi. sokola ‘falcon’. Borrowed from Slav *sokol-b id., cf.
skëterrë f ‘hell, darkness’. A préfixai derivative of terr (Ç A B E J St. II South Slavic continuants: Bulg sokol, SCr soko (STIER KZ XI 137;
111). M i k lo s ic h Slav. Elemente 33; MEYER Wb. 3 8 9 ). 0 S e liS c e v Slav, nase­
lenie 198, 304; T a g l i a v i n i 245; S v a n e 148.
sklepë f ‘matter from the eyes, rheum ’. Other variants are skërlepë
and skërloq. A préfixai derivative of glepë. sonte adv. ‘this night’. From PAlb *tsjü(i) naktäi, dat.-loc. sg. continuing
IE *kiäi nokl'ti-, cf. Lith siänakt id. and the like (BOPP 460). 0
skllupe f, pi. skllupe ‘strong bough’. Borrowed from Slav *skorlupa C a m a r d a I 224; M e y e r Wb. 298, Alb. St. ITT 12, Gr. Gr. 298; P e ­
‘skin, bark’ unattested in South Slavic except for Slovene skralupa. d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 311 (reconstructs so- < *tiä)\ JOKL Die Sprache
IX 141; TAGLIAVINI 246; M a n n Language X X V I379, XX V III33; O r e l
skopit aor.skopita ‘to c a str a te’. B o r ro w e d fro m S lav *skopiti id., cf. FLH V III/1-2 38; H u l d 112; DEM IRAJ AE 283.
in South Slavic: Bulg skop’a, SCr skopiti (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente
33; M e y e r Wb. 3 8 7 ). 0 S v a n e 2 6 2 . sorrë f, pi. sorra ‘c r o w ’. C o n tin u es PAlb *tsârsnâ co r re sp o n d in g ,
with a different ablaut grade, to Skt ki'snd- ‘black, dark’, OPrus kirsnan
skorratinë f ‘snow storm ’. Another variant is sllotinë. The form sko- ‘black’, Slav *cbim >id. (M a n n Language XXVIII 35). The anlaut affricate
rratinë was influenced by skorrë. Originally, derived from skllotë. o f P roto-A lb an ian is p reser v ed in R um cioarä ‘c r o w ’. 0 STIER KZ XI
2 2 0 (on the co n n ectio n w ith Rum cioarä); CAMARDA II 4 4 ( o f S la v ic
skorrë adj. ‘exhausted’. Borrowed from Slav *skoi~b ‘quick’, cf. in South origin); MEYER Wb. 3 9 0 (to S lav *sorka ‘m a g p ie’), Alb. St. Ill 39 (from
Slavic: OCS skor-h, Bulg adv. skoro, SCr adv. skoro. IE *kuorna); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 337; J o k l LKUBA 93; B a r iC ARSt.
I 74; T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 140; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 143; L a
skundill m, pi. skundij ‘seam, edge’. Continues an earlier *skëndill, a P ia n a Studi I 2 2 (to Lat cornix ‘c r o w ’); PISANI Saggi 130; MAYRHOFER
suffixal derivative of skanj. 0 M e y e r Wb. 174 (from Rom *cantile ); I 264; POKORNY I 583; P o g h i r c 1st. limb. rom. II 339; R o s e t t i ILR
K r is t o f o r id h i 500 (from South Slav skat ‘seam, fold’, cf. skutë); Ç a b e j I 275; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa IV 1 5 5 -1 5 7 ; TOPOROV PJa IV 3-7; ÖLBERG
St. II 1 1 1 -1 1 2 (follows K r i s t o f o r i d h i ) . IBK XIV 110; H am p GjA VI 43; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 3 4 , 254; H u l d 145;
O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 149; K o r t l a n d t KZ XCIV 249; DEMIRAJ AE 3 55.
skuq aor. skuqa ‘to make red ’. Derived from kuq.
D A 1U *
: ».¡ii'W,. * used im a meaning *k¡á diti- (B o p p 513; M e y e
Wb. 383), cf. sonte. From here, sotmë close to Bulg slog ‘boundary, limit, land m easure’. 0 S v a n e 37. ‘modern’ is derived, with its s
:ondary phonetic variant sormë. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 298; JO KL IF XL1X
296; T a g l i a v i n i 246; M a n n Language smilat aor. smilata ‘to flatter’. Borrowed from South Slavic *si,mil ’ati XXVI 379; HULD KZ XCVIII
03 (sormë based on *sor < *kiêi + HeiHri, ‘to cajole’, cf. Bulg sm il’avam. to Av ayara ‘day’); D e m i r a
AE 283.
sodit aor. sodita ‘to observe’. Borrowed from Slav *sçditi ‘to judge’, sotinë f ‘empty honeycomb’. I
dsed on *sot borrowed from Slavic *shtb cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg s-hd’a, SCr suditi. An early loan­ ‘honeycomb’, cf. in South 5
avic: Bulg s'bt, SCr sat. Note -o- ren- word with *-q~ rendered as -o- (SVANE 227, 241). 0 Ç a b e j St. VII dering Slavic - i , - (D E SN IC K /
fA Slav. zaim. 12). 0 S v a n e 159. 184.
400 S O V A JK Ë — S Q IM Ë

sovajkë f, pl. sovajka ‘shuttle’. Borrowed from South Slavic *sovadl-hka

id. attested in Bulg sovalka (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim. 12).

spërndrit aor. spërndrita ‘to make shine’. A préfixai derivative of

ndrit.

spicë f, pi. spica ‘thorn, splinter’. Borrowed from Slav *stbpica ‘peg,
splinter’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg spica, SCr spica (DESNICKAJA Slav,
zaim. 12). 0 SVANE 35.

spikth m, pi. spiktha ‘woodpecker’. Identical with pikth.

spith m ‘dropsy’. Derived from pi.

spreth m, pi. sprethe ‘cornice, eaves’. Derivative based on PAlb *praka

continuing IE *pro-ko-: Lat proceres ‘protruding beams’, Bret a-raok
‘forw ard’. 0 POKORNY I 815.

sqap m. pi. sqep ‘he-goat’. See cjap.

sqaq aor. sqaqa ‘to make weak’. Based on *qaq continuing PAlb *kekja
related to Lith këkos ‘swing’, Latv ifekuôt ‘to swing’. 0 FR A E N K E L 235.

sqep m, pi. sqepa ‘beak’. Derived from qep.

sqeptore f, pi. sqeptore ‘woodcock, snipe’. Derived from sqep as Ital

beccaccia from becco (ÇABEJ St. II 112-113).

sqetull f. pi. sqetulla ‘arm pit’. A relatively late borrowing (with Lat
s- rendered as s-) from Rom *scetula, cf. Lat scutula ‘shoulder-
blade’ ( S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 252). ô C a m a r d a I 63 (from Lat spatula
‘shoulder-blade’); M E Y E R Wb. 403 (repeats C A M A R D A ’ s etymology);
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 244; H a m p AJPhil LXXV 186-189 (derives the
dialectal variant sjetull from IE ^k W -lo s), Z ß a lk X X X II/1 28-33 (to
Lat poples ‘back of the knee’), StF XXVI/1 81-83; H u l d 111-112 (follows
H a m p ); M e s s i n g Si. Whatmough 173-178.

sqimë f, pi. sqima ‘adornment, decoration’. Borrowed from MGk

axrjua ‘form, shape, figure’ (CAMARDA I 69; MEYER Wb. 388). 0 ÇABEJ
St. II 113.
 S Q IT Ë S — S T K JË 401

sqitës m ‘c o m b ’. N o m en a gen tis in -ës o f sqis, a d ialectal G reek form

o f shqis (M e y e r Wb. 2 2 8 ). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. V 101 (to qij); Ç a b e j
St. II 113 ( fo llo w s M e y e r Wb.).

sqoj aor. sqova ‘to wake up’. A préfixai derivative of qoj.

sqotë f, pl. sqota ‘sleet’. Other variants are shqotë and shkllotë. The
most archaic form is shqotë where the original Slavic *sl- is substi­
tuted by *skl-. The source is Slav *slota id. (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch.
I 56-57). 0 Ç a b e j Sí. II 113-114.

squfur m ‘sulphur’. Another, and more conservative, form is shqufur.

Borrowed from Rom *slufurem instead of Lat sulphurem as in Arum
sclifur id. (MEYER Wb. 4 1 1 , Alb. St. IV 5 4 ). Because of *sl- > shq-,
Slavic mediation cannot be excluded, cf. sqotë. In this case, the Aru-
manian form is also a Slavic or an Albanian loanword. 0 VASMER
Alb. Wortforsch. I 56; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 2 5 3 ; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
Grundriß 2 I 1046; HAARMANN 152; ÇABEJ St. II 114.

sqyt m, pl. sqyta ‘shield’. Under the influence of qytë, transformed from
*shqytë. The latter was borrowed from Lat scütum id. 0 MEYER Wb.
3 88 (from Slav *scit-b id.); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 57.

stan m, pi. stane ‘stall, herd’. Borrowed from Slav *stan-b ‘site, stall’,
cf. in South Slavic: Bulg stan, SCr stan (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente
33; M e y e r Wb. 3 9 1 -3 9 2 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 160 (to IE *sta-); S e l i Sc e v
Slav, naselenie 165; SVANE 62.

stap m, pi. stape, stapinj ‘stick, staff’. Borrowed from Slav *stapi, id.,
cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg stap, SC r stap (M e y e r Wb. 392).
0 Ç a b e j St. VII 279; S v a n e 80.

stavë f, pi. stava ‘heap o f w o o d , h a y sta ck ’ . B o r ro w e d from S lav *stava

id. attested in B u lg stava (M e y e r Wb. 392). 0 S v a n e 42, 61.

stegë f, pi. stega ‘bandolier’. Borrowed from Slav *si>tqga ‘loop, belt’,
cf. in South Slavic: Bulg s t’aga, dial, stega.

stejë f, pl. steja ‘b ed d in g , sad dle c o v e r ’. A nother variant is stele. B o r ­

402 S T F .N Ë — S T Ë R V IN Ë

rowed from Slav *stel’a ‘bedding, cover’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg
stel’a, SCr stelja (M e y e r Wb. 392).

stenë f, pi. stena ‘w ood en w a ll’. B o r ro w e d from S lav *stëna ‘w a ll’,

cf. South S lavic continuants: B ulg stena, SCr stijena, stena. A s to stenicë
‘b u g ’, it is d eriv ed from stenë (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 34; M e y e r
Wb. 392). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 151; S v a n e 53.

step m ‘rock, peak’. Borrowed from Slav *stbpb ‘plateau, steppe’, attest­
ed in the Balkans in SCr dial, step ‘hilly countryside’ (O r e l Etimo­
logía 1983 139-140, Ètimologija 1984 182). 0 M e y e r Wb. 427 (from
Turk tepe ‘hill’); JOKL Balkangerm. 125 (to thep); Ç a b e j St. II 114
(agrees with JOKL).

stepem refi, ‘to be slow, to stop’. A préfixai derivative based on PAlb

*tapa related to ON ftefja ‘to stamp, to ram ’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 392 (to
SCr stepsti ‘to knock together’).

sterrë ‘dark, black’. Expressive préfixai derivative of terr. 0

adj.
M e y e r Wb. 392 (from *cerrë < SCr cm ‘black’); JOKL LKUBA 113
(follows M e y e r ) ; Ç a b e j St. II 114 (identical with sterë ‘cistern’ in
view of the expressions similar to dark as in the well).

stërditem refi, ‘to meet accidentally’. A préfixai derivative of di. The

prefix stër- is fairly productive and appears in numerous other forms,
cf. stërdhëmb ‘fang’, stërflok ‘to tousle (hair)’, stërgjysh ‘forefather,
great-grandfather’ and the like.

stërkas aor. stërkita ‘to sprinkle'. Borrowed from Slav *stn,kati ~ *stru:ati
id., cf. in South Slavic: SCr strcati. 0 MEYER Wb. 393 (to Bulg
stvbcka ‘sprinkling device’).

stërqokë f stërqoka ‘ja c k d a w ’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f qok ‘kind o f

o w l’ (W e ig a n d 79). 0 M e y e r Wb. 393 (to Slav *stb> th ‘stork’); S eli Scev
Slav, naselenie 198; JOKL Slavia XIII 613-614 (to stcrklas ‘to sp rin ­
k le ’ and qokth); ÇABEJ St. II 115 (a g re es w ith JOKL).

stërvinë f, pl. stërvinë ‘corpse’. Borrowed from Slav *stbrvina id. attest­
ed in South Slavic: SCr strvina (MEYER Wb. 393). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav,
naselenie 189, 325; S v a n e 133.
 STËRV IS - S'I'RI KK 403

stërvis aor. stërvita ‘to train ’. B o rro w ed from Slav *stbrviti ‘to bait,
to lu re, to train ’, cf. in South S la v ic: B u lg strb v ’a ( S e l i S c e v Slav,
naselenie 196; JOKL Slavia X III 6 0 9 ). 0 Ç a b e j St. V II 2 0 1 , 2 1 3 .

stog m, pl. stogje ‘h a y sta c k ’. B o r ro w e d from Slav *stogT, id ., cf. South

S la v ic reflex es: B u lg stag, SC r stog (D e s n ic k a j a Slav, zaini. 12). 0
SVANE 42.

stol m, pi. stola ‘stool’, Borrowed from Slav *stoli, ‘table, chair’, cf.
South Slavic reflexes: Bulg stol, SCr sto (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente
3 4 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 150, 303; SVANE 6 6 .

stopan m, pl. stopanë ‘shepherd, chief shepherd, shepher’s assistant’.

Borrowed from an old Iranism in South Slavic, cf. Bulg stopan, SCr
dial, stopanin (MEYER Wb. 3 9 3 ). 0 TRUBACEV Etimologija 1965 37
(reconstructs Iran *asta-pan- ‘house keeper’).

strazë f ‘garrison’. A relatively early borrowing from Slav *storza

‘guard’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg straza, SCr straza (MIKLOSICHSlav.
Elemente 34; M e y e r Wb. 3 9 4 ). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 143, 180.

strehë f, pl. strehë ‘eaves (of the roof)’. Borrowed from Slav *strëxa,
cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg s tr ’axa, SCr streha (MIKLOSICH
Slav. Elemente 34; MEYER Wb. 3 9 4 ). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 148,
305; SVANE 54.

stxemë f, pi. streme' ‘square measure used to measure plots of land’.

Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg str'ama.

strokë f ‘scab, rash’. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg stroka,
SCr stroka ‘illness of sheep’.

strug m, pl. strugje ‘plane (instrument)’. Another variant is strugë. Bor­

rowed from Slav *strug-b id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg strug,
SCr strug (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 34; MEYER Wb. 3 9 5 ). The verb
strugat ‘to plane’ is borrowed from Slav *strugati id. The parallel form
strugoj id. is derived from strug. 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 172.

strukë f, pl. struka ‘ambush’. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg
s tn k a , struka ‘passage, path’.
 SU P — SY 405
404 STR U K U LL — SU N D O J

judge’); S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 180, 291; ÇABEJ St. VII 184; SVANE
strukuU m, pi. strukuj ‘hen-coop’. Derived from strukë.
227.
strum m ‘pool’. Borrowed from Slav *strumy ‘brook’ unattested in
sup m, pi. supe ‘shoulder’. Continues PAlb *tsupa related to Skt s'upti-
South Slavic except for Slovene strumen. 0 SVANE 171.
id., Av supti- id., MLG schuft ‘front shoulder-blade (of animals)’ (M e y e r
Wb. 396, Alb. St. Ill 12, 31 ). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 337; JOKL Mélanges
strup m ‘scab’. Borrowed from Slav *strupi, id., cf. South Slavic reflex­
Pedersen 146; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 96; PISANI Saggi 132;
es: Bulg strup, SCr strup (SvANE 184).
M a y r h o f e r III 357; P o k o r n y I 627; Ö l b e r g IBK XIV 113; H u l d
145; DEMIRAJ AE 355-356.
sufërinë f ‘storm, breeze’. Another related form is fu farine ‘tempest,
rain-storm ’. Derived from sufroj ‘to whisper into somebody’s ear’ surmë adj. ‘dark g r e y ’. C o n tin u es P A lb *tsurma < IE id en ti­
borrowed from Ital soffiare ‘to blow’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 395 (to Ita! zufo­ cal with Lith sirmas ‘g r e y ’ (JOKL Melanges Pedersen 153-155). C f.
lare ‘to whistle’); ÇABEJ St. II 115 (onomatopoeia). thjermë. 0 CiMOCHOWSKI LP II 221 (su p p o rts JOKL); SOLTA Die
Sprache II 123 n. 2; FRAENKEL 988-989; ÇABEJ St. II 117 (from SCr
sukë f, pi. suka ‘low hill’. Continues *tsuka related to Skt s'üka- ‘awn sur ‘g r e y ’); HULD 145; ÖLBERG IBK XIV 113; DEMIRAJ AE 356.
of grain; spike of insect’, Av sükâ- ‘needle’. 0 POKORNY I 626;
M a y r h o f e r III 363-364. sutë f, pi. suta ‘female deer, doe’. Identical with shutë ‘female deer;
hornless’, shytë ‘hornless’. Continues PAlb *tsutâ < *tsuktâ borrowed
sukuil m sukuj ‘rag, cloth, lump, snow-flake’. Derived from sukë. The to Rum ciut ‘hornless’, ciutä ‘female deer’ (ÇABEJ St. II 1 1 7 -1 1 8 ) and
original meaning of the word must have been ‘lump’. 0 JOKL UngJb Slav *sut-b ‘hornless’. The Albanian word is further related to IE *kuk-
VII 82 (to cukla ‘combings, flocks’); ÇABEJ St. II 1 1 5 -1 1 6 (borrowed in Lith sukos ‘comb’, sùkè ‘crock’, suketas ‘dented, chipped’, Latv
from Slav *suki,no ‘broadcloth’). suka ‘brush’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 2 0 ; FRAENKEL 1031; POKORNY I 629;
VASMER IV 4 9 2 ; HULD KZ XCVIII 104 (from *öku + petëH ‘swift
sulem refi, ‘to rush to, to throw oneself upon, to attack’. From PAlb flying’, cf. Gk (OKtuiexriq).
*tsula, a zero-grade of sjell (L a PIANA St. Varia 2 6 ). 0 M e y e r Wb.
39 5 (to Slav *ST>lati ‘to send’), Alb. St. Ill 12, 77; LlDÉN Arm. Studien sy m /n , pi. sy ‘eye’. From PAlb *atsiwi, a form of dual similar related
7 7 -7 8 (to Arm slanam ‘to ru n ’); JOKL LKUBA 5 9 (follows LlDÉN); to Skt aksí, Av asi, Lith aki, Slav *oci ( G i l ’FERDING Otn. 24; PED­
BARIÍ ARSt. I 9 4 (to Skt cydvate ‘to move, to go away’), AArbSt II ERSEN KZ XXXVI 2 9 1 , 3 1 8 -3 2 0 ) but influenced by *duwo ‘tw o’. The
81 (to thëllëzë); V a s MER Alb. Wortforsch. 5 8 -5 9 ; ÇABEJ 5/. II 116- dialectal auslaut -y < -i seems to be secondary. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 8 3 (to
117 (follows L a P ia n a ). Slav *sijati ‘to shine’ and/or *sinb ‘blue’), Alb. St. Ill 12, 79; HlRT
;ed on PAlb *tsumba ¿UL (com p a res w ith 1L kueid- ‘to shine, to be white’); BARIÓ ARSt. sumbull f, pl. sumbulla ‘round button: bud’. Ba
omm ‘vessel’. 0 F r isk I 109; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 248, Stratificazione 95-96; L a PIANA Studi continuing IE *kumb-, cf. Gk KiVß’l ‘bowl’, OIr c
of Skt kutnbha- ‘pot’ I 32 (to IE *keu- ‘to sh in e ’); M a n n Hist. Gr. 97 (recon stru cts *ok“iön); II 48; P o k o r n y I 592 (reconstructs *k- in view
[I 348; Ç a b e j St. VII C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 17; M a y r h o f e r I 16; Ç a b e j St. II 118-120 (to
but -bh- is irregular); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom.
*sün- ‘su n ’ by an alogy with O ír súil ‘e y e ’); VASMER III 128-129; HULD
254.
113; O r e l ZjBalk XXIII 144; KUNGENSCHMITT Koll. Idg. Spr. 223 (recon­
stru cts *IIk‘ïuuo-iII); D e m ir a j AE 356-357.
borrowed from Slav sundoj aor. sundova ‘to rule’. Based on *sund
s-hd, SCr sud. 0 Mi- *sçd-h ‘court, trial’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg
ectly from *sçditi ‘to KLOSICH Slav. Elemente 34; M e y e r Wb. 396 (dii
 406 SYK ---- SIIA K E SHAKUT.I. — SHAPLOJ 407

cvrlr .wJ. v u itb ,.h la rrir, , q r o n n d , , e ^ e « cvr or» th/* f-s e e / o f o n írr>,^taA?,
^ " " A n o th e r morphological variant is sysk. Deri\
ed from sy (Ç abej St. II 362; D e m i r a j AE 3 5 8 .
120 - 121 ).

shakull shakuj ‘g o a tsk in ’. B o rro w ed from Lat sacculus ‘sm all

m, pl.
Sh
b ag’ ( C a m a r d a I 161; M e y e r Wb. 3 7 7 ). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grund­
riß 11 1042; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 5 2 6 (a g re es w ith M e y e r ) ; C a m a j
sha ¡nterj. Used in a limited number of contex
ts such as sha Zotin ‘by Alb. Worth. 117 (d eriv ed from shark)-, ÇABEJ St. II 1 2 4 -1 2 5 (fo llo w s
God’. An allegro form oXpasha, optative of kt
m ( K r i s t o f o r i d h i 382; C a m a j); L a n d i Lat. 9 6 , 1 3 7 -1 3 8 .
Ç abej St. n 121-122).

shalakuq aor. shalakuqa ‘to warm over fire (of hands and feet)’. An
shag m, pl. shegje ‘co a r se lin en fabric spread i
in the floor’. Borrowed expressive préfixai derivative of kuq.
from Lat sagum ‘clo a k m ade o f co a r se fabri
:’ (Ç a b e j St. II 122). 0
LANDI Lat. 96, 142.
shalë f, pl. shala ‘saddle; inner side of thigh, pair of legs’. Borrowed
from Lat sella ‘seat, saddle’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 60; MEYER
shagit aor. shagita ‘to crawl flatwise’. Another
variant is zhagit. Based Wb. 398). Clearly enough, shalë ‘inner side of the thigh; leg’ is his­
on *shag borrowed from the Slavic verb ‘to s
tep, to walk’ attested in torically identical with the word for ‘saddle’ (CAMARDA II 165). As
Russ sagat Ukr sahaty, Czech sahati and bel
eved to go back to Slav to shalë ‘Borrago officinalis’, it goes back to the same source. 0 M e y e r -
*sçgati ‘to reach’. 0 B A R lé ARSt. I 97 (to shes
or to shëlligë); VASMER LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1044; PEDERSEN KZ XXXV 283; JOKL LKUBA
IV 392-393; Ç A B E J St. II 122, 329 (phonetic
/ariant of zharg). 22; MANN Language XXVIII40 (to Gk \|/a/iic); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-
2 27; Ç a b e j St. II 125-126 (separates shalë as an anatomical term and
shaj aor. shava ‘to insult, to offend’. A prefix
al form of ënj w ith the equates it with Gk g k £À,oç ‘leg (from the hip downwards)’; as a plant-
original meaning ‘to blow out’ > ‘to be indigi
ant’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 9 9 name, shalë is explained from IE *skel- ‘to cut’); HAARMANN 149;
(from Rom *sannart based on Lat sanna ‘gri
m a ce’), Alb. St. V 101; L a n d i Lat. 95.
T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 255-256 (against M e y e
0 ; Ç a b e j St. I I 122-123
(to Gk cK£Ôàvvu|ii ‘to scatter, to disperse’);
MANN Language X X V I shap m 'disease of the cattle, Aphta epizootica’. An early borrowing
381 (to Gk \|naivco).
from Slav *sap-b ‘glanders’, ö WEIGAND BA III 112 (to Rum sopirla
'lizard’); ÇABEJ St. 11 127 (from Turk sab).
shajkë f, pl. shajka ‘p eg , n a il’. F rom *shajt-ki
, based on shajtoj.
shap m 'alum ’. Borrowed from Lat sapa 'thick grape juice’.
shajtoj aor. shajtova ‘to dash against, to strike
, to hit’. Etymological-
ly identical with shitoj ‘to wound’ from v
hich shitë ‘wound- is shapkë f, pl. shapka ‘cap, hat; slipper, old shoe’. Borrowed from
derived. The verb is borrowed from Lat sagi,
tare ‘to wound with an South Slavic, cf. Bulg sapka id., SCr sapka id. (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele­
arrow ’ (C A M A R D A II 146: to Lat sagitta ‘arrov
’). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE mente 34; MEYER Wb. 399). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 174; ÇABEJ
IV /1-2 29; Ç a b e j St. II 123-124.
St. II 127.

shake f, pl shaka ‘dog, bitch-. Borrowed from Sc

Lith-West Iranian *saka- shapkë f, pl.shapka ‘woodcock’. Identical with shapkë ‘cap, hat’
< Iran *spaka- ‘dog’ (JOKL WZKM XXXTV 30-3
1), cf. MPers sak, Class. (M eyer Wb. 399). 0 Ç a b e j St. II 127-128 (related to sqep).
Pers sak, NPers säg, Tadjik sag etc. Note sh-
< Iran *s- indicating a
borrowing preceding Albanian-Slavic conta
:ts, i.e. before the VI shaploj aor. shaplova ‘to pound earth-clods’. Derived from Rom
408 SH A PO J SH A RTO J

*sappula, cf. *sappa ‘hoe’: Rum sapà, Ital zappa. 0 P U §C A R IU EWR

135.

aor. shapova ‘to polish’. Borrowed from Rom *sappare ‘to hack’
sh apoj
based on *sappa ‘hoe’, cf. Rum sapà, Ital zappa.

s h a r a n d u k aor. sharanduka ‘to pinch’. An expressive préfixai deriv­

ative of nduk.

sh a ra va ze f, pi. sharavaze ‘weed’. A préfixai derivative in shara-.

s h a r a v id h e f, pi. sharavidhe ‘mussel’. An expressive préfixai deriva­

tive of vidhë.

‘sheep with white spots on the muzzle’. Borrowed from South

sh a re f
Slavic *sara id., cf. Bulg sara, SCr sara (ÇABEJ St. II 129).

s h a r ë pl. ‘offense’. An early borrowing from Slav *sora reconstruct­

ed on the basis of Russ ssora ‘row ’ < *si,sora and SCr osoran ‘rude’,
Slovene osoren < *ob-sorbnrL. 0 SV A N E 137.

sh a rkm ‘fruit pulp’. Borrowed from Gk a á p ^ ‘flesh’, occasionally,

‘pulp’ ( K r i s t o f o r i d h i 384; J o k l IF XLIV 23-24). 0 C a m a j Alb. Worth.
113 (suffix -k); Ç a b e j St. II 128 (to IE *sker- as in Slav *skora ‘skin,
hide’), IV 88.

sh a rk m ‘woolen cloak; green skin of nuts’. A parallel morphonological

variant is sharkë. An early borrowing from Slav *sorka ‘shirt’. 0 M e y e r
Wb. 400 (from Rom *sarica)\ B O G A II 314; V A SM E R III 724-725; ST E IN ­
HÄUSER SIRev III 284-285 (compares shark with Slav *sorka and explains
both words from Arabic); SC H U C H A R D T KZ XX 251 (from Lat serica)-,
Ç A B E J St. II 128-129 (identical with shark ‘fruit pulp’); H A A R M A N N
149.

m, pi. sharova ‘big dog, large spotted hound’. Borrowed from

sh aro v
Slav adj. neut. *sarovb ‘spotted, m ulticolored’, cf. Bulg sarò ‘spotted
(of dogs)’. 0 Ç a b e j St. II 129 (to share).

aor. shartoj ‘to cross (of animals), to engraft (of plants)’. Bor­
sh a rto j
rowed from Rom *(in)sertare based on Lat serere ‘to sow’, cf. Sp enjer-
 SH A RR Ë — SHEK Ë 409

tar ‘to cross (animals)’, Port enxertar id. (MEYER Wb. 400). 0 Ç a b e j
St. II 129-130 (from Rom * insertare or *exquartäre); HAARMANN 149.

s h a r r ë f, pi. sharia ‘s a w ’ . B o r ro w e d from Lat serra id. (MIKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 60; M e y e r Wb. 400). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1044; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 249; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 20; Ç abej
St. VII 268; H a a r m a n n 149; L a n d i Lat. 95, 128, 177.

s h a t m, pl. shata, shetër ‘hoe’. Borrowed from Lat sector ‘cutter’. For
the auslaut cf. mbret. Note the development of -ct- > Alb -t-. 0 MEYER
Wb. 400 (to Lat seco ‘to cut’ and the like), Alb. St. Ill 5, 40; PEDER­
SEN KZ XXXVI 282-283 (/-stem); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 256; CAMAJ
Alb. Worth. 61 (from IE *skod-); ÇABEJ St. VII 208, 224; DEMIRAJ
StF XXVII/2 200-201 (to Lat sacena ‘kind of hoe [of the pontifex]’),
AE 358-359.

shatorre ‘tent’. Borrowed from Slav *satbt~b id., cf. South

s h a to r r e f, pi.
Slavic continuants: Bulg satT>r, SCr sator (CAMARDA II 160).

she m ‘undrying rivulet’. Derived from shi. 0 JO KL WuS XII 63-65

(borrowed from Finno-Ugric, cf. Hung se'd, se't ‘brook, rivulet’); ÇABEJ
St. II 130 (follows J o k l ).

s h e g ë f, pl. shegë ‘pomegranate’. Borrowed from an unknown Mediter­

ranean word that may be reconstructed as *si(l)g!iâ in view of Gk mòri,
aißÖri id., a i^ ß ia - a iô ia (Hes.) coming from the same source
( C a m a r d a I I 154). 0 M e y e r Wb. 401; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 2 5 0 -2 5 1 ;
F r is k II 7 0 2 -7 0 3 ; Ç a b e j Sí. II 131.

s h e jth m, pl. shejthe ‘birthm ark’. Diminutive of shenjë. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII
269.

s h e k ë f, pl. sheka ‘large wooden vessel’. Other variants are sheke and
sheqe. Back formation based on *sheqë borrowed from Rom *sicla
‘pail’, the source of Ital secchia id. (T h um b IF XXVI 10). 0 MIKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 60 (from Ital secchia ‘pail’); MEYER Wb. 401 (follows
M ik lo s ic h ); J o k l LKUBA 102 n. 1 (follows T hum b); M ih ä e sc u RESEE
IV/1-2 25; Ç a b e j St. II 131-132 (MGk cixA .a, NGk oiictax, ootjk^cx
‘kind of big vessel’ go back to the same source); H a a r m a n n 150;
L a n d i Lat. 95, 119.
410 S IIE K U L I. 8 IIE M B Ë L L E J

shekullm, pi. shekuj ‘age’. Borrowed from Lat saeculum id. ( M e y e r

Wb. 401). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1043, 1049; H a a r m a n n
147; LANDI Lat. 71, 142.

shelg m. pi. shelgje ‘w illo w ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat salix id. ( M e y e r Wb.

4 0 1 ). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 147.

shelkë f, pi. shelka ‘cover, wrapping’. Identical with shelqe.

shelqe f, pi. shelqe ‘wooden vessel for salt; vessel used as a plate by
shepherds’. Other variants are shelkë and sheqe. Borrowed from
Rom *salica ‘salt-cellar’ (to Lat sal ‘salt’). 0 M e y e r Wb. 401 (from
Ital secchia ‘pail’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042; TAGLIAVI­
NI Dalmazia 251; ÇABEJ St. II 132 (variant of shekë); L a n d i Lat. 95,
144.

shelqëror ~ shelqnuer m ‘trunk with several branches used as a

hanger in front of a shepherd’s hut’. Borrowed from Lat sarcinârius
‘used for packing, loading’, reflected in the Rumanian synonym of
the Albanian word särciner, sälciner (MIHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 31;
Ç a b e j St. II 132). 0 H a a r m a n n 148; L a n d i Lat. 112-114, 157.

shemb aor. shemba ‘to tear, to destroy’. A préfixai derivative from

PAlb *ampa, a nasal present related to Skt äpno'ti ‘to reach’, Gk unxa
‘to seize, to grasp’ and other continuants of IE *ap-. 0 M e y e r Wb.
4 0 4 (from Ital scemare ‘to diminish, to lessen’); POKORNYl 5 0 -5 1 .

shembëll f, pl. shembëlla ‘example, sample’. Another variant is shem-

bull. Borrowed from Lat exemplum id. 0 C a m a r d a I 86 (to Lat similis
‘sim ilar’); M e y e r Wb. 404 (shembëll ‘sign’ from Lat symbolum
‘symbol’ but this meaning of the Albanian word is dubious); PEDER­
SEN KZ XXXIII 5 3 6 (agrees with M e y e r ) ; Ç a b e j St. II 1 3 2 -1 3 3
(back formation of shembëllej influenced by Lat exemplum).

shembëllej aor. shembëlleva ‘to resemble’. Borrowed from Lat similare

id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 61; M e y e r Wb. 404). The noun shem-
tyrë is derived from here. 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1047 (shem-
tyre, shembëlltyrë derived from Rom *simulätüra); 1050; MIHÄESCU
RESEE IV /1-2 20; Ç a b e j St. II 133; H a a r m a n n 150.
 SH EM Ë — SH ES 411

shem ë f, pl. shemë ‘swarm (of bees)’. Borrowed from Lat examen ‘swarm’
(JOKL LKUBA 2 8 6 ). 0 HAARMANN 124.

sh em ër ~ sh em ërk f, pi. shemra ‘mistress, concubine, rival’. A mor-

phonological transform ation of the original Rom *sub-marlta or
*sub-marîtica, cf. Lat marita ‘m arried woman’. 0 JOKL LKUBA 5-12
(from IE *sm-mari further related to Lat maritus ‘m arried’); TAGLI­
AVINI Stratificazione 1 19-120; ClMOCHOWSKl LP V i l i 140; ÇABEJ StF
II/4 49 (early borrowing from Slav *sçbrh); DEMIRAJ AE 359-360.

sh en jë f, pi. shenja ‘sign’. Borrowed from Lat signum id. (CAMARDA

I 42; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 60-61; MEYER Wb. 401). 0 M e y e r -
LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1045 (from Italian), 1052; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 20, 22; ÇABEJ St. VII 250, 267; HAARMANN 149; LANDI Lat.
56-58.

shenjtë adj. ‘saint’. Another phonetic variant is shënjtë. Borrowed from

Lat sanctus id. (G lL’FERDING Otn. 26; CAMARDA I 84; M e y e r Wb. 404;
M ik lo sich Rom. Elemente 57). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1042,
1052; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 249, 251; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 19;
Di G io v in e Gruppo -et 62-63; H a a r m a n n 148; L a n d i Lat. 47-48, 121,
142.

sh erb elë f, pi. sherbela ‘sage (plant)’. With a dissimilation of sonorants,

borrowed from Rom *salviella based on Lat salvia id. (M lH Ä ESC U RESEE
IV /1-2 31).

sh erm en d m, pi. shermend ‘sh oot, sprout (e sp e c ia lly , o f v in e )’ . B o r ­

row ed from Lat sarmentum ‘tw ig , b ranch’ (MlKLOSICH/tow?. Elemente
58; M e y e r Wb. 402). 0 M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 25; H a a r m a n n 148;
L a n d i Lat. 95, 116, 177.

sh erp m ‘wild celery’. Borrowed from Gk oéX.jiov oitaptov (Hes.),

aitaptov ‘umbelliferous plant’ (T h u m b IF XXVI 17) or from Lat sirpe
id. (J o k l LKUBA 21). 0 M e y e r Wb. 402 (from Rom *silpium < Gk
GÌÀ,(piov); M ih ä e s c u RESEE TV/ ZA 350; Ç a b e j * . II 133-134 (agrees
with T h u m b ).

sh es aor. shita ‘to sell’. A préfixai derivative of -es attested in pres.

The original meaning is ‘to cut off, to divide, to separate a share’. 0
412 SH ESH SH ËN D ET

MEYER Wh. 402 (compares sh- with E sell), Alb. St. Ill 58; TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 252; M a n n Language XXVIII 40 (from *eícs-ketió).

shesh m, pl. shesha ‘p lain , p lan e, flatn ess, sq u a re’. B o r ro w e d from Lat
sessus ‘se a t’ (MEYER Wb. 402). 0 CAMARDA II 161 (to G k vgoç ‘equal
(in s iz e ) ’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1039; SCHUCHARDT KZ
X X 251; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 27; ÇABEJ St. VII 217; HAARMANN
149; L a n d i Lat. 95.

shete pl. ‘bran’. Plural of *shatë borrowed from Lat sectum, partici­
ple of secò ‘to cut’. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 134 (related to shat).

shetkë f ‘mane’. Borrowed from Slav *sceti,ka ‘brush, bristle’ oth­

erwise unattested in South Slavic except for Slovene sietka. 0 ÇABEJ
St. VII 224.

shëkroj aor. shekrova ‘to devote, to dedicate’. Borrowed from Lat sacrare
id. (MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1047, 1052). 0 MIHÄESCU RESEE
IV/1-2 24.

shëlboj aor. shëlbova ‘to save, to deliver’. Borrowed from Lat salvare
id. ( M e y e r Wb. 403). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1047, 1052;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 25; H a a r m a n n 147.

shëllij ~ shëllî aor. shëlliva ‘to salt’ . Borrowed from

Lat salire id. (MEYER
Wb. 404). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1047, 1052; MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV /1-2 24; HAARMANN 147.

shëmoj aor. shëmova ‘to choke, to suffocate’. Borrowed from Lat exanimârï
id.

shëmtoj aor. shëmtuva ‘to make ugly, to distort’. Borrowed from Rom
*examputâre, cf. Lat amputare ‘to cut down, to amputate’. 0 M e y e r
Wb. 401 (from Rom *signitdre)', SKOK AArbSt II 342 n. 3 (against MEYER);
Ç a b e j St. II 1 3 4 -1 3 5 (based on shenjë).

shëndet m ‘h ea lth ’. Borrowed from Lat Sanitätern id. (CAMARDA I 86;

M e y e r Wb. 404). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1043, 1047;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 148; L a n d i Lat. 96, 109.
 S H F .N D O S H — SH I 413

shëndosh adj. ‘healthy’. Borrowed from Rom *sanitösus id. ( M e y e r

Wb. 404; M IKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 57-58). 0 TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia
249; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 148; L a n d i Lat. 96,
110 .

shëndërtat m ‘Transfiguration; Trinity’. Borrowed from Lat sanctam

trlnitätem ‘holy Trinity’ (ZOJZI BIShk 1 9 4 9 /1 8 5 -8 6 ). 0 M e y e r Wb.
4 0 4 (to shëndrit); KRISTOFORIDHI 391 (from Italian); ÇABEJ LP VIII
1 1 6 -1 1 7 (follows ZOJZI), St. II 135 (from shenj tèrital); HAARMANN
148.

shëndrit aor. shëndrit ‘to shine’. Préfixai derivative in shën- of ndrit.

0 Ç a b e j St. VII 2 5 4 .

shëngjetë f ‘best part of hunting trophies’. Préfixai derivative of gjah.

shëpullë f, pl. shëpulla ‘box on the ear’. Derived from shipkë.

shërbej aor. shërbeva ‘to s e r v e ’ . B o r r o w e d fro m Lat servire id.

(C a m a r d a I 86; M ik l o sic h Rom. Elemente 60; M e y e r Wb. 4 0 4 ). 0
G il ’FERDING Otn. 26; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1048; JOKL LKUBA
78; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 25; ÇABEJ St. II 1 3 5 -1 3 6 ; HAARMANN
149.

(T) shëroj aor. shërova ‘to h e a l’. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat sanare id.
( M e y e r Wb. 4 0 5 ). 0 M e y e r -L U b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1047, 1052;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 25; J a n s o n Unt. 59; H a a r m a n n 147.

shëshëris aor. shëshërita ‘to hiss’. Borrowed from Gk ovpiÇco ‘to whistle’
influenced by Lat susurrare ‘to hiss’ (MEYER Wb. 4 0 5 ). 0 ÇABEJ St.
VII 25 2 .

shëtit aor. shëtita ‘to go for a walk’. Another variant is shetit. B or­
rowed from Slav *sçtati ‘to walk’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg
setam, SCr setati (MEYER Wb. 4 0 3 ). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 192;
S v a n e 25 4 .

shi m /n , pi. shir a ~ shina ‘ra in ’. F rom P A lb *siija, w ith an irregular

d ev elo p m en t o f the in itial *s- > s h- ex p la in ed by the d issim ila tio n in
the in term ed iary form *jüja (OREL Die Sprache X X X I /2 2 8 2 ). T he
4 14 (G ) SH Î — S H IK O J

w ord is con n ected w ith IE *sû- ‘rain; to ra in ’: Gk tíei, T okh A swase,

T okh B swese ‘ra in ’, sii- ‘to ra in ’ and, in particular, O P rus suge ‘r a in ’
= [süjê] (M h y b R/4//;. Studien III 4 3 , 8 1 , Wb. 405; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges.
3 5 0 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 72 (to Gk %iróv ‘s n o w ’); J o k l Studien 77; P e d ­
e r s e n KZ X X X V I 281; L a P ia n a Studi I 91 f.; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia
2 5 1 -2 5 2 ; PORZIG Gliederung 185; PISANI Saggi 119; POKORNY I 912;
VAN WINDEKENS I 443; H a m p K Z L X X IV 1 2 8-129; FRISK II 9 7 8 -9 7 9 ;
C h a n t r a in e 1164; ÇABEJ St. II 136; HULD 113; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges.
350; DEMIRAJ AE 3 6 0 -3 6 1 .

(G) sh î m ‘o c c ip u t’. B o r ro w e d from Lat sinus ‘cu rv e , bend, la p ’. 0

M e y e r Wb. 4 0 5 (to S la v *sija ‘n e c k ’); BARltí ARSt. I 9 6 (< IE
*ksl(n)i-); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 96.

shi adv. ‘exactly, right’. Borrowed from Lat sic ‘so, yes’.

shibë f ‘cold (illness)’. Derivative of shi.

shibël f, pi. shibla ‘bread crumb; splinter’. Based on Slav *sibati ‘to
strike, to hit’. 0 M e y er Wb. 405 (from SCr siba ‘twig’).

shigjetë f, pi. shigjeta ‘arrow ’. Another form is shëgjetë. Borrowed from

Lat sagitta id. (G il ’FERDING Otn. 26; M ey er Wb. 403). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1045; JOKL LKUBA 143 (from Rum sägeatä); Ç a b e j
St. VII 216; H a a r m a n n 147; L a n d i Lat. 56-58, 95.

shij ~ shî aor. shiv a ~ shin a ‘to thresh’. Borrowed from Lat exigere
‘to drive away, to push out, to throw ’. 0 MANN Language XXVI 3 8 8 ,
XXVIII 4 0 (to Gk ^ùvro); Ç a b e j St. VII 2 0 4 , 2 28.

shijë f, pl. shija ‘taste’. A more archaic form is s hi lë. Borrowed from
Rom *suävilia, based on Lat suävis ‘sweet’, cf. Skt svadati ‘to make
palatable’ ~ svädu- ‘sweet’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 405 (from Gk i'À,£(oç ‘pro­
pitious, gracious’); B u c k 1029-1031.

shikëll f, pl. shikëlla ‘gall-nut’. Borrowed from Rom *sicula < Lat silic-
ula ‘small pod’.

shikoj ao r. shikova ‘to look, to pay attention’. Other forms are shëkoj
and shukoj. Borrowed from the deponential Lat sequor ‘to follow’,
 S H IL O J — S IIK A G O J 415

in particular, ‘to follow with eyes’ - oculis sequor. 0 C a m a r d a I 141

(to shoh); M EYER Wb. 405 (from Rom *sedicäre)\ TAG LIAVINI Dal­
mazia 252 (against M E Y E R ); ÇABEJ St. II 137.

shiioj a o r.shilova ‘to sa d d le’. D e r iv e d from shalë, w ith an irregular

v o w e l ch a n g e in the root (JOKL LKUBA 2 2 ).

shilor m, pl. shilorë ‘burden, load, faggot, breast bone (of cow or pig)’.
Derived from shiioj. 0 JOKL LKUBA 128-129 (-lor to pluar); DEMIRAJ
AE 361 (derived from shut).

shipkë f, pl. shipka ‘box on the ear'. Borrowed from South Slavic *sibhka
‘blow, ram rod’, cf. Bulg sibka.

shiringë f, pl. shiringa ‘syringe’. Borrowed from Lat sÿringa id.

shirk m ‘goatskin, wineskin’. The Greek-Albanian form is shiq. A pho­

netic variant of rrëshek ~ rrëshiq (ÇABEJ St. II 137).

shise f. pi. shise ‘feeling’. Dissimilateci from *shishe. Borrowed from

Lat sënsum id.

shitë f, pl. shita ‘b ox on the e a r ’. D e r iv e d from shipkë.

shitë f, pl. shita ‘illness of sheep’. Borrowed from Lat situs ‘weak­
ness’.

shkabë f, pl. shkaba ‘eagle’. A préfixai formation related to gabonjë

and reflecting PAlb *is-gaba (JOKL LKUBA 3 0 3 -3 0 6 ). 0 M EY ER Wb.
4 0 6 (compared with Slav *koba, *kobb, *kobbci, ‘falcon’); TAGLIAVINI
Dalmazia 140, Stratificazione 140 -1 4 1 ; TOPOROV PJa III 108 (follows
M e y e r ) ; O r e l Koll. ¡dg. Ges. 3 5 2 (follows M E Y E R ).

shkadhis aor. shkadhita ‘to cu t (b r a n c h e s)’. D e r iv e d fro m kadhë

(K r is t o f o r id h i 3 9 1 ). 0 Ç a b e j St. II 137 (a g re es w ith K r is t o f o r id ­
h i ), IV 88.

shkagoj a o r . shkagova ‘to refuse, to decline’. Borrowed from Lat

excaudicâre ‘to uproot, to eradicate*.
416 SH K A K — SHKALLOJ

shkak m, pi. shkaqe ‘reason, cause; noose, snare, trap’. The original
meaning must have been close to ‘noose, snare, trap’ later developed
to the abstract notion of ‘cause’. Continues PAlb *skaka etymologi­
cally related to ON skaga ‘to protrude’, Slav *skoti, ‘jum p’ < IE *skek-
‘to jump, to be agile’. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 407 (to shkarkoj); V A S M E R III
645; P O K O R N Y I 922-923; Ç A B E J St. II 138 (from *shkark related to
Lat curvus ‘crooked, curved’).

shkal m ‘rain-storm ’. Derived from shkal ‘to bring down’.

shkal aor. shkala ‘to bring down, to drag, to roll, to charm (of fairies)’.
Continues P A l b *skaia related to Gk aicaAAto ‘to chop’, Lith skeliii,
ske'lti ‘to split’, ON skiÌja id. and the like. 0 F r a e n k e l 800-801; F r i s k
II 715-716; P o k o r n y I 923-927.

shkalbësoj aor. shkalbësova ‘to cut off (rotten parts)’. Derived from
kalb.

shkalc m, pi. shkalca ‘barrow, tray’. Derived from shkallë (M eyer Wb.
407). 0 Ç a b e j St. II 138 (to shkel).

shkalis aor. shkalita ‘to dismount’. Another morphological variant is

shkalos. Derived from kale.

shkalis aor. shkalita ‘to caress, to make weak’. Derived from shkal.

shkallë f, pl. shkallë ‘stairs, staircase’. Borrowed from Lat scdlae ‘stairs’
( M e y e r Wb. 406-407; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 58). 0 M e y e r -
L Ü BK E Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042; TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 252; M lH Ä ESC U
RESEE IV /1-2 20; ÇABEJ St. VII 184; H A A R M A N N 148.

shkallmë f, pi. shkallma ‘sw ord’. Borrowed from Gk cncá^-iari id.

(Ç A B E J St. II 138) if not an artificial coinage of F lS H T A used in his
Shqypnija i lirë.

shkalloj aor. shkallova ‘to exaggerate, to go mad’. Borrowed from Rom

*exscâlâre ‘to escalate’ based on Lat scâlae ‘stairs’, cf. shkallë. From
here shkallaq ‘crazy’ is derived. 0 M e y e r Wb. 407 (from Rom
*excallâre, to Lat callis ‘path’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 5 3 9 (against
 SH K A N D U LL - SIIK A R T H 417

M eyer ); J o k l Studien 87-88 (to shkel); ÇABEJ St. II 139 (derived from
shkallë).

shkandull m, pl. shkanduj ‘temptation’. Borrowed from Rom *scan-

dulum for Lat scandalum id. (M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1048).

shkapërcej aor. shkapërceva ‘to cross’. One of several préfixai deriv­

atives in shka-për-, in this case - based on ecëj. Cf. also shkapërdaj
‘to divide’, shkapërthej ‘to trample down’.

shkardhë f ‘dog chain; long stick attached to the dog’s neck to prevent
it from biting its m aster’. From PAlb *is-gardâ, etymologically con­
nected with gardhë and forming full parallel to Slav *jbz-gorda
‘fence’ (OREL LB XXIX/4 67-69). The original meaning of shkardhë
may be approximated as ‘pile-structure, fence’, taking into account
the derivative shkardhinë ‘structure open from all sides; roof’.The proto-
Albanian form was borrowed as Rum zgardä ‘dog-collar, necklace,
collar, willow-loop keeping folding doors shut’ (POGHIRC 1st. limb,
rom. II 354; KaLUZSKAJA SBJa Antic. 136). 0 KALUÈSKAJA Balk. Sredi-
zemn. 177-178 (derives shkardhë from *sker- ‘to cut’); ROSETTI ILR
I 283; ÇABEJ St. VII 195; T rubaÒ ev ÈSSJa IX 30.

shkarkoj aor. shkarkova ‘to unload’ Borrowed from Rom *discarricâre

id. ( C a m a r d a I 6 6 ) , cf. Rum descareca, Ital scaricare and the like.
0 PU§CARIU EWR 44.

shkarpë f, pl. shkarpa ‘brushwood’. Borrowed from Gk G K a p u p o ç ‘contour;

brushwood’ (M ihäescu RESEE IV /3-4 350). 0 M e y er Wb. 407 (to
Rom *discarpere or *excarpere ‘to tear off’); ÇABEJ St. VII 243.

shkarpë f, pl. shkarpa ‘honeycomb (without honey)’. Historically, of

the same origin as shkarpë ‘brushwood’. A honeycomb devoid of honey
is described as an empty ‘contour’. 0 CAMARDA I 173 (divides into
sh-karpë).

shkartoj aor. shkartova ‘to sort, to grade, to assort (of bad things); refi,
‘to be perforated by worms’. Borrowed from Rom *excarptäre, a variant
of *excarp tiare ‘to tear off, to pick’: Sp escarzar, Port escarçar.

shkarth m, pi. shkartha ‘servant, slave’. Derived from *karth, cf.

418 S H K A R T III — SH K A ZM E

kërthi ‘tiny; baby’ s.v. kërth. Semantically, cf. Lith turnas ‘servant’
~ Skt tarnaka- ‘calf’, tdruna- ‘young; boy’. 0 FRAENKEL 1 0 6 0 ; BUC K
Synonyms 1 3 3 4 - 1 3 3 5 ; M a y r h o f e r I I 4 8 3 , 4 8 5 - 4 8 6 ; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 3 7 ,
257.

shkarthi adv. ‘across’. Deived from kërthi.

shkarzej aor. shkarzeva ‘to humiliate, to abase’, refi, ‘to roll in dust
(of horses and donkeys)’. Another variant is shkarzoj. In all mean­
ings, the Albanian verb is used metaphorically as it comes from Rom
*excardiâre ‘to spin wool'. 0 CA M A R D A I 1 4 2 (root skar-); M EYER
Wb. 4 0 7 (to Slav *skarçd'h ‘disgusting, m onster’); V A SM ER III 6 3 4
(against M E Y E R ).

shkarravesh aor. shkarravesha ‘to divide, to cut into pieces’. An

expressive verb.

shkas aor. shkava, shkajta, shkita ‘to slip, to slide’. Continues P A l b

*skatja corresponding to Lat seated ‘to stream, to flow out’, Lith skantu,
skàsti ‘to spring, to jum p’ ( B A R I Í ARSt 1 0 0 ) . 0 C A M A R D A I 8 6 (to
Gk OKaiôç ‘left’, gkcx ^ co ‘to be lame’); M e y e r Wb. 4 1 1 (reconstructs
*skes-); JO K L Studien 8 2 (to Slav *kotiti ‘to ro ll’, *kacati ‘to swing');
C i m o c h o w s k i St. IE 4 4 (same as JO K L ); W a l d e - H o f m a n n II 4 9 1 ;
F r a e n k e l 7 9 8 ; P o k o r n y I 9 5 0 ; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 7 3 .

shkas m, pi. shkase ‘impulse, motive, incentive’. Derived from shkas

‘to slip, to slide’.

shkatërr f ‘ray, skate’. Based on *shkat borrowed from Lat squâtus

id. ( Ç a b e j St. II 1 3 9 ) .

shkatërroj aor. shkatërrova ‘to destroy’. Borrowed from Rom *ex-

cathedrare ‘to evict, to oust’. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 228 (from katër).

shkath aor. shkatha ‘to make skillful’. Based on *shkath, shkathët ‘agile,
quick, skilful’. The latter is derived from shkak.

shkazmë f, pl. shkazmë ‘slippery slope’. Derived from shkas ‘to slip,
to slide’.
 SHKEL SHKËLQEJ 419

sh k el aor. shkela ‘to make a step, to walk’. Another variant is shklas.

Continues PAlb *skala or *skalatja related to Skt skhdlate ‘to stumble,
[o trip ’. Derived from shkel is shkelb ‘step’ (JOKL LKUBA 2 8 3 ). 0
CAMARDA I 132 (to Gk aicàÀÀco ‘to dig, to hoe’); MEYER Wb. 4 0 7
(from IE *skel- in its unspecified meaning); JOKL Studien 7 8 -7 9
(to Lith kulnis ‘heel’, Lat calx id.); MAYRHOFER III 5 0 9 (reconstructs
*sk(h)er-); Ç a b e j St. VII 184, 2 3 8 .

sh k elc m , pi. shkelca ‘stair’. Singularized plural of shkalc.

sh k en cë f, pi. shkenca ‘science’. Borrowed from Lat scientia id.

shkep aor. shkepa ‘to rip open, to unrip, to tear’. Continues PAlb *skaipa
related to ON skifa ‘to split’, OFries skivia ‘to divide’ and other con­
tinuants of *skei-p-. 0 CAMARDA I 152 (to shkabë and shqipe);
POKORNY I 922.

sh kep aor. shkepa ‘to resem ble’. A parallel form is shkrep. A préfix­
ai derivative of *krep continuing P A lb *krepa ‘body’ related to Skt
instr. sg. kfp- ‘shape, beautiful appearance’, Lat corpus ‘body’, OHG
hrëf ‘body, lap’ (Jo k l Studien 80). For the semantic development cf.
Goth galeiks ‘like’ ~ leik ‘body’. 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 327 (orig­
inal group shkr-y, W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 277-278; M a y r h o f e r I 260;
F e is t Goth. 188-189; P o k o r n y I 620; B u c k Synonyms 910-912;
ÇABEJ St. II 139-140 (identical with shkrep); DEMIRAJ AE 361 (iden­
tified with shkep ‘to rip open’).

sh k ëlb azë f ‘spleen inflammation’. Préfixai derivative of këlbazë.

sh k ë lb o z ë f, pl. shkëlboza ‘bark’. Derivative in -ozë of *shkalbë con­

tinuing PAlb *skalbd, connected with ON skalpr ‘ship’, skelpa
‘grim ace’ < *‘crack, split’, M LG scholpe ‘m ussel’. These forms, in
their turn, go back to IE *skel- ‘to split, to cut’. 0 POKORNY I 926;
MANN HAED 480 (identical with gëlvozhdë)', ÇABEJ St. II 140 (to kalb).

sh k ëlq a r aor. shkëlqara ‘to polish (of m etals)’, refi, ‘to clear (of
weather)’. Derivative of shkëlqej.

sh k ë lq e j aor. shkëlqeva ‘to shine, to polish’. Derived from qelq

(C a m a r d a I 101; M e y e r Wb. 221). 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 195, 201.
420 SHKÍ'.MB ~ SHKAMB — SHKLAKONEM

sh këm b ~ shkam b m, pl. shkëmbinj ~ shkambinj, shqembe ‘seat, throne;

rock’. Borrowed from Lat scartinimi ‘bench, throne’. (MIKLOSICHRom.
Elemente 58; MEYER Wb. 408). The meaning ‘rock’ developped from
an earlier *‘slope’ < *‘bench’, cf. Russ prilavok ‘bench, slope’. 0 M e y e r -
LübKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1042, 1050; M a n n Language XVII 20 (of non-
Indo-European origin); MIHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 20; HAARMANN 148;
LANDI Lat. 48, 105, 115.

shkëm bej aor. shkëmbeva ‘to change, to exchange’. Borrowed from Rom
*excambiäre id.: Rum schimba, Ital scambiare and the like (HAAR­
MANN 124). 0 PuSfCARIU EWR 139.

sh k ën d ijë f, pl. shkëndija ‘spark’. Borrowed from Rom *scintilla id.

attested in Rum scînteie instead of a more widely known Lat scintil­
la id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 59; CAMARDA I 67: related to Lat
scintilla). 0 MEYER Wb. 408 (derived from shkëndej ‘to sparkle’ bor­
rowed from Lat excandescere ‘to catch fire’); M e y e r -LÜBKE 580 (pho-
netical difficulties of the above Romance reconstruction), Gr. Grun­
driß 2 1 1045, 1048; MIHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 29; ÇABEJ St. VII 254;
H a a r m a n n 124.

sh këpurdh aor. shkëpurdha ‘to scratch’. An expressive verb derived

from këpurdhë.

sh këpu t aor. shkëputa ‘to separate, to tear off’. Derived from këput.

shkërbej aor. shkërbeva ‘to imitate’. A hypercorrect derivative of

shkep ~ shkrep (Ç a b e j St. II 140). From here shkërba, shkërbe
‘m onster’ is derived.

sh k ërd h ec m, pl. shkërdheca ‘keg, barrel’. An early borrowing from

Slav *skovordbCb ‘pan’ otherwise unattested in South Slavic. 0
C a m a r d a II 210; M e y e r Wb. 408 (from Ital scardasso ‘card, in textile’);
Ç a b e j St. VIT 239.

sh k ërm oq aor. shkërmoqa ‘to pound, to tram ple’. Derived from kërmë.

sh k ërp icë f, pl. shkërpica ‘spark’. Derived from kërpicë.

sh k lak on em refi, ‘to invade, to burst into’. A phonetic variant of

 SHKLEPË — SHKOPIS 421

shkalkonem ‘to dismount’ (ÇABEJ St. II 140) continuing Rom *exca­

bal licóre based on Lat caballas ‘horse’. Cf. also ngalkonem ‘to mount’
< Rom *incaballicâre. 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 0 8 (from Ital scalcare ‘to
carve’).

shklepë f, pi. shklepa ‘matter from eyes, rheum ’. Derived from glepë.

shklesë f, pi. shklesa ‘roof shingle’. Derivative of shkel.

shklluq aor. shklluqa ‘to drink at one gulp’. Based on the onomatopoeic
*klluq ‘gulp’.

shkmes aor. shkmesa ‘to clip, to prune (bushes, trees)’. Derived from
kmesë.

shkoj aor. shkova ‘to go’. A late apocopation of shtekoj attested in North­
ern dialects and based on shtek < shteg (JOKL Studien 8 0 -8 2 ; ÇABEJ
St. II 141). From here shkojëz ‘pore’ is derived. 0 CAMARDA I 8 6 (to
Gk Gràffi ‘to slit open [to let something escape]’); MEYER Wb. 4 0 8
(compares with Lat sequor ‘to follow’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 253 (follows
JOKL); B a r iC ARSt. I 73 (to Goth skewjan ‘to wander’), Hymje 24;
M a n n Hist. Gr. 146 (agrees with B a r iC ); W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 4 9 0 ;
Ç a b e j St. II 141 (accepts J o k l ’s etymology); H u l d 114.

shkollë f, pi. shkolla ‘school’. Borrowed from Lat schola id., or as sug­
gested by M e y e r Wb. 387, from Venet scola. 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
255; ÇABEJ St. II 141 (agrees with MEYER).

shkop m, pi. shkopinj, shqep ‘stick, cane’. Continues PAlb *skapa further
related to Gk gkoctcoc;- K^dSoç, GKT^Tpov ‘staff’ (CAMARDA I 120;
M e y e r Wb. 4 0 8 ), Lat scâpus ‘shaft, stem’, OHG skaft ‘shaft, spear’.
0 M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 6 0 (borrowed from Lat scâpus); TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 2 5 4 (Latin loanword); P is a n i Saggi 119; ÇABEJ St. II 141 (bor­
rowed from North-Western Greek); POKORNY I 9 3 2 ; F r is k II 7 2 8 -
729; H u l d 114; O r e l KoII. Idg. Ges. 352.

shkopis aor. shkopita ‘to castrate’. Borrowed from Slav *skopiti id.,
cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg skop'a, SCr skopiti (TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 2 5 3 ). Note the anlaut shk-. 0 S v a n e 136, 2 6 2 .
422 SHKOQ. — SHKREH

shkoq aor. shkoqa ‘to husk, to hull’. Derived from kokë. The verb shkoqis
‘to explain, to clarify’ is based on shkoq.

shkorsë f, pl. shkorsa ‘rug m ade o f goat w o o l’. B o rro w ed fro m Lat
scortea , fern. adj. ‘m ade o f fur or o f h id e ’ (M e y e r Wb. 408). 0
M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1051; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 27;
H a a r m a n n 149; L a n d i Lat. 105.

shkorret m, pl. shkorrete ‘bush’. Another variant is shkorre. Deriva­

tive of shqerr with a different ablaut grade *-ê- > PAlb *-â-, 0 H a h n
122 (to korie ‘verdure, young grow th’); M e y e r Wb. 1 9 9 -2 0 0 (follows
H a h n ); j o k l ZONF X 1 8 8 -1 8 9 (derivative of Lon); Ç a b e j St. II 142
(agrees with JOKL).

shkozë f, pl. shkoza ‘b e e c h ’. D er iv ed from shkoj. T he w ord d esc rib es

the b eech as a ‘w a lk in g ’ tree sim ilar to bredh. 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 0 8 (to
S lo v en e kozol ‘basket m ade o f bark’, R uss kuzov ‘basket’ and the like);
J o k l WuS XII 7 1 -7 3 (to Lith skntoblas ‘red b e e c h ’); THEIMER Slavia
III 4 5 3 (to O E scaga ‘b u sh ’); PORZTG Gliederung 176; H u l d KZ XCV
3 0 5 -3 0 6 (d e riv e d from *kar- ‘h ard ’); DEMIRAJ AE 3 6 2 (to shkorre,
shkurre, shqerr).

shkrabë m, pl. shkraba ‘scrawl’. From PAlb *strabei related to Lat scrobis
‘pit’, OE screpan ‘to scratch’, Lith skrebeti ‘to rustle’, Slav *skrebti
‘to scratch’ and the like. 0 T r a u t m a n n ü S/VWj. 267; VASMER III 656;
W a l d e -H o f m a n n 11 500: P o k o r n y l 9 4 3 -9 4 4

shkrap m, pl. shkrapa ‘scorpion’. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. OCS
skrapii id., Bulg skrapl’a id. (MEYER Wb. 409). 0 CAMARDA II 150
(to G k G K o p jtio ç ‘scorpion’); MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 59 ( f r o m Lat
scorpiö id.); MANN Language XVII 23 (agrees with CAMARDA); ÇABEJ
St. VII 184; HAMP LB X X X V /1-2 67.

shkrefetij aor. shkrefëtiva ‘to neigh’. An onomatopoeia. 0 M e y e r Wb.

409 (to SCr krhati ‘to cough, of a horse’).

shkreh aor. shkreha ‘to release (safety device, trigger)’. Derived from
shkrep. 0 CAMARDA I 69 (to G k K pÉ K to ‘to weave’).
 SHKREHEZË — SHKRUMB 423

sh k reh ezë f ‘bird trap’. Derived from shkreh (KRISTOFORIDHI 339).

0 Ç a b e j St. II 142 (agrees with K r is t o f o r id h i ), IV 89.

shkrep aor. shkrepa ‘to strike (fire); to release (trigger)’. Based on shkrep
‘rock’. As to shkrep ‘to be sexually attracted’, it is an obvious
metaphor based on shkrep ‘to strike (fire)’. Borrowed to Rum scâpâra
id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 409 (to Rum scäpära ‘to sparkle’, NGk oxpaîtico
‘to shine’), Alb. St. Ill 31 (to Gk cxpántco); J o k l Studien 80 (to Lat
corpus ‘body’), Sprache IX 151 (to Slav *kresati ‘to kindle fire’); B a r ic
AArbSt I 144; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 254 (to Lat crepo); PISANI Saggi
120 (borrowed from Gk àoipàrcTCù ‘to shine’); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom.
II 333; ROSETTI 1LR I 281; DEMIRAJ AE 362-363.

shkrep m, pi. shkrepa ‘rock’. Préfixai derivative of krep (JOKL LKUBA

116). 0 VASMER ZfslavPh X IV 60 (from *shkrap borrowed to SCr
I trapa ‘pebble’); DEMIRAJ AE 363-364 (reconstructs *k[Hp-).

shkretë adj. ‘lon ely , deserted, em p ty ’. B orrow ed from Lat secretus ‘sep ­
arate, iso la te d ’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 60; M e y e r Wb. 409). 0
C a m a r d a I 339 (to krej); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß2 1 1044; S a n d -
FELD LBalk 74; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 254; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-
2 27; H a a r m a n n 149.

shkrif aor. shkrifa ‘to hoe, to loosen’. Related to shkrij ‘to m elt’, a pré­
fixai derivative of grij.

shkruaj ~ shkruej aor. shkrova ‘to write’. Borrowed from Lat scrlbere
id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 59; M e y e r Wb. 409, Alb. St. IV 38).
0 C a m a r d a T 101 (to kruaj and Lat seribere); Jo k l LKUBA 223 (follows
M e y e r ), IF X L IX 291; T r e im e r MRIW I 362 (follows C a m a r d a );
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 254; Ç a b e j St. II 142-143 (accepts C a m a r d a ’ s
etymology).

shkrum b m, pi. shkrumba ‘b lack ash es, an yth ing burned to a sh e s’. C o n ­
tin u es P A lb *is-kruma w ith a n o n -ety m o lo g ica l -mb < *-m as o b v io u s
fro m the A lb an ian lo an w ord in R um anian - scrum id. A ze r o grad e
o f IE *krem- attested in Lat cremo ‘to burn’ (Ç a b e j St. II 143). 0 M e y e r
Wb. 4 0 9 (from Turk kururn); C a p id a n DR I I 4 5 8 (from A var); W a l d e -
Ho f m a n n I 287; Po k o r n y I 572; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 348; ROSETTI
424 SHKRYDH SHKUND

ILR I 281; DESNICKAJA Slav. jaz. V III154 (to *kers- ‘to burn’); D u r i -
DANOV BE XVIII/4-5 401-406.

shkrydh aor. shkrydha ‘to comb, to card (of wool)’. Derived from krydh.

sh krryej aor. shkrreva ‘to make dirty (of clothes)’. Based on gërryej.

sh k u es m, pi. shkues ‘matchmaker, father-in-law’. Derived from shkoj

(K r is t o f o r id h i 398). 0 Ç a b e j St. II 143 (agrees with K r is t o f o r id -
hi), IV 89.

sh ku l aor. shkula ‘to tear out, to p u ll out, to e r a d ica te’. A ze ro -g ra d e

o f IE *skel- ‘to cu t, to sp lit’ attested a lso in shkal. 0 CAMARDA I 6 6
(o p p o sed to rugul): POKORNY I 9 2 3 -9 2 6 .

sh ku lk ë f ‘branch placed in the middle of a meadow and forbidding

to use it as a pasture’. Another variant is shkujkë. An early borrow ­
ing from Romance, cf. OSard iskolka ‘guard of private property’, OPort
est oica id. (B a r iç Hymje 71). 0 ÇABEJ St. II 143-144 (borrowed from
Middle Greek or derived from shkul).

shkulm m, pi. shkulma ‘w a v e ’. P ré fix a i d eriv a tiv e o f kulm (ÇABEJ St.

II 144).

shkum ë f, pl. shkamë ‘foam’. Another form is shkumbë. Borrowed from

a Germanic loanword in Rom *scuma id. (C a m a r d a II 73; MIKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 59; M e y e r Wb. 409-410). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grund­
riß 21 1050 (from Ital Neapol skumme): HELBIG 59 (from Ital dial.
scuma id.); J o k l LKUBA 318; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 255.

shkund aor. shkunda ‘to shake, to swing’. Continues P A lb *skunta, nasal

present of IE *skeut-: M ir scothaid ‘to cut off’, Lith skutu, skusti ‘to
scrape’. Derived from here are shkundulloj ‘to shake strongly’ and
shkundëllimë ‘earthquake’. 0 C a m a r d a I 67 (to Lat scindo ‘to tear
into parts’); MEYER Wb. 410 (from Lat excutere ‘to shake off’);
T reim er M RIW 1 356 (sh-kund to Slav *kydati ‘to throw’); B a ri C AArbSt.
I 218 (to Lith kutëti ‘to shake’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 255; F r a e n k e l
823-824; V e n d r y e s [SJ 52; POKORNY I 954.
 SHKUPË — SHOH ~ SHOF 425

shkupë f ‘warm spring wind’. Derived from Shkup, the Albanian name
of Skople (Ç a b e j St. II 144).

shkurt adj. ‘short’, m ‘February’. Borrowed from Gmc *skurtaz ‘short’:

OHG scurz, O E sceort. Of particular interest is shkurte ‘shirt’ from
Gmc *skurta ~ *skurti- id.: ON skyrta, M L G schorte and the like. 0
C a m a r d a II 159 (to Lat curtus ‘short’); M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente
20 (from Lat curtus ‘short’); MEYER Wb. 409 (from Rom *excurtus
unattested elsewhere); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1046 (from *ex-
+ curtus); T a g l i a v i n i Origini 190; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 160; ONIONS 822;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 28; H a a r m a n n 124.

shkurre f, pl. shkurre ‘b u sh ’. P h on etic variant o f shkorre, cf. shkorret

(L a P ia n a St. Varia 26, 67; Ç a b e j St. II 1 4 4 -1 4 5 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 1 0
(b o r r o w e d from Lat cornea, a d je ctiv e o f cornus ‘c o r n e l’); JOKL
LKUBA 2 3 0 , 3 28 (to Slav *khry ‘r o o t’); BARIÍ ARSt. I 103, AArbSt I
156 (to OIr crann ‘tr e e ’); SCHUCHARDT ZfromPhil X L 4 9 3 (sa m e as
B A R lé).

shkyç aor. shkyça ‘to unlock’. Based on kyç.

shluk m, pi. shluqe ‘blister’. Borrowed from Rom *si ucus, metathe-
sized variant of Lat sulcus ‘furrow, wound’.

shlyej aor. shim n ‘to pay off, to cancel, to cover’. Derived from lyej.

shlligë f, pl. shlliga ‘viper’. A parallel form is shëlligë. A tabooistic

description derived from lig (DEMIRAJ AE 359). 0 JOKL Studien 77-
78 (to OIr selige ‘turtle’); B a r i C ARSt. I 97; T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione
141; L a m b e r t z Alb. Märchen 10 n. 2 (to Germ schleichen ‘to craw l’
and the like); ÇABEJ St. II 145.

shllim m ‘idea’. Derived from shllej ‘to resem ble’, a phonetic variant
of shembëllej (ÇABEJ St. II 146).

shoh ~ shof aor. pashë ‘to see’. From PAlb *säkska with a dissimila­
tion of sibilants. Further connected to IE *sek'~- ‘to follow, to see’:
Skt sácate ‘t o accompany, to follow’, Gk e 7 i:o ^ o a , Lat sequor; cf. in
particular Goth saifvan ‘to see’ (MEYER Wb. 4 1 1 -4 1 2 , Alb. St. Ill 7,
43: reconstructs an intermediate *sieh) and Hitt sakuisk-. The aorist
 426 SHOK - SHORT SHORR SHPARDH 427

is based on the zero grade of IE *pä- ‘to pasture, to guard’, cf. MEYER LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 30 4 5 , 1048; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 20;
Wb. 323-324 (who, however, combines it with an erroneous comparison H a a r m a n n 150; L a n d i Lat. 83, 146.
with Skt pásyati ‘(he) sees’: *-ks- would have yielded Alb -h-), Alb.
St. Ill 25. 0 C a m a r d a I 140 (to Gk aáco ‘to sow’); B r u g m a n n -D e l - shorr aor. shorra ‘to press together, to squeeze’. Continues PAlb
BRÜCK II/3 404; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 283 (reconstructs *sekvskfi), *sjära related to Hitt ishiia- ‘to bind’, Skt syáti ‘to bind’, Lith seiju,
Kelt. Gr. II 621; B a r i C ARSt. I 95, Hymje 90-91; L o e w e KZ XXXIX sieti id. and the like. 0 FRAENKEL 783; MAYRHOFER III 549-550; POKORNY
312 (borrowed from Goth sailvan); E r n o u t -M eillet 640; PISANI Saggi 1 8 91.
131 (follows PEDERSEN), Shêjzat [XIX] 196-197; MANN Hist. Gr. 161
(identifies shoh with Skt sisakti ‘to follow’); MAYRHOFER III 417-418; sh o sh a or. shosha ‘to sift’. From PAlb *sjäsja related to Gk ijOéco id.,
F r is k I 544-545; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 519-520; F e is t Goth. 404-405; Lith sijóju, sijo'ti id., Slav *sejati id. and the like (M a n n Language
P o k o r n y I 896-898; K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 150-151, Münch. XXVIII 3 9 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 8 5 -3 8 6 (to Gk aiiOd) id.), Alb. St. Ill 4 1 ,
St. Spr. XL 123 (pashë - to Arm hayi- ‘to look’), Koll. Idg. Ges. 231; Gr. Gr. 2 9 7 ; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 72; FRAENKEL 7 8 4 ; FRISK I 624;
H a m p IF XCIII 121; Ç a b e j St. VII 217; H u l d 114-115 (reconstructs V a s m e r III 615; P o k o r n y I 889; H u l d 148; D e m ir a j AE 3 6 4 -3 6 5 .
a causative *sok"ês'kô)\ D e m ir a j AE 312-313 (repeats M e y e r ’s ety­
mology).
sh o të f, pi. shota ‘big duck’. From PAlb *sjäutä related to W hwyad
id., OCorn hoet id., Bret houat id. and continuing, with a metathesis,
sh ok m. pi. shokë ‘comrade, friend’. Another form is shoq. The variant IE *sauieto-. 0 JOKL LKUBA 3 1 0 -3 1 1 (p r éfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f IE *anat-
shok is a back formation of shoq (an analogically motivated singular ‘duck’); PEDERSEN Kelt, \Gr... 1 . 5 5 /C eltic words. exnlaineH from ^ uewsy, i a u
of pl. s h o q ) . P " " — A v^rtiviAKUA i öo; ivi i K lus ICH Korn. Elemente 61; PEDERSEN Alb. Texte
j a vim s tr a tific a z io n e 141; SCHMIDT K Z L 244-245 (same as Jo k l ); L ev
is -P e d e r s e n 155.
195). 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 1 2 (from Rom *socus); M e y e r -L L ib k e Gr.
Grundriß 2 1 1045; JOKL Zb. Belic 82; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 256; shpagë f ‘revei
g e \ Derived from page ‘payment’, an Italian loanword. M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 20; H a a r m a n n 150; L a n d i Lat. 9 5 -9 6 .

sh p a lcë f ‘sea
fish, golden bream, Chrysophris auratus’. Another sh o k ë f, pi. shoka ‘belt’. Borrowed from Rom *soca ‘rope, cable’: Ital
form is shparz
'. Based on *shparë borrowed directly from Gk 0 7 ic c p o ç dial, soga, OFr sane and the like ( M e y e r Wb. 4 1 2 ). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE ‘bream ’ or vii
I V / l - 2 25; H a a r m a n n 150.
Lat spa rus id. (Ç A B E J St. II 146).
shpall aor. shpi
Ila ‘to announce, to declare’. From *shprall, based on sh o llë f, pl. shollè ‘sole’. Another form is shuallë. Borrowed from Lat
prralle. 0 CAM
V R D A I 2 4 0 (to pellas)-, JOKL Studien 8 3 - 8 4 (to Lat palam
solum id. ( C a m a r d a I 50; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 61; M e y e r Wb. ‘openly’, Slav
4 1 2 ). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045; J o k l LKUBA 65; (to Goth spille
*pol-hjb ‘hollow’); Ç a b e j St. II 9 - 1 0 ; D e m i r a j ^ £ 3 6 5
M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 25; H a a r m a n n 150; L a n d i Lat. 6 0 , 137-
n ‘to tell’).
139.
shpardh m, pi. .
hpardhe ‘oak’. Based on PAlb *pardza identical with ON forkr ‘stic
:, pole’ continuing IE *perg-. An alternative explana- sh o retk ë f ‘hole of a honeycomb’. From * s h o r te k ë continuing Rom tion derives sh
* s o r tlc a ‘outlet’, derived from * s o r tir e ‘to go out’. 0 ÇA BEJ St. II 1 4 6 ogy semantica
oardh from bardh ( D e m i r a j AE 3 6 5 - 3 6 6 ) , an etymol-
ly based on the contrast between the “white” oak and (borrowed, with a metathesis, from Slav * r e s e f b k a ‘grating, lattice’). the “red” beec
lì. 0 T r e im E R Sla via III 4 5 3 (from IE *perk"-); JOKL LKUBA 186-18
7 (to OHG sparro ‘beam’); POKORNY I 819-820 (recon- sh ort m, pl. shortë ‘lot’. Borrowed from Lat sortem id. ( C a m a r d a II structs *perg- i
nd compares ON forkr with Lith pérgas ‘fishing-boat’ 159; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 61; M e y e r Wb. 4 1 2 ). 0 MEYER- and Slav *por¡
-b ‘threshold’); CAM AJ Alb. Worth. 121; Ö LBERG I B K
428 SHPARGËR ~ SHPARGËN — SHPELLË

XVII 46; O rel Sprache XXXI 282 (to Gk cmôpoç ‘sowing’).

sh pargër ~ sh p argën m, pl. shpërgenj ‘diaper’. A more archaic singu­

lar in Geg is slipërgâ. Borrowed from Gk orcápyavov id. (CAMARDA
I 85; D i e f e n b a c h I 57). 0 M e y e r Wb. 414 (from NGk *cnrapyávi);
Ç a b e j Sr. II 148 (follows D ie f e n b a c h ) .

shpartë f, pl. shparta ‘broom (bot.)’. Borrowed from Lat spartani id.
( M e y e r Wb. 413). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 25; H a a r m a n n 150.

shparr m ‘kind of oak’. From PAlb *spara borrowed from rather than
identical with Lat sparus ‘short spear’ or O H G sparro ‘beam, girder’,
ON spari id. (JOKL LKUBA 186-188). 0 W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 568;
P o k o r n y I 990-991.

shpat m, pi. shpate ‘precipice, mountain forest’. Préfixai derivative of

*pat continuing PAlb *pata. The latter is related to Skt palati ‘to fly,
to soar’, Gk ninxw ‘to fall’ and the like (JOKL LKUBA 1 6 3 -1 6 4 ). 0
F r is k II 5 4 2 -5 4 3 ; M a y r h o f e r II 199; P o k o r n y I 825; Ç a b e j St. II
14 6 -1 4 7 (back formation of shpatull).

shpatë f, pi. shpata ‘sw o r d ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat spâta id. (MIKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 61; MEYER Wb. 413). 0 CAMARDA I 158 (to an unat­
te sted Gk ojiáGr)); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1041, 1053;
M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 20; H a a r m a n n 150.

shpatull f, pi. shpatulla ‘shoulder, shoulder-blade’. Borrowed from Rom

* spatula id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 61; M e y e r Wb. 403). 0
C a m a r d a II 158; M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1041; M ih ä e s c u
RESEE IV /1-2 25; ÇABEJ St. VII 244; HAARMANN 150.

sh pejtë adj. ‘quick, fast’. Borrowed from Lat expedltus ‘easy, expe­
dite, quick’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 2 4 ) or restored from Rom
*expedïtâre, cf. shpëtoj (JOKL RIEB II 7 2-73). 0 M e y e r Wb. 413 (against
M i k lo s ic h ; to Slav *spëx-h ‘hurry’); B a r r ì ARSt. I 100-101 (to Gk
ojiépxopou ‘to rush’); ÇABEJ St. II 1 4 7 -1 4 8 (in view of OAlb shpjertë
of BUZUKU, a postverbal formation of shpie).

sh p e llë f, pi. shpella ‘c a v e ’ . B o r r o w e d fro m L at spëlaeum id. 0

C a m a r d a I 4 6 (to Gk oTtri^aiov id.); M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 62
 SHPEND - SHPËTOJ 429

(from Lat spellinoci); PISANI Saggi 120; MIHÄESCU RESEE IV /3-4 350
(from G k cmritaxxov); HULD KZ XCIX 250 ( fo llo w s MIHÄESCU);
LANDI Lat. 176.

sh pend m, pl. stipend, shpendë ‘bird’. Other forms are shpes, shpezë
and shpen. Derived from pende as proved by shpendël ‘down’ going
back to the same source. 0 MEYER Wb. 413 (a préfixai derivative of
*pet-no-), Alb. St. Ill 30; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 141.

sh p en e f, pi. shpene ‘s n o w -fla k e ’. R elated to shpend and shpendël.

shpenkoj aor. shpenkova ‘to disembowel (of poultry)’. From *shpend-

koj, based on pendè'.

shperr aor. shperra ‘to win (money), to gain’. From PAlb *sparja related
to Gmc *sparöjan ‘to leave unharmed, to keep’; ON spara, OHG spawn,
O E sparian. 0 ONIONS 850.

sh p esh ë adj. ‘freq u en t, th ic k ’. B o r r o w e d from Lat spissus ‘th ic k ’

(M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 63; M e y e r Wb. 413). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045, 1053; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 256; MIHÄESCU
RESEE IV /1-2 20; HAARMANN 151; LANDI Lat. 58.

sh pet m, pl. shpeta ‘garden fence’. Singularized plural of shpat (ÇABEJ

St. II 148).

shpërbëhet refi, ‘to rot, to to decompose’. Derivative of bëj. As in many

other verbs, the prefix shpër- borrowed from Lat super- is used here.

shpërej aor. shpereva ‘to h o p e ’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat sperare id. (MIK­

LOSICH Rom. Elemente 62). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1048;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 25; H a a r m a n n 150.

sh pëtoj aor. shpëtova ‘to save’. Borrowed from Rom *expeditare, fre­
quentative of Lat expedlre ‘to extricate, to disengage’ (MEYER Wb.
4 1 4 , Alb. St. IV 3 6 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 5 6 (to Gk eicjie-copou ‘to fly out,
to fly away’); JO K L RIEB II 7 1 -7 2 (derived from pet-kë as a caique
of Lat ex-cappdre ‘to go, to be in a hurry’), LKUBA 78; S p it z e r MRIW
I 3 3 0 (from Rom *hospitare ‘to receive as a guest’); HAARMANN 124;
ÇABEJ St. II 149 (agrees with JO K L ).
430 SHPIE - SIIPOR

shpieaor. shpura, shpum ‘to brin g a w a y ’. P réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f hie

(MEYER Wh. 3 5). 0 JOKL Studien 8 2 -8 3 (fro m *-perö related to pruva),
LKUBA 230; B a r i Í ARSt. I 105 (a g re es w ith JOKL); TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 2 5 7 -2 5 8 ; M a n n Language XXVIII 40; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 63;
Ç a b e j St. VII 184, 201; D e m ir a j AE 3 6 6 -3 6 7 .

shpih ~ shpif aor. shpiha ~ shpifa ‘to slander, to calumniate’. The initial
sh- is a prefix as it follows from k ë p if'to blame’ (MEYER Wb. 413).
Continues PAlb *peikska related to OHG fehan ‘to hate’, Lith peikiu.
peîkti ‘to blam e’. 0 FRAENKEL 525; POKORNY 1 795.

shpik aor. shpik ‘to drink out, to find out’. Derived from pik.

shpinë f, pl. shpina ‘back, spine’. Borrowed from Lat spina id. (M I­
KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 62; MEYER Wh. 4 1 4 ). Note the lack of
rhotacism in Tosk. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1 044, 1053;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV / 1-2 25; Ç a b e j St. VII 281; H a a r m a n n 150.

shpirt shpirtëra ~ shpirtna, shpirte ‘so u l, sp ir it’. B o r ro w e d

m, pl.
from Lat splritus id. (CAMARDA I 53; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 62;
M e y e r Wb. 414). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1044,1053; T a g l i ­
a v in i Dalmazia 257; H a a r m a n n 151; LANDI Lat. 148-149.

shpirrë f ‘asthma’. Deverbative based on *shpirroj continuing Rom

*dis-splrare. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 6 2 (based on Lat spirare);
M e y e r Wh. 4 1 4 (same as MIKLOSICH).

shplaj aor. shplava ‘to rinse’. Parallel forms are shpëlaj and shpërlaj.
A préfixai derivative of laj (ÇABEJ St. II 149). 0 C a m a r d a I 40 (to
IE *pleu- ‘to swim, to float’); MEYER Wb. 237, Alh. St. IV 99 (from
Rom *e.x-per-lavare).

shpoj aor. shpova ‘to drill’. Another form is shpuaj. Borrowed from
Rom *ex-pugere for *ex-punge re ‘to prick out, to strike out’ (MEYER
Wb. 4 1 4 ) or rather, from *ex-pâgere ‘to pierce’. 0 C a m a r d a I 68 (to
Gk anáco ‘to puli’); JOKL IE XXXVII 12-1 4 , LKUBA 2 1 7 , 2 4 4 (from
*-periö)\ BARIC ARSt. I 69; CAMAJ Alh. Worth. 63; ÇABEJ St. Ill 154,
1 7 9 -1 8 0 , VII 258; D e m ir a j AE 3 6 7 -3 6 8 .

shpor m, pl. shporë ‘spur; rooster’s breast’. Borrowed from Rom

 SHPORTF, — SHPRISHË 431

*spora ‘spur’ (MEYER Wb. 414), a Gothic loanword unattested in Ruman­

ian. The verb shporoj ‘to pierce’ is derived from shpor (DEMIRAJ AE
368).0 M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 62; JOKL IF XXXVII 120-123
(,shporoj to shpoj), LKUBA 217, 244; MEYER-LÜBKE 616; B a r i Ó ARSt.
I 69.

shportë f, pi. shporta ‘basket’. Borrowed from Lat sporta ‘basket, sieve’
(MEYER Wb. 414). 0 M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 63 (from Ital sporta
id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045, 1053; MIHÄESCU RESEE
IV/1-2 25; Ç a b e j St. VII 266; H a a r m a n n 151.

shporr aor. shporra ‘to move away, to drive away’. Based on PAlb
*para related to Skt piparti ‘to bring over, to save’, Gk rcepâœ, neipw
‘to penetrate’ and the like (CAMARDA II 152: to Gk 7tópaco ‘forwards’).
0 JOKL Studien 84 (to Goth fa in a ‘far’, Skt para- ‘ulterior, further’);
F r is k I I 491; M a y r h o f e r I I 284; P o k o r n y 1816-817; Ç a b e j St. VII
234.

shpreh aor. shpreha ‘to express, to speak’. Goes back to PAlb *is-per-
akska, further connected with eh ‘to sharpen’ < *akska and preh id.
< *per-akska, with the semantic development ‘to sharpen’ > ‘to
express’ similar to that of Slav *raziti ‘to strike’ ~ *vyraziti ‘to express’,
Lat premere ‘to press’ ~ exprimere ‘to express’ (OREL LB XXVIII/4
54) 0 JOKL Festschr. Rozwadowski I 249-250 (< PAlb *spregska, an
inchoative in *-sk- connected with OE sprecati ‘to speak’, OS sprekan
id., OHG sprehhan id.); PORZIG Gliederung 139 (follows Jo k l );
P is a n i REIE IV 7 (from Rom *expressO)\ P o k o r n y 1 996-997; SGGJa
1 100, 111; Ç a b e j Sr. VII 192; SBJa Leksikol. 148, Koll. Idg. Ges. 352;
H u l d 98; S c h r i j v e r BC 172; D e m ir a j AE 368-369 (again st O r e l ) .

shpresoj aor. shpresova ‘to hope'. Based on shprej, shpërej id. bor­
rowed from Lat sperare id. (MEYER Wb. 414).

shpretkë ~ shpënetkë f, pl. shpretka ~ shpënetka ‘spleen’. Borrowed

from Lat splênëticum ‘related to spleen’ (MEYER Wb. 4 1 3 -4 1 4 ). 0
C a m a r d a I 85 (to Gk otiAtiv ‘spleen’); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grund­
riß 1 1 1054; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 256; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-231;
H a a r m a n n 151.

shprishë f ‘b rea k fa st’. D e v e r b a tiv e b ased on shprish ‘to card, to

432 SHPROHË — SH Q ELM

comb; to have breakfast’. The latter is a préfixai derivative of prish.

shprohë f ‘deadly nightshade, belladonna’. From PAlb *sprêujâ related

to MHG spræjen ‘to be scattered’ < Gmc *sprewjan. 0 POKORNY I
994.

shputë f.pl. shputa ‘foot sole’. Borrowed, with a metathesis, from Slav
*stgpa, deverbative of *stgpati ‘to step’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg stbpam,
SCr stupati. 0 MEYER Wb. 415 (from Slav *stopa ‘sole’).

shpuzë f ‘hot ashes’. Borrowed from Lat spodium ‘ash’ (M e y e r Wb.

415) and passed to Rum spuzä. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1045,
1052; L a PIANA St. Varia 33 (identical with Gk OTioyyia ‘sponge’);
SCHMIDT KZ L 245 (préfixai derivative of IE *peuör-/*pun- ‘fire’);
MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 29; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 349; ROSETTI
ILR I 281; H a a r m a n n 151.

(G) shqa m ‘Bulgarian’. Borrowed from Lat sclavus ‘Slav’ (MIKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 59; M e y e r Wb. 410), cf. Rum §chiau id. (PU§CARIU
EWR 1547). 0 M ik l o s ic h Slav. Elemente 33; CAMARDA I 87 (to G k
Çevia ‘hospitality’); PU§CARIU EWR 139; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 21 1041; JOKL IF XLIV 37, Slavia XIII 295; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX
253; S k o k ZfromPhil LIV 181; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 253; ÇABEJ St.
VII 193; S v a n e 148; L a n d i Lat. 105, 138.

shqarr m, pl. shqarra ‘m arten’. Another variant is shar. Continues PAlb

*skera related to Latv skara ‘curly fu r’, Slav *skora ‘hide’. The orig­
inal meaning must have been ‘(marten) fu r’. For the semantic devel­
opment cf. E marten borrowed from OFr martrine ‘marten fur’. 0 MEYER
Wh. 399-400 (borrowed from Slav *di,.xorb ‘pole-cat’); BARIÍ AArbSt.
I 153 (to Gk atcrâp ‘excrement’); T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 141; M üH -
l e n b a c h -E n d z e l in III 872; V a s m e r III 650; O n io n s 558; Ç a b e j St.
II 150 (from IE *sker- ‘to cut’).
 SHQEM — S H Q IM T H 433

shqem m ‘threshold’. Singularized plural of sh kam ~ shkamb ‘stool,

chair, threshold’ (ÇABEJ St. II 150-151). The latter was borrowed from
MGk OKajivov ‘bench’.

shqem e f, pi. shqeme ‘Rhus coriaria, sumach, plant used for tanning’.
Singularized plural of *sh(ë)kam < *sh(e)mak, a metathesized bor­
rowing from MLat summacus id. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 151 (from Gk
ûoGKÙoqioç ‘kind of plant Hyoscyamus niger’).

shqep aor. shqepa ‘to rip, to tear’. The antonym of qep built with the
prefix sh- (C a m a r d a I 101; O r e l Linguistica XXIV 432). Ç a b e j
St. VII 219.

shqepoj aor. shqepova ‘to be lame’. Based on shqep ‘lame’ borrowed

from Rom *sclopus reflected in Rum çchiop id. (M e y e r Wb. 411).
Other Romance languages have *cloppus. 0 PU§CARIU EWR 139;
M e y e r -L ü b k e 159, Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1054; MIHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-
2 15; H a a r m a n n 124 (from Rom *excloppus).

sh q e rr aor. shqorra ‘to tear (cloth)’. From PAlb *skera related to Gk

‘to cut o f f , OIr scaraim ‘to separate’, ON skera ‘to cut o f f
K e ip o )
and the like (C a m a r d a I 69, 87; M e y e r Wb. 411-412, Alb. St. Ill 60,
71). From here shqerrë ‘coarse’ is derived. 0 JOKL IF XXX 197, LKUBA
156 (follows MEYER); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 249-250; B a r iç Hymje
35 (to Dac oKiápn ‘kind of thorny plant’); M a n n Language XXVIII
40; G e o r g ie v Issledovanija 114 (follows BARIÇ); ClMOCHOWSKl St.
IE 43; F r is k I 810-811; V e n d r y e s [S] 33-34; P o k o r n y I 938-939;
D e m ir a j AE 369-370.

shqezë f, pi. shqeza ‘harrow ’. Derived from shqyej.

shqile f ‘rennet’. Dialectal variant o f *shtile, derived from shtjell (DEMIRAJ

AE 370). 0 JOKL LKUBA 282 (p r éfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f gel ‘to b rin g , to
r r r r r r r r r r r : ........ ' ' r r r r r r r ; ; : ■" ■ '/ v '/ v '/ v ......... ; ^ ÿ; ^ ;...." * ....... ; ; ; ; ;... ................... y ; gl!

ed, lonely’. Related to shqimth. shqelm m , pi. shqelma, shq

St. VII 241.
ive in -th derived from qime.
434 S IIQ IN D SHQUAJ ~ SH Q U EJ
sn q y e j snqyeva io lear, io oreaic . rroiri r /\io ■sKuiija reiaieu io
aor.
IE *sken- ‘to split’ mainly represented by a deverbative adjective *sken-
to-, cf., for example, Bret skant ‘scales’, ON skinn ‘hide, skin’. 0 POKORNY
I 929.

sh q y m b shqymba ‘to extinguish, to destroy’. Continues P A lb

aor.

*skitmba, a nasal present related to Goth af-skiuban ‘to push b a c k , to

reject’, Lith skumbu, skubti ‘to hurry up’, Slav *skubo, *skubati ‘to
pull, to tear’. 0 F r a e n k e l 820; F e is t Goth. 9; V a s m e r III 660; P o k o r n y
I 955.

a o r . shqyrtova ‘to examine, to observe’. The original form

sh q y r to j
must have been *shkrytoj. Borrowed from Lat scrutavi ‘to examine,
to find out’. 0 MEYER Wb. 388 (from Rom *disquiritâre); Ç a b e j St.
II 152 (derived from qyr).

sh q y t m, pl. shqyta ‘shield’. Borrowed from L a t scütum id. (M ik l o s ic h

Rom. Elemente 60). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. G rundriß21 1046; MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV /1-2 20; Ç a b e j St. VII 216; H a a r m a n n 149; L a n d i Lat.
105.

s h r e g u ll f, pl. shregulla ‘swing’. Derived from rregull preserving the

otherwise unattested meaning of Lat régula ‘bar, board’.

sh ta g ë f. pl. shtaga ‘pole, stick’. Continues PAlb *staga etymological­

ly connected with ON stjaki id., Latv stçga ‘long pole’ and the like.
0 P o k o r n y I 1014.

s h ta lb ë r m ‘wooden snare’. Based on P A lb *sta!ba, an o-grade form

related to ON stolpi ‘beam, girder’, Lith stidbas ‘post, pole’, Slav *stblbi,
id. reflecing the zero-grade of *stelb-. 0 VASMER III 765; FRAENKEL
930; P o k o r n y I 1020.

s h ta lk ë t', pl. shtalka ‘fram e’. From PAlb *stalika, nominal derivative
based on IE *stel- attested in various forms such as, for example, Skt
sthála- ‘elevation’, Gk atoA.r| ‘equipment’, MLG stale ‘post’ and other
similar continuants. 0 F r is k I I 786-788; M a y r h o f e r III 525; P o k o r n y
1 1019-1020.

shtalp m ‘rennet’. Continues PAlb *stalpa related to shtjell in view

51UJU1U m i i i a a i ï ü - ï ï ô c . I>ui l u w c u li u i u A j a u ^ ivul, i u . o í. il
151-152) with rendered as *-k- > -g-. 0 MEYER Wh. 411 (from
NGk o k Î v o ç , oxîvoç id.).

shqipe adj. ‘A lb a n ia n ’. C aiq u e o f S lav * slovène ‘S la v s’ (from *slovg,

*sluti ‘to speak c le a rly ’) based on shqipoj ‘to speak c le arly ’ (TRUBACEV
Slav. jaz. XI 6). T he h isto ric a l and c u ltu ra l im p o rtan ce o f this caique
is u n p re ce d e n ted in so far as it re fle c ts a situ atio n o f ethnic sy m b io sis
in the area. This situation m ust have follow ed the Proto-A lbanian period.
0 CAMARDA II 152 (to shqipe ‘e a g le ’); MEYER Wb. 411 ( shqipe
d e riv e d fro m shqipoj)', DIEFENBACH Türk. 27 (to sqep); TREIMER IF
XXXV 135-137 (p ré fix a i d e riv a tiv e o f qipi ‘h e a p ’ < *sem-küpo-
‘p eo p le, g a th e rin g ’); SOLMSEN Eig. 98; JAKOBSON IJSL Ì959/ 1-2 271
(* slovène from *slovo ‘w o rd ’); POLÁK Slavia LIX 347-350; TRUBACEV
Ètimologija 1980 12-13 (S lav * slovène fro m *slovç, * slitti); Ç a b e j
LVJSOS IV 78 -9 6 ( shqipoj as a d e n o m in ativ e o f shqipe).

shqipe ~ shqype f, p i, shqipe ~ shqype ‘eagle’. Contamination of shkabë

and shqipoj < Lat excipere in its original meaning ‘to take out, to seize’.
The influence of Lat accipiter ‘bird of prey’ cannot be altogether exclud­
ed. 0 C a m a r d a II 152 (to shkabë); M e y e r Wb. 276-277 (from Lat
accipiter); JOKL LKUBA 307-308 (préfixai derivative of qep); TAGLI­
AVINI Stratificazione 141; LANDI Lat. 120, 130.

shqipoj aor. shqipova ‘to speak clearly, to understand’. Borrowed from

Lat excipere id. ( M e y e r Wb. 411). 0 CAMARDA I 124-125; HAARMANN
124.

shqirrë f, pi. shqirra ‘r e e d ’. D eriv ed fro m shqerr.

shqis aor. shqita ‘to tear, to separate’. Derived from qis. 0 ÇABEJ St.
VII 243.

shqitë f, pi. shqita ‘slippery place’. Derived from shkas.

shqopë f, pi. shqopa ‘b r ie r ’. W ith a se c o n d ary -q-, b o rro w e d fro m L at

scopa ‘tw ig , b ra n c h ’ (KRISTOFORIDHI 396; WEIGAND BA II 224). 0
Ç a b e j St. II 152, IV 88-89.

shquaj ~ shquej aor. shqova ‘to d isc e rn , to stress, to le a r n ’. D erived

fro m quaj.
436 SHTA LLË — SH TA TË

of its derivative mbë-shtillem ‘to become sour’ (JOKL LKUBA 282-230).

0 BUGGEBB X V III171 (explains dialectal shtarp as related to Gk xpécpco
‘to make sour, of m ilk’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 284-285 (to gjalpë);
TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 150; ÇABEJ St. Il 152-153 (agrees with JOKL).

s h ta llë f, pl. shtalla ‘stall’. Borrowed from Lat stabulum id. 0 TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 258 (from Ital stalla).

sh ta n g adj. ‘hard’. From P A lb *stanga related to ON stinga ‘to put, to

stick’, Lith sténgiu, ste'ngti ‘to be able’, stiñgti ‘to become hard’, Latv
stiñgt id. (M a n n Language XXVIII 39) 0 C a m a r d a I 140 (to Gk a xeyro
‘to cover’); MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 63 (from Ital stanga)-, F r a e n k e l
895-896, 906, ZfslavPh XXIII 344 (to OHG stanga); P o k o r n y I
1015.

s h ta r ë t adj. ‘bitter’. Continues PAlb *stara etymologically related to

Gk OTepeôç ‘tough, hard’, ON starr ‘stiff’, Lith sterti ‘to become stiff,
to harden’ and the like. 0 F r is k I I 790-791; F r a e n k e l 902-903; P o k o r n y
1022; M a n n Language XXVI 381-382 (to Av stavro ‘strong’, Skt sthâ-
vara-).

sh ta t m, pi. shtatra ~ shtatna ‘figure, image’. Borrowed from Lat status

‘height, stature’ (MEYER Wb. 415). 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 63
(from Ital stato); M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1041; TAGLIAVINI
Dalmazia 258 (against MIKLOSICH); MANN Language XVII 18 (from
IE *sth3tos); M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 27; H a a r m a n n 151; L a n d i
Lat. 139, 148-149.

s h ta të num. ‘seven’. Goes back to PAlb *septati- from IE *septm-ti-.

The latter is derived from IE *septm ‘seven’, cf. Skt saptá-, Gk ektoc,
Lat septem (B opp 459; CAMARDA I 93; M e y e r Wb. 415, Alb. St. Ill
33, 59). From the point of view of derivation, shtatë is close to such
abstract formations in *-ti- as Skt saptati- ‘seventy, seven tens’, cf.
B r u g m a n n Gr. I 722, 971. 0 JOKL Studien 48 (on the group *-pt- >
-t-), LKUBA 315; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 284, Kelt. Gr. I 72, Reallex.
Vorgesch. 1 222, 224; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 39; TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 258; L a P i a n a Studi I 91; PISANI Saggi 106; B a r i ç Hymje 35;
M a y r h o f e r III 431; F r i s k I 545; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I I 517-518; O r e l
Koll. Idg. Ges. 351-352; POKORNY I 909; H am p Numerals 914; H u l d
142; K ö d d e r i t z s c h St. albanica XXII/2 122; D e m ir a j AE 370.
 SHTA ZË, SHTËZË ~ SHTÂ ZË — S H l'K R R Ë 437

shtazë, shtëzë ~ shtâzë f, pl. shtazë, shtëzë ~ shtâzë ‘animal’. T h e orig­

inal Tosk form is shtëzë. Derivative in -zë (MEYER Wb. 415) of an
unattested *shtë ~ shtâ continuing PAlb *stana from IE *st?no-, an
adjective in *-no- from IE *st(h)û- ‘to stand’ (JOKL LKUBA 245-247
with a reconstruction of the phonetically difficult full grade in *st(h)ä-
no-). 0 MEYER Wb. 415 (from Rom *bëstana, based on Lat bestia ‘animal,
beast’); BUGGE BB XVIII 186 (from Rom *extraña for Lat extrânea,
fem. ‘outside, external, strange’); T a g l ia v i n i Stratificazione 142;
P o k o r n y I 1004-1008; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 64, 125 (to shtie); Ç a b e j
St. II 154-155 (agrees with JOKL); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 150 (to OHG
stati ‘strong, tough’); H u l d KZ XCVI 152-158 (identical with Lat
quadrupës ‘having four feet’), XCVIII 101 (reconstructs *kvet(u)or pd-
iëH); D e m ir a j AE 371.

shteg m, pi. shtigje ‘path, road’. From PAlb *staiga identical with IE
*stoigho- ‘way’: Gk oxoîxoç ‘row, line’, Goth staiga ‘way’, Latv staiga
‘walking’, stîga ‘path’, Slav *stbza id. ( M e y e r Wb. 415, Alb. St. Ill
9, 58). 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 275; PETERSSON LUÀ X IX /6 12; M a n n Lan­
guage XXVI 387; L a PIANA Studi I 91; PISANI Saggi 99; FRISK II 783-
785; C h a n t r a i n e 1049; FEIST Goth. 447; POKORNY I 1017-1018; K lin -
GENSCHMITT Miinch. St. Spr. XL 102; H u l d 114; OREL Sprache XXXI
282, Koll. Idg. Ges. 352; KORTLANDT SSGL X 221; DEMIRAJ AE 371 -
372.

shterë f, pi. shtera ‘m ortar’. Borrowed from Lat neut. pistörium

‘related to flour-grinding’. 0 MEYER Wb. 415 (from Rom *pistärium
for Lat pistörium); HAARMANN 142.

shterpë adj. ‘barren, sterile’. A parallel form shterkë continues *shterp-

kë ( J o k l apud T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 259). Borrowed from G k otépKpoç
id. ( D e m i r a j AE 373). 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 24 (to Skt stari ‘sterile
cow‘); H e r z o g ZfromPh XXXVIII 736 (from Rom *exstirpus ‘barren,
sterile’); T reiM E R ZfromPh XXXVIII 391 n. 1 (against HERZOG); PED­
ERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 94; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 259 (to shtjerrë); DESNICK­
AJA Slav. jaz. VIII 153 (to Lat sterilis); H a m p Miinch. St. Spr. XL 37
(from G k cnépipoc); L a n d i Lat. 57, 82.

shterrë f, pi. shterra ‘heifer’. Related to shtjerr and shtjerrë, pi. of qengj.
0 M ik l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 63; T a g l ia v i n i Stratificazione 149-150.
438 SH I E I' — S H T Ë P R E S IU Î ~ S H P N F .S H Ë

shtet m , pl. shtete ‘state’. Historically identical with shtat. Singular­

ized plural of *shtat borrowed from Lat status id.

shtëllungë f, pl. shtëllunga ‘flock of wool’. Derivative in -unge from

shtjell (PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 196). 0 W e ig a n d 85-86 (from siiteli is);
Ç a b e j St. II 155 (follows P e d e r s e n ).

shtëmbë ~ shtambë f, pl. shtëmba ~ stamba ‘clay vessel’. Borrowed

from Gk axânvoç ‘large vessel’ (CAMARDA I 83; M a n n Language XVII
23). 0 M e y e r Wb. 391, Alb. St. IV 109 (from NGk oiápvoc ‘pitcher’);
JOKL ZONF X 191-192 (from IE *sthä- ‘to stand’); M a n n Language
XVII 23; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/3-4 350; ÇABEJ St. II 153-154 (repeats
M a n n ’ s etymology).

shtëmëngët adj. ‘left; standing aside’. Préfixai form related to mangut.

0 Ç a b e j St. VII 201.

shtëngër adj. ‘squinting’. Based on *shtëng borrowed from Rom

*stancus ‘weak, left’: Rum sting, Ital stanco, OFr estanc (MEYER Wb.
415). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 20; H a a r m a n n 151; L a n d i Lat. 48.

(G) shtëpâ m, pl. shtëpâ nj ‘shepherd producing cheese, cheese-maker’.

The Tosk form must have been *shtepër. Its existence is confirmed
by shtëpreshë. An early borrowing from Slav *stopatrh, cf. stopan
(Ç a b e j St. Tl 155).

shtëpi t, pl. shtëpi, shtëpira ‘h o u se ’. A m o rp h o lo g ical adaptation o f the

m etathesized Lat hospitium ‘lodging, inn, guest-cham ber’, cf. NGk 07im
‘h o u s e ’ (C a m a r d a I 100; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 32; M e y e r Wb.
415-416). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1039, 1055; T a g l ia v i ­
ni Dalmazia 256-257, Origini 191; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 28;
H a a r m a n n 129; H u l d 115; L a n d i Lat. 158.

shtëpreshë ~ shpneshë f, pl. shtëpresha ~ shpnesha ‘female shepherd;

(good) housewife’. Another phonetic variant is shtëpresë. Feminine
form of shtëpâ semantically influenced by shtëpi (ÇABEJ St. II 155-
156).
 SHTËRG — SHTIRÈ 439

shtërg m, pl. shtërgj ‘stork'. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg strbk,
SCr strk. Note the voicing of the auslaut -k.

shtëroj aor. shtërova ‘to run dry, to dry up’. Another variant is shtroj.
Based on shter(r) id. derived from ter.

sh tërzim m, pl. shtërzime ‘labor pains’. From *shtërpëzim, based on

shterpë.

shtërras aor. shterra ‘to diminish, to shrink’. Another variant is shtër-

roj. Borrowed from Lat extenuare ‘to make sm aller’.

sh tiak m, pl. shtiakë ‘m iscarriage’. Derived from shtie.

sh tiaz pi. ‘sp a rk s’. P ostverb al o f shtie (ÇABEJ St. 11 156). 0 THUMB
KZ XXXVI 1 8 6 -1 8 7 , IF XXVI 9 (from NGk eaxia ‘f ir e ’); PEDERSEN
Alb. Texte 195 (d ialectal plural o f shtijë).

sh tie aor. shtura, shtyra, sht ir a, shtiva ‘to pour in, to put in, to throw ’.
From PAlb *stera related to Skt stillati ‘to spread, to scatter’, Gk cnopvuni
‘to stretch, to spread’, Lat sterno ‘to spread’, Slav *stbrç, *sterti id.
(J o k l Studien 84-85). 0 C a m a r d a I 145 (to Gk oxeixco ‘to walk, to
m arch’); MEYER Wb. 416 (to shtjell), Alb. St. Ill 58; JOKL LKUBA 127;
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 259-260; S c h m id t KZ LVII 8 (part, shtënë <
*standhno-)\ LA PIANA St. Varia 21 (reconstructs *steuno-); FRISK II
802-803; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 590-591; M a y r h o f e r III 517-518;
V a sm e r III 379; P o k o r n y 1 1030; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 63; H a m p Münch.
St. Spr. XL 37; Ç a b e j St. VII 227; Ö l b e r g IBK XTII 66; D e m ir a j AE
374-375.

shtijë f, pi. shtija ‘spear, ray’. Borrowed from Lat hostile ‘spear’ (MEYER
Wb. 416). Derived from shtijë is shtizë ‘spear’. 0 KRISTOFORIDHI 413
(to shtie); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 23; H a a r m a n n 129; Ç a b e j St.
IV 89.

shtiret refi, ‘to pretend, to sim u late'. D eriv ed from shtie, cf. refi, shtihet
id. 0 Ç a b e j St. V II 23 9 .

sh tirë adj. ‘w e a k ’. R elated to shtie, cf. shtiret. 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 1 6 .

 440 SH 'IJE L L ---- SH TR A PË R
SH T R A PË Z O J — SH T R E P 441

sh tjell aor. shtolla ‘to throw ’. Continues PAlb *stela etymologically

sh trapëzoj aor. shtrapëzova ‘to spread’. Derived from trapeze.
connected with Gk axéAAo) ‘to put, to set’, OHG stellen ‘to put’, OPrus
stallTl ‘to stand’ (C A M A R D A I 44; M E Y E R Wb. 416, Alb. St. Ill 58, 77).
shtrat m , p l. shtretër ~ shtretën ‘bed; layer’. Borrowed from Lat
0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 543; JO K L IF XXXVII 111, LKUBA 127; PISANI
stratum id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 64; M e y e r Wb. 417). 0
Saggi 119; F r is k I I 786-788; E n d z e l ïn s D /IV /2 313; P o k o r n y I 1019-
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1041; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 260; M a n n
1020; Ç a b e j St. VII 230-231; D e m ir a j AE 376.
Language XVII 18 (related to Gk axpaxôç); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-
2 20; H a a r m a n n 152; L a n d i Lat. i l l .
shtjerr ao r. shtorra ‘to untwist, to untwine’. Derived from tjerr.
shtreb ao r. shtreba ‘to lay eggs (of flies)’. Verbal form connected with
sh tjerrë f ‘lamb, young cow, heifer’. Another variant is shqerrë. Con­
shtrep.
tinues PAlb *sternä or *sterja related to Skt stari, Gk axeîpa and the
like (M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 58). See qengj. Borrowed to Rum stirä
sh treg ë f ‘pile of wood’. From PAlb *stragá related to MHG strac
‘sterile (of animals)’. 0 STIER KZ XI 209-210; MEYER Gr. Gr. 232;
‘tight’, OE strec ‘hard, strong’. 0 H O L T H A U S E N AEW 324; P O K O R N Y
J o k l LKUBA 156; T a g l ia v i n i Dalmazia 259; L a P ia n a Studi I 95;
I 1023 (adduces nonexistent Lith strëgti ‘to harden, to freeze’).
POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 350; RO SE TTI ILR I 282; HAMP Münch. St.
Spr. X L 37 (remodelled from pl. shqerra and related to krye); DEMIRAJ
shtrek shtriqe ‘corpse, carrion’. From P A lb *streka reflecting a
m , p i.
AE 376-378.
noun derived from IE *ster- ‘unclean liquid, manure’. Note that a similar
semantic evolution is found in ORuss stbrvb ‘corpse, dead body’ belong­
sh tog m , p i. shtogje ‘elder, elder-berry’. From PAlb *staga related to
ing to the same root. The Albanian form seems to represent a case
shtagë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 417 (from Rum soc id., with serious doubts);
of Schwebeablaut if confronted with such derivative of *ster- as
B a r iC ARSt 32; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 147 (from
Lat stercus ‘excrem ents’. Note, however, Celtic forms based on
Lat sabucus).
*strenk-: Bret stroñk id., W trwnc id. (OREL Linguistica XXIV 4 3 4 -
4 3 5 ). 0 W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 5 8 9 ; P o k o r n y I 1 0 3 1 -1 0 3 2 .
shtoj a o r . shtova ‘to increase’. Continues PAlb *stanja etymological­
ly connected with Skt tisthati ‘to stand’, Gk i'oxriju ‘to put’, Lat stö
sh trem bër a d j. ‘crooked, curved’. An earlier form is shtremb. B or­
‘to stand’, OHG stem id., Lith stóju, stati id., Slav *stojç, *stojati id.
rowed from Rom *strambus id.: Rum strîmb, Ital strambo and the like
( C a m a r d a 1 176). 0 P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 79; B a r iú ARSt 6 9 (to Lat
( M e y e r Wb. 4 1 7 ). 0 H a a r m a n n 1 5 1-152; L a n d i Lat. 4 7 -4 8 .
tötus ‘whole’); LA PlANA St. Varia 23; M a n n Language XXVI 381
(derives shtoj from *stäiö); FRISK I 739; FRAENKEL 914; MAYRHOFER
sh tr en jtë adj. ‘dear, expensive’. Borrowed from Rom *strinctus
I I 5 2 6 -5 2 7 ; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 5 9 6 -5 9 9 ; V a s m e r III 769; P o k o r n y
‘narrow ’: Rum strimi, Venet strento, Sitai strinto (CAMARDA I 47;
1 1004-1005; C lM O C H O W S K I St. IE 45; K L IN G E N S C H M IT T Miinch. St.
MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 64; MEYER Wb. 4 18). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE MRIW
Spr. XL 103, 125; Ç A B E J St. VII 227, 242; D E M IR A J AE 378 (to IE
1 24, Gr. Grundriß2 1 1045, 1054; TAGLIAVINI Dalmmin OfiíV**' "
*steHu-o-). shtrap m ‘s
agnant green on p on d s’. From PAlb *strapa related to MHG
straf ‘tigli
shtrep m, pi. shtrepa ‘maggot, larva’. There exists a parallel form shtrebë. 919-920; 1
’, Lith par-strapinti ‘to drag o n e s e lf back’. 0 FRAENKEL
As to pl. tantum shtërpinj ‘reptiles, verm in’, it is an obvious deriva­
OKORNY 1 1025.
tive (plural) of shtrep. Goes back to PAlb *straupa etymologically shtrapër in
close to Slav *strupb ‘wound, scab, poison’. Borrowed to R um stre- 156 (to shi
‘sh ep h e rd ’s p u r se ’. D er iv ed from shtrap. 0 Ç a b e j St. II
pede ‘cheese worms’. 0 M e y e r Wb. ¡37 (connects shtërpinj with gjarpër
ërpinj and gjarpër).
supposing *sr- > *str- in Proto-Albanian); JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I
442 SHTRETH — SHTROHË ~ SHTROFË

90, LKUBA 2 8 3 -2 8 4 ; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 284; VASMER III 7 8 4 -7 8 5 ;

L a P ia n a St. Varia 105; P o g h ir c 1st. limb. rom. II 349; R o s e t t i ILR
I 281; H u l d 147; ÇABEJ St. V II 210; DEMIRAJ AE 37 4 .

shtreth m, pl. shtretha ‘board’. Derivative of shtrat.

shtreze f, pl. shtreze ‘stern (of a ship)’. Singularized plural of *shter-

ez based on an unattested *shtërë < PAlb *steura. The latter was bor­
rowed from Gmc *steurö ‘steering paddle, rudder, stern’, cf. OE ste'or,
further related to Gmc *steurjan ‘to steer’. 0 HOLTHAUSEN AEW 32 0 .

shtrëngoj aor. shtrcngova "to press, to squeeze’. Borrowed from Lat

stringere ‘to stretch, to press, to squeeze’ (C A M A R D A I 47; M IK L O S IC H
Lat. Elemente 64; M e y e r Wb. 4 1 8 ). 0 M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1048; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 260; S c h u c h a r d t /ÍZ XX 260; D u R i -
D A N O V BE 4 -5 (1 9 6 8 ) 4 0 1 -4 0 6 ; H A A R M A N N 152.

shtrigë f, pl. shtriga ‘witch’. Borrowed from Lat striga id. (MIKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 64). 0 M e y e r Wb. 418 (assumes Slavic mediation); MEYER-
LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1045; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 261 (prefers the
Latin etymology).

shtrij aor. shtriva ‘to spread, to stretch’. From P A lb *strinja related

to Skt stanati ‘to spread, to scatter’, Gk axópvopi ‘to spread, to stretch’,
Lat sterno id. and the like (M e y e r Wb. 4 1 8 , Alb. St. Ill 5 0 , 5 9 ). 0 P e ­
d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 52; JOKL Studien 8 5 , Melanges Pedersen 150,
Sprache IX 120; B a r i C ARSt. I 61; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 2 6 1 ; FRISK
II 8 0 2 -8 0 3 ; MANN Hist. Gr. 195; MAYRHOFER III 5 1 7 -5 1 8 ; WALDE-
H o f m a n n II 5 9 0 -5 9 1 ; ÇABEJ Sprache XVITI 137, St. VII 206; HAMP
LB XX 116; KLINGENSCHMITT Münch. St. Spr. XL 124; H u l d 115-
116; KÖDDERITZSCH Festschr. Mac Eoin 65; D e m ir a j AE 3 7 8 -3 7 9 .

shtriq aor. shtriqa ‘to stretch (of arms and legs)’. Based on shtrij.

shtrofkë f, pl. shtrofka ‘d e n ’. D er iv ed fro m shtrohë ~ shtrofë (OREL

Koll. Idg. Ges. 353). 0 MEYER Wb. 418 (from S la v *strops ‘r o o f ’);
JOKL LKUBA 101, Me'langes Pedersen 150 (to shtroj)’, ÇABEJ St. II 156
(a g re es w ith J o k l) ; D e m ir a j AE 379.

shtrohë - shtrofë f, pl. shtroha ~ shtrofa ‘kennel’. From PAlb *sträjä,

 SHTROJ — SHTUARA 443

a long-grade form connected with Latv straja ‘stall covered with straw’,
Slav *strojb ‘construction’, and further, with Lat stria ‘furrow, fold’
(OREL FLH V I I I / 1-2 45). 0 M e y e r Wb. 418 (analyzes Geg shtrof as
a borrowing from Slav *strop-h ‘roof’); JOKL LKUBA 101; WALDE-
H o f m a n n II 602; V a s m e r III 780.

shtroj a o r . shtrova ‘to spread’. From PAlb *s franja, long grade of the
same root as in shtrij ( M e y e r Wb. 4 1 8 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 139; M e y e r -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1052 (from Lat sterno ‘to spread’); K lin -
GENSCHMITT Verbum 2 5 5 -2 5 6 ; ÇABEJ St. VII 193, 2 4 1 .

shtrosë f, pi. shtrosa ‘goat hide (used as a cushion)’. Derived from shtroj.

shtrud m ‘straw berry’. Phonetic variant of shtrydh, cf. also shtrydhëz

id. Derived from shtrydh (ÇABEJ St. II 157). 0 MEYER Wb. 418 (to
Slovene truskelica ‘garden straw berry’ and the like); BARIC ARSt.
I 101 (to L at frägum id .); RÄDULESCU JIES III 3 8 5 - 3 9 3 (< IE
*strug“h-).

shtrungë f, pi. shtrunga ‘milking enclosure’. Derived from shtroj

(ÇABEJ St. II 157-158). From Albanian, the term was borrowed by
various languages of the Balkans and of the Carpathian area, cf. Rum
strungâ. 0 H a h n 127 (to shtrëngoj); M eyer Wb. 418 (loanword of dubious
origin); JOKL Studien 89 (from IE *strng- as in Lat stringo ‘to press,
to squeeze’); BARIC ARSt. I 105, AArbSt I 154-156 (from *sm-tronk"ä
related to G drängen ‘to press’, ON próngr ‘narrow ’); GlUGLEA DR
II 343-345 (crossing of Gmc *stanga ‘pole’ and Rom *mga ‘road, street’);
M e y e r -L ü b k e DR IV 642-645 (crossing of Rom *stringa and *rüga);
SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 246; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 150; POGHIRC
1st. limb. rom. II 334; ROSETTI ILR I 281-282.

shtrydh aor. shtrydha ‘to sq u e ez e o u t’ . R elated to ndrydh. 0 MEYER -

LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046 (from Latin); Pis ANI Saggi 122.

shtrrak m , pi. shtrraqe, shtrriqe ‘p artition w all; hut u sed to iso la te a

sick an im a l’. B o r ro w e d from R om *sternacus b ased on Lat sterno ‘to
sp read, to c o v e r ’. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 15 8 -1 5 9 (id en tica l w ith shtrat).

shtuara adv. ‘upright’. Based on shtuar ~ OGeg shtuom, participle of

444 SH T U N Ë ~ S H (Ë )T T JN D Ë — 5H TYP

shtoj ( P e d e r s e n Alb. Texte 196, Kelt. Gr. I 70, 79). 0 J o k l Studien

88; Ç a b e j St. IT 159 (follows P e d e r s e n ) .

shtunë ~ sh(ë)tundë f, pl. shtuna ~ shtunda ‘Saturday’. From an earlier

form shëtundë ( B u z u k u , B a r d h i ) continuing Lat Saturni dies id.
(SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 251; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1 0 5 0 ). 0
MEYER Wb. 4 0 5 (from Lat sabhatum); S k o k ZfromPhil XLIV 33 2 -
3 3 4 (from Rom *sambata with a metathesis); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
26 2 (follows S k o k ); Ç a b e j S í . IV 58, V II 268; H a a r m a n n 148; L a n d i
Lat. 4 6 , 134, 159.

shtupë f ‘tow’. Borrowed from Lat stuppa id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 65), 0 MEYER Wb. 395, Alb. St. IV 110 (from NGk g toutu id.);
S k o k ZfromPh XLIV 332-337 ; M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1046;
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 262; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 20; Ç a b e j St.
II 159; H a a r m a n n 152.

shturë f, pl. shtura ‘starling’. Borrowed from Lat sturnus id.

shtyj ~ shtyj aor. shtyta, shtyva, shtyra ~ shtyna ‘to push’. From P A lb
*stüdnja etymologically close to Skt túndate ‘to push, to strike’, Lat
tundö ‘to push’, OIr do-tuit ‘to fall’, Goth stautan id. (MEYER Wb.
418, Alb. St. Ill 28, 59). 0 Jokl Studien 3 (agrees with M e y e r ); SCHMIDT
KZ LVII 10-11 (to Lith stimiti ‘to push’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 261 -
262; P is ä NI Saggi 123; F e is t Goth. 451; M a y r h o f e r I 511; W a l d e -
H o f m a n n II 616-617; P o k o r n y I 1033-1034; H u l d 116; D em ir a j
AE 379-380.

shtyllë f. pl. shtylla ‘post, column’. Borrowed from Gk otî>À,oç id. 0

M e y e r Wb. 419 (from NGk o%vloç id.); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2
29; Ç a b e j St. VII 281; H a a r m a n n 151 (from Lat stilus).

shtyp aor. shtypa ‘to crush, to squash, to break into pieces’. Derived
from *typ, cf. typth. 0 M e y e r Wb. 416 (to Lat stipare ‘to press
together’), Alb. St. Ill 59; K r is t o f o r id h i 414 (to Gk túktco ‘to
strike’); WEIGAND 236 (from Slav *stgpati ‘to step’); JOKL Studien
85-87 (from *shtryp related to Gk Tparceco ‘to tread grapes’); TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 263.; M a n n Language XXVI 387 (to Gk TÚ7ti(u);
C h a n t r a in e 1129; Ç a b e j St. VII 273.
 SH TYR ~ SHTIR — S H I Ml; 445

shtyr ~ shtir aor. shtyra ~ shtira ‘to push; to cross (a river)’. Derived
from shtyj. 0 JO KL Studien 87-88 (to Skt Idrati ‘to cross over’).

shuaj - shuej aor. shova, shuajta, shojta ‘to ex tin g u ish ’. B o rro w ed from
Lat subjugäre ‘to su b ju g a te’ w ith the lo ss o f tw o in te rv o c a lic v o iced
stops. 0 CAMARDA I 8 6 (to Gk o ß e v v u ^ i ‘to q u en ch ’); M e y e r Wb.
4 1 9 (fro m Lat exungere ‘to a n o in t’); Jo k l LKUBA 329; B ariC ARSt.
1 327 (follows CAMARDA); M a n n Language XXVI 381 (to Gk yaco
< *kvsaio); Ç a b e j St. VII 217, 257.

shuguroj aor. shugurova ‘to ordain’. Other phonetic variants are

shëkroj, shukroj, shugroj. From Lat sacrare ‘to sanctify’ (MEYER Wb.
403). 0 H a a r m a n n 147.

shuj aor. shujta ‘to be silent’. An onomatopoeia based on shuj ‘hush!’.

shuk aor. shuka ‘to throw’. Derived from here are shuk ‘ball’ and shukull
‘mignonette’. A préfixai derivative of PAlb *uka related to IE *yek-
‘to bend’, cf. in particular Skt vacyáte ‘to fly up’. 0 POKORNY I 1134.

shul m, pi. shule ‘post, pole’. Borrowed from Slav *Sulb ‘log, trunk’,
cf. in South Slavic: Slovene sul], SCr sulj. 0 M e y e r Wb. 419 (to Slav
*sulica ‘spear’), Alb. St. Ill 43 (from *sud-lo-); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-
2 16; H A A R M A N N 131 (from Lat insubulum ‘weaver’s beam’).

shul adv. ‘one-sided, crooked’. Préfixai derivative of id.

shullatë f, pi. shullata ‘drain, gutter’. Borrowed from Lat fern, sublata
‘lifted, raised’.

shullë ~ shullâ m ‘sunny sp o t’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat solänus (locus)

id. ( M e y e r Wb. 419). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042;
SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 252; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 31; HAARMANN
150; L a n d i Lat. 48, 88, 157.

shumë adv. ‘many, m uch’. Borrowed from Lat summus ‘uppermost,

highest’ (M e y e r Wb. 419). 0 C a m a r d a I 86 (cognate of Lat summits);
M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1046, 1052; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 263;
JOKL Arch. Roman. XXIV 134 (borrowing from the substantive Lat
446 SHUNGULLOJ — SHUSIIALLË

summa)-. MANN Hist. Gr. 196 (from neut. Lat summum)-, H u l d 116;
H a a r m a n n 58, 152.

shungulloj aor. shungullova ‘to shake’. Borrowed from Rom *exungutäre

for *exunduläre ‘to seethe’.

shuplakë f, pl. shuplaka ‘palm ’. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. SCr
supljaca ( M e y e r Wb. 4 1 9 - 4 2 0 ) . 0 C a m a r d a II 1 6 7 (to Gk nXiiaoco
‘to strike, to hit’); TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia 2 6 4 , Stratificazione 9 6 - 9 7 ;
S C H U C H A R D T KZ XX 2 5 2 (to OFr soufflace ‘slap in the face’).

shurdhër adj. ‘deaf’. Another morphological variant is shurdhët. Bor­

rowed from Lat surdus id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 65; M e y e r Wb.
420). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 11 1046, 1049; 1052; TAGLIAVINI
Dalmazia 264; MIHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 20; ÇABEJ St. VII 193;
H a a r m a n n 152.

shurqel m, pi. shurqela ‘waterfall’. Singularized plural of *shurkal <

*shurkadël, a nominal derivative of *shurkadoj borrowed from Lat
super-cadere ‘to fall down (of w ater)’. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 159-160 (iden­
tical with zurkal id. and further connected with rrëkajë).

shurukoj aor. shurukova ‘to thunder, to make noise’. Borrowed from

Rom *subraucare ‘to make hoarse', cf. Ital dial, surrogare.

shurrë f ‘urine’. Derived from shurr ‘to urinate’, a préfixai form based
on PAlb *ura connected with Skt vdr ‘water’, Tokh A wär, B war
id., ON vari id. and the like, cf. in particular Lat Urina ‘urine’ (JOKL
Studien 89-90). 0 MEYER Wb. 420 (to Gmc *suraz ‘sour’, Lith sliras
‘salty’), Alb. St. Ill 43, 73; B a r ic 4 ARSt 96-97 (to Skt ksara- ‘water’);
T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 97; S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 195 (to Bulg
sur kam ‘to urinate’); MAYRHOFER III 194; W a ld e - H o f m a n n TI 840;
V a n W in d e k e n s I 557-558; POKORNY I 80; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 46
(to Gk CTKcòp ‘dung’); Ç a b e j St. VII 251; H am p Evidence 139 (to Hitt
sehur ‘urine’); Ö l b e r g IF LXXIII 208, KZ LXXXVI 131 (treats shurrë
as a Lallwort); MURATI Probleme 133; DEMIRAJ AE 380.

shushallë f. pi. slmshalla ‘peeled corn-cob’. Derived from *shush bor­

rowed from Lat exossus ‘boneless, devoid of bones’.
 SHUSHKËL TAFTAR 447

shushkël f, pl. shushkla ‘pod’. Variant of shikël.

shushunjë f, pl. shushunja ‘leech’. Borrowed from the metathesize Rom

*saguisungia < Lat sanguisuga id. (MEYER Wb. 420). 0 HAARMANN
148.

shut adj. ‘hornless’. Another form is shyt. Borrowed from Slav *sufh
id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg sut, SCr sut (MEYER Wb. 4 2 0 ). Rum ciut
id. goes back to the same source. 0 D e n s u s ia n u GS I 245 (from Iranian);
PHILIPPIDE Or. Rom. II 7 0 7 (Rum ciut from Albanian); IL’INSKIJ
IO R JaSX X / 3 103 (identifies Slav *suth ‘hornless’ with *suti, ‘clown,
stupid’ < IE *kseu- ‘to cut’); T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 150; GOL^B
MJ X 2 7 (from a Balkan substratum); RUSSU TD 2 0 3 -2 0 4 (Rum ciut
is from Dacian); R e ic h e n k r o n Dakische 109; POGHIRC 1st. limb,
rom. 340; KLEPIKOVA SPT 84-86; D e s NICKAJA Slav. jaz. VIII 153 (from
IE *skhed- ‘to split’); Di G io v in e Gruppo -et 6 7 -7 1 (farfetched
Romance etymology from Lat sedare); ROSETTI ILR I 275; M o u t s o s
7,fBalk X X V /2 1 6 1 -1 6 5 (from Rumanian).

(T) shutra pl. ‘comb (to card linen or wool)’. Based on Lat sütus ‘sewn
together’.

T
tabelë f, pl. tabela ‘table, plate’. Borrowed from Lat tabella id.

taç pron. ‘the one that, the one which’. The univerbation of ta, neut.
of ai, and çë (Ç a b e j St. II 160).

taft m ‘stench; scorching heat’. Borrowed from Lat täctus ‘touch, feeling’.
0 M a n n HAED 508 (to aht ‘sigh’ and afsh)\ ÇABEJ St. VII 243.

taftar m ‘funnel’. Borrowed from Rom *traiectarium id. for Lat

traiectOrium id. (M e y e r Wb. 421). 0 JOKL IF XXXVII 209 (from Rom
* transfundí tor ium)\ B a r iç Hymje 63; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 269;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 25; Di G io v in e Gruppo -et 71-73; Ç a b e j
St. Il 160-161 (follows M e y e r but reconstructs Rom *tractorius)’, HAAR­
MANN 154.
 448 TAJË — TAMË TANGALI.Ë — TASI! 449

g g m , T X ..1,<T„A:.C ----------------------------------------------------------------------- 1

mv uuii^uc taiS f. d 1. taia ‘sere wjraatmfc-^kiiiimrifiir

tajiis ‘to fe e d ’ (fro m N G k Totyi^co id .). 0 MEYER Wb. 422 (tajé ‘w et- case të ame).
nurse’ from Turkish).
tangallë f, pl. tangalla ‘big forest’. Derived from PAlb *

cinga ‘thick (forest)’ related to O N pe'ttr ‘thick’, Lith tánkus id. 0 POKC
tajkë f ‘kind of oblong grapes’. Derived from *tajë borrowed from
RNY I 1068; Ç a b e j St. VII 254, 281.
Lat tàlea ‘cut off part, trunk’. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 1 6 2 -1 6 3 (borrowed from
SCr tamjanika ‘kind of grapes’, Bulg tam ’anka id.).
tangë f ‘resentment, prejudice, damnation’. An early loa
iword from Slav *tçga ‘grief. 0 MANN Language XXVI 386 (related to
take f, pi. take ‘small boat’. Borrowed from Turk taka ‘kind of boat’
Slav *tçga); D e m ir a j AE 381.
(ÇABEJ St. II 163). 0 J o k l LKUBA 161 (from SCr tak ‘pole, post’);
T r e im e r Slavia III 448 (agrees with JOKL).
tapë f, pl. tapa ‘cork’. Borrowed from Romance *tappum
id., cf. Ital tappo, Catal tap.
takoj aor. takova ‘to reach, to meet, to get’. Borrowed from Rom *toccare
‘to touch’ which, however, leaves unexplained the root vowel in Alban­
ian. 0 MEYER Wb. 422 (from Ital toccare ‘to strike, to touch’); Ç a b e j tarogzë f, pi. tarogza ‘helm et’. The word seems to be
crea ted by FlSHTA and representing a derivative in -zë based on ta,
St. VII 217.
ok. 0 Jo k l St.Fil. X V III/2 5-9 (borrow ed from G k GcopcxKetov
‘p a r a p e t’); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/3-4 350; Di G io v in e SSL XXIV 271-
tale f ‘measure, size’. Borrowed from Rom *talia ‘tally’: Ital taglia,
291; Ç a bej St. II 165 (from G k Scopai; ‘cuirass’).
OFr taille, Sp taja and the like.

tall aor. talla ‘to ridicule, to deride’. From PAlb *talna, causative related tarok m, pl. tarokë ‘young bull’. Deminutive of *tar, see U
r. 0 M a n n Language XXVI 381 (directly from *tauro-).
to OIr tuilid ‘to sleep’, Lith tylii, tilti ‘to become silent’, Slav *toliti
‘to persuade, to make quiet’ and their cognates. 0 FRAENKEL 1095;
V a s m e r IV 71; V e n d r y e s [T] 170; P o k o r n y I 1062. tartallis aor. tartallisa ‘to flounder, to roll’. Borrowed from NG1
TapxapiÇû) ‘to shiver of cold’ (ÇABEJ St. II 165-166). 0 JOKL Studier
90 (to Skt tarala- ‘moving to and fro ’).
tallë f ‘S orgh u m h a lep en se; p eeled co rn -co b ; corn stra w ’. F rom P A lb
*tala, ze ro -g ra d e co n n ected w ith G k TÎjÀtç ‘fe n u g r e e k ’, L ith atólas
‘first gra ss e m e r g in g after the h a y -m o w in g ’ (R e st e l l i RIL XCI 475- tarr aor. tarra ‘to cut (vine)’. An o-grade continuing PA11
*tara and related to tjer.
476). 0 M e y e r Wb. 423 (b o rro w ed fro m Lat talla ‘skin o f o n io n ’);
P o k o r n y 1 1055; F r is k II 892-893; F r a e n k e l 22; Ç a b e j St. II 163-
164 (b o r ro w ed fro m Lat talea ‘sprou t, s h o o tin g ’); MlHÄESCU RESEE tarrabec m, pi. tarrabeca ‘youth, youngster’. Derived from
*rabec, cf. rabeckë.
IV /1-2 25; H a a r m a n n 152; L a n d i Lat. 28, 126.

tamë f, pi. tame ‘water-source’. Derived from ame with a prefix t- con­ tash adv.‘now ’. Other variants are tas hi, tashti, ndashti,
tesh. Con- tinues *to-su, locative of the pronominal stem *to- (VasMEE
tinuing PAlb *at-. The prefix is etymologically identical with Lith at-
Alb. Wort­ forsch. I 5-6), 0 M e y e r Wb. 19 (combination of t- and -si
‘from ’, Slav *ot(i>)- id. 0 X h u v a n i - ÇABEJ BShkSh 1 9 5 6 /4 99 (recom­
tu attested in ashtu); B a r iC AArbSt I 140 (against V a s m e r ); T a g l i
bination of the oblique case form te amé); FRAENKEL 20; VASMER III
WINI Dal- mazia 265; ÇABEJ St. II 166 (pronominal t(a)- and a seco:
168; P o k o r n y I 3 4 4 -3 4 5 ; Ç a b e j St. II 164.
id element of dubious origin).
tamë f ‘smell, stench’. As in tamë ‘w ater-source’, a préfixai deriva-
450 TATË — TEH

tatë m ‘father, dad’. A typical Lallwort ( C a m a r d a I 115; M e y e r Wb.

424-425) which, however, may be borrowed from Slavic, cf. SCr tata,
Bulg tato. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 23 (from *tatä); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia
1021-102 (from Lat tata id.), Stratificazione 120; PU§CARIU EWR 1718
(influenced by Romance forms); ÇABEJ St. II 166-167 (univerbation
of the oblique definite form of ate preceded by the article të); SVANE
189; MURATI Probleme 103; DEMIRAJ AE 382-383.

tatëpjetë f, pl. tatëpjeta ‘slope’, adv. ‘down’. With assimilation of

occlusives, continues *katëpjetë, an antonym of përpjetë, with *katë
< PAlb *kata related to Gk Korea ‘down’, Oír cet- ‘with’, Hitt kata
‘with, below’ (C a m a r d a I 304). 0 M e y e r Wb. 333 (tatë- identical
with tet- in Geg tetposhtë, cf. tërposhtë); FRISK I 800; L e w is -P e d e r s e n
48; V e n d r y e s [C] 83-84; Ç a b e j St. II 167 (tatë- continues a “double
article” të të).

tatoj aor. tatova ‘to tax’. Borrowed from *taxitäre id. based on Rom
*taxa.

ta tuli f ‘stramonium, thorn-apple’. Borrowed from South Slavic: Bulg

tatui, tatula id., SCr tatula id. (WEIGAND 87), a phonetically trans­
formed loanword coming from Lat datura id. and influenced by Slav
*tata ‘father’. 0 M e y e r Alb. St. V 72 (from Ital datura ‘thorn-apple’);
DIEFENBACH I 259 (to Rum tatina); ÇABEJ St. 11 167 (from Turk tatula
id.)

te prep, ‘to ’, adv. ‘w h ere, th e r e ’. M ore archaic fo rm s are tek ~ tekë as

w e ll as teku. A s a p rep o sitio n , te(k) req u ires n o m in a tiv e and th ere­
fore continues P A lb *tai ku, dative reflectin g IE *toi k'ii- ‘to that w h ich ’
(B o p p 501, 504; C a m a r d a I 317). 0 M e y e r Wb. 425, Alb. St. Ill 23,
88 (te- from ab lative *töd); JOKL LKUBA 26 (a g re es w ith M e y e r ) ,
WuS XII 64; P e d e r s e n Festskr.Thomsen 255-256 (form o f the pronoun
*to- fo llo w e d by ku); TAGLIAVINI 272; S a n d f e l d LBalk 118-119
(sim ila rity b etw een tek and R om *iliac > R um la ‘th e r e ’); MANN Lan­
guage XXVI 386 (te- to Gk x& ‘then’); H am p SCI. XXXTIT/6 493, ZfceltPh
XXXVII 170-172; K o p e c n y £ S S / I 257 (to S lo v en e tu ‘in, in to’); Ç a b e j
St. II 167-169; D e m ir a j AE 383.

teh m, pi. teha ‘blade’. A préfixai derivative of eh (Ç A B E J St. II 169).

0 M eyer Wb. 4 2 5 (to Ital taglio ‘cut’); G e l z e r ZfromPhil XXXVII
 TEJ — TEPOSHTË 451

268 (from R om *taliäre 'to c u t’); R e s t e l l i R1L XCI 540-541 (to Gk

t É ktcov ‘artisa n ’).

tej prep, ‘on that side’, adv. ‘over there’. Continues PAlb *tai e < *toi
eks parallel to te'hu.

tejzë f, pl. tejza ‘sinew’. Derived from tel ‘w ire’, of Turkish origin. 0
MEYER Wb. 426 (on tel).

teka pl. ‘whims’. Borrowed from Slav *teki> ‘wish, appetite’, cf. in
South Slavic: SCr tek (M ey er Wb. 426). The verb tekem ‘to wish’ is
derived from teka.

telatin m ‘lacquered leather’. Borrowed from Turk telatiti ‘Russian

leather’, itself borrowed from Russian (Ç a b e j St. II 170). 0 S e l i Sc e v
Slav, naselenie 311 (from Russ tel’atina ‘veal, calf’s leather’); M a n n
HAED 5 1 2 (agrees with S e l i Sc e v ).

tende f, pi. tenda ‘tent’. Another form is tëndë. Borrowed from

Romance *tenta id. (MEYER Wb. 429). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1044; M a n n Language XVII 20 (from *tnt-); HAARMANN 153;
L a n d i Lat. 55, 116.

tenjë f ‘m oth , w o o d -e n g r a v e r ’ . B o r r o w e d from Lat tinea ‘m oth ,

w o r m ’ ( M e y e r Wb. 427). 0 STIER KZ XI 136 (fro m Lat taenia); MIK­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 66 (from Latin or from Ital tigna id .); M e y e r -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 25; HAAR­
MANN 152-153; L a n d i Lat. 56, 71.

tepë f ‘spelt, Triticum m o n o c o cc u m ’. B orrow ed from Gk xí<pT| id. (JOKL

Beiträge). 0 ÇABEJ St. II 170-171.

tepër adv. ‘m o re, v e r y ’, adj. ‘su p e r flu o u s’. U n iv erb a tio n o f neut. t(ë)
epër, cf. epër (X h u v a N I Studime 63 ). 0 CAMARDA 1 3 1 9 (from te and
për); MEYER Wb. 4 2 7 (sam e as CAMARDA); JOKL apud ÇABEJ St. II
171 (fro m *töd uperom); ÇABEJ St. II 171 (fo llo w s XHUVANI).

teposhtë f ‘slope’, adv. ‘down, downwards’. Another variant is tërposhtë.

A synonym of tatëpjetë, this word is divided into a prefix ter- and
the adverbial poshtë. There are numerous other derivatives in ter-,
452 TER — TER R 'l OHEM

cf. tërfurk ‘pitchfork’ to furkë, tërheq ‘to pull, to draw ’ to heq and
the like. 0 MEYER Wb. 333 (suggests tet- as the first element); HAAR­
MANN 154.

ter m, pl. terë, tera ‘bull’. Singularized plural of *tar continuing PAlb
*taura related to Gk xaûpoç id., Lat taurus id., Lith taiiras id., Slav
*tur-b id. (C a m a r d a I 53). 0 M e y e r Wb. 427 (borrowed from Lat
taurus), Gr. Gr. 232; M a n n Language XXVI 381 (follows CAMARDA);
F r a e n k e l 1067-1068; F r is k II 860-861; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 650-
652; V a s m e r IV 122; P o k o r n y I 1083; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2
20; ÇABEJ St. II 171-172; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 143; HAARMANN 152;
L a n d i Lat. 72; D e m ir a j AE 384.

ter aor. tera ‘to make dry’. Continues PAlb *tarsja, a causative of *ters-
etymologically identical with Skt tarsáyati id., Lat torreo id., ON perra
id. (C a m a r d a 1 43; M e y e r Wb. 427, BB V I I I 187) 0 M e y e r Alb. St.
II 23 (doubts the comparison with IE *ters-), Alb. St. Ill 23; FOY IF
VI 334 (to OIr tir ‘earth, ground’); B a r i í ARSt. I 96; MAYRHOFER I
525; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I I 694; P o k o r n y 1 1078-1079; H a m p Münch.
St. Spr. XLI 36; ÇABEJ St. II 172-173; HULD 156; DEMIRAJ AE 383.

terë f ‘dry land’. Derived from ter, cf. a similar semantic motivation
in Lat terra id. (ÇABEJ St. II 173-174). From here terik ‘land’ is derived.

terig m ‘light breeze'. Borrowed from an unattested in its Venetian

form, *eterigo. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 174 (identical with terik, see terë).

term m ‘foundation, plot of land’. Derived from terë (ÇABEJ St. II 174).

terplote f, pl. terplote ‘winnowing shovel’. Préfixai derivative of piote

(ÇABEJ St. II 1 7 4 -1 7 5 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 2 0 (préfixai derivative in tër-
of *plote borrowed from Italian or Rom *palotta); P e d e r se n KZ XXXIII
538.

terr m ‘d a rk n e ss’. C on tin u es an o b liq u e c a s e o f err. t(ë) err (MEYER

Wb. 9 7 -9 9 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1049 (fro m Lat tene-
brae ‘d a rk n e ss’); ÇABEJ St. VII 2 4 3 , 24 6 .

terrtohem refi, ‘to knit one’s brows in w rath’. Based on terr.

 TESH — TËH U 453

tesh m ‘herpes’. Related to teshë.

tesh a pi. ‘belongings, utensils, things’. Continues PAlb *taisa related

to Lith tiesiu, tiësti ‘to make right, to build, to set’, teisiis ‘right’. 0
BARIÍ ARSt. I 96 (to Gk t é k t w v ‘artisan’ and other reflexes of IE
*tekp-)\ F r a e n k e l 1073-1074, 1089; Ç a b e j St. II 175-176 (from Lat
testa ‘vessel, pot’); LANDI Lat. 94, 119.

tesh em refi, ‘to sneeze’. Continues PAlb *teusa related to Latv tusêt
‘to pant’, tust id. representing IE *teus-. Derived from teshem is teshtij
id. 0 MEYER Wb. 356 (connected with fshaj and psherëtij); T a g l i a v i n i
Dalmazia 267; PORZIG Gliederung 107; ÇABEJ St. II 175 (onomatopoeia).

tesh ë f ‘sp eck o f dust, little sp lin te r ’. F rom P A lb *taksja related to

IE *tekf)-: Skt taksati ‘to carp en ter, to c u t’, Lat texö ‘to w e a v e ’, Lith
tasaH, tasyti ‘to h e w ’(OREL Fort. 80). 0 MAYRHOFER I 468; W a lD E -
H o f m a n n II 678-679; FRAENKEL 1065; POKORNY I 1058-1059; ÇABEJ
St. VII 212, 266.

tetë num. ‘eight’. Continues PAlb *aktö(ti) related to the Indo-Euro­

pean word for ‘eight’ *oktö(u)\ Skt asta, Arm uf, Gk o k x c o and the
like (BOPP 512; MEYER Alb. St. II 66, Wb. 428). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI
319-320, Kelt. Gr. I 123; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 267; SCHUCHARDT KZ
X X 259; L a P ia n a Studi I 81-82; B a r i ç Hymje 43; P is a n i Saggi 106;
F r is k I 374-375; MAYRHOFER I 63; POKORNY I 775; HULD 156; H am p
Numerals 914-915; DEMIRAJ AE 385.

teto f, pi. teto ‘aunt’. Borrowed (in the form of vocative in -o) from
South Slavic, cf. Bulg teta, SCr teta ( M e y e r Wb. 4 2 8 ). 0 TAGLIAVI­
NI Dalmazia 26 7 .

tëb an ë f, pl. tëbana ‘shepherd’s hut’. A préfixai derivative of banë.

Cf. some other derivatives in të-: tëharr ‘to cut (wood)’ (cf. harr),
tëholloj ‘to make thin’ (cf. hollë), tëmbëll ‘sweetness’ (cf. ëmbel).

tëbuti m, pl. tëbuta ‘o a k ’. S in gu larized form o f (dru) të buta ‘so ft w o o d ’

(Ç a b e j St. II 176). 0 L a m b e r t z KZ LUI 3 0 6 (b o rro w ed fro m N G k
P-tcoûti ‘stu m p ’).

tëhu adv. ‘on this s id e ’. F rom P A lb *toi ksu w h ere the se co n d co m -

454 TËM BEL ~ TAM BËL — TËRM ONË

p on en t is equal to Gk Çùv ‘w ith , at the sam e tim e ’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 3 4

(co n n e cted w ith të)\ F r is k II 339; Ç a b e j St. II 1 7 6 -1 7 7 (to -tu in a tu,
këtu).

tëmbël - tambël n/m ‘gall-bladder’. Identical with tëmbël ~ tambël ‘sweet­

ness’, see ëmbël. The original meaning of the latter includes such ele­
ments as ‘sour’, ‘bitter’. 0 JOKL LKUBA 273; DEMIRAJ AE 385-386
(to Lat tama ‘swelling (on the leg)’ or to Lith tulzis ‘bile’).

ter boj aor. tërbova ‘to h ave a dry m outh; to infuriate; to pam per (c h il­
d r e n )’. B o r ro w e d from Lat turbare ‘to ru ffle , to a g ita te ’ (CAMARDA
I 195, 203; M e y e r Wb. 4 2 9 ). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1 0 3 9 ,
1049; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 20; HAARMANN 155.

tërë ~ tanë adj. ‘whole, all’. Continues P A lb *twana < * tuono- derived
from IE *teu3- ‘to swell’ (S pitzer MRIW I 331-332) and morphono-
logically close to Lith tvinti ‘to rise, to swell (of water)’, tvänas ‘flood’.
For the semantic development, cf. Lat tötus continuing the same
*teu3-. 0 MEYER Wb. 429 (from Rom *tötänus to Lat tötus ‘whole’);
M a n n Language XVII 23; FRAENKEL 1154; WALDE-HOFMANN II
695-696; P o k o r n y I 1080-1083; Ç a b e j St. VII 258; Ja n s o n Unt. 31.

tërfojë f ‘trefoil, shamrock’. Borrowed from Lat trifolium id. (MIK­

LOSICH Rom. Elemente 27). 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 67 (from Ital
trifoglio id.); M e y e r Wb. 429 (follows MIKLOSICH 67); MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 20; Ç a b e j St. II 177 (agrees with M ik l o s ic h ); H a a r m a n n
154; L a n d i Lat. 102, 108, 126.

tërmal adv. ‘d o w n w a rd s’. A nother fo rm is tërma. P réfix a i d eriv a tiv e

of mal (M e y e r Wb. 255; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 542). 0 Ç a b e j St. II
177.

tërmet m, pl. tërmete ‘earthquake’. Another form is termek. Borrowed

from Rom *terrae motus id. (M e y e r Wb. 427). 0 MIKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 66 (from Ttal terremuoto id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1046; MANN Language XXVI 386-387; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2
31; H a a r m a n n 153; L a n d i Lat. 64, 128, 159.

tërmonë adv. ‘a lw a y s, e v e r ’. A p réfix a i form b ased on muaj.

 TËRPI — TI 455

tërpi f ‘tuberculosis’. Based on an unattested *tërpis ‘to suffer, to endure,

to bear’ borrowed from Slav *tbrpëti id., cf. South Slavic continu­
ants: Bulg tr-hpna, t'brp’a, SCr trpljeti (MEYER Wb. 430). 0 SVANE
183.

tërpjetë adv. ‘up, upwards’. Compound consisting of ter- and pjetë,

cf. tatëpjetë.

(T) tërsirë f, pl. tërsira ‘rope (made of genista)’. Borrowed from Rum
tärsinä, itself from Bulg trbsina ‘horse-hair’ (CAPIDAN DR III 8 8 5 -
8 8 6 ). The rhotacism is of analogical origin. 0 PU§CARIU EWR 158;
JOKL AArbSt I 4 6 (from Slav * tore ina ‘band’ but then one should expect
Rum tärcinä), Sb. Miletic 1 1 8 -1 2 0 ; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 323
(agrees with JOKL); ÇABEJ St. II 1 7 7 -1 7 8 (from Bulg tri.i.sina);
JANSON Unt. 6 5 -6 7 .

tërshërë - tërshanë f ‘oats’. In Geg there is also a form trishanë. Bor­

rowed from Rom *trimënsânum for Lat trimënse trlticum (M E Y E R Wb.
430), cf. Oltal tremeste ‘cereal needing three months to ripen’ < Lat
trimestris. 0 M IH Ä E S C U RESEE IV/1-2 31; HAARMANN 154.

tërthortë adj. ‘oblique, indirect’. Based on an unattested *tërthor.

Préfixai derivative in ter- (Ç A B E J St. II 1 7 8 -1 7 9 ) based on *thor. The
latter reflects PAlb *tsasra continuing IE *kes-ro-, to Skt s'dsati ‘to
slaughter, to cut down’, Gk «éaÇm ‘to split’ and the like. 0 M ey er
Wb. 255 (from Rom *tränsvertörius); PO K O R N Y I 586; PISA N I KZ LXXI
6 3 -6 4 (from Lat tortus ‘twisted’).

tërrkas aor. tërkata ‘to be out of tune’. Borrowed from Slav *n,rkati
‘to rub, to touch, to stir, to knock’, also used as an onomatopoeia, cf.
in South Slavic: Bulg trbkam, SCr trkati.

tëtym ~ tëtim m ‘cold season, cold'. Singularized univerbation of të

tyma, to tym, as supported by the following expression: u diqa së tymi
~ me dekë së timi ‘to die of cold’ (ÇABEJ St. II 179). 0 CAMARDA II
140 (to Gk TiTaivra ‘to stretch’); LAMBERTZ KZ LIII 301 (to tym);
ÇABEJ St. II 179 (të- treated as a prefix).

ti pon. ‘thou’. From PAlb *tu continuing IE *tü id.: Av tü, Gk oí), Lat
tü, Oír tú and the like (CAMARDA 1 2 1 7 ; M e y e r Wb. 4 3 0 , Alb. St. Ill
23). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 282: B a r i C ARSt. I 109; T a g l ia v in i Dal-
456 TILI .E — TIRK

mazia 267; L a PIANA St. Varia 71; MANN Language XXVI 385;
F r is k II 817; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 712; B a r t h o l o m a e 654-655;
P o k o r n y 1 1097-1098; Ç a b e j St. II 179-180; H u l d 116; D e m ir a j AE
386-387.

tillé adj. ‘such’. Continues PAlb *tila based on the pronominal stem
*tio- and similar in its formation to ON pit ‘there’ 0 MEYER Wb. 425
(to IE *to-); PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 200 (to Lat talis ‘such’); POKORNY
I 1086-1087; ÇABEJ St. II 181 (analogical formation based on ti, tij).

timër ~ timën m ‘w eft, w o o f . B o r ro w e d from Lat tegminem ‘c o v e r ’

( W a g n e r ZfromPhil XXXIX 102). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 25;
ÇABEJ St. II 181 (ex p la in s timer as a sin g u la rized plural w ith a s e c ­
on dary -/-); H a a r m a n n 152; L a n d i Lat. 117, 147.

tinë f ‘slime, mud’. Borrowed from Slav *tina id., cf. South Slavic
reflexes: Bulg tina, SCr tina (SVANE 169).

tinëz adj. ‘secret’. Continues an earlier noun *tëjnë borrowed from

Slav *tajhna id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg tajna, SCr tajna ( M e y e r
Wb. 431).

tinge f, pi. tinga ‘tench’. Borrowed from Lat tinea id.

tingëlloj aor. tingëllova ‘to ring, to sound’. Another variant is tringël-

loj ‘to knock, to ring’ (MEYER Wb. 432). Based on tingali ‘sound, ring’
continuing an unattested Rom *tinnunculus, cf. Lat tinnuncula ‘kestrel’,
tinnulus ‘sonorous, resonant’.

tirë f ‘bundle, skein, hank’. Derived from tjerr.

tirë ~ tinë f, pi. tira ~ tina ‘large wine barrel’. Borrowed from Lat
tina ‘wine vessel’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 66; MEYER Wb. 430).
The parallel Geg form ti seems to reflect Rom *tin um > Ital tino id.
( Ç a b e j I I 181-182). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1045; J o k l BA
IV 209 n. 1 (from Latin rather than Ital tino id.); MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 25; J a n s o n Unt. 59; H a a r m a n n 153; L a n d i Lat. 141.

tirk m, p). tirq ‘white felt’, pi. tirq ‘felt gaiters’. Another form is tire.
Together with Rum tureac ‘top (of a boot)’ (DIEFENBACH I 250; MEYER
 TIS - TJETËR 457

Wb. 431 ) borrowed with an East Germanic cognate of OHG theobroch

‘gaiters’: Goth or Gepid *piuhbröks (DlCULESCU ZfromPh XLIX 399;
JOKL Balkangerm. 1 1 6 -1 1 8 ). 0 KRISTOFORIDHI 4 2 4 (to tjerr); OSTIR
Anthropos VIII 169 n. 1 (to Lat tergum ‘back, spine’); T r e im e r
ZfromPh XXXVIII 3 9 2 (to Russ percatka ‘glove’); SANDFELD LBalk
97; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 265; La PIANA St. Varia 9 3 -9 4 (to Lat torqueö
‘to turn’); CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 113 (suffix -k)\ ÇABEJ St. II 1 8 2 -1 8 3
(follows K r is t o f o r id h i ), IV 9 0 -9 3 .

tis m ‘yew’. Borrowed from Slav *tis-b id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg
tis, SCr tis (S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 1 64). 0 ÇABEJ St. II 184; SVANE
130.

titull m, pl. tituj ‘title, ground of right or claim ’. Borrowed from Lat
titulus id.

tjegull f, pl. tjegulla ‘brick’. Borrowed from Lat têgula id. (MIKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 65; MEYER Wb. 4 3 1 , Alb. St. IV 6 5 ). 0 CAMARDA I
161 (to Gk Gtéyr) ‘cover, roof’); MEYER-LÜBKE MR IW I 25, Gr. Grund­
riß 2 I 1 044, 1049; JOKL Studien 105, LKUBA 50; T r e im e r MRIW I
251; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 268; H e l b ig 3 1 , 133 (from Ital tegola id.);
Ç a b e j S r II 184; H a a r m a n n 153: L a n d i Lat. 135.

tjerr aor. torra ‘to spin’. Continues PAlb *terka related to Tokh B tcirk-
‘to turn’ (only as part, pret.), Lat torqueö id. and the like (M e y e r
Wb. 4 3 1 , Alb. St. Ill 2 3 , 84 ). For the development of the cluster *-rk-
< *-rk“- cf. mjel. 0 CAMARDA 1 4 1 (to Gk xeipco ‘to rub’); TAGLIAVI­
NI Dalmazia 268; JOKL ArRom XXIV 38; PEDERSEN BB XX 2 3 1 , KZ
XXXIII 5 4 2 (reconstructs *terknö); MANN Language XXVI 382;
ClMOCHOWSKI LP IV 1 95-196 (to turr and, further, to Gk tôpvoç ‘tool
for drawing a circle’), St. IE 44; CAMAJ Alh. Wortb. 49; WALDE-HOFMANN
I I 692-693; C h a n t r a in e 134; V a n W in d e k e n s I 503; P o k o r n y 1 1077;
ÖLBERG IF LXXIII 209; Ç a b e j St. Il 1 8 4 -1 8 5 (follows CAMARDA and
C im o c h o w s k i ); D e m ir a j AE 3 8 7 .

tjetër adj., pl. tjerë ‘other’. In dialects, the original paradigm Jeter, jatcr,
pl. tjerë is still preserved. The form tjetër result from crasis with the
preceding particle te and/or analogical influence of plural. Goes
back to PAlb *etera (with a mobile stress: sg. *étera ~ pi Reterai) related
to Slav *eterh ‘some, somebody’ (M e y e r Wb. 162, Alb.St. Ill 8 5 ). 0
458 TK U R R — TOG

BOPP 489 (to Skt ântara- ‘interior’); C a m a r d a 1215 (compares tjetër

with Gk ëxepoç ‘other’ but the latter goes back to *sm-tero-)\ MEYER
Gr. Gr. 71; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 177; L a P ia n a Studi I 93 (follows
C a m a r d a ); J o k l Studien 93, IF XXXVI 115, LKUBA 98; T a g l ia v i ­
n i Dalmazia 268; PISANI Saggi 131; M a n n Language XXVI 383;
P o k o r n y I 284; H a m p Laryngeals 138; Ç a b e j St. II 185-187; V a s m e r
II 29; H u l d 117; D e m ir a j AE 208.

tkurr aor. tkurra ‘to m ake sm a ll, to p ress to g eth e r’ . P réfix a i d eriv a ­
tiv e b ased on *kurr < P A lb *kursa, a ze ro -g ra d e e ty m o lo g ic a lly c o n ­
n ected w ith H itt kars-, karsiia- ‘to cut o f f ’, M ir corr ‘stu n ted ’ and
other continuants o f IE *(s)ker-s-. 0 VENDRYES [C] 2 1 1 -2 1 2 ; POKORNY
1 945; Ç a b e j St. II 187 (to korr and shkurre).

tlandër f, pi. tlandra ‘bundle’. Derived from lëndë.

tmerr m ‘horror, fright’. Other variants are mner, kmer and mer. B or­
rowed from Lat timörem id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 66; MEYER
Wb. 431). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046; JOKL IF XXXVI
146; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 190; ÇABEJ St. II 187-189 (to Gmc *maron
‘nightm are’, Slav *mora id. or to Gk |iepipva ‘thought, trouble,
uneasiness’); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 20; HAARMANN 153; LANDI
Lat. 64-65, 130.

toçillë f, pl. toçilla ‘whetstone’. Borrowed from Slav *tocid!o id., cf.
in South Slavic: Bulg tocilo, SCr tocilo (S e l i Sc ev Slav, naselenie 172).
0 S v a n e 7 2 , 24 2 .

toçis aor. toçita ‘to press the juice out of grapes’. Borrowed from Slav
*tociti ‘to secrete, to make flow’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg
toca, SCr tociti (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 35; MEYER Wb. 433). 0
S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 183; Ç a b e j St. VII 237; S v a n e 72, 242.

tog m, pi. togje ‘heap, pile’. Continues P A lb *taga, a long grade of IE

*(s)teg- ‘to cover’, cf. in particular Gk reyr) ‘roof’, OIr tech ‘house’
< IE *tegos. The same vowel grade may be attested in Lith stiegti ‘to
thatch (a roof)’ if the latter reflects *stegti. 0 MEYER Wb. 431;
F r a e n k e l 904; F r isk II 780-781; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 30; P o k o r n y I
1013-1014.
 TOJË - l'ORISHTË 459

tojë f, pl. toja ‘lace’. A parallel form is tonjë. Borrowed from Venet
togna id. (T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 2 6 9 ). 0 A l e s s io apud Ç a b e j St. II
190 (from Rom *tonia).

tok aor. toka ‘to cut (meat), to sharpen (a scythe), to knock’. An ono­
matopoeia with an original meaning ‘to knock’. Similar verbs are also
attested in Romance, cf. Ital toccare ‘to touch, to tap’.

tok ë f, pi. toka ‘earth, land, soil, ground, plot of land, field’. Borrowed
from Slav *tokT> ‘threshing floor’ (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim. 18).
Another widespread variant trokë is explained by the influence of trokas.
0 MEYER Wb. 4 3 2 (considers tokë ‘earth’ to be connected with tokd
‘belt buckle’); Jo k l Studien 80; M l a d e n o v 6 3 5 ; Ç a b e j St. fil. 1 9 6 6 /2
84, St. II 190 (to terë); OREL Balcanica 1 1 1 -1 1 2 (improbable expla­
nation from an unknown Indo-European substratum language close
to Hittite), Koll. Idg. Ges. 363; MURATI Probleme 1 3 3 -1 3 4 .

tokël f, pl. tokla ‘piece’. Derived from tokë id., of Italian origin. 0 MEYER
Wb. 432 (on tokë).

to llë f ‘bald spot; drum m em brane’. Continues PAlb *tâslâ < *tëkslâ
etymologically related to Lat tela ‘cloth’, OHG dehsala ‘axe’, Slav
* tesla id. < *teksla, further derived from IE *tekp- ‘to weave, lo hew’.
0 W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 6 55; V a s m e r IV 51; P o k o r n y 1 1 0 5 8 -1 0 5 9 .

topër f, pi. topra ‘sm all a x e ’. An ea rly b o rro w in g from S la v *toporh

‘a x e ’ (MEYER Wb. 4 3 2 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 1 7 2 -1 7 3 ; SVANE
78.

topil m ‘pit filled with water’. Borrowed from Slav *topidlo, a dever­
bative of *topiti ‘to sink’, cf., for example, Bulg topilo ‘deep pit in
the riv er’. 0 S v an e 59.

topis aor. topita ‘to blunt; to frig h ten , to d isc o u r a g e ’. B o r ro w e d from

S la v *tçpiti ‘to blunt’ (M e y e r Wb. 417), cf. South S la v ic r e flex e s:
SCr tupiti. 0 MEYER Wb. 432 (topis ‘to d isc o u r a g e ’ from SCr stupiti
‘to step , to w a lk ’); ÇABEJ St. II 190-191; SVANE 242.

to rish të f, pi. torishta ‘sh eep e n c lo s u r e ’. B o r ro w e d from S la v *torisce

‘e n c lo s u r e ’, cf. South S la v ic form s w ith the sa m e or c lo s e m eaning:
460 TO R K — IR A

B u lg tor, toriste, SCr tor (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 165). 0 SVANE 63,
141.

tork m, pi. torqe ‘beam o f the oil-press; w in e-p ress’. A n analogical back-
form a tio n based on *torq. T he latter is b o rrow ed from Ital torchio
‘p r e s s ’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 66). 0 MEYER Wb. 4 3 3 (fro m Lat
torculum ‘w in e- or o il-p r e s s ’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1046;
Jo k l LKUBA 105, 144; M ih ä e sc u RESEE I V /1 -2 25; H a a r m a n n 153;
L a n d i L ai. 142.

torolec m, pl. toroleca ‘cricket’. Derived from torolis. The form tor­
i'ovan may be an emphatic transformation of torolec. 0 MEYER Wb.
433 (to Slav *scurb ‘grasshopper’).

torolingë f, pl. torolinga ‘toy pipe, flute’. Derived from torolis.

torte f,pl. torta ‘rope’. Borrowed from Lat tortum ‘rope (for tortures)’,
cf. Rum tort ‘yarn, thread’ (MEYER Wb. 433) 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 67 (from Latin or from Ital torta)-, PU§CARIU EWR 162;
M ih ä e sc u RESEE I V /1-2 20; H a a r m a n n 153-154.

torua ~ torue m, pl. toronj ‘trace; secret path’. Borrowed from Slav
pl. *torove ‘paths, traces’ (JOKL Slavia XIII 3 0 2 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 4 3 3
 TRAGË — TRAP 461

0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1040,1053; Jo k l LKUBA 128; T a g l i ­

a v in i Dalmazia 21 i: MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 25; HAARMANN 154;
LANDI Lat. 83, 144-146.

tragë f, pl. trage ‘trace’. Borrowed from Slav *trag-b id., cf. in South
Slavic: Bulg trag, traga, SCr trag (MEYER Wb. 433). 0 SVANE 36.

trajkë f ‘fishing net’. Identical with tratkë ‘big fishing net’, a local
loanword from SCr tratka < Dalm trakta (SKOK ZfromPhil LIV 425).
0 MEYER Wb. 433 (< *tralke\ derivative in -kë borrowed from Rom
*tragula ‘trawling net’); JOKL RIEB II 59 (agrees with SKOK); Ç a b e j
St. II 191 (follows M e y e r ); HAARMANN 153 (from Rom *terraticum),
154 (from Rom *tragula).

trajstë f, pl. trajsta ‘sack, knapsack’. Another form is trastë. Borrowed

from Rum t(r)aisträ id., a Balkan Wanderwort (M e y e r Wb. 434).

trajtë f. pl. trajta ‘form, shape’. Borrowed from Lat neut. tractum, par­
ticiple of trahö ‘to draw ’. (MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 25; HAARMANN
154). 0 LANDI Lat. 102, 121.

trajtoj aor. trajtova ‘to deal with, to treat’. Borrowed from Lat tractäre
:::?::::(*; r;;rii ¡TiTifTfT ri::;T?; m:r: nrr:+- /Tx?xrr > x y ,,T X f lU ,,,/f fXA\...A.,T^AT?,'vnQT>..,T..t^V.d.v.D
464 TREM E — TRINK

treme f, pl. treme ‘porch’. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg trem,
tr ’am ‘inner porch, outer entrance hall’, SCr trijem, trem ‘porch’ (M IK ­
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 35; M e y e r Wb. 436).

trenoj aor. trenova ‘to become mad, to become stupid’. Derived from
tra, pl. trenj, cf. Lat stultus ‘stupid’ ~ stole! ‘shoot, branch, twig’, Russ
ostolbenet’ ‘to be bewildered’ ~ stolb ‘column, post’. 0 MEYER Wb.
434 (to Ital strano ‘strange’ or SCr krenuti ‘to bend, to incline’); ÇABEJ
St. II 194 (to terrnoj ‘to change’).

tres aor. treta ‘to melt, to loosen, to dissolve’. From PAlb *trötja ety­
mologically identical with Slav *tratjg, *tratiti ‘to spend, to waste’
(OREL FLH V III/1-2 37). 0 M e y e r Wb. 436 (borrowed from Slav *tratiti);
M A NN Language XXVIII 32; VASM ER IV 94-95.

trevë f, pl. treva ‘land, area; peace, quiet’. Borrowed from MGk xpeßa
‘truce’ < OFr treve id. (JOKL Litteris TV 197, Slavia XIII 317). 0 CAMARDA
I 42 (to Gk xptßoq ‘path, way’); MEYER Wb. 353 (borrowed from Lat
trivium ‘crossroads’); SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 255 (to OFr triege);
SANDFELD LBalk 57; ÇABEJ St. II 194 (follows JOKL).

trevoj aor. trevova ‘to succeed, to p ro sp er’. Derived from trevë

( C a m a r d a I 106). 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 3 6 (from Slav *terba ‘need, neces­
sity’); Ç a b e j St. II 194 (follows C a m a r d a ) .

trikë f, pl. trika ‘twig, branch’. From PAlb *treikä, a derivative of tre.
For the semantic development cf. E twig, Slav *dvigh ‘branch’ < *duigho-
based on *duö ‘two’. 0 JOKL Slavia XIII 2 8 9 (to trim); T r u b a c e v
Ètimologija 1964 4-6; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 114 (from *trk-)\ D e m ir a j
AE 3 8 9 -3 9 0 .

trim m, pl. trima ‘hero’, adj. ‘brave, courageous’. From P A lb *trima

related to IE *t¡-mo-, cf. Arm tarm ‘young, fresh, green’ and other
continuants of IE *ter- ‘weak, young’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 437 (to Gk xépr|v
‘soft, delicate’), Alb. St. Ill 24, 64; J o k l Slavia XIII 289; AÖAREAN
HAB II 161; M a n n Language XXVI 388; POKORNY I 1070-1071;
KORTLANDT Arm-IE III 41; O REL Koll. Idg. Ges. 351 (-ri- as a reflex
of IE *-f-); D e m i r a j AE 389.

trink adj. ‘brand new’. Emerged from the expression i ri trink id., a
 TRIRË ~ TRINÍÍ — TROKF, 465

se m i-c a lq u e o f V en et novo de trinca, Ital nuovo di trinca id. (ÇABEJ

St. II 195). 0 JOKL Slavia XIII 2 9 0 (< *trim-ke, d eriv ed from trim).

trirë ~ trinë f, pi. trina ~ trira ‘harrow ’. Borrowed from Rom *trlna
‘bundle, lace’ > Ital trina id. (ÇABEJ St. II 195). 0 MEYER Wb. 4 3 7
(from Ital trina)', R e s t e l l i RIL LXXXIX - XC 4 2 2 (to Gk xsipco ‘to
rub’), XCII 6 0 9 (to tjerr)\ JANSON Unt. 5 9 -6 0 .

trisk m, pl. trisqe ‘shoot (of vine)’. Etymologically close to triskë.

triskë f, pl. triska ‘piece of wood, shavings’. Borrowed from Slav *treska
‘chip’ otherwise unattested in South Slavic. The substitution of Slav
-ë- > Alb may reflect an early loanword.

trishe f, pl. trishe ‘shooting, sprout’. An early borrowing from Slav

*trbST> ‘grape, stalk’, cf. SCr trs (PEDERSEN RomJb IX I 21 7 ). 0 MEYER
Wb. 437, 526 (to SCr trs ‘grape, vine’), Alb. St. Ill 24, 61 ; SCHEFTELOWITZ
KZ LVI 166 (to Gk Gpivicc apjteÀoç èv Kpf|Tfl, Hes.); PEDERSEN Krit.
Jahresbericht IX 217 (borrowed from Slav *tn,stb ‘cane’); GEORGIEV
Kr.-myk. I 6 9 (to Gk Gùpooç ‘thyrsus’); ÇABEJ St. II 1 9 5 -1 9 6 (to Gk
xpéxvoç ‘shooting, twig’), IV 219; DEMIRAJ AE 3 8 9 -3 9 0 (to tre).

trishtoj aor. trishtova ‘to make sorry’. Derived from *tris lite borrowed
from Lat tristis ‘sad’ (M e y e r Wb. 437). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2
20; H a a r m a n n 154.

troç adv. ‘straightforw ardly’. Based on Gk Tpôjioç ‘direction’ with an

adverbial suffix -ç.

troftë f, pi. trofìa ‘trout’. Borrowed from Lat tructa id. (STIER KZ XI
136; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 68; M e y e r Wb. 4 3 7 with doubts). 0
M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß1 1 1054; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 704; MlHÄESCU
RESEE I V / 1-2 25; D i G io v in e Gruppo -et 7 4 -7 7 ; H a a r m a n n 154;
L a n d i Lat. 6 7 , 102, 122.

trohas aor. trohasa ‘to crum ble’. Derived from trohe ‘crum b’, bor­
rowed from Slav *troxa id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg troxa, SCr troha
(M ik l o s ic h Slav. Elemente 35; M e y e r Wb. 4 3 7 ).

troke f, pl. troke ‘kind of cow-bell’. From PAlb *träkä etymological-

466 T RO K O J - TRUBULLOJ

ly related to Skt tarkú- ‘sp in d le ’, T okh A tark- ‘e a r r in g ’ and the lik e.

S e e tjerr. 0 M a y r h o f e r I 485; V a n W in d e k e n s I 4 9 2 ; P o k o r n y I
1077.

trokoj aor. trokova ‘to make dirty; to destroy’. In both meanings, derived
from trokë ‘earth’, a variant of tokë. 0 MEYER Wb. 438-439 (to Ital
dial, truche ‘to push’, struccare ‘to press, to squeeze out’).

trondit aor. trondita ‘to sw in g '. An ea rly b o rro w in g from S la v *trgtiti

‘to p u sh ’, cf. C zech trútiti, Pol trgcic (M e y e r Wb. 438). 0 S e l i Sc e v
Slav, naselenie 291; SVANF. 242.

troshis aor. troshita ‘to crumble, to break’. Borrowed from Slav

*trositi id. (cf. Bulg irosa, SCr trositi), see trohë (MíKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 35; M e y e r Wb. 437). 0 S v a n e 94, 243.

tru ~ trû m, pl. tru ~ trû ‘brain’. Continues PAlb *taruna identical with
Skt tdruna- ‘young, tender’, Av tauruna- ‘young’, cf. also Gk xépr|v
‘tender’, xépu- àaOevéç, Aercxóv (Hes.) and the like. 0 B a r i ¿ ARSt. I
82 (to Lat tempus ‘temple’); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 97-98; MANN
Language XVII 14 (from *entrno-); F r is k II 879; MAYRHOFER I 483;
P o k o r n y I 1070.

truaj ~ truej aor. trova ‘to put aside’. Borrowed from Lat trâdere ‘to
pass, to give, to transfer’ (HAARMANN 154). 0 M e y e r Wb. 369 (con­
nected with ruaj); M a n n Language XXVI 382 (to Skt trâyâti); ÇABEJ
St. VII 201, 266.

truall ~ truell m, pl. troje ‘foundation, plot of land, site’. Borrowed

from Lat tribulum ‘thresher, *threshing-floor’. The semantic devel­
opment is similar to that of tokë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 438 (from Rom *ter-
riola); JOKL IF XXXVI 137 (from Lat terra ‘earth’ with an Albanian
suffix); Ç a b e j 5/. II 196-197 (related to terë).

trubull adj. ‘turbid, troubled (w ater)’. Borrowed from Romance *tur-

bulus id.: Rum turbure, Ital Sicil trtíbbulu, Fr trouble and the like.
Cf. trubulloj. 0 PUíjCARlU EWR 166.

trubulloj aor. trubullova ‘to stir, to trouble (w ater)’. Borrowed from

Rom *turbuläre id.: Rum turbura, Fr troubler and the like. 0 M e y e r -
 TRU Ç — TRYFXË 467

LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 1 I 1049; MiHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 20; HAAR­

MANN 155.

truç m ‘crow d’. Derived from truc (cf. trys), for the semantics cf. ON
prçng ‘crow d’ - prongr ‘narrow ’, pryngva ‘to press’. 0 MEYER Wh.
438 (to trokoj)', BUCK Synonyms 929-930.

trumbë f, pl. trumba ‘water-pump; trum pet’. Another variant is trumë.

Borrowed from Rom *trumba ~ *trumpa ‘trumpet, (water) pipe’: Ital
tromba, OFr trompe, Prov trompa and the like. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 68 (from Ital tromba); MEYER Wb. 438 (follows MIKLOSICH).

trumë f, pl. truma ‘crowd, group’. Metathesis of turmë under the

influence of truç.

trumzë f, pl. triimza ‘thyme’. Suffixal derivative of * trumë < *tumrë

borrowed from Gk öupßpä ‘savory’ (MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /3-4 350;
Ç a b e j St. II 197).

trung m, pl. trungje ‘tru nk ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat truncus (MIKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 68; MEYER Wb. 438). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2
1 1046; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 25; H a a r m a n n 155; L a n d i Lat. 102,
137-138.

trup m, pl. trupa ‘corpse’. Borrowed from Slav *trup-b id., cf. South
Slavic reflections: Bulg trup, SCr trup (M IKLO SICH Slav. Elemente 35;
M e y e r Wb. 438-439). 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 24; J o k l LKUBA 89;
S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 153, 195; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 271, Strati­
ficazione 84; S v a n e 178.

trushkyej aor. trushkeva ‘to rob (a church)’. From Rom *trumpiscare

‘to cheat’, cf. *trumpâre id. > Fr tromper. Further connection is Lat
trumphäre ‘to triumph’.

tryelë f, pl. tryela ‘bore, drill’. Other variants are turjelë, trujelë. Bor­
rowed from Rom *terebellum id.: Ital trivello, Prov taravela, Port travoela
and the like (MEYER Wb. 452). 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 68 (from
Ital trivella); SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 260 (from Ital trivello)-, ClMOCHOWSKI
LP IV 202; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 25; H a a r m a n n 153; L a n d i Lat.
50.
468 TRYEZË TUMULLAC

tryezë f, pl. tryeza ‘table’. Borrowed from dialectal (North Italian) Romance
*trabeza < Gk xp07teÇa id. (JOKL LKUBA 117-118: prefers to identi­
fy tryezë with Gk Gpôvoç ‘seat, chair’). 0 MEYER Wb. 434 (from NGk
xpàrceÇa ‘table’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 271.

trys aor. trysa ‘to press, to compress, to squeeze’. Parallel forms are
trus, true. From PAlb *trütja, a formation in *-tja based on IE *treu-
~ *trü-: Gk xpúco ‘to wear out, to exhaust’, Lith trüniu, trünëti ‘to
rot, to go foul’. 0 M a n n Language XXVIII 32 (to Lat trüdö)\ F r isk
II 938; F r a e n k e l 1132; P o k o r n y 1 1026-1027; O r e l IF XLIII 116-
117 (to tjerr; PAlb *trûtja reflects IE part. *trüto-).

trystë f ‘gathering’. Derived from trys. 0 JOKL LKUBA 124 (to tryezë).

tufë f, pl. tufa ‘bunch of flowers, bundle’. Borrowed from Lat tüfa ‘plume
(on the helm)’ (MEYER Wb. 439), Rom *tufa ‘bush, bunch’: Rum tufa,
Span tufo and the like. The same word is also used metaphorically to
denote a ‘crowd’, probably, not without influence of turmë. 0 CAMARDA
II 61 (to Gk xtjjixco ‘to beat, to strike’); MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 68
(from Ital tuffo)', PU§CARIU EWR 165; iOKLBalkangerm.ì 10-11 l(from
Gmc *puba-)‘, LOEWE KZ XXXIX 272-274 (from Gmc *püfa); TAGLI­
AVINI Origini 309; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 20; HAARMANN 155.

tufk m ‘pollen’. Derived from tufë.

tul m, pl. tule, tula ‘meat, flesh, p u lp ’. From P A lb *tula etymologi­

cally connected with Gk xú^ri ‘swelling’, Slav *tyh> ‘back side’
(C a m a r d a 1 1 3 1 ; M e y e r Wb. 4 5 1 , Alb. St. Ill 2 3 , 8 0 ). 0 P e d e r s e n
KZ XXXIII 53 5 , 543; SPITZER MR1WI 332; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 272,
Stratificazione 98; VASMER IV 131; FRISK II 94 2 ; POKORNY I 1081;
Ç a b e j St. II 197 -1 9 8 ; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 147; D e m ir a j AE 3 9 0 -3 9 1 .

tumbë f, pi. tumba ‘rock edge; pl. tombs’. Another variant is tume ‘top
of the rock’. Borrowed from Lat tumba ‘tomb’ (MEYER Wb. 452). Q
M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 25; H a a r m a n n 155.

tumbë f, pl. tumba ‘bunch, brush’. An analogical transformation of tufë.

tumullac m, pl. tumullaca ‘bubble, bladder’. Derived from *tumull bor­

rowed from from Lat tumulus ‘hill, heap’.
 TUN T U R TULL 469

tun m, pl. tunj ‘back, re a r’. Borrowed from Slav *tum> ‘false, vain,
futile’, in South Slavic attested in Bulg tun ( D e s n ic k a j a Slav. zaim.
19). Note tune ‘butt’ belonging to this group. 0 SVANE 79.

tund aor. tunda ‘to move, to stir, to swing’. Continues P A lb * tunda,

a nasal present identical with Skt túndate ‘to push, to strike’, Lat tundö
‘to push’ (C a m a r d a I 74). 0 M e y e r Wb. 452; JOKL Studien 91 (to
Skt tariisáyati ‘to draw to and fro’); M a n n Language XXVIII 37;
M a y r h o f e r 1 511; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 716-717; P o k o r n y 1 1033-
1034; Ç a b e j St. VII 232.

turbë f ‘tu rf’. Borrowed from Rom *turba: Fr tourbe, Ital torba
(from French).

turfulloj aor. turfullova ‘to snort’. Borrowed from an unattested Rom

*tränsfläre or *trânsinflâre ‘to blow through’. 0 MEYER Wb. 452 (from
Ital tronfio ‘swollen’).

turi ~ turi pl. turinj ‘trunk, muzzle’. Borrowed from Rom *utrïnum
derived from Lat uter ‘hose’ (M e y e r Wb. 4 5 2 ). 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 2 5 8 .

turis aor. turila ‘to frighten off (animals)’. Borrowed from Slav *turiti
‘to drive away, to chase’, cf. in South Slavic, in the meaning ‘to push,
to put, to drop’: Bulg tu r’a, SCr turiti (SVANE 247).

turmë f, pl. turma ‘crowd, herd’. Borrowed from Lat turma id. (MIK­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 68; MEYER Wb. 453). 0 CAMARDA I 99 (to Ital
torma id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1039, 1046; SCHUCHARDT
KZ XX 260; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 20; H a a r m a n n 155.

turp m ‘sh a m e’ . B o rro w ed from Lat turpe id. (G lL ’FERDlNG Otn. 26;
C a m a r d a I 143; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 68; M e y e r Wb. 453). 0
MEYER-L ü BKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046; MANN Language XVII 14
(related to Lat turpis, G oth fraurban); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 26;
H a a r m a n n 155; L a n d i Lat. 84.

turshej aor. tursheva ‘to break, to destroy’. Borrowed from Rom

*trüsâre ‘to push, to stir’: Prov truzar, Engad trüscher and the like.

turtull m, pl. turtuj ‘tu rtle-d ove’. B orrow ed , w ith a d issim ilation o f sono-
470 TURREM TYM

rants, from Lat turtur id. (ST IE R ÄTZ XI 136; M IKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 68; M e y e r Wb. 453). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1046,
1049; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 20; H a a r m a n n 155; L a n d i Lat. 84,
144-146.

turrem reti, ‘to rush, to run’. Continues PAlb *tura etymologically con­
nected with Skt tiirtd- ‘quick, fast’, OHG dweran ‘to turn fast’, ON
pyrja ‘to ru n ’ ( M a n n Language XXVIII 37). 0 M e y e r Wb. 453 (to
or from Slav *turiti ‘to drive away, to chase’); M AYRHO FER I 514;
P o k o r n y I 1100; M u r a t i Probleme 134.

turrë f, pl. turra ‘haystack, pile of logs, tow er’. Borrowed from Lat
turrem ‘tow er’ (WEIGAND 91; ÇABEJ St. II 198). 0 MANN Language
XXVIII 37 (to W twr ‘pile’).

tus aor. tuta ‘to frighten’. Continues PAlb *tutja based on a deverba­
tive adjective in *-to- and related to ON fieya ‘to m elt’, OHG douwen
id. with ‘being silent’ as an intermediary stage of semantic develop­
ment. 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 5 3 (from Turk tutmak ‘to seize’); M a n n Lan­
guage XXVIII 3 2 (to Gk crrùÇonai); T r u b a c e v PIEJa 1 0 0 - 1 0 5 (on
the development of meaning); ÇABEJ St. II 1 9 8 (related to tund).

tutje adv. ‘there, on the other side’. Compound of tu- and -tje (as in
at je). The first component continues PAlb adverbial *tu preserved in
kê'Ju (ÇA BEJ St. II 199) and related to IE demonstrative *to- (C A M A RDA
1317; M e y e r Wb. 425). The other component goes back to PAlb *te
of uncertain origin.

tuturis aor. tuturita ‘to sing (of swallows)’. An onomatopoeia (M EY ER

Wb. 453).

tym m ‘smoke’. Hardly a loanword from Gk Bupôç ‘soul, spirit’ as

far as the latter is unknown in any meaning close to ‘smoke’. Rather,
continues PAlb *ätuma connected with Gmc *Sdumaz ‘breath’ and further
related to Skt atmdn- ‘blow, breath, soul’. T he inlaut -y- in the Alban­
ian word may be secondary. 0 CAMARDA I 53 (related to Gk Otijiôç);
MEYER Wb. 93 (secondary formation based on tymos ‘to smoke’ < CS
timijasati ‘to burn incense’ < Gk 0t)|Luá|ua ‘incense’); KRISTOFORID-
HI 363 (to IE *dhümos)\ TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 272; OREL Balcanica
 TYPTH - THAJ 471

110-111 (from a substratum continuation of IE *dhùmos); ÇABEJ St.

VII 2 1 7 , 254; H u l d 117.

typth m, pl. typtha ‘little ham m er’. Diminutive of *typ < P A lb *tüpa
related to Skt tupáti, túmpati ‘to harm, to hurt’, Gk xvnxui ‘to strike
with a weapon’. 0 F r isk II 945-946; M a y r h o f e r 1512-513; P o k o r n y
I 1034.

tytë f, pl. tyta ‘pipe, tube, barrel’, adj. ‘empty, unnecessary, futile’. From
PAlb *tuta, probably related to IE *teua- ‘to swell’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 77
(explains tytë ‘trunk’ from *dytë, borrowed from Rom *ductus);
M a n n Language XXVIII 34 (to Lith tkscias); POKORNY I 1080-1085;
OREL Balcanica 112-113 (to a substratum continuation of IE *dhü-
to- derived from *dhû- ‘to blow’).

Th
thadër f ‘kind of a double-sided axe’. Continues PAlb *tsestra iden­
tical with Skt sastra- ‘knife, sword’. The auslaut -der may be con­
sidered to be a regular result of the non-initial *-str-. 0 JOKL LKUBA
157-159 (to IE *kes-dhro-, to *kes- ‘to cu t’); BARIÇ Hymje 10;
M a y r h o f e r III 319; P o k o r n y I 586; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 62 (from
*kontro-)\ ÇABEJ St. II 199 (< *thardë, postverbal derivative of *thar,
cf. ther)\ DEMIRAJ AE 391-392 (to Skt s'itd- ‘sharp’).

thaj aor. thava ‘to dry’. From PAlb *sausnja, a derivative of IE

*sauso- ‘dry’: Gk ocùoç, MHG sòr, Lith sausas, Slav * s u x t > (MEYER
Wb. 8 8 , Alb. St. I ll 4 3 , 9 2 ). Note the dissimilation of sibilants leading
to *i- > th-. The adjective thatë ‘dry’ is a deverbative derived from
an unattested PAlb *sausa. 0 CAMARDA I 7 6 (to Gk Saoûç ‘thick with
leaves, hairy, shaggy’); PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 34, KZ XXXIII 5 43, XXXVI
283; JOKL Studien 6 1 , LKUBA 261; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 3 0 0 -3 0 1 ;
P is a n i Saggi 102; C im o c h o w s k i LP II 233; f r i s k I 188-189; FRAENKEL
766; VASMER III 813; MANN Language XXVI 3 8 1 , Hist. Gr. 184 (to
Gk k c xut Ô ç ‘burnt, red-hot’, inconvicing semantically and inaccurate
phonetically); ÇABEJ St. II 1 9 9 -2 0 0 (reconstructs *saukniö and com­
pares thaj with c t o u k o v - H,r|póv, Hes.); HULD 1 1 7 -1 1 8 ; OREL Sprache
XXXI 279; DEMIRAJ AE 39 2 .
472 THANË — TU AR TF.

thanë f, pl. thana, lhanë ‘cornel’. Participle of thaj (M e y e r Wb. 88 with

an alternative comparison with Lat cornus id.). 0 CAMARDA I 77 (to
Gk Bdt^voç ‘bush, shrub’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 332 (to OIr congan
‘horn’); B a r i C ARSt. I 9-10 (from *kort}go-, cf. Skt s'rnga- ‘peak’, Gk
Kpayyrav ‘small crustacean’); JOKL apud W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 277 (to
Lith saunas ‘quick, strong’); FRIEDRICH Trees 118 (borrowed from
Greek or Thraco-Phrygian); ÇABEJ St. II 200-201 (follows PEDERSEN);
HULD KZ XCV 306-307 (from *sosdh-nâ, cf. Lat sorbum ‘service-
berry’ < *sosdhom); JANSON Unt. 92-94; DEMIRAJ AE 393 (from Gk
ôàpvoç).

thar aor. thara ‘to add ferment to milk’. Historically identical with ther.
For the semantic development cf. Lith kartiis ‘bitter’ - kirsti ‘to cut,
to hew’, Goth baitrs ‘bitter’ - beitan ‘to bite’, Latv skâbs ‘sour’ - Lith
skabëti ‘to cut, to hew ’. 0 B u c k Synonyms 1 0 3 3 -1 0 3 5 ; ÇABEJ St. VII
2 2 5 , 239.

thark m, pl. tharq, tharqe ‘enclosure (especially, for milking)’. Con­

tinues PAlb *tserka, a derivative of thur < *tsurja. Borrowed to Rum
¡arc. 0 CAMARDA I 77 (to Gk ëpicoç ‘fence, enclosure’); MEYER Alb.
St. Ill 39 (from IE *kyLorkos)\ PETERSSON Heter. 134 (same as MEYER);
C a p id a n DR II 5 5 2 (Rum / arc from Albanian); PHILIPPIDE Or. Rom.
II 691 (Rum ¡arc from Lat circus)-, DENSUSflANU GS I 2 4 5 -2 4 8 (from
Iranian); C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 114 (suffix -k); R e ic h e n k r o n Dakische
165 (Rum / arc < Dacian < IE *serk-); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 351;
K l e p ik o v a SPT 2 0 0 -2 0 3 ; R o se t t i IL R I 282; Ç a b e j St. VII 199, 2 0 4 .

tharm m ‘sour dough, yogurt ferm ent’. Derived from thar. 0 JOKL WuS
XII 9 0 (to Lith sdrmas ‘lye’); Ç a b e j St. VII 2 0 2 .

thartë adj. ‘sour’. Another form is tharbët from where thartë seems
to have been derived phonetically. Rum sarbâd is borrowed from PAlb
*tsarbata (for a voiced auslaut cf. also the name of the Beskidy moun­
tains continuing PAlb *beskai tai). The source of this w'ord is *tharbë,
derived from thar. 0 MEYER Wb. 8 8 , Alb. St. Ill 13, 7 2 , 8 7 , V 7 5 (to
Lith sdrmas iy e ’ and its cognates); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 3 2 (to Lat
acerbas id.); JOKL WuS XII 9 0 (to tharm)-, RESTELLl RIL XCI 5 3 8 -
5 3 9 (to IE *suro- ‘sour’); PU§CARIU EWR 136 (together with Rum
sarbäd - from Rom *exalbidus); M a n n Language XVII 18 (tharbët
related to Lat acerbus); PISANI Saggi 122; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II
 THASHËM — IH Kl. 473

347; R o settï ¡LR I 281; C A M A J Alb. Worth. 120 (suffix -bè'in tharhë);
ÇABEJ St. II 201-202 (derived from ther).

thashëm adv. ‘on an empty stomach’. An adverbial form based on thaj.

thatë adj. ‘dry ’. Derivative of thaj (JOKL LKUBA 2 7 8 ) . 0 ÇABEJ St. VII
254.

th eç adj. ‘fragile’. Derived from thyej.

thek aor. theka ‘to roast, to toast (bread)’. Continues PAlb *tsaka from
IE *knk- attested also in Greek, both in zero and full grades: KF.yKpi-
tieivS, KûtyKO|iévTiç- çipfzç tôt tpoßqj (Hes.), rcoÂüK«yKT|ç ‘burning strong­
ly’ (Horn.) and the like. Other parallels implying the initial *k- (Skt
känksati ‘to wish, to desire’) are semantically too farfetched and should
be ignored despite POK O RNY I 565. 0 M EY ER Wb. 8 8 (from Ital
seccare ‘to dry’), 440 (from Ital secco ‘dry’); M EYER-LÜ BK E Gr. Grund­
riß 2 1 1053 (from Lat siccâre ‘to dry’); B a r i C ARSt. I 13 (to thëngjill
and, further, to Skt socati ‘to shine, to glow’); M AYRHO FER I 194;
F r i s k 1 750-751; M IH Ä ESC U RESEE IV /1-2 20 (from Latin); ÇABEJ
St. II 202-203 (to thaj).

thekë f, pl. thekë ‘fringe’. From P A lb *tsaka etymologically close to

Skt sakhä ‘branch’, Lith sakà id. (MEYER Wb. 88). 0 PEDERSEN IF V
48 (follows MEYER), KZ XXXVI 332, Kelt. Gr. I 126; B a r i Í ARSt. I
14 (same); L a P i a n a Studi I 33 (against the comparison with sakhä);
F r a e n k e l 957-958; M a y r h o f e r III 321-322; P o k o r n y I 523; Ç a b e j
LP VIT 191, V ili 90, St. II 203-204 (to thek); OREL Sprache XXXI
282, ZfBalk XXIII 145; D e m ir a j AE 393-394.

thekër ~ thekën f, pl. thekëra ~ thekëna ‘ry e’. S in g u la r ize d plural o f

thekë (CAMARDA I 1 7 7 -1 7 8 ) 0 M e y e r Wb. 88 (from Lai secale id. w ith
a sh ift o f stress); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1 0 4 4 , 1053; PE­
DERSEN IF V 82 (a g re es w ith MEYER); B a r iC ARSt 13-15 (to thikë);
JOKL ap ud ÇABEJ St. II 2 0 4 (r e p e a ts C a m a r d a ’s e t y m o lo g y ) ;
S c h u c h a r d t KZ X X 2 48 (a g re es w ith M e y e r ); S p it z e r M RIW I 315
(sam e).

thel m, pl. thela ‘big nail’. Continues PAlb *tsala related to Skt said-
 THELB TH ER th ero kf. THËLLIM 475
474

‘stick, cane’, OIr call ‘spear’, ON hali ‘point of a pole’. 0 POKORNY V IN I Dalmazia 115; M A N N Language XXVIII 33 (to the rrë = fe rrë and
I 552-553. Lith sérti ‘to eat, to graze’); C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 41; M A Y R H O F E R III
371-372; FR IS K I 842-843; V e n d r y e s [C ] 237-238; PO K O R N Y I 578;
thelb m, pl. thelpinj, thalba, thelbna ‘kernel (o f a nut)’. From PA lb *tsalha, Ö L B E R G IBK XIV 1 11; Ç a b e j St. II 208-210 (to IE *kers- ‘bristle’);

a d erivative o f IE *kel- ‘to c o v e r ’ from w hich various w ord s for ‘sh e ll’ D e m i r a j AE 396-397.

are d eriv ed , cf. OHG hulsa, OE hulu. 0 CAMARDA I 199; MEYER Wh.
89 (to Friul sepe id .); BARIC ARSt. I 30 (to bër-thamë); JOKL LKUBA therokë f ‘Passerina hirsuta; sweepings’. Derived f r o m ther (M E Y E R
192; S c h m id t KZ LV11 1; H o l t h a u s e n AEW 177; P is a n i Saggi 119; Wb. 89). Q M E Y E R Alb. St. V 75 (identical with throkë ‘dung’ from
ÇABEJ St. II 204 (fro m IE *sphel- ‘to sp lit’); POKORNY I 553-554. Gk (pp Ó K aÀ .o v ‘rubbish’); M A N N HAED 534 (to thërrime)\ Ç A B E J St.
II 210 (follows M e y e r Wb.).
thellë ‘deep; dark (of color)’. Frow PAlb *tsaxvila related to Gk
adj.
k o î A-oç ‘hollow’ < *K0p iA o ç ( P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 3 2 ). 0 C a m a r d a therpelë f ‘kind of thorny plant, w'oody nightshade, sim ’. Compound
I 64; M e y e r Wb. 88 (to Skt sünyá- ‘empty’), Alb. St. Ill 13, 90; L a of ther and pelë. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 210-211 (derived from ther).
p...T. O;.. j : T T I « n . a/.',. T rw i YTTT
it) **tsatja related to u k ko-cu/ui i l l , R i t t i 1 48; TREIMER AZ LA V 8J; F RISK 1 ÖVl-ÖVZ; ^HAINIKAlJMi Wiasë 'sack , continues vt
U 1 V I9 111.

. . . . 11 . . « . 4 », t~ A il I .............^ 1 ' T

ellë < d ia lecta l fellë, ‘chamber, r o o m ’, Goth hepjo id. 0 SCHMIDT KZ L 2 3 8 -2 4 0 (fro m G k ÖLBERG IBK XTV 115; ÇABEJ St. II 204-206 {U
97-299 (reco n stru cts occKKoc id .); L a PIANA Studi I 3 0 , 3 2 (connected with Gk o Ú k k o ; ) ; to IE *sphel- ‘to split’); H u l d 118, KZ X C II Í
E 394-395. FEIST Goth. 2 5 4 -2 5 5 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 182; F r i s k I 9 3 3 -9 3 4 ; *kouHlo-y, KORTLANDT Arm-IE 39; DEMIRAJ A
B a r t h o l o m a e 4 3 2 ; POKORNY I 5 8 6 -5 8 7 ; H am p IE LXVI 2 5 (from
fsambrä, a derivative *koitti-, cf. Gk k 'ü t o ç ‘hollow’, Lat cutis ‘skin’), Orb is X X III/ 1 128- them b ër f, pl. thembra ‘heel’. C o n tin u es PAlb *
crooked’, OIr camm 129; ÇABEJ St. II 211 (together with oàK icoç, borrowed from Semitic). of IE *(s)kamb- ‘to bend’: Gk OKapfJôç ‘bent,
ìYER Wb. 89, Alb. St. id. 0 CAMARDA I 62 (to Gk 0évap ‘palm ’); M
-717; MEYER-LÜBKE thëllëzë f, pl. thëllëza ‘partridge’. Derived from thellë as a color IV 120 (from Lat fem ur ‘th ig h ’); FRISK II 71(
298; P o k o r n y I 918 adjective (S t ier KZ XI. 110; CAMARDA I I 30). 0 MEYER Wb. 89, Alb. Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1053; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
'K o v RB 138; Ç a b e j St. IV 95 (from Rom *fulingia based on Lat fúlica ‘coot’); PEDERSEN (reconstructs IE *(s)k~); HAARMANN 126; RUS
KZ XXXIII 535 (< *fëllëng-zë borrowed from R om *fullinga); BARltí St. II 206-207 (the original meaning is ‘bendin
fh
ARSt. I 10-12 (from *ícelontí ‘jum per’); S c h m id t KZ L 240-241 (fol­
P A lb *tsaipa ety m o - lo w s S t ie r ); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 81 (< IE *kelontT = Skt sala­ thep m. pl. thepa ‘peak, point, cog, tooth’. From
it cippus ‘p o le ’ (J1 va-): T r e im e r KZ LXV 86; T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 142; L a P ia n a logically identical with Skt se'pa- ‘tail, penis’, L
DÉN XXXIX/2 5 Studi 1 72; SCHWENTNER KZ XLVTT 255 (to thëllim in v ie w of G k rcépôiç, Studien 20, 117). Borrowed to Rum ¡eapä. 0 Li
75; WALDE-HOFMANN / ‘partridge’ - 7tép§o|aou ‘pedere’); Ç a b e j St. II 211-212. (to Arm sep ‘point, peak’); MAYRHOFER III 374-3
r9; POGHIRC 1st. limb. 1 219-200; P o k o r n y 1 543; C a m a j Alb. Wortb.
X I I 428; Ç a b e j St. II thëllim m, pl. thëllime ‘cold wind, tempest, storm, dry frost’ . Derived rom. II 352; ROSETTI ILR I 282; HAMP SCI. X >
395-396. from thellë, probably, in its function of a color adjective, with a further 207-208; O r e l Z ß a lk X X I I I 147; D e m ir a j AE
semantic development from ‘darkness’ to ‘cold’ or ‘storm ’ (ÇABEJ
*tsera i St. II 212-213 with typological parallels). 0 C a m a r d a I 57 (to Gk ther aor. ther a ‘to slaughter, to pierce’. From I
OIr do-cer ‘(he) fell’ 0AÍ|í|.ící ‘pressure’, 0Äiß(o ‘to squeeze’); DOZON Manuel 92 (to Gk ôùeXÀa Skt sfnati ‘to smash, to crush’, Gk kt|p ‘death’,
OKL LKUBA 217-218, ‘storm ’); DIEFENBACH I 55 (agrees with DOZON); KRISTOFORIDHI 127, (M e y e r Wb. 89). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 332; j
0 ‘to strike’); T a g l ia - 459, 470 (follows DOZON and compares thëllim with fu llo j); BUGGE ZONE X 187; TREIMER KZ LXV 80-81 (to Lat fer
476 THËNGJILL — THËRPRHEM

BB XVIII 174 (from Lat f oliere ‘to bag’); PETERSSON KZ XLVII 255
(to Lith svilpti ‘to whistle’); B a r i G ARSt. I 22 (to fyell and fryj).

thëngjill m, pl. thëngjij ‘hot ashes’. Continues PAlb *tsangila, with a

prefix *ts-, further connected with Lith angPis id., OPrus anglis id.,
Slav *Qglb id., Skt áñgara- id. (G lL ’FERDING Otn. 22; PEDERSEN KZ
XXXVI 328). 0 CAMARDA I 64 (to Gk (péyyoç ‘light, shine’); MEYER
Wb. 90 (from Lat favilla ‘hot ashes’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 538 (against
MEYER); Jo k l Studien 105-106 (from Slav *gglb with a prothetic *v-
> Alb /-, th-); T r e im e r MRIW I 375 (against JOKL); B a r i C ARSt. I
12-13 (to *kenk- ‘to burn’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 298; TRAUTMANN
BSlWb. 8; C a n d r e a GS III 235 (from Rom *focilis ‘fire’); FRAENKEL
10; MAYRHOFER I 21; VASMER IV 146; POKORNY I 779; TOPOROV
PJa I 87 (against the connection with Lith angtis and the like); HAMP
LB XIV/2 13 (th- < */-), BUng 77-78; ÇABEJ St. II 214-215 (explains
thëngjill as a singularized plural).

thënukël f, pl. thënukla ‘dogberry’. Irregular transformation of *thënubël

continuing PAlb *tsunu-aböla- 'd o g ’s apple1 identical with Dac
tavoi)ßoi?ux ‘plant Brionia alba’ (Diosc. 4. 182) and Lith súnobuolas
‘dog’s pumpkin’. 0 TOMASCHEK Thr. I 34; DETSCHEW Thr. Sprachreste
3 6 2 , 373; ÇABEJ St. VII 230.

thëri ~ thëni f, pl. the ri ~ thëni ‘louse’. From PAlb *tsanidâ related to
Gk Koviç ‘nit’, OHG hniz id. (MEYER Wb. 90, Alb. St. Ill 13, 37). 0
PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 332, 339, Kelt. Gr. 141 ; Jo k l Studien 105, Sprache
IX 123; B a r i Ó ARSt. I 12; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 301 (reconstructs IE
*kenid-), Stratificazione 142; L a PIANA Studi I 33-34; E r n o u t -
M eill e t 351; M a n n Language XVII 23, XXVIII 32; P is a n i Saggi 128;
CIMOCHOWSKI LP II 243; F r is k I 912-913; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 115;
H a m p KZ LXXVI 278 (correct reconstruction of *-o- in the first syl­
lable of *iconid-); Po k o r n y I 608; ÇABEJ St. II 215-216 (to thind ‘sting,
thorn’); HULD 118-119; JANSON Unt. 31-32; G riep ENTROG Wurzelnomina
474-475; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 39; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 146; D em ir a j
AE 397.

thërpehem refi, ‘to become impregnated (of goats)’. Other forms are
thuprehem and also thuprue, thyprue ‘to impregnate’. Derived from
thupè'r as many other verbs for ‘futuere’ based on the word for
 TH ERRAS — THIKË 477

‘stick’. O BariÓ ARSt. 1 104 (to cap); ÇABE¡St. II 218-219 (from *përthe-
het based on *përth = përç).

thërras aor. thërrita, thirra ‘to call, to name’. Continues PAlb *tsira,
with a secondary present in *-atja. An old onomatopoeia. 0 JOKL Studien
20-21 (to Lith sdrka ‘magpie’, Slav *sorka id.); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
300 (follows JOKL); ÇABEJ St. II 216-217.

th ërreck ë f, pl. thërrecka ‘kind of thistle’. Derived from *thërrec based

on ther.

th ërrim e f, pl. thërrime ‘crum b’. Derived from ther (ÇABEJ St. II 2 1 7 -
2 18). The verb thërrmoj ‘to break, to crumb’ (borrowed to Rum fàrima
id.) is derived from thërrime. 0 CAMARDA I 5 2 , 9 9 (to Gk 0púpn,a
‘bit, something broken off’); MEYER Wb. 9 0 , Alb. St. IV 2 6 (thërrmoj
from Rom *fragminare); PU§CARIU ZfromPh XXVII 739, EWR 50 (togeth­
er with Rum fa r ima, from Rom *farrlmen); GlUGLEA DR III 5 9 4 -5 9 7
(starts from Rom *farrlma); WEIGAND BA III 214; R etchenkron ZfBalk
III 166 (reconstructs a Dacian source continuing IE *(s)per-); ROSETTI
ILR 1 27 7 .

thi m. pl. thi ‘pig’. From PAlb *su(s) (with dissimilation of sibilants)
etymologically related to IE *süs id.: Av hû, Gk bç, Lat süs, OHG sü
(S t ier KZ XI 214; C a m a r d a I 77; M e y e r Wb. 90, Alb. St. I I I 43-44,
63). 0 P e d e r s e n IF V 82, KZ XXXVI 282; Jo k l Studien 77; T a g l i ­
a v in i Dalmazia 298, Stratificazione 143; B a r iç Hymje 22; E r n o u t -
M e il l ET 670; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 234; FRISK II 973-974; MANN Hist.
Gr. 142 (reconstructs *k- in the anlaut); L a PIANA Studi I 23; PISANI
Saggi 102, 222; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 233; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 635-
637; B a r t h o l o m a e 1817; POKORNY I 1038; Ç a b e j St. II 219-220;
O r e l Sprache XXXI 279; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X 220; HULD 119;
DEMIRAJ AE 397-398.

thikë f, pl. thika, thikë ‘knife’. From P A lb *tsikd, derived from IE *kêi-
‘to sharpen’: Skt sisdti ‘to whet, to sharpen’. Arm sur ‘sharp; knife’
and the like, ö CAMARDA I 77 (to Gk Griyco ‘to whet’), 117 (to Lat
sica ‘knife’); MEYER Wb. 90, Alb. St. Ill 44 (from Lat sica); M e y e r -
LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044, 1053; PEDERSEN IF V 82, KZ XXXIV
287 (follows M e y e r ); S p it z e r MRIW I 293 (same); Jo k l IF XXXVI
155 (same); B a r i G ARSt. I 13-14 (to Skt sikhä ‘tuft of hair, fringe’);
478 T H 1MË — THIRR

A c a r e a n HAB IV 254-255; M a y r h o f e r III 345; L a P ia n a Studi I

30-31 (again st b o rro w in g from Latin for p h o n etic reason s: Lat s- >
A lb sh-); MANN Language XXVI 387; POKORNY I 541-542; ÇABEJ St.
II 2 2 1 -2 2 2 (follows B a r i C and adduces thekë as another cognate).

thimë adj. ‘grey1. Derived from thij, see thinjë.

thim th m, pi. thimtha ‘sting, nipple’. A deminutive of *thim related to

thind (JOKL LKUBA 318-319). The meaning ‘nipple’ may be secondary,
due to the influence of thithë. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 223-224).

thind m, pl. thinda ‘beak, n ip p le ’. D er iv ed from the sam e verbal root

as thikë. 0 MEYER Wb. 91 (from Lat finde re); JOKL LKUBA 3 1 8 -3 1 9
(to ther, thyej); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 144; CiMOCHOWSKi LP II
238; P o k o r n y I 920; Ç a b e j St. II 2 2 2 -2 2 3 (to thëri, thumb); H am p-
Miinch. St. Spr. XLIII 4 7 -4 8 (< IE *kent-).

thinjë f, pl. thinja ‘grey hair’. Derived from thij ‘to go grey’ < PAlb
*tsinja, a denominative verb related to Skt s'yává- ‘dark brown’, Av
syâva- ‘black’, Slav *sivb ‘dark grey’ and the like. Ô MEYER Wb. 9 1 ,
Alb. St. Ill 4 4 (from Slav *sinb ‘dark blue’); WEIGAND 92; TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 3 0 0 (agrees with MEYER); CiMOCHOWSKi LP II 2 3 3 -
234 (to finjë and hi); M a y r h o fe r III 384; B a r t h o lo m a e 1631; V a sm er
III 617; P o k o r n y I 541; Ç a b e j St. I I 225-226 (follows C im o c h o w sk i
in his comparison with finjë); M u r a t i Probleme 135.

th ip ë f ‘bread crust’. Identical with cipë (KRISTOFORIDHI 129). 0

J o k l Balkangerm. 127; Ç a b e j St. II 226.

thirqe f. pl. thirqe ‘chick-pea’. Singularized plural of *thirk, deriva­

tive in *-ka- of thjerrë (CIMOCHOWSKI LP VIII 96). 0 M e y e r Wb. 91,
Alb. St. Ill 44 (from Venet siserchia id.); H e lb ig 79 (accepts M e y e r ’s
etymology); CIMOCHOWSKI LP II 233-234 (from siserchia with dis­
similation of .V- .v); Ç a b e j St. II 226 (follows C im o c h o w s k i LP Vili).

thirr m ‘soot’. From PAlb *tsirwa identical with Lith sirvas ‘grey’
(C im o c h o w s k i ABS III 42) and continuing the Indo-European root
for dark color *ker-. C f. sunne and thjermë. 0 FRAENKEL 989;
P o k o r n y I 573-574; Ç a b e j St. II 226-227 (to Slav *sera ‘sulphur’).
 THIRRAVAJË — THJESHTË 479

thirravajë f ‘complaint’. Lexicalization of me thirrë vaj ‘to make a

complaint, to complain’ (Ç A B E J St. II 227).

thith m, pl. thitha ‘joint-pin, sprig’. Another form is thinx. From

*thind-th, deminutive of thind.

thith aor. thitha ‘to suck’. Another form is thëthij. Continues PAlb *tsitsa.
An old “descriptive” stem (JOKL Balkanogerm. 127-128, Slavia XIII
325). Of the same origin is thithë ‘nipple’ < PAlb *tsitsa. 0 CAMARDA
I 37, 77-78 (to Gk ‘to put’); MEYER Wb. 90, Alb. St. Ill 44, IV
31 (from SCr sisa ‘nipple, bosom’); S eli Sc e v Slav, naselenie 195 (follows
M e y e r ); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 290; M a n n Language XXVI 386-387
(thithë to Ir doch, Slav *sisa)\ ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 234; ÇABEJ St. II
227-228.

thjerm ë adj. ‘grey’. From PAlb *tserma, a full grade of the root found
in zero grade in surmë and etymologically related to Lith sirmas ‘grey’
(JOKL Mélanges Pedersen 153-155, WuS XII 89-90). 0 ClMOCHOWSKI
L P ll 221 (follows JOKL); POKORNY I 574; Ç a b e j * . II 228-229 (derived
from thjerrë); H u ld 145; D E M IR A J AE 399.

thjerrë f, pl. thjerra ‘lentil’. Continues PAlb *tserâ, a non-reduplicat-

ed parallel of Lat cicer ‘pea’, Arm sisern id. < IE *ki-ker- (BARld ARSt.
I 15, AArbSt II 81-83). 0 M e y e r Wb. 91, Alb. St. IV 118 (from Rom
*fäbärium, to Lat fába ‘bean’); WEIGAND 19 (agrees with M e y e r );
V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 81-83; JOKL LKUBA 179-181 (to Lith sérti
‘to feed’); ACAREAN HAB IV 218; M a n n Language XXVIII 33 (agrees
with B ari Q ; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 254; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 1127; WALDE-
H o f m a n n 1 212; POKORNY I 598; Ç a b e j St. II 220-221 (identical with
fiery, D e m ir a j AE 398-399.

thjesh të adj. ‘simple, easy’. Another form is fjeshtë. Continues PAlb

*tseksta, a derivative in *ts- based on *eksta > jashtë with the basic
meaning ‘not outside’ = ‘easy to reach’, for the semantic model cf.
Oír asse < *ad-stajo- ‘standing by’ = ‘easily attainable’ = ‘easy’, Fr
aise ‘ease’ < Lat adjacëns ‘lying near’. 0 MEYER Wb. 91 (from Lat
festus ‘solemn, festive’); JOKL Studien 37-38, LKUBA 190, 214 (from
IE *skâi- ‘to shine’); VENDRYES | A) 96; B u c k Synonyms 648-650; Ç abej
St. II 224-225 (derived from fill).
480 THJESHTËR THOPËRÇ

thjeshtër m, pl. thjeshtër ‘stepson’. In Sicilian dialects of Albanian one

finds fjeshtër. Borrowed from Lat filiaster id. (MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 2 1 1043, 1053) phonetically influenced by thjeshtë (LA PIANA St.
Varia 51-52). 0 M e y e r Wb. 91, Alb. St. V 75 (from Ital figliastro id.,
Venet fiastro id.); Jo k l LKUBA 48, 211 (same); MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV/1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 126; Ç a b e j St. II 229.

thkollët adj. ‘thin, meager’. A phonetic evolution of tëholloj ‘to become

thin’ based on hollë (M a n n HAED 539). 0 ÇABEJ St. II 229-230
(agrees with M a n n ).

thnegël f, pl. thnegla ‘ant’. Other forms are thënegullë, thënëjegëll. Con­
tinues PAlb *tsangula, with a prefix *ts-, further connected with Lat
anguis ‘snake’, Lith angis id., OHG angar ‘kind of maggot’, engirine
‘larva’, Lith ankstirai ‘maggot’. 0 MEYER Wb. 8 9 -9 0 (from Latformic-
ula id.); BUGGE BB XVIII 175; SCHUCHARDT Revue basque V 106-
108 (to Basque chiugmri); B ark Î ARSt. I 12 (compound of thëri ~
 THUA ~ THUE — THUPËR 481

lyzed as a compound of thua and perç (for the meaning cf. Tom Thumb
and Russian muzicok-s-nogotok). BUZUKU has a participle thopërkuom
‘paralyticus’, thoprekaom ‘hydropicus’ which has nothing to do with
thoperk and reflects a verb *thë-për-koj ‘to undernourish’, with two
prefixes, based on koj. 0 JOKL Balkangerm. 123-125, Vox Rom. VI 227
(from Slavic, cf. SCr coprati ‘to conjure’); MANN HAED 92; Ç a b e j
St. II 230-231 (from Ital zoppo ‘lame’).

thua - thue m, pl. thaj ~ thonj ‘(finger) nail’. Goes back to PAlb *atsana
derived from IE *ak- ‘sharp’ and, as far as its structure is concerned,
similar with Gk o t K a v o ç ‘thorny fruit’, a m a v a ‘tip, point’. 0 CAM ARDA
I 77 (to Gk ov\)^ ‘nail’); M EY ER Wb. 92 (to Av spanta* ‘saliva’ mis­
interpreted as ‘nail’), Alb. St. Ill 14, 16; LEW Y IF XXXII 159 (com­
pares thua with Lat squama ‘(fish) scale’); JOKL LKUBA 26; B a r ic :
ARSt. I 10 (derivative of IE *ker- ‘horn’); TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia 301,
Stratificazione 98; F r i s k I 49, 51; Ç ABEJ St. II 231-232 (to Gk Kevtéai
‘to prick’); H U L D 120 (to Gmc *xanduz ‘hand’).
482 TH U R — UDHË

*upera ‘u p p er’ e ty m o lo g ic a lly related to OHG obaro id.. Lat super

id. and the lik e. 0 M e y e r Wb. 9 2 (to H ung dial, supra id.); POKORNY
I 1106.

thur aor. thura ‘to fence, to enclose, to plait, to weave’. From PAlb
*tsurja, a zero grade form related to Arm sarik' ‘band, rope’, Gk Kaîpoç
‘row of thrums in the loom’. 0 CAM A RDA I 7 7 (to Gk 0\>póco ‘to furnish
with doors’); M EYER Wb. 9 2 (to Lat crûtis ‘wicker-work’, Gk tcúpir)
‘fishing net’); A C A R E A N HAB IV 1 8 8 ; FRISK I 7 5 6 ; POKORNY I 5 7 7 -
5 7 8 ; CLA CK SO N LR 1 4 0 .

thuthaq adj. ‘lisping’. Pronouncing 5- as th ( M e y e r Wb. 9 2 ).

thyej aor. theva ‘to break’. Continues PAlb *tsä(i)nja derived from IE
*këi- ‘to sharpen’; Skt sisûti ‘to sharpen’, Arm sur ‘sharp; knife’ and
the like. See thikë. 0 CAMARDA I 77 (to Gk 0úo> ‘to rage, to seethe’).

u
u part, of passive. From PAlb *wa related to IE *suom, acc. ‘self’ with
the vowel lost in the unstressed position and *w vocalized as u (B O P P
4 8 0 - 4 8 1 ) or resulting from the regular development of IE *syo- in
Albanian. 0 C A M A R D A I 2 1 7 ; M EYER Wb. 4 6 8 , Alb. St. Ill 3 9 ; JOKL
IF XXXVI 1 1 1 , LKUBA 7 4 ; B a r i Í ARSt I 1 1 1 ; JOKL LKUBA 7 4 , IF
L 5 6 ; M A N N Language XXVI 3 8 4 ; POKORNY I 8 8 2 ; H A M P IF LXXXI
3 6 - 3 7 ; K l in g e n s c h m it t Münch. St. Spr. XL 1 0 0 ; Ç a b e j St. II 2 3 4 -
2 3 5 ; H u l d 1 2 2 ; DEM IRAJ AE 4 0 0 .

ubël f, pl. ubla ‘well, shaft, hillside well’. The original meaning is ‘hill­
side well’. With a secondary voicing of *-p- continues PAlb *upela,
a derivative of IE *upo ‘under’. Morphologically particularly close
to Goth ubils ‘evil’, originally ‘exceeding due lim its’ < *upelo-. 0
O n io n s 332; P o k o r n y I 1 1 0 6 -1 1 0 7 .

udob adv. ‘easy, light’. Borrowed from Slav *udobb id. (M IK L O S IC H

Slav. Elemente 3 6 ). 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 217; SVANE 2 7 2 .

udhë f, pl. udhë ‘way’. From PAlb *wada, an o-grade *uodhâ based
on *uedh- ‘to beat, to break’. For such semantic development cf. Slav
 UDHOS — UJF. 483

*trepati ‘to knock, to beat’ - OS thravon ‘to trot’ ~ Slav *tropa ‘path’
and the like (BUCK Synonyms 693-694). 0 C a m a r d a I 50, 108 (com­
parison with Gk ôSôç ‘road’); M e y e r BB VIII 191 (compares with
Slav *ulica ‘street’), Wb. 455 (derives from IE *uegh-), Alb. St. Ill
18, 80; BUGGE BB XVIII 189 (borrowed from Gk ôÔôç); JOKL Studien
92, LKUBA 128, 316 (cognate of Lat vehö ‘to bear, to carry, to
convey’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 335; D e r 2 a v i n Jazyk I literatura I
190-191 (to lire and ujë'); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 274 (from IE *uegh-
‘to move, to puli’); LA PIANA Studi I 60-61; CIMOCHOWSKI L P ll 231;
TISCHLER II 318-319 (etymology of the Hittite word); HAMP Laryn-
geals 138 (to IE *uedh- ‘to lead’); ÖLBERG IBK XVII 34-35; M a n n
Hist. Gr. 186; ÇABEJ StF I V /1 69, 83 (follows HAMP), St. II 237-238
(zero-grade formation of IE *uedh- ‘to beat, to break’); H u l d 120-
121; OREL LB XXVIII/4 54-55 (close to Hitt huda- ‘hurry’, a zero-
grade of IE *yedh-), ZfBalk XXIII 143; DEMIRAJ AE 400-401.

udhos m ‘sort of cheese’. Originally, participle in -ues, -os of Geg

hudh ‘to throw, to pour’ (see hedh) with the loss of initial h-. Seman­
tically, the Balkan-Carpathian technology of cheese production makes
such a motivation fairly possible, cf. Slav *zçtica derived from *zçti
‘to press, to squeeze’ (KLEPIKOVA SFT 142-143). 0 MEYER Wb. 455
(to Carpathian urda); SCHMIDT KZ L 245-246; D u r id a n o v LB XVII
51-62 (from *urdhos related to urdhë; phonetically difficult); OREL
Koll. Idg. Ges. 363.

ugar m, pl. ugarë ‘land unused for two years’. Borrowed from Slav
*ugai~h ‘fallow ground’, cf. in South Slavic; Bulg ugar, SCr ugar (MEYER
Wb. 456). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 158; SVANE 36.

ujë f/n, pl. ujëra - ujna ‘w a te r ’. F rom P A lb *udrja (H a m p St. What-

mough 83, Laryngeals 138) d eriv ed from the In d o-E u rop ean w ord for
‘w a te r ’ *ued- (G i l ’f e r d in g Otn. 24; CAMARDA I 51, 75). F o r a
similar form ation cf. G k úSpía ‘water-bucket’ . 0 M e y e r Wb. 456 (recon­
stru cts *udnia but there are no traces o f unjë in the d ia lec ts), Alb. St.
I ll 66; L a P i a n a 1118 (d e riv e s ujë from *ulë < *ud-l-o-); S p it ze r
M RIW I 217; BARlC AArhSt. II 86; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 273-274; P ed
ERSEN Festskr. Thomsen 247, KZ XXXIII 285-286, XXXVI 339 (from
*uë < *udâ w ith -j- fillin g h ia tu s), Kelt. Gr. II 19; JOKL WuS XII 64;
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 274; P o k o r n y 78-79; F r is k II 957-959; Ç a b e j
484 UJK —- UI.ISHTË

St. II 2 3 8 -2 3 9 (follows P e d e r s e n ); H u l d 121; D e m i r a j AE 4 0 1 -4 0 2

(from PAlb *urjâ, related to Skt var- ‘water’).

ujk m, pl. ujq, ujqër ~ ujqën ‘w o lf ’. T he archaic form ulk is p reserv ed

in C ham ian. G o e s back to P A lb *(w)ulka co n tin u in g IE *ulk',os id.:
Skt vfka-, Gk à .v>k o ç , Lat lupus, G oth wulfs and the lik e (STIER KZ XI
143; G i l ’FERDING Otn. 24; M e y e r Wb. 4 5 7 , Alb. St. Ill 2, 8 0 ). The
form ujkth ‘w o lf ’s h id e ’ is an o b v io u s d eriv a tiv e o f ujk (MEYER Alb.
St. IV 9 9 ) 0 C a m a r d a I 2 6 (m eta th esis o f M k o ç ); M e y e r BB VIII
191, Gr. Gr. 6 9 , 2 3 3 , 262; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 549; JOKL Studien
9 2 , 119 (ujkth - to Lat vellus ‘fle e c e , h id e ’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 214,
Stratificazione 143; BARIO ARSt. I 45 (agrees w ith JOKL on ujkth), 111,
Hymje 22; PORZIG Gliederung 206; E n d z e l in KZ XLIV 61; MANN Lan­
guage XVII 15; F r is k II 143-144; M a y r h o f e r III 2 4 0 -2 4 1 ; W a l d e -
H o f m a n n I 8 3 6 -8 3 7 ; F e i s t Goth. 576; POKORNY I 1 1 7 8 -1 1 7 9 ; H am p
Laryngeals 138; G in d in Form. SN 61; ÇABEJ St. II 2 3 9 -2 4 0 , 2 4 2 -2 4 4 ;
K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Miinch. St. Spr. XL 124; H u l d 1 2 1 -1 2 2 ; O r e l
ZfBalk XXIII 144, Koll. Idg. Ges. 351; DEMIRAJ AE 4 0 3 .

ukraje f ‘forest’. Borrowed from Slav *ukrajb attested, in a different

meaning, in SCr ukraj ‘near’, Russ ukraj (MEYER Wb. 4 5 6 ).

ul aor. ula ‘to lower’. From PAlb *wala related to Gk ei'Xra ‘to shut
in, to press’, Lith valyti ‘to clean’, is-valyti ‘to carry away’ (CAMARDA
I 5 4 ). Forms like unj reflect an earlier *ulnj < *walnja. 0 MEYER Wb.
457-458 (to the non-existent Slav *xynçti); PEDERSEN IF V 64, KZ XXXIII
5 4 2 (separates unj from ul); B a r i C ARSt. I 32 (agrees with PEDER­
SEN and compares ul with Slav *xyh, ‘crooked, weak’); JOKL ArRom
XXIV 3 9 (to vang); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 2 7 4 ; F r a e n k e l 1190;
F r is k I 4 5 6 -4 5 7 ; P o k o r n y I 1138; Ç a b e j St. II 2 4 0 -2 4 2 (follows
C a m a r d a ).

ulërij ~ ulërî aor. ulërita ‘to shout, to howl’. Another form is ulëras.
Borrowed from Rom *uruldre id. (cf. Rum urla, Sard urulare and the
like) continuing Lat ululare ‘to howl, to yell’ (M IK L O S IC H Rom. Ele­
mente 69; M e y e r Wb. 4 5 7 ). 0 P u § c a r iu EWR 171; Ç a b e j St. II 2 4 2
(onomatopoeia).

ulishtë f, pl. ulishta ‘small tub’. Borrowed from Slav *ulisce, deriva-
 ULM EJ — (G ) U M B 485

tiv e o f *ulbjb ‘h ive; tro u g h ’, cf. SC r uliste (D e s NICKAJA Slav. zaim.

12). 0 Ç a b e j St. II 242 (d e riv e d from ul); SVANE 159.

ulmej aor. ulmeva ‘to make wet’. Derived from an unattested *ulm con­
tinuing PAlb *ulg(a)ma related to OHG welc ‘wet’, Lith vilgyti ‘to make
w et’, Latv valgums ‘wetness’, Slav *vblg-bk-b ‘wet’. 0 FRAENKEL
1251; VASMER I 337; POKORNY I 1145 (with mistakes in Lithuanian
forms); ÇABEJ St. II 244 (identical with lëmehem ’to apply rouge’ and
nielmej ‘to add butter or oil to food’).

ulzë f, pl. uha ‘kind of m aple’. Derived from PAlb *ulma continuing
IE *[mo- also reflected in Lat ulmus ‘elm ’, cf. also ON almr id., OIr
lem id. (Ç a b e j Sí. II 244). 0 W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 811-812; P o k o r n y
I 303.

ullastër f, pl. ullastra ‘wild olive tree’. Borrowed from Ital olivastro
‘olive’ influenced by ulli (ÇABEJ St. II 244-245). The variant ullashtër
m ay well g o back to Lat oleaster id. (MEYER Wb. 457). 0 WEIGAND
95 (to ulli); JOKL LKUBA 210-211 (from Rom * oliv aster); MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV /1-2 24, 31; H a a r m a n n 139; L a n d i Lat. 87, 129, 136.

ulli - ullî m, pl. ullinj ‘o liv e (tr e e )’. B o r ro w e d from Lat ollvus ‘o liv e
tr e e ’ (Ç a b e j St. II 2 4 5 ) or, le ss ex a ctly , from oliva ‘o liv e ’ (MIKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 44; MEYER Wb. 4 5 7 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1049; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 536; JOKL LKUBA 210; WEIGAND 95;
TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 274; H a a r m a n n 138; L a n d i Lat. 87, 158.

umas aor. umata ‘to bark’. Derived from an unattested *ume from PAlb
*wamá further related to Skt vòmiti ‘to vom it’, Av vam- ‘to spit’, Gk
épéco ‘to spit out’, Lat vomeö ‘to vom it’ and the like. 0 TAGLIAVINI
Dalmazia 275 (from an uncertain Slavic source); Jo k l ArRom XXIV
16 (< *ulmatiö related to Gk "ú^áco id.); WALDE-HOFMANN II 835;
M a y r h o f e r III 146; F r isk I 504-505; P o k o r n y 1 1146; Ç a b e j St.
II 246 (onomatopoeia).

(G) umb m ‘plowshare’. Other forms are uni and hum. Borrowed from
the nominative o f Lat vomis id. (M e y e r Wb. 457). 0 Jo k l LKUBA 23,
135-136; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 31; ÇABEJ Sr. VII 198; H a a r m a n n
158.
 486 UNAK — im :

unak m. pl. unakë ‘hearth stone’. Borrowed from Slav *junakrb ‘young
man, hero’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg junak, SCr junak. The Slavic
word can also denote the ritual log at the hearth stone and the hearth­
stone itself in the polaznik ritual known all over the Balkans.

irnazë f, pl. unaza ‘finger-ring, small iron rin g ’. Based on une < PAlb
*wandd related to Arm gind ‘ring’, Goth hi-windan ‘to unwreathe’
and the like (ÇABEJ St. II 246-247 : reconstructs *uendâ, IV 57). Ô MEYER
Wb. 457 (based on the rare una borrowed from Rom *virâna, cf. Lat
viriae ‘armlets, bracelets’), Alb. St. IV 40; B a r i £ ARSt. I 78, 102 (to
Lat unguis ‘nail’, ungulus ‘finger-ring’); FEIST Goth. 98; POKORNY I

undyrë f, pl. undyrë ‘fat’. Another form is yndyrë. Borrowed from Lat f
unctura ‘ointm ent’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 69; MEYER Wb. 461). f
0 B ariC AArbSt. I 145; MIHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 20; D i GIOVINE Gruppo j
-ct- 50-52; Ç a b e j St. II 313; H a a r m a n n 155; L a n d i Lat. 69, 121. I
I
unë pron. ‘I’. A composite consisting of the personal pronoun u (attest- ‘
ed as such in dialects) and particle në (cf. Gk vai, vr|). The Italo-Alban- I
ian form uth contains a diminutive suffix -th (D o z o n 276). The per­
sonal pronoun u is identical with u ‘se lf < PAlb *we (L a PIANA St.
Varia 69). It may also result from the allegro change of a sequence
*edz we < IE *eghom sue. In other cases we find IE *rne-, cf. acc.
mua ~ mue < *mëm as in Skt mâm, OPers mam, OPrus mien and Slav
*mç (J o k l IF XLIX 274). 0 B o p p 504-505 (to IE *eghom ‘I ’);
C a m a r d a I 215-216 (follows B o p p ); M e y e r Wb. 454 (u borrowed
from Rom *eo < Lat ego ‘1’), Alb. St. I 34; B ark Í ARSt. I 102 (uth <
mgm wmj—m mmmm-zia z / j
(a g re es w ith B a r i C): quaj, M a n n Language XXVI 385; PISANI Saggi
sed
aro 107, 167; H a m p RRL XXI 50 (n o tes a sim ila r v o c a lism in H itt ugga
om. ‘I’), St. Whatmough 78; Ç a b e j St. II 233-234 (a g re es w ith L a P i a n a );
H u l d 122; D e m ir a j AE 400.
06;

unë f ‘piece of a broken pot’. Used once by BUZUKU. Continues PAlb

irle *wanta further related to Arm vandem ‘to destroy’, OHG wund
■dû, ‘wound’, M W gweint, praet. ‘(I) pierced’. 0 MEYER Wb. 455 (related
, to to ûth ‘wooden jug’); BARIÍ ARSt. I 111 (uth related to IE *ued- ‘water’);
riti L e w is -P e d e r s e n 296; P o k o r n y I 1108; Ç a b e j St. II 247.
TO-
 UNGROJ — URDHË 487

ungroj aor. ungrova ‘to howl, to whine, to squeak (of animals)’. B or­
rowed, with a secondary inlaut r. from Lat uncäre ‘to roar (of bears)’.

ungj m, pl. ungjër ‘u n c le ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat avunculus (MIKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 4; MEYER Wb. 457, Alb. St. IV 54-55). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e
Gr. Grundriß 21 1049; WEIGAND 96; JOKL LKUBA 15, 28; BARld ARSt.
I 110; TAGLIAVINI Origini 189 , 227; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 12;
H a a r m a n 112; Ç a b e j S í . II 247; L a n d i Lat. 175.

u ngji adv. ‘completely’. Another form is unji. Univerbation of u në

gji ‘itself in its totality’, cf. u and gjithë. 0 BariC ARSt. I 64 (to nje);
OS tir AArbSt II 296 (agrees with BARIÍ ); ÇABEJ St. II 247-248 (from
*n gji with n > un).

ungjiJl m, pl. ungjij ‘gospel’. Borrowed from Lat evangelium (MIKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 457) or from Rom *evangelum > Ital
vangelo (Ç a b e j St. II 248-249). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 11 1049;
W e ig a n d 96; H a a r m a n n 124; L a n d i Lat. 51, 141-142.

unzë f, pl. unza ‘pen-point, pen’. Phonetic form of húndese, derivative

of hundë (MANN HAED 163). 0 ÇABEJ St. II 249.

(G) unzë f ‘firebrand, smut’. The Tosk form is urth. Related to or derived
from uri ‘hunger’. 0 M a n n Language XVII 15 (to Lith ugnis ‘fire’).

upeshk m ‘bishop’. Borrowed from Lat episcopus id. (M IK L O S IC H Rom.

Elemente 23; MEYER Wb. 458). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1045,
1048; J o k l LKUBA 22;

upri f ‘group of peasants helping another peasant in his farm ’. B;

on an unattested * u p e r continuing PAlb * u p e r a and related to Av u¡
‘upper’, Gk ÜTtepoç ‘pestle’, OHG o b a r o ‘upper’. 0 JOKL V o x R
V I 221 (from * v ë p r i , to v e p ë r ) ; FRISK II 9 6 6 -9 6 7 ; POKORNY I L
ÇABEJ S t. II 2 4 9 (borrowed from Slav * u p ir a ti sç ‘to lean’).

urdhë f, pl u r d h a ‘sort o f w h ite c h e e s e ’. T h ere are a lso variants

and h u rd h e with a secondary prothetic h-. Tne word reflects PA lb *w u
from an earlier * u r d ä or * u o r d ä , d eriv ed from IE * u e r - ‘to boi
b urn ’ (A rm v a r e m ‘to k in d le ’, Lith v'irti ‘to co o k , to b o il’, S la v *v<
id .). S em a n tica lly , it is im portant for this e ty m o lo g y that u r d h ë is ]
488 URDHËR ~ L'RDHËN URË

duced by boiling whey (OREL SBJa Kont. 211-212). From Albanian

urdhë was borrowed to other Balkan and Carpathian languages, such
as Rum urdù (K l e p ik o v a 142-144). 0 MLADENOV 654 (derives urdhë
and other Balkan cognates from Turk vurmak ‘to beat, to strike’), Slavia
V /l 56; M a c h e k 670 (from Lat butyrum ‘butter’); P h ilippid e Or. Rom.
IT 739-740 (to Gk oùpoç ‘trench’); SlMEONOV LB XV 33-35 (to
Ossetic urs ‘white’); BARld Lingv. st. 39 (from IE *srdhä); DURIDANOV
LB XVII 51-59 (from *skrdo-, cf. hirrë < *skrno-, both treated as deriv­
atives of IE *sker- ‘to cut’); C a p id a n II 470 f. (Arumanian sources
of the Albanian word); G iu g l e a DR III 587; FRAENKEL 1263; POKORNY
I 1166; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 352; ROSETTI ILR I 282-283;
Russu Etnogeneza 411-412; KLEPIKOVA Ètimologija 1966 62-81;
H a m p LB XXIV/3 47-50 (from *skorHdâ ); O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 363.

urdhër - urdhën m, pl. urdhëra ~ urdhna ‘order’. Borrowed from Lat

ördinem id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 45; MEYER Wb. 458). 0
M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß2 1 1045,1048; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 276-
277; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 24; H a a r m a n n 139.

(T) urdhëratë f, pl. urdhërata ‘servant’. Derived from urdhër, urdhëroj

(Ç a b e j St. II 250). 0 M e y e r Wb. 458.

urelë f, pl. urela ‘water-pit’. From PAlb *urelâ related to ON úr

‘drizzle’, O P rus wurs ‘pool’, Gk âv-aupoç ‘devoid of water’ and the
like. 0 F r is k I 103-104; K r e t sc h m e r Gioita X 5 1 -5 4 ; P e r s s o n IF
XXXV 199; P o k o r n y I 80-81.

u rë f, pi. ura ‘b r id g e ’. F rom P A lb *wara related to G oth warjan ‘to

prevent, to d efen d ’, ON vçr ‘row o f sto n e s’, ver ‘d am ’, Ose veru ‘d o o r’
and, furth er, to IE *uortom ‘g a te ’ (Ç a b e j St. II 2 5 0 -2 5 1 ). 0 M e y e r
Alb. St. IV 33; JOKL Studien 9 2 -9 3 (to udhë), LKUBA 128, 3 1 6 -3 1 7
(against BARIC); BARIÍ I 110-111 (to G k yétpupa ‘b rid g e’); D e r ZAVIN
Jazyk i literatura I 190-191 (to B asq u e ura ‘w a te r’); ROMANSKI MPr
VII 1-4 (to Illyr -ora in Vilazora ); MAYER Illyrier I 9 9 (fo llo w s
R o m a n s k i ); F e ist Goth. 5 5 1 -5 5 2 ; P o k o r n y I 1 1 6 0 -1 1 6 2 ; D e m ir a j
AE 4 0 3 -4 0 4 .

urë f, pl. ura ‘burning log’. Continues PAlb *ward related to Arm varem
‘to kindle (fire)’, Hitt uar- ‘to burn’ and their cognates. 0 M e y e r Wb.
4 5 8 (from IE *eus- ‘to burn’), Alb. St. Ill 63; JOKL LKUBA 1 1 3 -1 1 5 ;
 URI ~ Û — URTË 489

T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 2 7 5 -2 7 6 ; P o k o r n y I 1166; J a n s o n Unt. 8 4 -8 5 .

uri ~ û f ‘hunger’. The Tosk form is derived from *ur. From PAlb
*wana, a nominal derivative of IE *uen- ‘to want, to desire’, cf. Skt
vànati, variati id., Lat venus ‘love’ (MEYER Wb. 4 5 5 , Alb. St. Ill 8 0).
0 J o k l apud Ç a b e j St. II 2 35 (to Skt iind- ‘defective, wanting’, Goth
wans ‘defective, faulty’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 2 7 3 ; M a n n Lan­
guage XVII 15; M a y r h o f e r III 1 4 1 -1 4 2 ; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 7 5 2 -
7 53; P o k o r n y I 1 1 4 6 -1 1 4 7 ; Ç a b e j St. II 2 3 5 -2 3 7 (agrees with JOKL).

uri m, pl. urinj ‘m o le ’. A n oth er, and m ore arch a ic, variant is ur.
D er iv ed from uri is w ith id. F rom P A lb *wara, a n o n -red u p lica ted
form clo se to Lat viverra ‘ferret’, Lith vaiveris ‘p o le-cat’, vaiverê ‘squir­
re l’ and the like. A nother non-reduplicated form is represented in OHG
eihhurno ‘s q u ir r e l’, OE dc-weorna id. 0 STIER KZ X I N o . 11 (to the
se co n d e le m e n t o f Gk ïvSoupoç, H es. ‘m o le ’); C a m a r d a I 2 9 5 (id e n ­
tical w ith buri 'm o le ’, from brej); D IE F E N B A C H I 4 8 (to Gk o p ù c o tó
‘to d ig ’); LAMBERTZ KZ LIII 3 0 4 (to Lat sorex ‘sh r e w -m o u se ’, Gk
ü p a i; ‘m o u se, sh r e w -m o u se ’); JOKL LKUBA 310; TAGLIAVINI Strati­
ficazione 143; F r a e n k e l 1185; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 808; P o k o r n y
1 1166; Ç a b e j St. II 251-252 (to IE *uers- ‘top’ or to Lith Urvas ‘hole,
cavern’; urithe ‘astragalus’ based on urith).

uroj aor. urova ‘to wish luck, to congratulate, to adore (deity)’. Bor­
rowed from Lat orare ‘to argue, to plead, to pray’ (MIKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 45). 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 2 47 (from Lat augurare ‘to proph­
esy, to make auguries’); M e y e r Wb. 4 5 9 (agrees with SCHUCHARDT);
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1049 (accepts both alternatives);
JOKL ZONE X 190; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 276; MIHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-
2 27; Ç a b e j St. Il 252-253; H a a r m a n n 139.

urok m ‘a im , in te n tio n ’. B o r r o w e d from S la v *uro1cb ‘co n d itio n ,

d e a l’, cf. ORuss urok-h (M e y e r Wb. 4 5 9 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie
197; S v a n e 176.

urtë adj. ‘quiet, intelligent’. Based on an unattested *ur continuing PA lb

*wara related to Lat vêrus ‘true’, OIr fir id ., OHG war id. 0 MEYER
Wb. 4 5 8 (to unj, see ul); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 551 (against MEYER);
JOKL Studien 93 (compares urte with OHG wdr ‘prudent’, Gk ò p à w
‘to see’), LKUBA 194, 228; T r e im e r MRIW I 3 5 3 -3 5 4 (to Lat urged
490 URTUNDË — USHTAR

‘to p ress, to p u sh ’); WALDE-HOFMANN II 768-769; L e w is -P e d e r s e n

7, 11; P o k o r n y I 1166; Ç a b e j St. VII 184, 270.

urtundë f ‘big vessel without handles’. Borrowed from Lat adj. fern.
rotunda ‘round, circular’ (Ç a b e j St. II 253). The intermediate form
must have been *rutunde.

urth m ‘ivy’. Derived from an unattested *ur continuing PAlb *wara

related to Lith veriu, ve'rti ‘to thread’, pa-vare ‘long row ’ and other
reflections of IE *uer- ‘to bind’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 154 (identifies urth
with fruth ); BARIÍ I 29, 102 (to Lat hederá ‘ivy’); WEIGAND BA II
274, 283-284 (to urdhë, udhos); TREIMER KZ LXV 79; RlBEZZO
RivAlh I 140 n. 2 (to Dac scardian ‘aristolochia, kind of plant’); MANN
Language XVII 15 (to Skt vfj- ‘to twist’); POKORNY I 1150-1551;
FRAENKEL 1229-1230; ÇABEJ St. II 253-255 (to IE *uer- ‘to turn’).

urrej aor. urreva, urrejta ‘to h a te’ . B o r ro w e d from Lat horrêre ‘to be
afraid , to b e a sto n ish e d ’ (MEYERlW). 4 5 9 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
Grundriß 2 1 1048; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 25 2 ; ÇABEJ 5?. II 2 5 5 (u n i-
v erb ation o f vë re ‘to pay a tten tio n ’).

urrë f ‘sapwood, laburnum ’. From PAlb *warnä etymologically

related to verr (ÇABEJ St. II 2 5 5 -2 5 6 ). 0 GURAKUQI Illyria 1/21 8 (to
the second element of Lat alburnum id.).

ushqej aor.ushqeva ‘to feed’. Based on passive Lat vescor ‘to feed oneself’
( M e y e r Wb. 459). 0 J o k l LKUBA 75; H a a r m a n n 156.

usht m, pl. ushta ‘ear (of grain)’. Historically identical with ushtë ‘spear’
(ÇABEJ St. II 256). Continues PAlb *usta close to OHG ort ‘point’,
ON oddr id. and Lith usriis ‘thistle’ (MEYER Alh. St. Ill 62, 80). 0 MEYER
Alb. St. I (to Slav *ostb ‘awn’), Wb. 459 (to Gk àeÇco ‘to increase, to
foster’, Goth wahsjan ‘to grow, to increase’); B a r i Í ARSt I 29-30;
F r a e n k e l 1172; P o k o r n y I 1172; Ç a b e j LP VIII 93, St. II 256-257;
HAMP ALH XII 159; D e m ir a j AE 404.

ushtar m, pl. ushtarë ‘soldier’. Derived from ushtë, see usht. 0 MEYER
Wb. 4 5 9 (from Lat hostis ‘enemy’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21
1049; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 2 7 7 (agrees with M e y e r ); H a a r m a n n
130 (ushtri ‘arm y’ from Lat hoste).
 USHTOJ — VA 491

ushtoj aor. ushtova ‘to sound, to shout’. Borrowed from Lat öscitäre
‘to shout, to open mouth, to yawn’. 0 JOKL LKUBA 75 (to uturij); Ç a b e j
St. II 257 (onomatopoeia).

ushtoj aor. ushtova ‘to try, to probe’. Borrowed from Lat üsitûrï id.

ushunjë - ushûj f ‘lard’. Borrowed from Lat axungia id. (MIKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 4). 0 MEYER Wh. 19 -2 0 (from NGk ô^oùyyt, <x£;o\) yyi
id.); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1 I 1052, 1055; TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 277; H a a r m a n 112; ÇABEJ St. II 257 (from Byz Gk o^oijyyi).

ushunjëz f,pl. ushunjëza ‘leech’. Another form is shushunjë. Borrowed

from Rom *sanguisungia, cf. Lat sanguisuga id. (M ey er Wb. 420).

ut ni owl . Another form is hut. Borrowed from Lat ötus horned owl
(M e y e r Wb. 460). 0 H a a r m a n n 139.

uturij ~ uturî aor. uturiva ‘to thunder’. Onomatopoeia.

uthët adj. ‘sour’. An irregular phonetic variant of athe't. 0 M EY ER Wb.

455-456 (to *us- in Lith usnis ‘thistle’); B a r i C ARSt 111-112

uthull f ‘vinegar’. Derived from *uth ‘sour’, see uthët (MEYER Wb.
455). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 332 (“unclear”); B a r i C ARSt I 111-
112 (from IE *eues-dh-); JOKL LKUBA 267; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 277;
C a m a j Alb. Worth. 117 (suffix -ull).

uzdajë f, pl. uzdajë ‘hope’. Borrowed from Slavic *u-s-b-daja, cf. SCr
uzdaja id. (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 36; M e y e r Wb. 460). 0 SVANE
224, 259.

V
va m /f, pl. va ‘ford’. Borrowing from Lat vadum id. (M E Y E R Wb. 461).
0 M e y e r Alb. St. I 68 (related to Lat vadum); M e y e r -L ü b k e MRIW
1 28, Gr. Grundriß21 1052; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 285-286; CIM OCHOW SKI
LP II 243 (Latin loanword); SP IT Z E R MRIW I 332 (treats va as a cognate
of vadum); JO K L IF XXXVI 105, 137 (admits the possibility of an Indo-
European source for va), LKUBA 209; SCH U CH A RD T KZ XX 252; M a n n
492 VADE — VAJG

Language XXVIII 33, XXVI 3 8 0 (reco n stru cts *uadhom)\ Ç A B E J St.

II 2 5 7 -2 5 8 (fo llo w s S P IT Z E R ); HU LD 122-1 2 3 (loanw ord); D E M IR A J AE
405.

vadë f, pi. vada ‘water-pit, irrigation channel’. Borrowed from South

Slavic, cf. Bulg vada id., SCr vada id. (D E S N IC K A JA 5/av. zaim. 12).

vadis vadita ‘to water, to irrigate’. Borrowed from Slav *vaditi

aor.
id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg vad’a ( M e y e r Wb. 4 6 1 ). 0 S e l i S c e v
Slav, naselenie 159; SVANE 3 9 , 24 3 .

vadhë ~ vodhë f, pl. vadha ~ vodha ‘sorb-apple’. Borrowed from

Gk otri id. (J o k l LKUBA 207-209, 325) with -dh- rendering the inter­
vocalic Gk -i- LjJ. 0 B A R ltí ARSt. I 112 (to Lat sorbus id. < IE
*suordho-)\ M IH Ä E S C U RESEE IV /3-4 350; Ç A B E J St. II 258-259
(from Gk oa id.).

vagëlloj aor. vagëllova ‘to be dim, to be weak (of eyes)’. Together with
vagulloj ‘to dawn, to be dim ’ and vagët ‘faded, faint, dim ’ based on
Lat vagus ‘strolling about, ram bling’. 0 MEYER Wb. 4 (to agoj);
MANN Language XXVIII 38 (to Gk àx?a>ç ‘m ist’); ÇABEJ St. II 259
(agrees with M e y e r ) .

vaj m, pl. vaje ‘m ou rn in g w a il’. B ased on the o n o m a to p o e ia vaj ‘a la s ’

( M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 44; M e y e r Wb. 461). F rom here vajtoj
~ vojtoj ‘to m ourn a d ea d ’ is d eriv ed . 0 M a n n Language XXVI 381
(co n n e cted w ith Lat v w ); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 24; Ç a b e j St. II
260; H a a r m a n n 138; D e m ir a j AE 405-406.

vaj ~ voj m /n, pl. vajra ~ vojna ‘o i l ’. A m o re co n se r v a tiv e form is val.

B o r ro w e d from Lat oleum id. ( M e y e r Wb. 4 6 2 , M i k l o s i c h Rom. Ele­
mente 5 7 5 ). T he anlaut va- ~ vo- is typical o f lo a n w o rd s. 0 CAMARDA
I 39 (treats vaj ~ voj as a cogn ate o f oleum); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 2 1 1046; J o k l Studien 116, Slavia XIII 641 (G vojna ‘o d o r s ’ b o r ­
ro w ed from S lav *von’a ‘o d o r ’); S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 193, 305;
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 286; H a a r m a n n 52; H u ld 123; Ç a b e j St. II
2 9 9 -3 0 0 (again st JOKL); L a n d i Lat. 6 1 , 126, 141.

vajc adj. ‘te a r fu l’. D eriv ed from vaj.

 VAJZË VALE 493

vajzë f, pl. vajza ‘girl’. Other important variants are varzë, vashë <
*varshë and vajë < *varjë. They are based on an unattested *varë con­
tinuing *vè'harë < PAlb *swesarâ. The latter reflects the Indo-Euro­
pean word for ‘sister’: Skt svasar-, Arm k‘oyr, Lat soror and the like
(HAMP SABBO 109-110). 0 T re im er MRIW I 46 (to Skt vardhati ‘to
increase’ and its cognates), Slavia II 455, KZ LXV 107-108; BariC:
ARSt. I 113-114 (to Gk napôévoç ‘m aiden’, Lat virgö id.); JOKL
LKUBA 260-261, 332 (from *suo-ro-, to IE *sije- ‘self, own’); TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 278, Stratificazione 120; MAYRHOFER III 565; W a ld e -
H ofm ann II 563; P o k o rn y I 1051; C am aj Alb. Worth. 47; ö l b e r g
IF LXXIII 208; ÇABEJ St. II 261-263 (deminutive of varrë)', F ek a GjJ
IV/2, 88-89; DEMIRAJ AE 406-407 (to Lat virgo ‘m aiden’).

vak ~ vok aor. vaka ~ voka ‘to warm slightly, to make lukewarm ’. Of
uncertain origin. 0 M EYER Wb. 462 (from SCr mlak ‘warm ’); B A R lé
ARSt. I 112-113 (to ON vókr ‘wet’); TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia 286-287.

vak m ‘into the open, outside’. Borrowed from Rom *vacus, cf. Lat
vacuus ‘empty’ ( M e y e r Wb. 462).

val m ‘valley’. Occurs in the phraze mal e val only. Borrowed from
Lat vallis id. (ÇABEJ St. II 263).

valanicë f, pl. valanica ‘fulling-mill'. Borrowed from South Slavic *valart­

ica ( K r i s t o f o r i d h i 14,485; S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 170). 0 Ç a b e j
St. II 264.

valavit aor. valavita ‘to swing, to sway’. Another form is valëvit. An

expressive derivative of vale.

valë f, pl. vale ‘wave’. From PAlb *wala etymologically connected with
OHG wella id., Lith vilnis id., Slav *vblna id., *vah> id. (M E Y E R BB
VIII 191, Wb. 462, Alb. St. Ill 38 with the reconstruction of *uolia).
PAlb *wala seems to reflect a zero grade *lialia. 0 M IKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 36 (from Slav *va/'&); JOKL LKUBA 270, 325 {vale < *ualnfi,
*ujna), Sprache IX 22; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 543; BO GA II 375; TAG LI­
AVINI Dalmazia 286; M A N N Language XVII 18 (to Lith vilnis ‘wave’),
XXVIII 38; PISA NI Saggi 126; L a P i a n a St. Varia 48 (reconstructs
*jtolnä); F r a e n k e l 1254; V a s m e r I 268, 339; P o k o r n y I 1141-1143;
494 VALET VARESE

C a m a j Alb. Worth. 56; Ç a b e j StF IV /2 8, St. II 264-265; H u l d 123-

124; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 143; D e m ir a j AE 407-408.

valet adj. ‘boiling hot’. Derived from vale. The verb valoj, vloj ‘to boil’
is of the same origin (MEYER Wb. 462, Alb. St. Ill 38). 0 TAGLIAVI­
NI Dalmazia 285.

valikë f ‘time spent on the work in fields’. Derived from val. 0 ÇABEJ
St. II 264-265 (derived from vale).

valle f, pi. valle ‘folk dance in a ring’. Borrowed from NGk ßaAAi^co
‘to dance a folk dance’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 50; MEYER NGr.
St. IV 15). 0 M e y e r Wb. 462 (directly from Italian); TAGLIAVINI Dala-
mazia 278; ÇABEJ St. II 265-266 (to Lat volvö ‘to roll’).

valle particle ‘maybe (in questions)’. Continues PAlb *walâ related to

Goth walla id., OHG wela, wo Ia continuing IE *uel- ‘to wish’ (M e y e r
Wb. 462). 0 G i l ’FERDING Otn. 21 (to Skt vara- ‘best’); JOKL LKUBA
209, 325; FEIST Goth. 543; POKORNY 1 1137; ÇABEJ St. II 266.

vallë - vollë t. pi. valle ~ volle ‘sorb-apple’. Borrowed from Rom *vola,
derivative of volare ‘to fly’. 0 H a m p Strat. 41-43 (from IE *oblu- ‘apple’).

vallkua ~ vallkue m, pl. vallkonj ‘fish trap’. An early borrowing from

Slav p l. *volkove ‘objects that can be dragged or carried, nets’.

vanë f, pl. vana ‘crease, fold’. Participial form of vete. 0 ÇABEJ St. II
266 (derived from va).

vangë f, pi. vanga ‘spade’. Historically identical with vëng- vang.

vapë f ‘heat’. Borrowed from Rom *vapa or Oltal vapa ‘vapor’

( M e y e r Wb. 463).

var a o r. vara ‘to h an g’. A secon d ary ablaut variant o f vjerr (CAMARDA
I 43; M e y e r Wb. 4 75, Alb. St. Ill 58, 84). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI
290; Ç a b e j St. II 267.

varesë f, pl. varesa ‘chain’. Derived from var.

 VARJKËR ~ VORFËN — VATËR ~ VOTËR 495

varier ~ vorfën ad j. ‘p oor’. B orrow ed from Lat orphanus ‘orphan’ (M eyf.r

Wb. 463). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046; S p i t z e r MRIW I
334; JOKL LKUBA 208-209; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 247; TAGLIAVINI
Dalmazia 287; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 18; Ç a b e j St. VII 244;
H a a r m a n n 139; J a n s o n Unì. 61; L a n d i Lat. 61.

varg m, pi. vargje ‘row, chain, ring’. Derived from var (M e y e r Wb.
475). Note also vargan ‘caravan, long row ’. 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI
290; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 288; M a n n Language XXVI 386 (to Gk
opxoç ‘row of vines or trees’); CHANTRATNE 831; CAMAJ Alb. Worth.
114 (suffix -g); ÖLBERG IF LXXIII 209; ÇABEJ St. II 267-268 (agrees
with MEYER); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 147; DEMIRAJ AE 408-409 (to
vjerr).

vargër ~ vërgâ m, pl. vërgenj ‘uncastrated ram ’. In Tosk, there is also

verger id. An innovation based on Lat virgo ‘virgin’ and presumably
reflecting Rom *virganus (MEYER Wb. 470, Alb. St. V 104-105). 0 STIER
KZ XI No 32 (from Rom *virgdrius); ÇABEJ St. II 268-269 (related
to ßcxpixoi- apveç AàKcuveç, Hes.); MIHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 31; HAAR­
MANN 157.

varjesht ~ varresht m ‘sw a th ’. A p ré fix a i d e riv a tiv e o f rresht (ÇABEJ

St. 11 270).

varr ~ vorr m, pl. varre ~ vorre ‘grave’. Borrowed from late Rom *orna
< Lat urna ‘cinerary urn’ (OREL Antic, balk. 5 31-32). 0 DIEFENBACH
I 55 (to Gk òpv>xw ‘to dig up’ and/or OE e'ar ‘earth of the grave’);
MEYER Wb. 37 (to verre, birë), Alb. St. V 104 (to IE *uer- ‘to w rap’);
JOKL Studien 94, IF XXXVI 125; ÇABEJ St. II 269-270 (follows
D ie f e n b a c h ); D e m ir a j AE 409.

varrë f , pl. varrë ‘w o u n d ’. S econdary fo rm ation built on vras and based

on the analo g y w ith v e rb s in -as. C f. vrajë. 0 MEYER Wb. 464 (to vras
and Skt vrand- ‘w o u n d ’), Alb. St. Ill 38, 73; V asm ER Alb. Wortforsch.
I 63 (to OHG wem, werra ‘v a rix ’); JOKL LKUBA 194; SKOK AArbSt
I 223; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 289; F r isk Kl. Sehr. 277 (follow s M e y e r );
ÖLBERG IBK XIII 66; RASMUSSEN Morph. 194; A n t t il a Schw. 156;
Ç a b e j St. II 270-271; D e m ir a j AE 408.

vatër - votër f, pl. vatru ~ votra 'h e a rth , fire p la c e ’. B o rro w e d fro m
496 VATH ~ VÂTH — VDJERR

Iranian, cf. Av âtar- ‘fire’ (JOKL Festschr. Rozwadowski 37-50). The

intermediate Iranian form in the Balkans must have been *atar- or
*otar-. Rum vatrá ‘hearth, fireplace’ is an Albanian loanword. Slavic
forms (SCr vatra id. and the like) were borrowed from Albanian or
Rumanian (JOKL WZKM XXXIV 49). 0 M IKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4
(from Lat atrium); M e y e r Wb. 464-465; M l a d e n o v RESI IV /2 191-
192; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 287-288; JOKL Slavia XIII 283-284;
B a r t h o l o m a e 312-316; S c h u c h a r d t KZ X X 248 (to Lat atrium);
V a s m e r I 279; Z A L IZ N ’AK VSJa 40-41; P o g h ir c 1st. limb. rom. II 353;
RO SETTI ILR I 283; h a m p Opuse, slavica 201-210 (looks for an
ancient Balkan source), RRL 4 (1981) 315, A L H X ll 153-155; Ö LBERG
IBK XVII 45-46; K l e pik o v a BJaz. 149-169; S c h u s t e r -S ew c ZfPhonetik
XXXII 699-702; H u l d 124; DEM IRAJ AE 410-412 (Latin influence).

vath ~ vâth m, pl. vathë ~ vâthë ‘earring’. Another variant is vëth. De­
minutive of vëng ~ vang. 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 151; MAYRHOFER
III 154-155; WALDE-HOFMANN II 763-766; FEIST Goth. 546-547;
P o k o r n y I 1156-1158.

vathë f, pl. vathë ‘sheepfold, pen’. Deminutive of an unattested *varte

continuing P A lb *wartâ. The letter is etymologically identical with
Tokh B wdrto ‘garden’, Ir fert ‘grave m ound’, OE weorb ‘yard’ and
the like (JOKL Studien 94). 0 HOLTHAUSEN AEW 390; SCHMIDT KZ
LVI1 5 (to Lat urbs ‘town’); POKORNY I 1162; ÖLBERG IF LXXIII 209;
H a m p ZfceltPh XL (1984) 2 75-2 7 6 ; D e m ir a j AE 412 (connected with
IE *ues- ‘to live, to stay night’).

vazhdë f ‘trace’. Borrowed from East South Slavic, cf. Bulg vazdam,
OCS vaîdati ‘to lead’ (M e y e r Wb. 4 65).

vdes aor. vdiqa ‘to die’. From *awa-takja, derivative of *teka ‘to run
away, to go away’, cf. ndjek (HULD 124-125). 0 MEYER Wb. 465 (com­
parison with SCr zdeknuti ‘to die, to peg out’); B art£ ARSt. I 77 (to
OHG touwen ‘to die’ - but the source of the latter is IE *dhau-)\ TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 285 (agrees with B a r i C); L a PIANA St. Varia 25-30
(to Skt vinakti ‘to separate’); PISANI Saggi 123 (follows B a r i Í ) ;
ÇABEJ Die Sprache XVIII 142 (to OE deorc ‘dark’), Etim. Ill 206-208.

vdjerr aor. vdorra ‘to leave’. From *awa-derna ‘to leave’ < * ‘to go
 VE — VECE 497

aw a y ’ fo rm e d w ith a p re fix on the basis o f IE *der- ‘to r u n ’: Skt drati

‘to ru n , to h a ste n ’, G k ao r. ë ô p à v ‘to ru n a w a y ’ (OREL Linguistica
XXIV 437). 0 M ey er Alb. St. Ill 73 (to djerr); M a n n Language XXVIII
33 (to G k <p0eip<o); MAYRHOFER III 211; FRISK I 122-123; POKORNY
I 204; Ç a b e j St. VII 204.

ve f , p l. va, veja ‘widow’. From PAlb *widewä related to Skt vidhdvû

id., Lat vidua id., Goth widuwo id. and the like ( G i l ’FERDING Otn.
21; JOKL LKUBA 51-53, 90). Phonetically, the borrowing from Lat
vidua is equally possible ( M e y e r Wb. 465, Alb. St. I 73, IV 123). 0
M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 71 (borrowed from Lat vidua); M e y e r -
LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 120-121,
126; M a n n Language XXVI 385; B a r i ç Hymje 21; F e i s t Goth. 562;
M a y r h o f e r III 211 ; W a l d e - H o f m a n n I I 785-786; P o k o r n y 1 1128;
Ç a b e j St. II 272-273 (follows J o k l ) .

ve ~ vo f . pi. ve ~ vo ‘egg’. Etymologically relevant is the Old Alban­

ian form voe (BUZUKU, B a r d h i) . Hence, the reconstruction of the con­
tracted Tosk *vae > ve ~ Geg *voe > vo. The correspondence of anlaut
Tosk va— Geg vo- is typical of (mainly Latin) loanwords. There­
fore, ve ~ vo is a borrowing from Lat övum ‘egg’ (MIKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 45; M e y e r Wb. 465). 0 BOPP 534 n. 1 (compares with Lat
övum, Gk cpóv); CAMARDA I 44 , 91 (follows B opp); MEYER Alb. St.
I 73, IV 23; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046; JOKL LKUBA 51-
52, 90, 207 (confronted with difficulties in the explanation of the vocal-
ism, reconstructs *ëifjê), IF XXXVI 109 f.; S p it z e r IF XXXIX 1 10;
B a r i C 181; T a g lia v in i Dalmazia 286; Ç a b e j St. II 272 (follows B o p p );
H u l d 125-126.

veç a d v ., p r e p , ‘separately, besides’. Derivative of *ve, a form of PAlb

*awa ‘away, out, un-’, cf. vdes, vrap. 0 MANN Comp. 44 (from IE *autios).

veder f, pi. vedrà ‘pail (for m ilk )’. B o rro w e d fro m Slav *vedro ‘p a il’,
cf. in S outh S lavic: B ulg vedrò, S C r vjedro, vedrò (MIKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 36; M e y e r Wb. 465). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 153; H a m p
LB XIV/2 13; S v a n e 68.

vegë f , p l. vega ‘handle, tool, instrum ent’. With other variants (vjegë,
vegjë), this words continues the attested form vegëI ‘ear (of a vessel),
instrument, tool’. The latter is borrowed from Lat vehiculum ‘vehicle’
498 VEGOJ — VELENXË

(L a m b e r t z apud Ç a b e j St. II 273). 0 C a m a r d a I 70 (to L at veho ‘to

c a rry ’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 549-550; JOKL LKUBA 101-104 (to vangë
o r to vig)\ T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 99; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 77-78;
ÇABEJ St. II 273-276 (fo llo w s J o k l ’s second ety m o lo g y ), 296-297;
D e m ir a j AE 412-413.

vegoj aor. vegova ‘to appear misty, to be indistinct’. Borrowed from

Lat vagârï id. 0 MEYER Wb. 465 (from Turkish); ÇABEJ St. II 275 (to
vagelloj).

vegsh m, pl. vegsha ‘clay pot’. Derived from vegë (JOKL LKUBA 101-
103). 0 Ç abej St. II 275.

vehte pron. ‘s e lf’. O th er w id esp read v a ria n ts a re vete and vetë. F ro m

PAlb *swai-ta d e riv e d fro m *swaja. T he la tte r is id en tical w ith IE
*suotos ‘ow n’: Slav *svojb, OPrus swais (O rel. FLU VIII/1 -2 45), further
re la te d to IE *sue- (B O P P 478; CAMARDA 1218; MEYER Wb. 468). 0
MEYER Wb. 468 (vetë fro m IE *sue-t-), BB VIII 192, Alb. St. Ill 58;
JOKL IF XXXVI 111, LKUBA 41, 261 (reconstructs *suoieti); PEDERSEN
KZ XXXVI 290 (vetë < *suet-i- w ith a lo cative p a rtic le *-/); TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 280-281; M a n n Language XXVI 379, 382 (to Gk am ô ç);
TRAUTMANN BSIWb. 251; VASMER III 583; PISANI Saggi 167; L e u k a r t
Nomina 152-153; KORTLANDT SSGL XXIII 174 (“u n clear”); OREL Koll.
Idg. Ges. 354, Orpheus VI 17 (a g a in st M a n n ); DEMIRAJ AE 416-417.

vej aor. vejta ‘to weave’. From PAlb *webnja connected with Skt ubhnati
‘to lace up’, OHG weban ‘to weave’, Tokh B wâp- id. ( M e y e r Alb.
St. Ill 36, 38). 0 JOKL LKUBA 105; PORZIG Gliederung 178, 186;
M a y r h o f e r I 107; P o k o r n y I 1114; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Verbum 113;
C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 77; Ç a b e j LP VII 162-163, St. VII 184, 228; H u l d
143; D e m i r a j AE 413-414 (secondary form in *-nio ).

vel aor. vela ‘to overeat, to eat too much’. Continues PAlb *wala, a
secondary ablaut variant of vjell (H a h n 7). 0 ÇABEJ St. II 276.

velenxë f, pi. velenxa ‘woolen blanket’. A Balkan word indirectly bor­

rowed to Albanian from Slav *val’anica ‘object made of felt’ through
the mediation of NGk ßeAivxccx ‘woolen blanket’. 0 MIKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 36 (from Slavic); M e y e r Wb. 465 (from Hung velencze);
 VF.M ---- VERE 499

Slav, naselenie 170;

S e l i Sc e v TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 279; D e s n ic k a -
JA Slav, zaini. 12; SV A N E 48.

vem m, pi. veme ‘larva, grub, caterpillar’. Derived from ve ‘egg’

(ÇABEJ St. II 27 6 -2 7 7 ). The meaning ‘caterpillar’ appeared under the
influence of dhemje occasionally confused with vem in dialects where
V and dh are interchanged. 0 M e y e r Wb. 84, Alb.St. IV 61 (identifies
vem with dhemje)-, K R IS T O F O R ID H I 19, 87.

vend m, pl. vende ‘place’. From PAlb *wen-ta, an adjectival form based
on the verb *wena > vë (MEYER Wb. 4 6 9 ). 0 H a h n I 243 (compari­
son with the Illyrian place-name Vendum); KRETSCHMER Gioita XXI
89-90; TREIMER KZ LXV 116; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 279; M a n n
Language XXVIII 38, Hist. Gr. 81 (to IE *yes~); G e r c e n b e r g Prosodi-
ka 106 (to Illyr OùévSmv, A-vendius); ÇABEJ St. II 2 78-280 (to G k
oùSraç ‘ground, earth’, Arm getin id.); HULD 126.

venitem reti, ‘to pale, to wane’. Borrowed from Slav *vçnçti id., cf.
South Slav continuants: Bulg vena, SCr venuti (MEYER Wb. 466). 0
S v a n e 251.

vepër f, pl. vepra ‘work’. A singularized plural of an unattested *vapër

~ vopër, cf. vogël, pl. vegjël. Borrowed from Lat opera id. (MIKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 44; MEYER Wb. 466). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 2 I 1046; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 24; HAARMANN 138; L a n d i
Lat. 60, 130.

verbër ~ verb adj. ‘blind’. Borrowed from Lat orbits id. (MIKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 45; MEYER Wb. 466) with the same phonetic devel­
opment as in vepër. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1046; MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV/1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 139; L a n d i L ai. 60-61, 177.

verdhë adj. ‘yellow’. Borrowed from L at viridis ‘green’ (G i l ’FERDING

Otn. 25; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 71; M e y e r Wb. 466). 0 M e y e r -
LU b k e GV. Grundriß11 1045, 1053; JOKL LKUBA 14; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 21; H a a r m a n n 157; L a n d i Lat. 58.

verë f ‘summer’. Borrowed from Rom *vera id. (M e y e r Wb. 466;

MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 70). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e G r. Grundriß2 1 1044;
500 VERE ~ VENË - VERRE

T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 279-280; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 21; Ç a b e j

St. VII 82, 216; HAARMANN 156.

verë - venë f ‘w in e ’. From P A lb *waina co g n a te w ith Gk oïvr) ‘v in e ’,

o iv o ç ‘w in e ’, Lat vlnum ‘w in e ’, Arm girti id., ultim ately b orrow ed from
Sem *wainu- id. (CAMARDA I 42, 57; MEYER Wb. 465-466, Alb. St.
Ill 38, 89). 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 71 (borrow ed from Lat vlnum);
M e y e r Gr. Gr. 321; B u g a III 427; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 279; L a P ia n a
Prefisso 48; PISANI Saggi 99; MANN Language XXVI 387, Hist. Gr.
66 (lo a n w o r d from D o ric ); FRISK II 364-366; CHANTRA1NE 785;
W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 794-795; P o k o r n y 11121; Ç a b e j St. I I 280-281;
H u l d 126-127 (b o rro w ed from N o rth -W est G reek); JANSON Unt. 32-
33; D e m ir a j AE 414.

verigë f, pl. veriga ‘chain ring’. Borrowed from Slav *veriga ‘chain’,
cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg veriga, SCr veriga ( M e y e r Wb. 466).
0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 15, 148; SVANE 86.

verzë f, pl. verza ‘gill, branchia’. Continues the umlauticized PAlb *wardjä
etymologically identical with Lith varié ‘frog’ < *vardi, Latv l’àrde.
0 M ey er Wb. 467 (from *bbrca, to Slav *bbrhb ‘mustache’); WEIGAND
98 (to vesh); JOKL LKUBA 137-139 (from Rom *vertia, to Lat vertere
‘to turn’); FRAENKEL 1200; SOMMER Balt. 178 (on Lith -I- < *-d- in
this word); D o d b ib a St. Leks. 262 (from *vesh-ze, to vesh); Ç a b e j
St. IT 281-282 (follows D o d b ib a ).

verzomë f ‘fishing net’. Derived from verzë. 0 Ç a b e j St. II 282 (iden­

tical with vërzop).

verr m, pl. verra ‘alder’. Continues PAlb *werna related to Bret gwern
id., W gwernen id., M ir fern id. (DIEFENBACH I 50) and Arm geran
‘beam, tim ber’ (LIDÉN IF XVIII 485-486). 0 JOKL LKUBA 255,
Festschr. Kretschmer 86-88, Festschr. Rozwadowski I 236; BARlC
AArbSt. II 413; T r e im e r Slavia III 454 (to Slav * avori, ’elm ’, a G er­
manic loanword in Slavic); MANN Language XXVIII 37; L e w is-P e D -
f .r s e n 53; P o k o r n y I 1169; Ö l b e r g IF LXXIII 205; H am p IF
LXXXVI 193 (on Bret gwern); ÇABEJ St. II 282-283; DEMIRAJ AE 414-
415.

verrë f, pi. verra ‘h o le ’. A n o th e r fo rm is vërë. F rom P A lb *werâ or

 VF.S — VESH 501

*werwä connected with Skt uni- ‘wide’, varas- ‘space, width’, Gk eùpùç
‘w ide’. 0 MEYER Wb. 36 (im probable com parison with hire);
M a y r h o f e r 1110; F r is k I 592-593; P o k o r n y I 1165; O r el Koll.
Idg. G es. 364.

ves m , p l. vese ‘b ad h a b it’. B o rro w e d fro m L at vitium ‘fault, d efect,

v ic e ’ ( M e y e r M?. 467). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 21; Ç a b e j * . VII
187; H a a r m a n n 158; L a n d i Lat. 58, 125.

vesë f ‘dew’. D e R a d a ’ s variant is voesë, in Geg one also finds vose.

The original form must have been *vaesë ~ voesë. Borrowed from
Rom *övätium, a word describing the falling dew as small eggs. 0
JOKL LKUBA 2 6 2 (from *uend-ti-).

vesh m . p l. veshë ‘e a r ’. F ro m P A lb *wausi- fu rth e r rela te d to IE *ous-

~ *3us- id. (CAMARDA I 54), in p a rtic u la r, cf. L at auris, L ith ausis,
L atv àuss (MEYER Alb. St. Ill 11-12, 61). A n o th e r, less po ssib le
re c o n stru c tio n fo r P ro to -A lb a n ia n is *wôusa; in th is case, the im m e­
diate p arallel is found in G k d>q id. (H am p Laryngeals 138) but in G reek
the long vocalism b elo n g s to nom . sg. o f the co n so n an tal stem . In both
cases, p ro th e tic v- is not q u ite re g u la r. 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otri. 21 (to Skt
ghósa- ‘n o is e ’); MEYER Wh. 467 (c o m p a re s w ith A v gaos- ‘to h e a r ’);
B u g g e BB XVIII 172 (fo llo w s M e y e r Alb. St. Ill); P e d e r s e n Eestskr.
Thomsen 254 (v- tre a te d as a h ia tu s-fille r); J o k l WZKM XXXIV 40;
S p i t z e r IF XXXIX 110-111; B u g a II 641; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia
280, Stratificazione 99; L a P i a n a Studi I 82; M a n n Language XXVIII
39; F r a e n k e l 26; F r i s k II 448-449; W a l d e - H o f m a n n I 85-86;
P o k o r n y 1785; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 31 (b o rro w ed fro m L at ös)\
H a m p Laryngeals 138; H u l d 127; K a r u l i s L £V I 90-91; R A SM U SSEN
Morph. 73; OREL Sprache XXXI 280, ZfBalk XXIII 144, Koll. Idg. Ges.
351 (“r u k i” ru le in vesh ); KORTLANDT SSGL X 221; DEMIRAJ AE 414
(re c o n stru c ts d u al, cf. sy).

vesh m, pl. veshë ‘vine’. Historically identical with vesh ‘ear’. 0 JOKL
LKUBA 213-215 (to Lith vaisius ‘fruit’); B a r i C ARSt 114-115 (derived
from IE *uoino- ‘wine’); JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 93.

vesh a o r . vesha ‘to put on (clothes), to cover’. From PAlb *wesja ety­
mologically connected with Skt vaste ‘to wear, to be dressed in’, Gk
Evv-upi ‘to dress’, and in particular with causatives attested in Skt väsdyati
502 VESHËL — VKIKTIJ

and Gotli wasjan i d . ( G i l ’FE R D IN G Otn. 21; B O P P 503-504; M E Y E R

Wb. 467, Alb. St. III 38, 61). 0 M IK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 70 (from
L a t vestire i d .) ; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 283; L a P IA N A Studi I 92; M a n n
Language XXVI 383, XX Vili 39; F R IS K I 521-522; M A Y R H O F E R III
175-176; P o k o r n y I 1172-1173; H a m p Laryngeals 138; H u l d 150;
D E M IR A J AE 416.

veshël adj. ‘fruitful’. Derived from vesh ‘vine’. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 184.

veshje f, pl. veshje ‘kidney’. Historically identical with veshje ‘cloth­

ing, clothes, dress’, veshje is derived from vesh ‘to cover, to put on’
(O r e l ZfBalk X X III/1 75). 0 M e y e r Wb. 467-468 (to Hung vese id.
and Slav *pecent, ‘liver’); Ç a b e j St. TI 283-284 (connects veshje with
eshke).

veshkët ~ vyshkët adj. ‘faded, withered’. Borrowed from Lat vêscus

‘small, thin, weak’ (M IK LO SICH Rom. Elemente 70; M EYER Wb. 468).
From here the verb veshk ‘to make withered’ is derived. 0 M e y e r -
L ü BKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045; M IH ÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 26; H A A R ­
M ANN 156.

veshqokadj. ‘clever, sm art’. Derivative of veshq identical with veshël,

with -shq- rendering -si- as in shqa.

veshtull m, pl. veshtuj ‘m istletoe’. Based on an unattested *vesht, an

irregular continuant of * veshk borrowed from Lat viscum id. (M e y e r
Wb. 468). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 31; Ç a b e j St. VII 244; H a a r ­
m a n n 157 (from Rom *vi$tulum); H a m p S?. albanica V III/2 153-155.

vete ~ vetem aor. vaj ta ‘to go’. The element -te in the paradigm of
singular is, whatever its source, secondary. The original form of 1
sg. was *vem continuing PAlb *wadmi identical with Arm gam ‘(I)
come’. Further cognates are Lat vado ‘to go, to walk’ and ON va.0a
id. 0 MEYER Wb. 468 (caique of Rom *väditus sum with vet(e)- bor­
rowed from *väditus; alternatively, vete is related to Lat radere); JOKL
IF XLIX 292; BariC ARSt. I 109 (from *g“atos esmi), Zb. Belie 187;
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 287; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 723-724; P o k o r n y
I 1109.

vetëtij aor. vetëtiva ‘to sparkle’. Related forms are vetoj and vektoj ‘to
 VETLLOJ — Vi: I, LA 503

*veg(ë)toj c o n n e c t e d e t y ­
s h in e ’. T h e o r ig in a l f o r m m u s t h a v e b e e n
m o lo g ic a lly w ith vegoj, vegulloj, 0 MEYER Wb. 4 7 0 ( f r o m S l a v *svetiti
Dalmazia
‘t o s h i n e ’ ); T A G L IA V IN I 279.

veüloj aor. vetUova ‘to crease, to fold’. Derived from vetull.

vetull f, pl. vetulia ‘eyebrow ’. Borrowed from Rom *vittula derived

from Lat vitta ‘band’, especially denoting a fillet or chaplet worn round
the head ( S p i t z e r MRIW I 332-333). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. I 93-94, Wb.
469 (to Slav *vëko ‘eyelid’, Lith vokà id. or to Slav *vedja ‘eyebrow’),
Alb. St. Ill 5, 38; B A R ití ARSt. 181 (to IE *ok“-t- derived from ‘eye’
*ok“-); J o k l LKUBA 267; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 280, Stratificazione
99; C i m o c h o w s k i LP V 195; H a a r m a n n 50 (agrees with S p i t z e r );
M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 26; ç a b e j St. I I 284 (follows M e y e r ’ s com­
parison with Slav *vedjaY, H U L D 128 (from ^okHâ with * - ¿ 7 - > -t(u)ll)',
H a a r m a n n 158.

veth m , pl. vethë ‘m a g g o t ’ . D e m i n u t i v e o f vem.

vezulloj aor. vezullova ‘t o s h i n e ’ . F r o m *dhezulloj, d e riv a tiv e o f dhez

( Ç a b e j St. II 2 8 5 ) . 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 7 0 ( t o ve tèi if).

vë ~ vê aor. vura ~ vuna ‘to put’. Proto-Albanian innovation *awena

replacing IE *dhe- (including such idioms as i vë emrin ‘to give a name’
< *onomn dhë-). The verb *awena is a derivative in *-no- based on
*aue ‘down, off’ (Skt ava id. and the like) and its original meaning
is ‘to put down’, ‘to put aside’, just as in Lat pönere ‘to put’. Ô M E Y E R
Wb. 469; M a n n Language XXVIII 38 (< IE *ues- ‘to sell’); M a y r h o f e r
I 56; P O K O R N Y I 72; H A M P Laryngeals 128-129 (reconstructs IE
*Honf>); Ç A B E J St. II 278 f. (comparison with Arm getin); H U L D 126
(to Goth winja ‘pasture’); O R E L Linguistica XXIV 436 (< IE *ijes- ‘to
stay, to live, to be’; possible only if *wena- < *wes-na- is accepted);
O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 364.

vëlla m, pl. vè'llezër ~ vëllazën ‘brother’. As plural reflects -z- <

*-dj-, the Proto-Albanian source of velia can be reconstructed as *swe-
laudä, composite of pronominal *swe (see u) and *lauda cognate with
OHG Hut ‘people’, Slav *I ’udi, id. and the like, from IE *leudh- (JO K L
LKUBA 41-46). 0 B O P P 461 (connected with IE *bhmter- ‘brother’);
M E Y E R Wb. 469-470 (correctly reconstructs *swe- as the first element),
504 VËND ~ VEND — VËRSHËLLEJ

Alb. St. (same as B O P P ; adduces ß p a - à S e J u p o t , w c ò 'IÀ e ic o v [sc.

III 63
], Hes.); W IED E M A N N BB XXVII 222 (compares with ON svitar
'H t a i t a v
‘b rothers-in-law ’, Gk (Pollux) e t À i o v e ç id. thus reconstructing
*suelo-)\ S C H M ID T KZ LVII 6; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 284-285 (agrees
with W i e d e m a n n ), Stratificazione 121 (follows J o k l ); L a P i a n a St.
Varia 34 (from *sye-loghos “from the same bed”); P IS A N I REIE IV
17-18; V a s m e r II 545; P o k o r n y I 684-685; B e n v e n i s t e Inst. I 322-
323; C h a n t r a i n e 191; S z e m e r é n y i Kinship 116; H a m p RRL XXI/1
51, JIES X V I/1-2 121-122; K L IN G E N S C H M IT T apud D E M IR A J (from
*sue-slougha)\ H u l d 129 (reconstructs *auH-m-tlâ and compairs vèlia
with Lat avunculus ‘maternal uncle’); D e m i r a j AE 417.

vënd ~ vend m, pl. vende ‘place’. A coexisting Tosk form is vend. From
PAlb *wenta, derivative of vë ‘to put’ (M e y e r Wb. 469). 0 TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 279; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 364.

vëng ~ vang m, pi. vangje ‘hoop, tyre, ring, rim ’. The Tosk form is
poorly attested. From PAlb *wenga related to Skt vangati ‘to go, to
limp’, OHG winchan ‘to make a sign, to make a motion’, Lith vingis
‘a r c ’ and the like (M E Y E R Wb. 4 6 3 , Alb. St. Ill 7 , 3 8 , 6 6 , 8 7 ) . 0 JOKL
LKUBA 1 0 3 - 1 0 4 , ArRom XXIV 3 9 , Sprache IX 1 3 0 ; BOGA II 3 2 5 , 6 4 8 ;
S c h m i d t KZ LVII 5 ; M a n n Language XVII 2 0 ; F r a e n k e l 1 2 5 6 - 1 2 5 7 ;
M a y r h o f e r III 1 2 4 ; P o k o r n y I 1 1 4 8 ; Ç a b e j St. II 2 6 6 - 2 6 7 ; O r e l
Z ß a lk XXIII 1 4 8 ; D EM IRAJ AE 4 0 8 .

vëngër adj. ‘cross-eyed’. Related to vang.

vërsë ~ vërcë f ‘age’. The Geg form with its -c- < Slav *-st- is more
conservative. Borrowed from Slav *vbrsta ‘age, kind, kin’, cf. in South
Slavic: Bulg vr'bsta ‘age’, SCr vrsta ‘kind, age’ (M IK L O S IC H Slav. Ele­
mente 37; M e y e r Wb. 470). 0 S e l i SC e v Slav, naselenie 195; SV A N E
187.

vërsnik m, pl. vërsnikë ‘peer’. Borrowed from S l a v * s’bVbrstbnik'h id.,

cf. ORuss ST>Vbrstbnik-b. Another variant, vëshnik , may belong to an
earlier layer of Slavic loanwords. 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 1 9 5 ; S v a n e
187.

vërshëllej aor. vërshëlleva ‘to whistle’. Irregular transformation of Rom

*fistulâre, cf. Lat fistula ‘pipe’.
 VËRSHOJ — VERRI ~ VËRRÎ 505

vërshoj aor. vërshova ‘to flood, to overflow’. Borrowed from Lat versare
‘to turn, to wind’, in Romance also ‘to pour out’ (M E Y E R Wb. 4 7 0 ) .
0 M IK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 7 0 (from Ital versare)-, M IH Ä E S C U RESEE
IV/1-2 21; Ç A B E J St. II 285 (préfixai derivative in ver- based on lëshoj);
H a a r m a n n 156.

vërtetë f, pl. vërteta ‘truth’. Borrowed from L a t veritätem id. ( M IK ­

LOSICH Rom. Elemente 70; M E Y E R Wb. 470). 0 M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grund­
riß 2 1 1043; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 26; H a a r m a n n 156; L a n d i
Lat. 33, 39, 145.

vërtit aor. vër tit a ‘to turn’. Borrowed from Slav *vbrteti id., cf. South
Slavic forms: Bulg v rb t’a , SCr vrtjeti (M IK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 37;
M E Y E R Wb. 470). 0 S e l i SC e v Slav, naselenie 289; T A G L IA V IN I Dal­
mazia 289; S v a n e 249.

vërtyt m ‘physical strength’. Borrowed from Lat virtütem ‘manhood,

strength’ (M IK LO SIC H Rom. Elemente 7 1 ; M E Y E R Wb. 4 7 0 - 4 7 1 ) . 0 M e y e r -
L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1 0 4 8 ; M IH Ä E S C U RESEE I V / 1 - 2 2 1 ; H A A R ­
M A N N 1 5 7 ; L A N D I Lat. 6 9 , 8 4 .

vërvit aor. vervi ta ‘to hurl, to flin g ’ . B o r ro w e d from S la v *vbrveti\

B u lg vrb v’a, SCr vrvjeti, vrvljeti (MEYER Wb. 471). 0 ÇABEJ St. VII
243; S v a n e 249.

vërzop m ‘rope used to carry straw ’. Borrowed from South Slavic,

cf. Bulg v-brzop ‘tie bundle’ (Ç A B E J St. II 282).

vërras aor. virra ‘to shout; to bleat’. Secondary formation in -as < *atja
based on P A l b *wera further related to Gk ei'pco ‘to say’, Hitt ueriia-
‘to sound’ and the like. 0 C a m a r d a I 175 (to bertas); M e y e r Wb.
471, Alb. St. Ill 38, V 105 (follows C A M A R D A and compares vërras
with Slav *veriíéati ‘to squeak’); T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 89; F R IS K I
469-471; P O K O R N Y I 1162-1163; Ç A B E J St. II 285-286 (same as
M eyer ).

vërri ~ vërrî f, pi. vèrri ~ vërrî ‘winter pasture’. Borrowed from Rom
*hibernïnum, derivative of L a t hibernum ‘winter’ (S C H U C H A R D T KZ
X X 2 4 0 - 2 4 2 ) . 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 7 1 (agrees with SC H U C H A R D T ); M E Y E R -
L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 21 1 0 4 9 ; JO K L LKUBA 2 6 4 - 2 6 5 ; W E IG A N D 9 9
506 VERRI — VIÇ

(Albanian derivative of hibernum)\ M lH Ä E S C U RESEE IV /1-2 31;

H a a r m a n n 129; Ç a b e j St. II 286 (from Rom *invernusV.).

vërri f ‘little furrow’. Another form is rruvi. Derived from verre (MEYER
Wb. 37). 0 JOKL Studien 94-95 (to Lat versus ‘furrow ’); Ç a b e j St. II
286-287 (to varre).

vreshta ~ vneshta ‘v in e y a r d ’ . F rom P A lb *waines-

v ë s h t - v ê s h t m, pl.
ta w ith a m o b ile stress in the p aradigm : sg. *wdinesta - pl. *waines-
ta. D e r iv e d from *wainâ > verë ~ venë (MEYER Wb. 4 6 6 ; PEDERSEN
KZ XXXIII 5 4 9 ) . 0 ; JOKL IF XXXVI 1 2 6 - 1 2 7 , LKUBA 2 7 4 ; TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 2 8 5 ; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 1 2 3 ; Ç a b e j St. II 2 8 0 - 2 8 1 ;
D e m ir a j AE 4 1 4 .

v ë s h tirë adj. ‘hard, difficult, bad, evil’. Préfixai derivative of shtirë

(M eyer Wb. 4 1 6 ) . 0 J o k l LKUBA 2 8 4 ; Ç a b e j St. I I 2 8 7 .

v ë s h j e l l aor. vështolla ‘to w ra p ’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f sht jell.

vështrova ‘to see, to watch’. Another variant is vështoj.

v ë s h t r o j aor.
Borrowed from Lat visitare id. ( M e y e r Wb. 4 7 1 ) . On the other hand,
cf. vëzhgoj. 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 11 1 0 5 1 ; S C H U C H A R D T KZ
X X 2 4 6 ; M lH Ä E S C U RESEE I V / 1 - 2 2 6 ; Ç a b e j St. V I I 2 0 4 , 2 3 4 ; H a a r -
 VIDER — VIGJE 507

*-s- in accordance with the “ruki” rule (OREL IJaK 140-141) and further
related to *weta > vit ( S t i e r KZ XI 207), cf. Skt vatsá- ‘calf’ belong­
ing to the same root (BOPP 461, 513). 0 G lL ’FERDING Otn. 21;
CAMARDA I 200; S t i e r KZ XI No 48; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 72
(from Lat vitulus); MEYER Wb. 475-476; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 290
(reconstructs *iieteso-)-, JOKL LKUBA 34, 261 (suggests *uetesio- as
a source of viç); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 281, Stratificazione 143;
PORZIG Gliederung 159; PISANI Saggi 131; MAYRHOFER III 133; SZE-
MERËNYI Quellen 94; HAMP GjA V II/1 27-30, BSL LXVI 222; Ç a b e j
St. II 288-290; HULD 129-130; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 354; DEMIRAJ AE
417-418.

vidör f,pl. vidra ‘otter’. Borrowed from Slav *vydra id., cf. South Slavic
reflexes: Bulg vidra, SCr vidra (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 189, 299).
0 S v a n e 143.

vidh m, pl. vidha ‘elm ’. From PAlb *wïdza related to Kurd viz id., OE
wie id., and, with nasalization, Lith vinksna id., Slav * v ç z t > id. (M E Y E R
Wb. 4 7 2 , Alb. St. Ill 1 8 , 3 8 ) . 0 P E D E R SE N Kelt. Gr. I 1 5 0 ; H O L T H A U SE N
AEW 3 9 2 ; B O G A II 6 5 3 ; P IS A N I Saggi 1 3 2 ; F R A E N K E L 1 2 5 7 ; V A S M E R
1 374; P o k o r n y I 1177; F r ie d r ic h Trees 83.

vig m. pl. vigj, vigje ‘small bridge, coffin, stretcher on which the dead

mm is?,
Vgje ~ ygji rtj ‘pine’. Borrowed from l»at abiegnum ‘related
to fir’, der a bm em ‘fir’ (MEYER Alh. St. IV 64, V ÏÜ$,Wb.
471 ÿ* 0 S( ff KZ XX 252 (from Lat abietem ‘fir-tree ’);
M ey e r M 7 (from Ok tceúkti ‘pine’); M ih äescu RESEE
rV71-2 3J; N 110; ÇABfiJ St. II 287-28-8.
508 VIGJËZ — VISE

V IP ÎS 7 f ni viviera l\ ’ P n lIp rtiv p fo rm o f j3lJLi-\¿-Q£lii£iox-i!í^.c.Í-.

torm 01 *viqe borrowed troni T a t vicia id. (MIHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-
2 26; Ç a b e j St. II 290). 0 H a a r m a n n 157; L a n d i Lat. 113.

vij ~ vin j aor. erdha ‘to come’. Borrowed from Lat venire id. (MEYER
Wb. 473). The aorist continues PAlb *erdza etymologically identical
with Gk ëpxonai ‘to come’ (CAMARDA I 240; MEYER Wb. 69, Alb.
St. Ill 18, 86). 0 CAMARDA I 79 (mistakenly equates vij with Gk ßaivco
‘to go’ and Lat veniö); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1043; PED­
ERSEN KZ XXXVI 335; M e il l e t Arm. I I 42; FRISK II 572; MIHÄESCU
RESEE IV /1-2 20; HAARMANN 71; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 97;
ÇABEJ St. I 164 (to Gk opv-upat ‘to move’ and its cognates); HULD
129; H a a r m a n n 156.

vijë f, pl. vija ‘furrow, line, ditch’. Borrowed from Lat via ‘road, way’
(M e y e r Wb. 471-472). 0 M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 26; Ç a b e j St. VII
279; H a a r m a n n 157; L a n d i Lat. 77, 135.

v ik a s aor. vikata ‘to cry, to shout’. Borrowed from Slav *vykati id.,
cf. South Slavic reflexes: B u lg vi kam, SCr vikati (MIKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 36; M e y e r Wb. A ll). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 192; SVANE
261.

v ila s ao r. vilata ‘to cut down (trees)’. Derivative in -as < *-atja of vjel
( Ç a b e j St. II 291).

v ile f, pl. vile ‘bunch (of grapes)’. Derived from vjel (MEYER Wb. 4 7 5 ).
0 Ç a b e j St. II 2 9 1 .

v irg jër ~ v ir g jin f, pl. virgjëra ~ virgjina ‘maiden’. Borrowed from Lat
virginem id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 71; MEYER Wb. 470). 0
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045; MIHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 21;
H a a r m a n n 157; L a n d i Lat. 57, 145-146.

viru a ~ v ir u e m, pl. vironj ‘brook, rivulet’. Borrowed from Slav pl.

*virove of *vir% ‘whirlpool, water-pit’ (JOKL IF XLIX 280-281). 0
MEYER Wb. 473 (from Slav *virb)\ ÇABEJ St. II 292; SVANE 170.

v is e f, pl. vise ‘place’. Goes back to PAlb *witsjä < IE *ueikiä similar
to Gk o lid a ‘dwelling, house’. The development of IE *-ki- to Alb -
 VISK — VITO 509

^ m MHiiiMMimniiinimu i m in ~\ieik-
‘house’. 0 CAMARDA 131 (rejects the connection with *ueiko-); M e y e r
BB VIII 186, Wb. 473 (vise is treated as a reflex of *i/eiko- but this
is phonetically impossible as *k > PAlb *-ts- > Alb -th-), Alb. St. Ill
13, 38; PEDERSEN KZ XXXV 338; JOKL Studien 5 (to Lith vietò
‘place’); L a P ia n a Studi I 32; P is a n i Saggi 101; F r is k II 360-361;
CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 69-70; POKORNY I 1131; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 69-
71; ÇABEJ LP VIII 127-128, St. II 293-294 (singularized pl. of vend)-,
H u l d 126 (-s- < *-d-t-); OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 364; D e m ir a j AE 419.

visk m ‘foal of donkey’. Borrowed from Slav *viskb ‘shriek’, cf. in

South Slavic: Bulg visk, SCr visak (BER I 152). 0 MEYER Wb. 473
(from Slav *viskati ‘to shriek’); ÇABEJ St. II 295 (hypocoristic of Vinçenc).

vishkëlloj aor. vishkëllova ‘to w h is tle ’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat fistuldre

id. ( M e y e r Wb. 112). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 2 8 4 .

vishkull f, pl. vishkulla ‘rod, cane’. Borrowed from Rom *viscula, cf.
Calabr viSiyyu ‘young oak-tree’ < Rom *vi$cile. 0 L a n d i Lat. I l l ,
140.

vishnje f, pl. vishnje ‘kind of cherry’. Borrowed from Slav *visbn’a,

cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg visn ’a, SCr visnja (MIKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 36; MEYER Wb. 473-474). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 164;
S v a n e 128.

vishtat pl. ‘standing crop’. Related to vjeshtë (JOKL LKUBA 213-214).

vit, vjet m, pl. vite, vjet, vjetëra ‘year’. From PAlb *weta connected
with Hitt uitt- id., Gk ëtoç id. and the like (BOPP 460; CAMARDA I
17; M e y e r Wb. 475-476, Alb. St. Ill 23, 38). 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 35,
269, 320; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 282; L a P ia n a Studi 1 94; M a n n Lan­
guage XXVI 383; PISANI Saggi 131; F r is k I 583-584; C h a n t r a i n e
383; P o k o r n y I 1175; h a m p GjA VII/1 27-29, BSL LXVI 222; HULD
129-130; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 146; D e m ir a j AE 419-420.

vitërk m ‘stepfather’. Borrowed from Lat vitricus id. (TAGLIAVINI Stra­

tificazione 127-128). 0 Ç a b e j Sí. II 295; H a a r m a n n 158.

vito f. pl. vito ‘dove’. Other forms are vi'tua and vide. Based on PAlb
510 VITORE — VJEHËRR

*weitä related to Skt váya- ‘b ird ’, Lat avis id. and the lik e (JOKL LKUBA
2 9 9 -3 0 1 ). 0 STIER KZ XI 2 2 3 (from an o n o m a to p o e ic call); M e y e r
Wb. 4 7 4 (sam e as STIER); (); ClMOCHOWSKl LP II 254; FRAENKEL 1265;
M a y r h o f e r III 2 3 6 -2 3 7 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 7 1 3 -7 1 4 ; P o k o r n y I
1 1 2 3 -1 1 2 4 ; HAMP Festschr. Shevoroshkin 101 (a com p ou n d co n ta in ­
ing IE *uei- ‘b ird ’); DEMIRAJ AE 4 2 0 -4 2 1 .

v ito r e f, pl. vitore ‘mythical serpent (keeper of the house), fairy, fate;
mother of many children’. Borrowed from Lat victoria ‘victory’
(G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 25; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 252). 0 H a h n 162
(derived from vit); MEYER Wb. 475; T r e im e r AArbSt. I 27-28 (to Lith
vietà ‘place’); ÇABEJ St. 11 295-296 (derived from vej).

v ith e f, pl. vithe ‘crupper, rump, buttock, haunch’. A diminutive in

-th based on P A lb *wlja ‘twisted, woven’ derived from IE *uei- ‘to
twist, to weave’: Lat vleó, Skt váyati, Lith vyti, Slav *viti. 0 MEYER
Wb. 472 (compared with bythe); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 144;
M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (to Gk íc^ ía ); F r a e n k e l 1266-1267;
V a s m e r I 322; M a y r h o f e r III 147; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 786-788;
P o k o r n y I 1120-1121; Ç a b e j * . V II 242.

v jed h aor. vodha ‘to steal’. From PAlb *wedza related to Skt vdhati
‘to drive’, Lat vehö ‘to bear, to carry’, Goth gawigan ‘to steal’ and
other continuants of IE *uegh- (MEYER Wb. 474-475, Alb. St. Ill 18,
38). From vjedh the word for ‘badger’, vjedhull, is derived ( S t i e r A Z
XI 140). The latter was borrowed to Rum viezure. 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr.
36, 274; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 335 (to IE *wdh-), Kelt. Gr. I 59, 172;
J o k l LKUBA 322; MANN Language XXVI 382; ClMOCHOWSKl LP II
251; V a s m e r I 284 (to IE *uedh- ‘to lead’); FEIST Goth. 212; W a l d e -
H o fm a n n I I 742-743; M a y r h o f e r III 177-179; POKORNY 1 1118-1120;
S t a n g Vergi. 389 (on the long grade in aor. vodha); POGHIRC 1st. limb,
rom. II 353; ROSETTI ILR I 283; HAMP Laryngeals 138, Die Sprache
XIV 156 (follows VASMER); H u l d 130; D e m ir a j AE 421-422.

vjehërr f, pl. vjehrra ‘mother-in-law’. From PAlb *swexurd < *swesura

with assimilation from the expected *swetsurâ (BOPP 531; G lL ’FER-
DING Otn. 21; JOKL LKUBA 46) restructured under the influence of
the masculine form vjehërr ‘father-in-law’ < IE *suekuros and related
to IE *suekrü-: Skt svas'ru- ‘m other-in-law’, Lat socrus id. and the
like. The masculine form vjehërr corresponds to Skt s'vásura- ‘father-
 VJEJ ~ VIJ yjE R R 511

in -la w ’, Gk éicupôç id. and the lik e (MEYER BB VIII 186, Wb. 475,
Alb. St. Ill 5, 58). 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 37; BUGGE BB XVIII 169; PED­
ERSEN KZ XXXVI 290, 339, Kelt. Gr. I 75; JOKL LKUBA 41-43,
Sprache IX 127; BARtó AArbSt. II 384-385; JOKL LKUBA 46-48;
MLADENOV 1st. 188; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 282, Stratificazione 121;
L a PIANA Studi I 22-23, 38 (from *ueskuro- < *syelcuro-); M a n n Lan­
guage XXVI 382; PISANI Saggi 103 (recon stru cts *sueskuros to account
for -h-); M a y r h o f e r III 400-401; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 550-551; F r is k
I 478-479; POKORNY I 1043-1044; ÖLBERG Festsehr. Pisani II 687;
HULD 131 (fo llo w s L a P ia n a ), IF LXXXIV 196-199; D e m ir a j AE 422.

vjej - vij aor. vjeva, vjejta ‘to need’. A more conservative form is vejej.
Borrowed from Lat valere ‘to be able, to be healthy’ ( M e y e r Wb.
469). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 26; H a a r m a n n 156.

vjel aor. vola ‘to pluck (fruit), to vintage’. From P A lb *wela related
to Gk eRco ‘to shut in, to press’, Lith su-valyti ‘to harvest, to reap’
( M e y e r Wb. 4 7 5 , Alb. St. Ill 3 8, 7 7 , V 106). 0 JOKL LKUBA 190, 2 1 4 ,
Slavia XIII 318; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 282; RiBEZZO RivAlb 1 /2 124
n. 2 (to Lat vellö ‘to pluck, to puli’); FRAENKEL 1190; FRISK I 456-
4 57; P o k o r n y 1 1138; Ç a b e j St. II 2 9 7 -2 9 8 .

vjell aor. vo Ila ‘to vomit’. From PAlb *welwa related to Lat volvO ‘to
turn’ and its cognates (MEYER Wb. 475, Alb. St. Ill 38). 0 TAGLIAVINI
Dalmazia 283 (to vjel); CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 57 (to avull); WALDE-HOFMANN
II 8 3 2 -8 3 4 ; POKORNY I 114 0 -1 1 4 2 ; ÖLBERG IF LXXIII 211; HULD 130
(on the semantic evolution of vjell); DEMIRAJ AE 4 2 2 -4 2 3 .

vjershë f. pl. vjersha ‘p o e m ’. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat versus ‘v e r s e ’

(C a m a r d a 198; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 70; M e y e r Wb. 4 7 5 ). 0
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1043; WEIGAND 100 (against borrow ing
from Latin); JOKL IF XXXVI 138-139; ÇABEJ St. II 2 9 8 -2 9 9 (second ary
fem in in e form restored from pl. vjersha); HAARMANN 156; LANDI Lat.
5 1 , 110, 148.

vjerr aor. vorrà ‘to h a n g ’. C on tin u es P A lb *wera related to Gk àeipco

‘to raise u p ’, Lith veri it, ve'rti ‘to w e ig h ’, sveriii, sverti ‘to o p en , to
th read ’ ( M e y e r Wb. 4 7 5 , Alb. St. I ll 58, 7 1 ). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I
2 90; M a n n Language X V II 18; F r a e n k e l 9 5 1 , 1229; F r is k I 23;
 512 VJESIITË — VLLAH

POKORNY I 1 1 5 0 -1 1 5 1 ; Ç a b e j * . VII 193; H u l d 148; K o r t l a n d t

Arm-IE 43; D em ir a j AE 4 2 3 .

v jesh të f, pl. vjeshta ‘autumn’. Derivative in -shtë from vjel (M e y e r

Wb. 475). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 549; J o k l IF XXXVI 123, LKUBA
190, 214; Ç a b e j St. II 299; M a n n Comp. 46 (to IE *aueks- ‘to grow ’);
M u r a t i Probleme 108-110 (from *aiyesiä).

vjetër adj. ‘old’. Borrowed from Lat veterem id. (M IKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 70; M EYER Wb. 476). 0 C a m a r d a I 102 (treats vjetër as a deriv­
ative of vit); M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1043, 1053; M i h ä e s c u
RESEE IV/1-2 26; HAARM ANN 64, 157; H ULD 131.

vlag m ‘w e tn e s s ’ . B o r r o w e d from S lav *volga id ., cf. in South S lavic:

B u lg vlaga (S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 189).

vlak m, pl. vleq ‘fishing-net; lambskin’. Another form is vllak. Bor­

r o w e d from S lav *volki, ‘o b je ct that can b e d rag g ed or ca r r ie d ’, cf.
Bulg vlak, SCr vlak ‘net’ (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 36; MEYER Wb.
4 7 6 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 170, 303; SVANE 154.

vlej aor. vleva, vlejta ‘to be worth, to cost, to deserve’. Other variants
are vëjej and vjej. Borrowed from Lat valere ‘to be worth, to cost’
( M e y e r Wb. 4 6 9 ) . 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1 0 4 7 ; J o k l
LKUBA 6 5 ; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 2 8 1 .

vloj aor. vlova ‘to get engaged’. See mbloj. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 230, 234.

.vlug m ‘p rim e ( o f life ), p ea k ’. C on tin u es P A lb *awa-luga, a p réfix a i

d eriv a tiv e o f IE *leug- ‘to b en d ’: G k id., O N lykna ‘to bend
k n e e s’, Lith lugnas ‘f le x ib le ’ and the lik e. T h e o rig in a l m ea n in g is,
th erefore, ‘turning p o in t’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 7 8 (to vrulloj); F r isk II 141;
F r a e n k e l 3 8 8 -3 8 9 ; P o k o r n y I 6 8 5 -6 8 6 ; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 34.

vlladikë m ‘archbishop’. From a South Slavic continuant of *voldyka

‘lord’: Bulg vladika, SCr vladika (M EY ER Wb. 4 7 6 ).

vllah m, pl. vlleh ‘Arumunian". Borrowed from Slav * v o / x ì ‘Valachi-

an, speaker of Romance’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg vlax, SCr vlah (M e y e r
Wb. 476). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 2 8 5 .
 VLLANJË — VOLLTË 513

vllanjë f, pl. vllanja ‘garden-bed, plot’. In Geg, there exist such vari­
ants as vullâ and vllâ. Borrowed from Rom *vïllänea, to Lat fern, villana
‘related to farm ing’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 274 (from Rom *malleanus, to Lat
malleolus); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 540; ÇABEJ St. II 307-308 (to vale,
avull).

vobektë adj. ‘poor’. A more conservative form is vobeg. Singularized

plural of *vobog borrowed, with assimilation of vowels, from Slav
*ubog-b id., cf. in S outh Slavic: Bulg ubog, SCr ubog (MIKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 36; MEYER Wb. 476). 0 JOKL LKUBA 1; SELISCEV Slav, nase­
lenie 193, 326; S v a n e 267.

voc m, pl. voca ‘b o y , y o u th ’. Derived from vogël, vogërr. 0 ÇABEJ St.

VII 199-200.

vogë f ‘steam’. Continues PAlb *wagâ related to Gk ùypôç ‘wet’, ON

vçkr id. 0 MEYER Wb. A l l (from Ital voga ‘rowing; stroke’); F r isk
II 9 5 5 -9 5 6 ; POKORNY I 1118.

vogël adj. ‘s m a ll’ , pl. vegjël. W ithin A lb a n ia n , another co g n a te is

vogërr ‘u ndersized, dw arfed, sm a ll’. Both form s continue P A lb *wägla,
*wâgra rela ted to Lat vagor ‘to roam arou n d ’, OIr fan ‘s lo p e ’ < *w g-
no-. T he sem antic d evelopm en t is from *uag- ‘to be cro o k ed ’ to ‘sm a ll’.
0 CAMARDA 191 (to Gk ôÀ.iyoç ‘little ’, w ith a m eta th esis); MEYER
Wb. A l l (to S la v *svézb ‘fr e s h ’), Alb. St. Ill 58; BUGGE BB XVIII 173
(to N o r w vák ‘c h ild ’); B a r i £ ARSt. I 115 (< *ue- ‘n o t’ + gabn- ‘b ig ’,
cf. S lav *golem-b id.); JOKL LKUBA 23; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 286;
W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 726-727; P o k o r n y I 1120; Ç a b e j St. VII 237;
H u l d 131-132.

vokull f ‘circle’. Borrowed from Slav *okoli, ‘circle, circum ference’,

cf. okoll. 0 MEYER Wb. A ll (from Ital bocca ‘mouth’).

volitem refi, ‘to fit’. Borrowed from Slav *voliti ‘to like, to prefer’,
cf. in South Slavic: Bulg v o l’a, SCr voliti. 0 SvANE 2 5 0 .

volltë f, pi. volita ‘will’. Another variant is vole. Borrowed from Slav
*vol'a id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg voi'a, SCr volja (M e y e r
Wb. A ll). 0 S v a n e 2 2 4 , 25 0 .
514 VONË VRAP

vonë adj. ‘late’. From PAlb *wänti, a participle in *-nti related to Skt
váyati ‘to vanish, to become exhausted’, Lith vójus(i) ‘ailing’, Latv
vâjs ‘meager, weak’. 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 287; La P ia n a St. Varia
4 6 -4 7 (reconstructs Tosk *vanë and derives *vanë ~ vonë from
*okno -); M ann Language XXVI 381 (to Lat vanus ‘empty’); FRAENKEL
559; MAYRHOFER III 189-190; POKORNY I 1112; Ç a b e j St. II 3 0 0 -
301 (to vete).

vorbë f, pl. vorba ‘clay p o t’ . A n early b o rro w in g in P A lb *wâribâ from

Slav *varbba ‘c o o k in g ’ (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 153, 172). 0 JOKL
Studien 97 (to Slav *variti ‘to c o o k ’, Lith virti id .), Die Sprache IX
1 5 0 -1 5 1 , Slavia XIII 301 (again st SELISCEV); CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 120
(su ffix -bë): ÇABEJ St. II 3 0 1 -3 0 3 (fro m IE *yer- ‘to tu rn ’), III 214;
U r b u t is Kalbotyra IX 263; M u r a t i Probleme 135; D e m ir a j AE 4 2 3 -
424.

(G) voshtër f, pl. voshtra ‘Ligustrum vulgare’. Borrowed from late Lat
oleaster (JOKL LKUBA 209-211), cf. with a different stress, ullashtër
s.v. ullastër. 0 MIHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 24; ÇABEJSr. II 303; HAAR­
MANN 138.

vovë f, pl. vova ‘bogey, scarecrow’. An onomatopoeia, probably of Slavic

origin, cf. Russ vova id. 0 MEYER Wb. A ll (to Slovene bavbav and
the like).

vozit aor. vozita ‘to sail, to steer a course, to travel’. Borrowed from
Slav *voziti ‘to carry (in a vehicle)’ and also ‘to row, to paddle’, cf.
South Slavic continuants: Bulg vo z’a, SCr voziti (MIKLOSICHSlav. Ele­
mente 37; M e y e r Wb. A ll). 0 JOKL LKUBA 161; S e l i S c e v Slav, nase­
lenie 167, 183; SVANE 244.

vrah m, pi. vrahe 'p ile o f sh e a v e s’ . B o r ro w e d fro m South S la v ic , cf.

B u lg vrax ‘sh e a f’ (WEIGAND 101). 0 BARIÓ ARSt 117. 0 MEYER Wb.
478 (from Turk orak ‘h a rv est, c r o p s’); BARKÍ ARSt. 1 117; S e l i S c e v
Slav, naselenie 160, 305; ÇABEJ St. II 303-304.

vrajë f, pl. vraja ‘wound’. Derived from vras.

vrap aor. vrapa ‘to run, to h a ste ’. F rom P A lb *awa-rapa, d eriv a tiv e
w ith p refix *awa-, in ety m o lo g ic a l co n n ectio n w ith rjep ‘to strip o f f
 VRAS — VRËNDË 515

(skin or bark), to tear off’ (O r el Linguistica 4 3 6 -4 3 8 ). For the seman­

tic development, cf. Russ d ra t’ 'to run away’ < ‘to tear’, Gk ë ô p â v
‘(I) ran away’ ~ ôép œ ‘to strip o f f and the like. 0 CAMARDA I 91 (to
Gk pércm ‘to turn the scale, to sink’, Lat rapid ‘to seize and carry off’);
MEYER Wb. 4 7 8 (to IE *uerp- ~ *urep-\ but IE *ur- yielded Alb
rr-), Alb. St. Ill 3 1 , 38, 72; TOMASCHEK MGGW XXIII 5 5 0 (to several
Illyrian toponyms derived from urb-lurp-); JOKL LKUBA 187; B a r i £
ARSt. 1 9 1 ; S c h r ijn e n KZ X L II 108 (to Lith virpeti); T a g l ia v in i Dal­
mazia 288; M a n n Language XVII 18; G in d in Form. SN 62; Ç a b e j
St. VII 234; H a m p MJ XXIII 285; O r e l Linguistica 4 3 6 -4 3 8 (alter­
native etymology: to Lat rgpere ‘to creep’, OPrus npaiti ‘to follow’,
Latv rapt ‘to creep’); DEMIRAJ AE 4 2 4 .

vras aor. vrava ‘to kill’. From PAlb *awa-rautja, a prefix derivative
based on IE *reu- ‘to tear, to destroy’: Skt ruta- ‘broken’, Lat ruó
‘to fall down, to rush down’ and the like (OREL FLH V III/ 1-2 3 7 ). 0
MEYER Wb. 4 6 4 (to varrë and Skt vrana- ‘wound’); JOKL LKUBA 194
(follows M e y e r ); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 289; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I I 45 3 -
454; M a y r h o f e r III 63; P o k o r n y I 868; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 3 4 .

vrazhdë adj. ‘hard, rough, unfriendly’. Borrowed from Bulg vrazda

or CS vrazda ‘enmity’ and transformed into an adjective (S E L IS C E V
Slav, naselenie 186, 196). 0 M E Y E R Wh. 478 (related to vrërët ~ vranët);
JO K L LKUBA 155 (develops M e y e r ’s etymology), Slavia XIII 610 (against
S e l i S c e v ) ; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 65 (from OCS vrazb ‘inimi­
cal’); Ç a b e j St. II 304 (derived from vras).

vrej aor. vrejta ‘to o b s e r v e ’. U n iverb ation o f vë re id. (M E Y E R Wb.

2 4 3 , 3 6 2 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 145 (to G k opaco ‘to s e e ’); Ç a b e j Sí. II H i ­
l l 8, 3 0 4 (fo llo w s M e y e r).

vrer ~ vën er m ‘gall, b ile ’. B orrow ed from Lat venerium ‘potion, p o iso n ’
(M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 70; M e y e r Wb. 4 7 0 ). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e
Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1 -2 20; HAARMANN 156;
L a n d i Lat. 82.

vrëndë f ‘drizzle’. A préfixai derivative of rend (Ç A B E J St. II 304-

305). ö JO K L Studien 97 (to O N úr ‘drizzle’, Av var- ‘rain’); BARIC?
ARSt. I 91; S P IT Z E R M R IW I 327; D e m i r a j AE 424 (to Gk ßpex® ‘to
rain, to moisten’).
516 V R Ë R Ël ~ VRANËT — VUAJ ~ VUI'J

vrërët ~ vranët a d j. ‘c lo u d y ’. T ogeth er w ith vrër ~ vran ‘to darken,

to b eco m e c lo u d y ’, b ased on * vrër ~ vran ‘c lo u d y ’, a p réfix a i d e r i­
v a tiv e o f re ‘c lo u d ’ (JOKL Slavia XIII 610, ArRom XXIV 40). 0
MEYER Wb. 478 (b orrow ed from a South S la v ic re flex o f S lav *vorrrb
‘black’); SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 197 (sam e as MEYER); JOKL IF XXXVI
128-129 (fo llo w s M e y e r ) ; B a r i c ARSt. I 117-118, Hymje 78 (from
IE *ifrano- related to S lav *vorna ‘c r o w ’); SKOK AArbSt. II 331 n.
31 (su p p orts B a r iC ); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 288; ÇABEJ Sr. II 305-306
(a g re es w ith JOKL Slavia XIII 610); JANSON Unt. 33-34; M u r a t i Pro­
bleme 135.

vriguU m, pl. vriguj ‘flap, lobe’. Borrowed from Lat verriculum ‘seine’.

vrikë f ‘tam arisk’. Borrowed from Ital dial, vrica id. < Gk pupiicr^ id.
(ÇABEJ St. II 306). 0 M e y e r Wb. 467 (derived from i’err); JO K L Festschr.
Kretschmer 8 6 -8 7 , Festschr. Rozwadowski I 2 3 6 (follows MEYER).

vringëlloj a o r. vringëllova ‘to whizz, to hum’. A préfixai form based

on Rom *ringuläre ‘to growl, to grumble’. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 234.

vrokth m ‘dandruff’. A préfixai derivative of rrok. 0 Ç abej St. VII

234.

vrug m ‘rust, mildew, blight’. Continues PAlb *awa-ruga, a préfixai

form related to Av raoyna- ‘butter’, ON rjiimi ‘cream ’. 0 M E Y E R Wb.
478 (to vrulloj); B a r T H O L O M A E 1488; P O K O R N Y I 873.

vrugët ad j. ‘dark’. Derived from vrug.

vrujoj a o r. vrujova ‘to well up, to spring’. Derived from vrull ‘flight,
run’. The latter is borrowed from Slav *vbrlrh ‘strong, energetic’, cf.
Bulg vbrl, SCr vrli ‘good’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 478 (from SCr vrulja
‘source’); CIMOCHOWSKI LP IV 209-210; SVANE 171.

vrragë f, pl. vrragë ‘trace, wheel-trace’. Borrowed from Slav *ovbragb

‘ravine’, cf. Bulg ovrag. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 3 0 6 -3 0 7 (derivative of varrë).

vuaj ~ vuej aor. vova, vojta, vuajta ‘to suffer’. Borrowed from Lat vivere
‘to live’ and also ‘to survive’, with a semantic development suggest­
ing an intermediate stage of ‘surviving’, ‘living through’. Thus, vuan
 VULLNET - XIXË 517

nga njësëmundë *‘he lives through an illness’ > ‘he suffers of an illness’.
0 M E Y E R Wb. 479 (from Slav *boleti ‘to be ill’); B a r i Í ARSt 73 (to
Lith votis ‘wound’); Ç a b e j St. VII 258.

vullnet m ‘w ill’. Another form is vullëndet. Borrowed from Lat

voluntcitem id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 72; M e y er Wb. 479). 0 M e y e r -
LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1043, 1048; MIHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 26;'
H a a r m a n n 158; L a n d i Lat. 33, 88, 117.

vurg m, pl. vurgje ‘m arsh , sw a m p ’. F rom P A lb *wurga related to Gk

ópyáo) ‘to b e so a k e d ’, ópyáq ‘m arsh , m e a d o w ’ . 0 FRISK II 411;
POKORNY I 1169 (reco n stru cts *uerg-).

vurkollak m, pl. vurkolleq ‘vam pire’. Another form is vurvollak. Bor­

rowed from Slav *vblkodlakrb ‘werewolf, vam pire’, cf. in South
Slavic: Bulg vlbkolak, SCr vukodlak (M IK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 37;
M e y e r Wb. 479). 0 J o k l LKUBA 69-70; S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 185;
S v a n e 217.

vurratë f, pl. vurrata ‘scar, mark, brand’. Borrowed from Lat fern.
vulnerata, part, of vulnero ‘to wound’. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 3 0 8 (derived
from varrë).

(G) vûth m ‘sm all v a lle y ’. D erived from vw, G eg participle o f vë (ÇABEJ
St. II 308). 0 CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 71 (reco n stru cts *u$d-).

X
xa ad v . ‘here you are’. A form of the verb zë with an initial x- < z-
(Ç a b e j St. II 308).

xbunjë f ‘fluff from spinning’. Derived from j(but, zbut ‘to make soft’,
cf. butë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 79 (to SCr bunjak ‘rubbish’).

xëgit a o r. xëgita ‘to irritate’. A metathesis of guxit id., gëzit id. based
on gaz. 0 Ç A B E J St. II 309 (to cys and nxit).

xixë f, pi. xixa ‘spark’. A descriptive formation. 0 M e y e r Wb. 7 9 (to

Ital cica); H a m p ABS XVII 1 2 9 -1 3 0 .
518 X UN KTH — YLL

xunkth m, pl. xunktha ‘reed’. Dim inutive o f cung with a secondary sonoriza-
tion o f the anlaut (ÇABEJ St. II 3 0 9 ).

XV ar adv. ‘trailin g, d r a g g in g ’. A p h on etic variant o f zvar.

xverk m ‘o c c ip u t’. A p h o n etic variant o f zverk.

Y
yej nor.yejta ‘to stay awake’. Derived from yll. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 200,
215.

y jë z ë f ‘an kle, k n u ck le’. D er iv a tiv e o f *yl (BARIC AArbSt. I 1 5 8 -1 5 9 )

attested in bërryl and ylber. 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 6 0 (to yll)\ JOKL Idg. Jb.
X 67 (id en tica l w ith nyjëzë)’, ÇABEJ St. II 3 1 2 (fo llo w s JO K L).

y lb e r m, pl. ylberë, y Ibera ‘rainbow ’. From PAlb *ul(e)na bhOra

‘rainbow ’ < *‘curve’, a m irror reflection of PAlb *bhôrei u!(e)nâ >
bërryl ‘elbow’ (OREL ZfBalk X X I I I /1 6 7 ). For similar nomination of
the rainbow cf. Slav *dçga ‘arc, curve’ > ‘rainbow ’. It is possible to
conjecture NGk (ò^évr) ‘elbow ’ > *‘rainbow ’ contaminated with
Çtûvàpi Ilavayiaç ‘Our lady’s belt’ and Çcovâpi K u p â ç 'EAivriç ‘Lady
Helen’s belt.’ ( B e l e c k u Principy 66-67; OREL loc. cit.). 0 MEYER Wb.
460-461, IF VI 114 f.; KRISTOFORIDHI 433 (from yll ber)\ ÇABEJ St.
II 312-313 (identifies the first component with yll ‘star’ following KRISTO­
FORIDHI).

yii m . pl. yje ‘star’. A parallel form is hyll. Goes back to PAlb *skiw-
ila, a derivative of *skijä > hije ‘shadow’ ( O r e l Linguistica XXIV
438-439). For the phonetic development of -twi- > -y- cf. grykë. 0 M e y e r
Wb. 460 (to IE *suino- or *siili- ‘sun’), Alb. St. Ill 43; PE D E R SE N KZ
XXXIII 544, XXXVI 277-278 (accepts M e y e r ’ s comparison with *süli);
JO K L Balkangerm. 114-115; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 273; P IS A N I REIE
IV 9; PO R Z IG Gliederung 181; H A M P Laryngeals 132-133 (yll as a proof
of j-m obile in the word for ‘sun’); H u l d 132, KZ XC 178-182 (to OE
ysle, ON usli ‘spark, em ber’); L lU K K O N E N SSF X*58 (to Slav *aviti
‘to appear’); RA SM U SSE N Morph. 264; BE E K E S CIEL 264 (follows H U L D
and reconstructs *Huslo-); D E M IR A J AE 206.
 YSHT — ZUAVI I 519

y sh t aor .yshta ‘to cast spells, to bewitch’. From PAlb *awi-sta related
to IE *a.ffgf* ‘bird’ and *sta- ‘to stand’, originally ‘to foretell accord­
ing to birds, to augur’, cf. Lat augurare, auspicare. 0 POKORNY I 86;
Ç a b e j St. VII 195.

Z
za b el m, pl. zabele, zabela ‘little wood’. Borrowed from Slav *zabeh>
id. attested in South Slavic (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 159). 0 M e y e r
Wb. 4 7 9 (to SCr zabijeliti ‘to make white’).

zabua ~ zab u e m, pl. zabonj ‘linch-pin’. Borrowed from Slav *zabojb,

cf. in South Slavic: Bulg zaboj. SCr zaboj. 0 SVANE 34.

zakon m, pl. zakone ‘custom, habit’. Borrowed from Slav *zakom> ‘law’,
cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg zakon, SCr zakon (MIKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 37; CAMARDA II 161; MEYER Wb. 4 8 0 ). 0 JOKL LKUBA 5 3 -
54; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 177; SVANE 20 5 .

zall m, pl. zaje ‘river sand, river bank’. Borrowed as PAlb *aigjala
from G k aiyiaA.ôç ‘river bank’ (CAMARDA I 93). 0 MEYER Wb. 480
(from Lat sabulum ‘sand’); B a r i C ARSt. I 118, AArbSt. I 100 (to O H G
kes ‘firm ground’); L a P i a n a Studi I 70 (follows C a m a r d a ); Ç a b e j
St. II 314-315 (to IE *ielo- ‘unripe, raw ’); HAARMANN 147.

za p ëri f, pl. zapëri ‘crease, fold’. Derived from zaparit 'to crum ple’
borrowed from Slav *zapariti. 0 MEYER Wb. 481 (from SCr sabor
‘crease, fold’); S v a n e 24 4 .

zavrat m, pl. zavrate ‘garden-bed’. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf.

Bulg zavrat ‘curve, turn’, SCr zavrat (Ç a b e j St. II 316).

zbatoj aor. zhatova ‘to put into force, to carry out’. Borrowed from
Rom *exbattuere ‘to shake, to toss’: Ital sbattere, Rum zbat and the
like ( M e y e r Wb. 103). 0 P u § c a r iu EWR 180; Ç a b e j St. II 3 1 6 -3 1 7
(against MEYER).

zb a v it aor. zbavita ‘to scatter’. Borrowed from Slav *jhzbaviti ‘to get
520 ZBEJ ZEMËR

rid of’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg izbav'a, SCr izbaviti
(M e y e r Wb. 4 8 1 ).

zbej aor. zbejta ‘to make pale’. Derived from P A lb *banja (histori­
cally identical with bëj) and related to Skt bhati ‘to shine’, Oír bán
‘white’ and the like. 0 M e y e r Wb. 482 (to Slav *belt> ‘white’); TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 292; MAYRHOFER II 493-494; V e n d r y e s [Bl 13;
P o k o r n y 1 104-105.

zbërkoj aor. zbërkova ‘to tear, to rip ’. Derived from bark, cf. Fr even­
irci' ‘to disembowel, to tear open’ (Ç a b e j St. II 317).

zborak m, pl. zborakë, zboreq ‘m artin’. Derived from zborë, variant

of bore, cf. Fr nivereau id. and Russ z ’ablik id. with a similar seman­
tic motivation (KRISTOFORIDIII 368). 0 STIER KZ XI 88 (to Goth
sparwa ‘sparrow ’); M e y e r Wb. 482 (to SCr cvorak ‘starling’); Pu§-
CARIU EWR 1933 (to Rum zbor ‘flight’); ÇABEJ St. II 317 (follows
K r is to fo r id h i).

zbres aor. zbrita ‘to d e sc e n d ’. D er iv ed from pres. 0 HAMP Festschr.

Knobloch 145-146 (from IE *bhergh- ‘to in crea se, to g r o w ’).

zbruj aor. zbrujta ‘to soften’. Related to mbruj (Ç A B E J St. II 3 1 7 ).

(G) zdërgjâhem refi, ‘to spread oneself out, to spraw l’. Derived from
dergjem. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 3 1 7 -3 1 8 (préfixai formation based on gjerë).

zdralë f, pl. zdrala ‘d irt’. D e r iv e d from zdraj, see zdramë (ÇABEJ St.
II 318).

zdramë f ‘wound on horse’s w ithers’. Derived from zdraj ‘to swell,

to make swell’ (WEIGAND 104), a préfixai formation based on PAlb
*d(e)ranja. This verb is to be compared with Skt drnáti ‘to burst’,
Gk Sepco ‘to skin, to flay’ and the like (ÇABEJ St. II 318). 0 MAYRHOFER
II 59; F r isk I 368-370; P o k o r n y I 206-208.

zemër f, pl. zemra ‘heart; middle’. A difficult word without any reli­
able explanation. 0 M e y e r Wb. 483 (compares with Geg zê ‘soul’ and
connects zemër with zë ‘to seize’); WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 202 (to
ON gaman ‘jo y ’); JOKL Mélanges Pedersen 128 (from IE *ghen-, cf.
 ZESHK — ZË ~ ZÂ 521

Gk eùGevéro ‘to b lo sso m ’ and its cogn ates); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 293,
Stratificazione 9 9 -1 0 0 (a g re es w ith JOKL); ÇABEJ ZfPhonetik IX 2 1 2
f. (fo llo w s M e y e r ); H a a s 166 (to P hryg KÎ|xepoç- v o û ç, H es.); H u l d
1 32 -1 3 3 ; LlUKKONEN SSF X 59 (to Lith juosmuö ‘b e lt’).

zeshk zeshka ‘to m ake b ro w n ’. D er iv ed from zi (MEYER Wb. 4 8 4 ).

aor.
0 JOKL LKUBA 2 1 6 , 222; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 115.

zet num. ‘tw e n ty ’. F rom P A lb *w(i)dzati ety m o lo g ic a lly id en tica l w ith

IE *u!kmti id.: S k t vimsatí-, G k e ’iK ocn, Lat vïgintï (BOPP 512;
C a m a r d a 1 170; M e y e r Wb. 483). 0 X y l a n d e r 306; M e y e r Alb. St.
II 24, III 17, 23; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 338, Kelt. Gr. I 186; JOKL IF
XXXVI 101, LKUBA 103, Realie.v. Vorgesch. I 91; BARIÇ Hymje 35,
n. 2; L a P ia n a Studi I 22, 40; P is a n i Saggi 133; C im o c h o w s k i LP II
232; F r is k 1 453-454; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I I 788-789; M a y r h o f e r III
199-200; P o k o r n y I 1177; H u l d 133-134; H am p KZ LXXVII 252,
n. 1 (z- as a reflex o f *utk-), Numerals 900, 919, Festschr. Shevoroshkin
95-96; Ç a b e j Z f Phonetik IX 207 f. (fro m *ieug-t- related to *iugom
‘y o k e ’), St. II 318-319; SZEMERÉNYI Numerals 165; HULD 133-134;
OREL FLH V III/1-2 41 (on the d ev elo p m en t o f *wdz- > z-), ZfBalk
XXIII 144, IF X C III 103; DEMIRAJ AE 425.

zë ~ zâ aor. zura ~ zuna ‘to seize, to grasp, to touch ’. From P A lb *dzeina,

a d erivative in *-no- based on IE *g’> e is- ‘to o v e r p o w e r ’: Skt jya ‘fo rce,
p o w e r ’, jáyati ‘to w in , to c o n q u e r ’, Gk ßir) ‘p o w e r ’. 0 G i l ’FERDING
Otn. 22 (to Skt ha- ‘to r e a ch ’); M e y e r Wb. 483 (fr o m S la v *jbz-imati
‘to take out’); S c h m id t KZ L V II13; W ie d e m a n n BB XXVII202 (recon­
stru cts *ghenö ); JOKL Melanges Pedersen 128 (fr o m IE *gl'hen-)\
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 292; M a n n Language X X V I383 (fo llo w s JOKL);
P is a n i Saggi 101,128; F r is k 1 235; M a y r h o f e r 1 419,448; P o k o r n y
1 469-470; Ç a b e j BUShTXTV/3 44-45 (to Skt ydmati ‘to h o ld ’); C a m a j
Alb. Worth. 62; H am p 1A XXXI 92, IF XC 70-71; DEMIRAJ AE 426-
427.

zë - zâ m, pl. zè'ra ~ zana ‘v o ic e ’. F rom P A lb * diana e ty m o lo g ic a lly

related to A rm jain ‘v o ic e ’, S lav *zyom> ‘r in g in g , s o u n d ’, IE *ghuen-
(M e y e r Wb. 4 8 3 , Alb. St. Ill 17, 39; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 0 6 ). 0
CAMARDA I 85 (to G k yfipuç ‘v o ic e , sp e e c h ’); BU G G Eßß XVIII 172;
PEDERSEN KZ XXXVIII 4 0 3 (com p a res zë with G k qxovri ‘so u n d ’);
JOKL Studien 1 (on the d e v e lo p m e n t o f p ala ta ls b e fo r e *-u~), IF
522 /.RM KR ~ ZAMËR — ZGORKF.

XXXVI 9 9 , 112, 116, Mélanges Pedersen 1 3 3 -1 3 4 , Sprache IX 124;

T a g liavini Dalmazia 294; P isa n i Saggi 128; P o k o r n y 1 490-491; ö l b e r g
IBK XIV 109; ClMOCHOWSKI St. IE 45; HULD 134; J a n s o n Unt. 34 -
36; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 40; O re l IF XCTTI 108; D e m ir a j AE 4 2 5 -
426.

zëm ër ~ zam ër f, pl. zëmëra ~ za mèra ‘late afternoon meal, late after­
noon, tea tim e’. A difficult word. Maybe, a borrowing from Gk
Srqpepov ‘period of twenty-four hours’, *‘afternoon’? 0 CAMARDA
I 107 (identifies zëmër with zemër as ‘the center of the day’); ÇABEJ
ZfPhonetik IX 2 1 4 -2 1 5 (compares zëmër with Gk ripap ‘day’, Arm
awr id. which, however, do not explain the anlaut z-), St. II 319; O R E L
FLH V III/ 1-2 4 1 -4 2 (connection with zë).

zërë ~ zanë f. pl. zëra ~ zana ‘god dess o f forests, fairy, beautiful m aiden’.
B o r ro w e d from Lat Diana (JOKL Studien 9 7 -9 8 ). 0 B a r i C AArbSt. II
400; WEIGAND BA I 254; PAVLOVlC Z ß a lk I 7 3 -7 4 ; MIHÄESCU RESEE
I V /1 - 2 15; H a a r m a n n 122; Ç a b e j St. I I 3 1 5 -3 1 6 , V 144-152; J a n s o n
Unt. 62; LANDI Lat. 7 5 , 9 4 , 104.

z g a fe lle f, pi. zgafelle ‘hole, cave, gallery, tunnel’. Derived from zga-
fu llo j ‘to dig a pit’. The latter is a préfixai formation based on Rom
*cappulare ‘to cut, to chop’. 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 1 8 6 -1 8 7 (from Rom
*dis-co-affibuläre)\ T retmer KZ LXV 9 3 -9 4 (to Lith ziupsnis ‘handful’);
Ç a b e j St. II 3 1 9 -3 2 0 (to gërfej).

zgarb ë f, pl. zgarba ‘h o llo w (in a tr e e )’ . D e r iv e d from garbë. 0 Ç a bej

St. II 3 2 0 -3 2 1 (to kalb).

z g a v ër t', pl. zgavra ‘hole’. Another variant is zguer. A préfixai form

based on PAlb *gawira related to IE *geu-r-, *gou-r- ‘bent, crooked’.
0 P o k o r n y I 39 7 .

zg e rd h ë f, pl. zgerdha ‘bronchial tube’. Derived from dial, zgardh ‘to

open’, further related to gardh (Ç a bej St. II 3 21). Note zgërdhelë ‘hole’,
zgërdhihem ‘to bare one’s teeth’ and zgërdhagët ‘empty’ going back
to the same source (ÇABEJ St. II 3 2 1-322). 0 MEYER Wb. 306 (to ngordh).

z g o r k ë f, pl. zgorka ‘d eep p la ce (in the r iv e r )’. D er iv ed fro m zguer,

se e zgavër.
 Z G RIP ZGJOJ 523

zgrip m, pl. 2gripe ‘side, edge, rim ’. Based on PAlb *gripa related to
OHG krapfo ‘hook’, ON krappr ‘narrow’. 0 M ey er Wb. 205 (to shkrep)-,
JOKL Studien 35. LKUBA 116; POKORNY I 388; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 44
(reconstructs *gfp-)', Ç a b e j St. II 322-323 (follows M e y e r ).

zgrof m, pl. zgrofe ‘stomach-. With a secondary -/- < -p-, a préfixai
derivative of gropë (Ç a b e j St. II 3 2 3 ). 0 JOKL AArbSt. I 4 4 (from Lat
scrobis ‘ditch, dike’).

zgurdulloj aor. zgurdullova ‘to open w id e ( o f e y e s ) ’. A p hon etic variant

o f zgardhulloj ‘to o p e n ’ d eriv ed from zgardh (Ç a b e j St. II 3 2 3 -3 2 4 ).

zgurdhë f ‘re c tu m ’. D e r iv e d from zguer, cf. zgavër (ÇABEJ St. II 324).

0 Jo k l Mélanges Pedersen 141-143 (to zorre); TAGLIAVINI Stratifi­
cazione 100; ClMOCHOWSKl BUShT X III/2 45; HAMP LB XXIV/3 49;
HlJLD 137; B e e k e s Lar. 104 (un tenab le ^g^e-g^reH-do-)', DEMIRAJ AE
427.

zgjebe f ‘itch , sc a b ’. B orro w ed from Lat scabies id. (MIKLOSICH Rom.

Elemente 58). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1048; SCHUCHARDT
KZ X X 253; HAARMANN 148.

zgjedhë f, pl. zgjedha ‘ox yoke’. From PAlb *dis-gada formed with a
prefix *dis- and related to gjedh ‘cattle’ (OREL LB XXIX/4 69-70).
0 C a m a r d a I 88 (to IE *iugom ‘yoke’); M e y e r Wb. 484 (from NGk
i^EvyXa., 'Çe.\)Xa); JOKL Studien 98-100 (derives zgjedhë from *zd-ledhe,
further compared with lidh); BARIÉ ARSt. I 119 (follows CAMARDA
and adds Arm lue ‘yoke’); ÇABEJ St. II 324 (unconvincing parallels
in Germanic; OFries gadia ‘to tie, to unite’, Germ Gatte ‘spouse’);
O rel LB XXIX/4 69-70 (accepts *dis- as a cognate of Gk 5io- ‘double’).

zgjerbe f, pi. zgjerbe ‘m o th ’ . C on n ected w ith gjerb. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 321

(sin g u la r ize d plural o f zgarbë).

zgjiç m ‘little bay’. Derived from gji (ÇABEJ St. II 3 2 4 ).

zgjoj aor.zgjova ‘to w ake, to r o u s e ’. B o rro w ed from R om *exv:gildre

id. (MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1054). 0 BARIC: ARSt 120 (p r efix
z- + co g n a te o f Skt svâpa- ‘dream , s le e p ’); ÇABEJ St. VII 258.
524 ZGJUA ~ Z GJUE — Z JA R M

zgjua ~ zgjue m, pi. zgjoj, zgjoje ‘beehive’. Based on *gjua ~ gjue bor­
rowed from Lat jânua ‘door, entrance’. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 484 (to Slav
*ulbjb id.); W E IG A N D 105 (from Rom *excavöne); JOKL IF XXXVI
109, LKUBA 286 (from Rom *excovus); Ç A B E J St. II 325 (from
*glon-).

zgjyrë f ‘r u st’. B o r ro w e d from Lat scòria ‘d ro ss, s la g ’ ( M e y e r -

LOBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1053). 0 HAARMANN 149.

zi adj., fem. zezë ‘black’. From PAlb *diedi (fern, zezë < *dzedjä), ety­
mologically connected with MHG quüt ‘dirt’, OE cwe'ad ‘bad’, Lith
gëda ‘shame’, Slav *gadhki, ‘disgusting’, *gad-b ‘reptile, worm’ < IE
*g"ed- (J o k l Studien 1 0 0 -1 0 2 , LKUBA 2 7 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 8 4 , Alb. St.
IV 43 (to Lith zilas ‘grey-haired’, Latv zils ‘blue’); PEDERSEN Kelt.
Gr. I 33; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 293; HOLTH AU SEN AEW 64; G EO R G IEV
Issledovanija 120 (to Thracian proper names ZeiÇ aç, Zicnç); PO K O R N Y
I 484; F r a e n k e l 142; Ç a b e j St. II 3 2 5 -3 2 6 (to Lith júodas ‘black’
but the change */- > Alb z- is unconvincing); M a n n Hist. Gr. 110 (follows
Ç a b e j); H u ld 1 3 4 -1 3 5 (to Slav *iid-hki, ‘liquid’); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa
VI 8 1 -8 2 ; O r e l FLH V III/ 1-2 37; D e m ir a j AE 4 2 7 -4 2 8 .

zid m ‘wall’. Borrowed from Slav *zid-b id., cf. South Slavic forms:
Bulg zid, SCr zid (M IK LO SIC H Slav. Elemente 37; M e y e r Wb. 484). 0
S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 148, 173.

ziej aor. zjeva ‘to boil, to cook’. From PAlb *dzernja based on a less
frequent form zie id. < *dzera. For the loss of the final * - r and the
development of corresponding derivatives in *-nja cf. bie ‘to carry’
< *bera ~ (m)baj ‘to hold’ < *en-barnja (OREL Linguistica XXIV 439-
440). The Indo-European parallels go back to *g“her-: Gk Gépo^at ‘to
become hot, to warm, to burn’, OIr fogeir ‘(he) w arm s’ and the like.
See zjarm, zjarr. 0 CAMARDA I 44, 89 (to Gk Çéco ‘to boil’ but Gk Ç-
< IE *i- is never reflected as Alb z-!); M E Y E R Wb. 485 (borrowed
from NGk Çéco ‘to boil’); JO K L IF XLIX 294, Slavia XIII 316; T A G L I­
AVINI Dalmazia 294; M A N N Language XXVIII 38; FRISK 1612; M A Y E R
I 162, II 52 (accepts the comparison with IE *jes- in connection with
Illyr Aquas Jasas); FR ISK I 665-666; P O K O R N Y I 493-495; Ç A B E J St.
II 326-327; OREL FLH V III/1-2 41 (follows MEYER).

zjarm m, pl. zjarme ‘fire’. From PAlb *dzerma etymologically identi­

cal with G k 9ep(j.ôç ‘w arm ’, Arm Jerm id. < *g“hermo- (C a m a r d a I
 Z JA RR — ZORRË 525

71; M e y e r Wb. 485). 0 F r is k II 664-665; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 320-

321, Kelt. Gr. I 108 ; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 293-294; JOKL Reallex.
Vorgesch. I 89; PISANI Saggi 102, 121; POKORNY I 493-495; ÇABEJ St.
VII 201; H u l d 135; D e m ir a j AE 428-429.

zjarr m, pl. zjarre ‘fire’. From PAlb *diera, a new ¿»-stem transformed
from IE *g“heres-, nom. sg. *g"heros, cf. Skt hdras- ‘flame, heat’, Gk
0époç ‘summer’, Arm jer id. (O R E L ZfBalk XXV/2 145). Further con­
nected with zjarm (C A M A R D A I 71; M e y e r Wb. 485, Alb. St. Ill 18).
0 F r is k II 6 6 5 -6 6 6 ; M a y r h o f e r III 579; P o k o r n y I 4 9 3 -4 9 5 ; P e d ­
e r se n KZ XXXVI 320; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 2 9 3 -2 9 4 ; LA PIANA Studi
1 40-41 (re co n str u c ts *gher-muro-)\ MANN Language XXVI 383;
PORZIG Gliederung 163; PISANI Saggi 102, 130; ÇABEJ St. VII 201, 234;
H AMP Awe. IE 115 (treats zjarr as a sin glu raized plural o f zjarm): H u l d
135; DEMIRAJ AE 428-429.

zmojle f ‘fallow (land)’. Borrowed from Rom *exmulgia, a deriva­

tive of Lat è(x)mulgère ‘to milk out, to drain out’, cf. Rum zmulge
(JO K L BA IV 196-198, Slavia XIII 287). 0 P U §C A R IU EWR 182;
M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 31; H a a r m a n n 124; Ç a b e j St. II 327.

zog m, p. zogj ‘bird’. An Oriental Wanderwort, presumably, of Iranian

origin, cf. Arm jag ‘chick’, NPers zâq ‘cub’ (M eyer Alb. St. Ill 18;
H u ld 135-136). 0 S tie r KZ XI 216 (to Gk Çrâov ‘animal’); CAMARDA
I 104 (to Gk Çdbo) ‘to live’, thus implying a derivative of IE *g',i ë-);
MEYER Wb. 486 (to Skt jahu- ‘young animal’); JOKL Sprache IX 143;
P e d e rse n KZ XXXVI 338 (reconstructs *ghäghos); TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 294-295, Stratificazione 143; M ann Language XXVIII 36, Hist.
Gr. 35; PISANI Saggi 120; POKORNY I 409; JUCQUOIS Le Muséon
LXXVIII 445 (adduces Sogd z ’y ‘kind of bird ’); Ç abej ZfPhonetik IX
217-218 (to Lith jégà ‘strength’, Gk rißt) ‘youth, youthful strength’),
St. II 327-328; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 42, Z ßalk XXIII 143; Ham p Festschr.
Shevoroshkin 97-105 (reconstructs *uike-gllo-, to *uei- ‘bird’); DEMIRAJ
AE 429-430.

zorrë f, pl. zorrë ‘gut’. From PAlb *dzärnä, a long grade etymologi­
cally identical with Lith zarnà id. ( M e y e r Wb. 486, Alb. St. Ill 18)
continuing IE *g'’era- ‘to swallow’. 0 C A M A R D A I 88 (to Gk Çcûvti ‘belt,
girdle’), 120 (to Gk %opör| ‘gut’); SO LM SEN KZ XXXIV 2-3; PED ER­
SEN KZ XXXVI 358; BariC ARSt. I 74; JO K L Melanges Pedersen 139-
526 zot — zverk

142 (to IE *g“era-)\ TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 295, Stratificazione 100; Er-

NOUT-MEILLET 290; MANN Language XXVIII 34 (to Lat hlra ‘g u t’);
L a P ia n a Studi I 22; P is a n i Saggi 125; C im o c h o w sk i LP II 232;
F r a e n k e l 1291; P o k o r n y I 434-435;
ö l b e r g IRK XIV 109; H a m p
LB XXIV/3 49; Ç a b e j St. VII 234; H u l d 136-137; O rel ZfBalk XXIII
145; D e m ir a j AE 430-431.

zot m. pl. zotërinj, zotër, zota ‘lord, m aster, g o d ’. From P A lb *w(i)ts-

pati- ety m o lo g ic a lly id en tical w ith Skt vis-pati- ‘lord o f the h o u se ’
(H a m p Festschr. Shevoroshkin 95-96). T he fem in in e form zonjë c o n ­
tin u es *w(i)ts-patnjâ. 0 G i l ’FERDING Otn. 22 (zonjë to Skt jàni-
‘w o m a n ’); M e y e r Wb. 486-487 (to Skt jayate ‘to be b o rn ’; zonjë c o m ­
pared w ith IE *g“ená ‘w o m a n ’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 324 (d e riv e s
zonjë from ^g^eniâ-, in terp rets zot and zonjë as co m p o u n d s in clu d in g
*-potis and *potniâ, w ith the first com p o n en t reco n stru cted a s *g',iia
‘l if e ’); B a r i Í ARSt 121-124 (from IE *djeu-t-)\ TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
295 (com p a res zot w ith Skt jäspati- ‘h o u se m a ste r’); LA PIANA St.
Varia 33 (from *g*jä-tä, to *g“ei- ‘to liv e ’); MANN Language XXVIII
32; SZEMERÉNYI Syncope 375 (again st TAGLIAVINI); SOLTA Sprache
V 198-199; MAYRHOFER III 224-225; ÇABEJ Z f Phonetik IX 222 f. (to
Gk âyioç ‘saint’); BUDIMIR AArbSt I V / 1 157-160, GjA XI/2 (1972[1974])
85-86; PISANI Sprache VII 99-103 (< IE *g“ês-poti-l-potnï)\ OREL FLH
VTII/1-2 42 (on the p h on etic d ev elo p m en t); KLINGENSCHMITT Lldg.
104 (from *desiäs + poti- sim ilar to A rm ter ‘lord, m a ste r’ < *desiâs
+ anër)\ DEMIRAJ AE 431-432.

zulë f ‘shout, glory’. The derivative zulmë ‘glory’ is more widespread.

From PAlb *dzula, a zero-grade derivative of IE *ghau(a)- ‘to call’:
Skt hdvate, Av zavaiti, Slav *zi,vati. 0 MEYER Wb. 487 (to zurnë <
Turk zum a ‘kind of flute’); M a n n Language XXVIII 38 (to Gk ïouÀoç
‘down, the first growth of the whiskers and beard; corn-sheaf’ - com­
parison based on the misunderstanding of the Greek word); ÇABEJ
St. II 328-329 (“word of dubious origin”).

zushë f ‘heat, noon heat’. Borrowed, wilh an irregular z-, from Slav
*susa ‘drought’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg susa, SCr susa. 0 H u ld KZ
XCVIII (from *djeu + eus(i)eH ‘heat of the daytime sky’).

zverk m ‘occiput’. Derived from an unattested *vark > *verk based

on vjerr. 0 M e y e r Wb. 488 (to Lith gerkli ‘throat’); T a g l i a v i n i Dal-
 ZVJERDH (G) 7.HYS 527

mazia 296, Stratificazione 100; C im o c h o w sk i ABS III 42 (from z- +

*yorkos, further connected with W cywarch ‘rope’ < Celt *kom-vor-
ko-y, Ç a b e j St. VII 200; M o u t s o s AIAK 338-344 (borrowed from Gk
cßepKOs ‘nape of the neck'); H u l d KZ CVII/1 165-171 (from Goth
*swairhs).

zvjerdh aor.zvordha ‘to wean'. A préfixai form based on PAlb *verdza

related to Lith verziu, verzti ‘to lace, to tie’, Latv vërzt ‘to turn’, Slav
*verzti ‘to bind’ and the like ( M e y e r Wb. 4 8 8 , Alb. St. Ill 18, 3 8 , 7 2 ).
0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 3 5 (from IE *yert-)\ F r a e n k e l 1 2 3 0 -1 2 3 1 ;
P o k o r n y I 1 1 6 8 -1 1 6 9 ; D e m ir a j AE 4 3 2 .

zy m të adj. ‘d ark ’. O r ig in a lly *zym, this is a d eriv a tiv e o f zi (Ç a bej

St. II 3 2 9 ).

Zh
zh arg m ‘snake skin’. Identical with shark (Ç a b e j II 330-331).

zh d ërvjellët adj. ‘adroit, deft, developed'. An expressive infigated form

of the Italianisti! zhvilloj ‘to develop’. 0 MEYER Wb. 488 (from SCr
zrijeb ‘lot’); JOKL Slavia XIII 318 (to IE *uel- ‘to turn’); ÇABEJ II
331 (follows J o k l) .

zh eg m ‘heat’. Borrowed from Slav *zegh id., cf. SCr zega ‘sun-heat’
( M e y e r Wb. 488). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 197.

zhum binë f, pl. zhumbina 'gum '. B orrow ed from Slav *zçbina id. derived
from *zçb-b ‘to o th ’ (SCHWYZER KZ LVII 259-260).

zhur m ‘gravel’. Another variant is shur. Borrowed from Lat saburra

‘sand ballast’ (MEYER Wb. 4 2 0 ). 0 H a a r m a n n 147; Ç a b e j ft. VII 2 51.

(G) z h y s aor. zhyta ‘to dive’. From PAlb *dis-üd-tja derived from IE
*yed- ~ *ud- ‘water’, see mbys (HAMP Laryngeals 139). 0 CAMARDA
I 89 (reconstructs a prefix sh- followed by the root related to Gk 5\>(o
‘to imm erse’); B a r i C ARSt 124 (to Gk ßanxco ‘to dip’); SCHMIDT KZ
L 246-247 (from IE *üdiö)\ P o k o r n y I 78-80; Ç a b e j II 332; H u l d
90-91.
 ,JUO
abandon, 292
abandoned, 433
abase, 418
abdom en, 18
about, 250, 319
above, 396
abscess, 288
absent-m indedness, 158
absolutely, 276
acacia, 373
accept, 341
accessory, 149
accident, 31, 109
accom m odate, 39
accom pany, 425
accom plice, 396
according to, 395
accuse, 307
accustom , 280
ache, 81, 184. 395
acm e, 382
acorn, 120, 218
acquire, 69
across, 60, 418
act, 251
actually, 146
adapt, 322
add butter or oil, 485
add fat and oil, 259
add ferm ent to milk, 472
adder, 290
adjust, 120
adm inister, 248
adm it, 337, 341
adopted brother, 337
adopted sister, 346
adore, 1, 489
adornm ent, 400
adroit, 527
adult, 280
adulterer, 150
affect, 294
affection, 243
afraid. 76
 INDICES

afterbirth, 18
afternoon, 522
afterw ards, 142, 310
again, 1, 6, 310, 342, 397
against, 204, 312
age, 159, 274, 410, 504
agile, 27, 418
agitate, 362, 454
agitation, 238
agonizing doubts, 375
agony, 144
aíling, 38, 227, 514
ailing person, 224
ailm ent, 224
aim , 45, 489
air, 2, 89, 366
air-hole o f a chim ney, 375
alarm , 207
A lbanian, 7, 434
alder, 141, 500
alive, 129
all, 136, 454
allegory, 230
alley, 219
allure, 244
alluvium , 135, 216, 236, 237
alm ond, 256
alm ost, 341
alms, 222
alone, 201
along, 298, 307
along the ground, 307
alongside, 341
alpine hut, 39
alpine m eadow , 388
alpine pasture, 375
also, 85
altar, 205, 232
alter, 285
although, 287
alum , 407
alw ays, 454
am azing, 267
am bush, 99, 210, 403
 530 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

am ong, 270, 283 arm lets, 486

am putate, 412 arm or, 37
anchor, 144 arm pit, 400
ancient, 332 arm y, 104, 490
and, 85, 292 arom a, 4
angel, 88 arom atic shrub, 66
anger, 196, 258, 317 around, 250, 306, 319
angle, 45, 177, 235 arouse, 159, 285, 293
angry, 236 arrange, 63, 248, 256, 287, 304, 365
angular stone, 188 a rra y , 287
anim al, 57, 70, 163, 437, 525 arrest, 369
anim al w ith one testicle, 228 arriv e, 10, 170, 250
ankle, 282, 303, 518 arrive unexpectedly, 322
annex, 389 arrow , 21, 390, 414
announce, 146, 204, 216, 427 arsenic, 371
announcem ent, 204 arthritis, 46, 346
annoy, 293, 295, 298 artisan, 451, 453
anoint, 124, 300, 445 A rum anian, 370, 512
ant, 82, 245, 257, 273, 480 as, 6, 186, 395
anticipate, 346 as if, 186, 192
anus, 295 ash, 108, 147, 432
anybody, 201 ash-tree, 2, 102
anyw ay, 309 ashes, 159, 329
aphid, 136 ask, 235, 236, 344, 352, 353, 358
apiary, 29 askew, 183
appear, 22, 54, 78, 156, 217, 518 ass, 183, 245, 279
appear m isty, 498 assault, 138
appearing to be double, 55 assem bly, 208
appease, 308 assess, 480
appetite, 91, 178, 381, 451 assist, 286, 374
apple, 272, 494 assort, 417
apple tree, 272 asthm a, 430
apply rouge, 485 astonish, 53, 141, 153
appointm ent, 307 astound, 241
approach, 2, 347, 354 astragalus, 489
approach unnoticed, 195 at, 174, 250, 289
A pril, 345 at any rate, 285
apron, 310, 338, 342, 377 at least, 242
arbutus, 123, 183, 276 at once, 251
arc, 55, 504, 518 at the foot, 322
arch, 106, 183, 356 at the sam e tim e, 454
arch over, 201 at the side, 261
archbishop, 512 attach, 51, 300
area, 7, 194, 464 attack, 138, 264, 404
area cleaned o f trees and stum ps, 180 attem pt, 277
arise, 344, 386 attendant, 93
ark, 40 attention, 366, 374
arm , 9, 22, 193, 194 augur, 519
arm ed group, 52 augury, 187
arm ful, 260 August, 128
arm ful o f corn, 169 aunt, 87, 217, 453
arm istice, 463 autum n, 512
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 531

autum n m onth, 37 bare ones teeth, 522

avalanche, 71, 72, 369, 375 barefooted, 249
avarice, 211 barge, 234
avenge, 320 barge-pole, 72
avert, 261 bark, 39, 100, 109, 172, 191, 212, 213,
aw ay, 307, 497 216, 221, 234, 398, 419, 485
aw kw ardness, 76 barley, 75, 86
aw l, 94, 95 barley beer, 38
aw n, 379, 404, 490 barley flour, 270
axe, 215, 347, 393, 395, 459 barm , 253
axe-handle, 395 barn, 247, 332, 333, 334, 363
axis, 11, 32, 261 barrel, 43, 100, 161, 163, 180, 253, 276,
axle, 32 420, 471
azure, 372 b arren, 5, 21, 114, 356, 437
b arren cow, 356
babble, 23, 213 b arrow , 416
baby, 183, 418 basem ent, 174
baby shirt, 126 baseness, 332
back, 19, 27, 195, 252, 309, 312, 340, basil, 13
342, 430, 457, 469 basket, 69, 101, 162, 180, 193, 359, 431
back edge, 281 basket m ade of bark, 422
back o f the knee, 400 bast, 18, 21, 221, 223, 239
back side, 44, 468 bast m at, 367
backbone, 207 bast shoes, 383
backw ards, 1, 342 bastard, 190, 328
bad, 84, 99, 113, 150, 157, 1 7 5 ,2 1 3 ,2 2 7 , bath, 16, 227
348, 389, 506, 524 bathe, 210
bad habit, 501 batter, 49
badger, 15, 510 battle, 110
badly born, 64 baulk, 258
badness, 243 bay, 523
bag, 63, 70, 109, 162, 476 be, 33, 39, 44, 134, 156, 168, 251, 343,
bag and baggage, 209 503
bait, 90, 403 be able, 277, 278, 436, 511
bake, 323, 329 be accum ulated, 113
baking plate, 359 be afraid, 490
bald, 126 be agile, 416
bald spot, 459 be alone, 201
bale, 55, 109 be angry, 97
balk, 216 be astonished, 153, 262, 490
ball, 120, 123, 129, 223, 326, 445 be aw are, 364
balm , 15 be bent, 375
band, 19, 76, 78, 94, 136, 210, 228, 288, be bew ildered, 464
302, 455, 481, 482, 503 be born, 131, 217, 228, 526
bandage, 19, 94, 228, 288, 332 be brave, 55
bandolier, 401 be charm ed, 262
bank, 34, 43, 243, 247, 386 be childish, 257
baptism , 13 be cold, 4
baptize, 308 be crooked, 513
bar, 33, 185, 239, 351, 435 be dim, 492, 492
barbel, 20, 115 be dressed, 501
bard, 115 be eager, 236
bare, 21, 326 be enough, 177
 532 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

be exhausted, 325 be spread, 317

be faint, 224 be throw n, 385
be fascinated, 262 be tired, 325
be fertile, 304 be violent, 235
be fierce, 235 be visible, 78, 147
be fit, 131 be w arm , 105, 492
be fond of, 77 be well, 141
be found, 344 be wet, 234
be frightened, 216 be white, 212, 405
be gathered, 113 be w orth, 512
be healthy, 178, 5 11 beak, 357, 400, 478
be heavy, 264, 316, 370 beaker, 68
be hungry, 3, 90 beam , 17, 70, 268, 357, 427, 428, 435,
be ill, 61, 517 460, 462, 500
be in a h u rry , 429
beam o f the oil-press, 460
be in heat, 296
bean, 102, 125, 166, 271, 479
be inclined, 334
beans, 20
be indignant, 406
bear, 8, 10, 69, 80, 228, 249, 330, 455,
be indistinct, 498
483, 510
be inebriated, 321
bear down, 264
be lame, 292, 418, 433
bear feathers, 327
be late, 261, 396
bear with, 194
be lazy, 322
b earberry, 245
be like, 128
beard, 269, 379
be lim ping, 292
be m erry, 277 beast, 27, 32, 70, 437
be necessary, 380 beat, 14, 19, 24, 30, 53, 119, 187, 251,
be obstinate, 363 252, 253, 289, 343, 357, 360, 364, 377,
be old, 257 377, 379, 468, 482, 483, 483, 488
be on tim e, 322 beat down, 322
be out o f tune, 455 beat with a cane, 348
be painful, 395 beautiful, 40, 189
be paraly/.ed, 292 beautiful appearance, 182, 419
be patient, 79 beautiful m aiden, 522
be perforated, 417 beauty, 68
be present, 131 because, 360
be proud, 114 becom e, 128, 156, 387, 397
be quiet, 310, 370 becom e cloudy, 516
be ready, 388 becom e dark, 372
be ruptured, 331 becom e dirty, 364
be sated, 178 becom e em pty, 358
be scattered, 432 becom e erected, 295
be sent forth, 217 becom e exhausted, 514
be settled, 131 becom e fat, 96
be sexually attracted. 423 becom e hard, 436
be short o f breath, 325 becom e hot, 524
be sick, 114 becom e im pregnated, 476
be silent, 255, 445 becom e m ad, 215, 464
be slick, 234 becom e m arshy, 314
be slow, 322, 402 becom e old, 125
be sluggish, 322 becom e ripe, 177
be soaked, 517 becom e senile, 257
be spoilt, 97 becom e separated. 172
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 533

becom e silent, 448 berry, 189, 190

becom e sour, 367, 375, 436 berserk, 236
becom e stiff, 436 beseech, 226
becom e stupid, 464 beside, 298, 341
becom e thin, 480 besides, 497
becom e tired. 192 besm ear, 236, 321
becom e w eak, 61, 76 besm irch, 279
becom e wet, 222, 224, 242 bespatter, 195, 319
becom e wild, 264 besprinkle, 346
becom e w orse, 294 best, 494
bed, 137, 340, 441 best part, 51, 413
bed cover, 340 bet, 207
bedding, 401, 402 betroth, 94, 252
bee, 29, 268, 373 betw een, 254, 270, 284
beech, 2, 42, 422 bewitch. 519
beehive, 192, 197, 356, 524 beyond, 342
beer, 23, 325 bifurcate, 382
beestings, 123, 203, 363 big, 36, 214, 228, 240, 241, 513
beet, 395 big dog, 408
big duck, 427
beetle, 161, 168, 357
big fishing net
before, 132, 307, 307, 311, 319, 343
big forest, 449
beg, 90, 225, 226, 235, 236, 352
big nail, 473
beget, 228, 330
big vessel, 409
begin, 97, 300
big-eared, 213
behave as a bird, 327
bile, 454, 515
behind, 27, 155, 249, 252, 312, 340, 342
bill, 340
behold, 148, 156
billhook, 163, 187
being, 394
billow , 361
being silent, 255, 470
bin, 161
belch, 124
bind, 59, 135, 136, 157, 226, 358, 427,
belief, 20, 94
490, 527
bell, 177, 229
birch, 34, 264
belladonna, 432 birch b ark vessel, 180
bellow , 23, 73, 240, 310 birch rod, 386
bellow s, 13, 31 bird, 12, 123, 162, 312, 374, 429, 510,
belly, 14, 18, 55, 182, 231 519, 525
belly-band, 361 bird o f prey, 108, 434
belly-w orm , 376 b ird trap, 423
belongings, 453 b ird ’s droppings, 118
below , 322, 340, 450 b ird s’ pease, 306
belt, 36, 299, 383, 392, 401, 426, 521, b ird ’s stom ach, 382
525 birthm ark, 220, 409
belt buckle, 459 bishop, 317, 487
bench, 137, 420 bit, 27, 76, 82, 124, 477
bend, 14, 39, 43, 89, 98. 99, 115, 119, bitch, 43, 176, 236, 406
177, 184, 201, 211, 223, 224, 229, 235, bite, 3, 50, 56, 69, 164, 185, 274, 288,
254, 320, 327, 330, 344, 370, 375, 376, 378, 383, 472
386, 414, 445, 464, 474, 512 bitter, 60, 84, 136, 147, 149, 436, 454,
bending, 474 472
bent, 184, 381, 474, 522 bitter frost, 275
benum b, 275, 328 bitter oak, 354
 534 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

black, 30, 39, 46, 51, 165, 171, 259, 260, boil dow n, 323, 342
281, 297, 399, 402. 478, 516, 524 boil up, 383
black ashes, 423 boiler, 5
black goat, 187 boiling hot, 494
black sheep, 108 bold, 65
blackberry, 169, 244 bolt, 8, 77, 185, 239, 261, 395
blackbird, 47, 110, 259 bone, 11, 70, 164, 173, 183, 187, 369,
blackthorn, 75, 203 379
bladder, 104, 264, 468 bone o f arm or leg, 70
blade, 224, 233, 450 boneless, 446
blam e, 360, 430 bonnet, 176, 184
blanket, 340 booth, 330
blast, 99 booty, 209, 342, 347, 383
blaze, 98, 113 border, 7, 334, 375, 397
blearedness, 218 bore, 26, 94, 263, 327, 462, 467
bleat, 28, 505 borough, 42
blender, 53 borzoi, 43
bless, 20
bosom , 342, 396, 479
blessed, 234, 242
boss, 41
blight, 149, 266, 516
bot-fly, 193
blind, 137, 313, 432, 499
both, 25
blindw orm , 41, 164
bother, 380
blister, 97, 104. 107. 264, 348, 425
bottle, 205
blizzard, 336
bottom , 43, 106, 295, 325, 337
block, 181, 294
boulder, 114, 273, 316, 338
blond, 376
bound together, 139
blood, 129
blood relation, 204 boundary, 207, 257, 258, 270, 357, 358,
blood sister, 396 398
blood-vessel, 59 boundary m ark, 341
bloom , 54 bovine, 117
blossom , 87, 88, 521 bow, 9, 21, 23, 24, 59, 77, 79. 142, 211,
blow, 2, 13, 91, 99, 100, 103, 104, 107, 327
253, 335, 404. 415, 470, 471 bow dow'n, 89
blow out, 91, 406 bow -string, 59, 282
blow through, 469 bowels, 333
blow up, 308, 348 bowl, 49, 163, 189, 205, 355, 404, 475
blow ing, 99, 100 box, 9, 163, 353, 365, 378, 413, 415
blue, 30, 38, 166. 372, 405, 524 box-tree, 33
bluff, 346 boxw ood, 43
blunder, 346 boy, 45, 48. 53, 67, 418, 513
blunt, 43, 363, 364, 459 bracelet, 486
blunt side (o f an axe), 364 brag, 161
blur, 339 brain. 63, 195, 199, 466
blush, 183 bram ble, 169
boar, 21, 108 bram ble-bush, 152
board, 42, 64, 223, 234, 332, 435, 442 bran, 148, 185, 198, 397, 412
boat, 18, 234, 448 branch, 25, 27, 54, 57, 79. 112, 134, 181,
body, 182, 191, 419, 423 186, 196, 374, 380, 384, 3 9 1 ,4 11 ,424,
bog, 237 434, 464, 473
bogey, 43, 209, 233, 237, 242, 273, 514 brand, 517
boil, 133, 241, 242, 253, 288, 321, 323, brand new, 464
342, 350, 487, 494, 524 brave, 42, 90, 252, 464
 IN D E X O E M E A N IN G S 535

braw l, 239 bring over, 24, 431

bray, 310, 318 bring to light, 51
bread, 39, 40, 78, 328, 378 bring together, 289
bread crum b, 414 brink, 245
bread crust, 197, 281, 478 briny, 298
breadboard, 359 bristle, 52, 122, 181, 412, 475
break, 7, 35, 56, 75, 77, 92, 101, 103, brittle, 197
1 5 2 ,1 8 0 ,2 1 2 , 222, 223, 233, 239, 288, broach, 5 1
368, 379, 380, 390, 4 3 5 ,4 6 6 , 4 6 9 ,4 7 7 , broad, 133, 332
482, 483 broad axe, 359
break (of the day), 66 broad bean, 19
break a fast, 321 broad dish, 276
break asunder, 389 broad-leafed cabbage, 237
break into pieces, 444 broad-leafed plant, 225, 238
break up, 322 broadcloth, 404
breakfast, 135, 396, 431 broken, 182, 262, 515
breaking, 222 broken branches, 222
bream , 427 broken off, 477
breast, 37, 46, 135, 194, 311, 350, 396 broken wind, 143
breast bone, 415 bronchial tube, 522
breastplate, 36 bronze, 361, 368, 372
breath, 2, 57, 103, 306, 308, 470 brood, 187
breathe, 5, 54, 65, 91 broody hen, 362
breathing, 57 brook, 53, 211, 215, 323, 348, 367, 404,
breeches, 35 409, 508
breeding boar, 108 broom , 10, 75, 104, 133, 365, 428
breeze, 404 broom -plant, 133
bribe, 268 broth, 224
brick, 334, 457 brothel, 95
bride, 302, 303, 367 brother, 6, 13, 503
brid e’s gift, 56 b rother-in-law , 204, 270, 504
b rid e ’s m an, 198 brow n, 278, 385
bridegroom , 82, 94 bruise, 104, 252
bridge, 8, 488, 507 brush, 104, 405, 412, 468
bridle, 102, 132, 381 brushw ood, 74, 172, 196, 281, 347, 417,
brier, 263, 279, 372, 434 417
brier-bush, 73 bubble, 41, 104, 107, 205, 260, 264, 336,
brigand, 48 348, 468
bright, 29, 75, 147, 205, 282 bucket, 172
brighten, 200 buckw heat, 148
brightness, 66 bud, 38, 41, 234, 250, 277, 304, 350, 404
brim -full, 47 buffalo, 39
brine, 379 buffalo steer, 280
bring, 24, 26, 53, 143, 251, 397 buffalo-calf, 255
bring back, 248 bug, 52, 402
bring a sacrifice, 315, 316 build, 119, 285, 394, 453
bring away, 430 build up, 148
bring down, 416 builder, 270
bring forw ard, 105 building, 8, 119, 337
bring in high spirits (o f a horse) building site, 332
bring m isfortune, 97 bulb, 189, 357
bring out, 362 Bulgarian, 432
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 537
536

bull, 39, 72, 160, 452 cadaver, 182, 264 castle, 185. 188 charm , 241, 416
bull-calf, 255 cajole, 235, 398 castrate, 160, 398, 421. 463 charred log, 119
bump, 16, 127 cake, 328 castrated boar, 24 chase, 138, 286, 469, 470
bunch, 15, 228, 468 calendula, 167 cat, 54. I l l , 239, 240, 265, 327 chased, 137
bunch (of grapes), 508 calf, 59, 105, 194, 231, 349, 418, 506, cat-thym e, 245 chastise, 285
bunch o f flow ers, 468 507 catapult, 150, 333 chat like a parrot, 231
bundle, 14, 19, 55, 186, 456, 458, 465, c a l f s leather, 451 catch, 169, 275 chatter, 110, 239, 297
468 c alf’s stom ach, 136 catch fire, 420 cheat, 235, 467
bung, 78, 248, 253 call, 115, 121, 176, 286, 363, 477 catch m ice, 325 check, 292
burden, 18, 19, 249, 288, 293, 415, 463 call out, 53, 362 caterpillar, 81, 499 cheek, 43, 93, 301
burdock, 237, 378, 388 call-up, 207 catgut, 191 cheekbone. 301
burial, 253 calm , 351 Catholic, 225 cheerful. 278, 294
burn, 68, 82, 84, 91, 109, 147, 296, 339, calum niate, 430 catkin, 111, 225 cheese, 67, 149, 369, 483
348, 423, 471, 476, 487, 488, 524 calum ny, 167 cattle, 14, 33, 131, 231, 523 cheese w orm s, 441
burn incense, 163, 470 cam p, 104 cattle shed, 507 cheese-cloth, 225, 282
burn out, 58 cam paign, 106 cattle-pen, 337 cheese-m aker, 13, 438
burning, 5, 91 can, 109 cattle-tick, 179 ch erry , 358, 509
burning log, 488 canal, 78 caulk, 5, 166 chest, 9, 135, 163, 194, 353, 378
TS5nüng,ôîîëfLSfr^i
cause pain, 243 chew, 50, 241, 264, 323
burning strongly, 473 cane, 1 18, 167, 168, 348, 397, 421, 465,
cause to lean, 361 chick, 157, 349, 525 h n r n in c j wrvncl 7Q 474. 509
J J Z -,

capable, 2 cave, 107, 114, 120, 122, 389, 428, 522 chicken-coop, 106
b urst into, 420
cape of wool, 187 cavern, 107, 120, 489 chickenpox, 228
b u rst out, 113
capon, 170 caviar, 154 chickling, 271
bury, 253
, 1 6 2 ,2 0 7 ,2 4 0 , 351, caprice, 379 caw , 199 chicory, 191, 221
bush. 53, 73, 79, 101
>8, 472 caravan, 495 cedar 63 chief, 346
421, 422. 425, 4
carcass, 171, 182 celebrate, 310 c hief shepherd, 13, 403
bushel, 172, 271
card, 114, 224, 360, 420, 424, 431 cellar, 114, 156, 174, 337, 363 chilblain, 273
bushy, 351
2, 336 care, 313 center, 356 child, 19, 54, 57, 95, 165, 190, 217, 330
but, 11, 85, 185, 2A
caress, 40, 81, 118, 159, 210, 212, 216, cereal needing three m onths to ripen, 455 513
butcher, 182
235, 266, 416 cereals, 78 children gam e, 373
b u tch er’s-broom , 3‘
caries, 37 chaff, 2, 149, 167 chill, 245
butt, 161, 469
carnage, 335 chaffinch, 12, 32 chim e, 370
butter, 129, 488, 51
carp, 194 chain, 129, 186, 341, 494, 495, 500 chin, 269
buttercup, 290
carpenter, 453 chain o f m ountains, 394 chip, 55, 196, 329, 347, 465
butterfly, 101, 237
carrion, 182, 236, 263, 264, 441 chain ring, 500 chipped, 405
butterm ilk, 80
c arry , 18, 24, 248, 355, 483, 498, 510 chair, 172, 185, 397, 403, 433, 468 chipping, 347
buttock, 44, 309, 5
carry away, 382, 484 chalice, 176 chirp, 327
button, 250, 481
carry back, 249 chalk, 255 chisel, 54, 59
buttonhole, 382
carry (in a vehicle), 514 cham ber, 475 choke, 178, 255, 295, 343, 412
buy, 29, 344
c arry out, 44, 462, 519 C ham erian, 49 cholera (of anim als), 99
buy up, 360
carry out the burial, 393 cham ois, 161 chop, 416, 522
buzzard, 307
cart, 172, 189, 358 chance, 294 chop up, 49
by. 341
cartham us, 389 change, 285, 420, 464 C hrist, 197
by God, 406
cartilage, 180, 372 channel, 233 C hrist-thorn, 279
chaotic, 389 C hristian, 185, 197
carve, 166 cabbage, 211
case, 177, 365 chap, 190 C hristm as, 183
, 132 cabbage-stum p, 12 i
cask, 191 charcoal, 119, 190 C hristm as day, 181
cabin, 337
cassock, 366 charge, 287, 293 chunk, 238
cable, 426
cast spells, 519 charity, 222 church, 28, 186
cackle, 108
538 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

churn, 276 clotted curds, 192

churn-staff, 376 cloud, 12, 90, 269, 366, 380, 516
cinerary urn, 495 cloud o f dust or sm oke, 159
circle, 183, 354, 358, 360, 381, 382, 387, cloud over, 281
390, 460, 513 cloudy, 246, 516
c ircular, 490 clover, 242
circum ference, 513 clow n, 447
circum stance, 381 club, 103, 310
cistern, 402 cluck, 187
citron, 362 clue, 223
citrus (tree), 362 cluster, 125, 176, 361, 361
city, 364 coagulate, 148, 364, 384
clam ber, 161 coarse, 433
clam bering vetch, 280 coarse wool, 270
clan, 52 coast, 34, 386
clap, 187 coat m ade of skin, 174
clapper, 357, 390 cobw eb, 168
clarified butter, 129 cock (of a eun), 78
class, 309 cod, 271
clatter, 187 coffin, 9, 507
claw , 116, 200 cog, 474
clay, 59, 118, 216, 229, 255, 305 coil, 356
clay pot, 498, 514 coin, 304, 315
clay vessel, 113, 438 cold, 1, 38, 45, 46, 102, 105, 275, 296,
clay wall, 216 455, 475
clean, 63, 148, 360, 363 cold (illness), 99, 414
clean cut, 377 cold period, 102
cleaning rag, 219 cold season, 455
cleanse, 63, 166 cold wind, 475
cleanse (of m etal) collapse, 122
clear, 148, 282, 354, 419 collar, 202, 417
clear up, 200 collar-bone, 194
clearing, 137, 373 colleague, 396
cleave, 27, 49, 95 collect, 135, 195, 251
cleft, 50, 380 color, 300
clem atis, 202, 225 colored, 33
clever, 256, 393, 502 colored like a m ouse, 280
clim b, 7, 161, 237 colostrum , 363
clim bing, 7 colt, 349
cling, 344 colum n, 444, 464
clip, 171, 421 com b, 102, 114, 195, 209, 224, 314, 326,
cloak, 406 328, 329, 401, 405, 424, 431, 447
clod, 114, 281, 334 com bings, 404
close, 77, 251, 254 com e, 10, 88, 154, 156, 177, 502, 508
close a sack with a peg, 205 com e in the m orning, 261
close to death, 313 com e into existence, 397
closely cropped, 375 com e near, 347
clot, 123, 299, 364 com e off, 288
cloth, 213, 219, 226, 282, 312, 313, 318, com e out, 54
337, 366, 375, 379, 404 com fort, 298, 344
clothes, 317, 502 com fortable, 287
clothing, 502 com m erce, 204
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 539

com m it a fault, 297 cope, 388

com m on, 348 copper, 144, 361, 367
com m unicate, 205 copulate, 360
com m union bread, 100 copy, 139
com m union cup, 176 cord, 73, 223
com m unity forest, 347 core of corn-cob, 161
com panion, 426 cork, 449
com petition, 110 corn, 125, 183, 190, 203, 237, 248, 328,
com plain, 479 355
com plaint, 479 corn straw , 448
com plete, 129, 249 corn-cob, 161, 170. 446, 448
com pletely, 129, 487 corn-m easure, 172, 281
com plicate, 294 corn-sheaf, 526
com press, 468 cornel, 425, 472
com rade, 394, 426 cornel-cherry, 74
com rade-in-arm s, 396 corner, 37, 177, 188, 365, 382
concede, 286 cornice, 400
concern, 313 corpse, 263, 402, 441, 467
concubine, 411 correct, 285
condem n, 63 correspond, 131
condition, 207, 489 cost, 207, 512
confidence, 317 couch-grass, 121, 327
confuse, 165, 220 cough, 114, 189, 422
confusion, 383 council, 185, 208, 333
congratulate, 489 count, 230, 256, 291, 304
congress, 333 country, 106
conjure, 481 country estate, 104
connection, 78 courageous, 42, 90, 464
conquer, 521 court, 139, 227, 306, 404
consider, 105, 304 cousin, 207
constriction, 341 cover, 55, 62, 104, 119, 199, 212, 253,
construct, 285 297, 308, 312, 313, 331, 332, 337, 351,
construction, 443 3 5 7 ,4 0 2 ,4 1 0 ,4 2 5 , 443, 456, 457, 458,
consul, 207 474, 501, 502
consum e, 42 cover closely, 352
contain, 354 cover with dust, 342
container, 354 cover with gold, 282
contend, 127 cover w ith oil, 236
contest, 319 covered with hair, 351
contort, 348 covering, 226, 357
contour, 417 coverlet, 308
contrivance, 261 cow, 160, 231, 393
control, 287 cow -bell, 465
conversation, 27, 104, 483 cow shed, 247
convince, 25 crab, 116
convulsion, 113 crack, 50, 180, 212, 419
coo, 297 crack up, 103
cook, 46, 133, 152, 329, 487, 514, 524 cracked pot, 187
cooking, 83, 514 c radle, 68, 300, 320
cool, 46, 101, 105 cram , 18, 92, 295
cool wind, 126 cram p, 46, 113, 165, 294
coot, 14, 475 cram ping, 341
540 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

crane, 199 cubit, 208

crash, 340, 378 cucum ber, 173, 205, 461
crater, 238 cudgel, 14, 103
craw l, 130, 139, 425 cuirass, 449
craw l flatwise, 406 culm ination, 382
crayfish, 116 cultivate, 203, 225, 342, 397
crazy, 246, 416 cup, 49, 355
creak, 60, 113, 180, 197 curb, 386
cream , 3, 136, 248, 516 curdle, 299
crease, 494, 503, 519 curdled m ilk, 136
creature, 107 cure, 258
credulous, 220 curl, 53, 159, 195
credulous person, 460 curled, 196
creep, 515 curly, 163, 195, 220
creep up, 387 curly fur, 432
crest, 162, 162, 196, 209 curry-com b, 195
Cretan m aple, 195 curse, 244, 290, 291, 306
crib, 169 curve, 73, 135, 211, 414, 518, 519
cricket, 10, 39, 460 curved, 89, 184, 381, 416, 441
cripple, 139 cushion, 203
crisp, 196 custom , 519
crock, 405 cut, 7, 32, 34, 37, 49, 50, 52, 54, 81, 95,
crocodile, 164 116, 142, 143, 145, 146, 150, 160, 171,
crooked, 49, 89, 112, 115, 1 8 4.416, 441, 172, 192, 194, 196, 200, 283, 288, 343,
445, 474, 484, 522 358, 359, 3 6 1 ,3 6 4 , 380, 3 9 2 ,4 0 7 , 409,
crooked tree, 161 4 1 2 ,4 1 5 ,4 1 7 ,4 1 9 ,4 2 4 ,4 3 2 ,4 4 7 ,4 4 9 ,
crop, 122, 307, 514 450, 451, 453. 459, 471, 472, 488, 522
cross, 169, 170, 183, 199, 408, 409, 417, cut hair, 359
445 cut (m eat)
cross over, 462 cut (vine)
cross-eyed, 504 cut deep, 152
crossroads, 464 cut dow n, 143, 412, 455, 508
crossw ise, 183 cut fleece on sheep, 323
crow , 399, 516 cut into pieces, 63, 124, 418
crow -bar, 222 cut off, 72, 411, 416, 424, 433, 458
crow d, 70, 125, 146, 237, 273, 334, 467, cut o ff part, 448
468, 469 cuticle, 355
crow n, 206 cutter, 409
crude, 197 cutting, 347
crum b, 76, 124, 222, 266, 271, 322, 465, C ydonian apple, 105
477
crum ble, 56, 374, 465 dad, 6, 450
crum bled plaster, 143 daffodil, 13
crum bling soil, 316 dairy goat, 88
crum ple, 519 dam , 120, 158, 488
crupper, 510 dam age, 63, 184
crush, 75, 77, 99, 239, 444, 474, 474 dam nation, 449
crust, 191 dam pness, 238
crustacean, 472 dam selfly, 203
cry, 6, 23, 116, 134, 176, 180, 327, 353, dance, 143, 144, 176, 180, 230, 388, 494
354, 371, 376, 399, 508 dance in a ring, 200
cub. 72, 176, 190, 200, 208 dancing party, 176
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 541

dandruff, 144, 433, 516 deep pit, 459

danger, 346 deep place, 119, 122, 522
daring, 60 deep plate, 267
dark, 5. 7. 84, 192, 269, 278, 279, 281, deep ravine, 382
297, 344, 372, 399, 402, 474, 4 9 6 ,5 1 6 , deep sleep, 138
527 deer, 36, 72, 73, 160, 161
dark blue, 372, 478 defeat, 379
dark brow n, 84, 372, 478 defecate, 83
dark grey, 279, 405, 478 defect, 109, 501
dark-haired, 192 defective, 139, 489
darken, 296, 516 defend, 253, 277, 345, 346, 351, 374, 488
darkness, 2, 89, 90, 193, 269, 297, 398, defender, 287
452, 475 defense, 347
darling, 117, 230 defilb, 211
dart, 390 deft, 527
dash, 24 defy, 319
dash against, 406 deliberately, 339
daub, 45, 236 delicate, 464
daughter, 25
delicate face, 397
daughter-in-law , 302, 367
delight, 81
daw, 49
delirium , 158
dawn, 2, 89, 396, 492
deliver, 63, 412
day, 65, 66, 132, 274, 522
dem and, 90, 338, 352, 353, 358
day after tom orrow , 58, 89, 290
dem on, 68
day before yesterday, 311
den, 41, 122, 210, 230, 239, 442
daze, 153
dented, 405
dazzle, 220
deplore, 101, 320
dead body, 441
depth, 44, 61, 314
deadly nightshade, 432
deride, 322, 448
deaf, 446
descend, 520
deaf and dum b, 88
descendant, 93
deaf-m ute, 255
deal, 489 desert, 290, 368
deal with, 461 deserted, 423
dear, 230, 234, 441 deserve, 512
dear one, 266 desire, 64, 65, 91, 92, 473, 489
death, 227, 273, 292, 474 despair, 64
debauchery, 237 despise, 97, 285, 347
debt, 62 destroy, 28, 50, 58, 69, 93, 97, 140, 143,
debtor, 62 199, 2 7 3 ,2 7 4 , 339, 346, 384, 4 1 0,418,
decayed, 125 435, 462, 466, 469, 486, 515
deceive, 92, 109, 153, 178, 380, 460 destruction, 227, 238, 346
deception, 187 deter, 76
declare, 309, 427, 463 devastated, 375
decline, 122, 339, 415 devastation, 339
decoction, 83 develop, 527
decom pose, 429 developed, 527
decoration, 68, 211, 212, 400 device, 272
dedicate, 412 devil, 67, 68, 74
deed, 22 devise, 393
deep, 61, 132, 289, 474 devoid o f w ater, 488
deep bottom , 211 devote, 412
542 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

devour, 140 disorder, 383

dew, 69, 211, 366, 369, 501 disperse, 28, 163, 406
dew lap, 213 dispose, 248
diaper, 94, 313, 428 disprove, 277
diarrhea, 83, 310, 351 d isregard, 321
die, 270, 274, 295, 496 dissolve, 464
die of cold, 455 distaff, 106, 389
differ, 288 distance, 283
differentiate, 288 distort, 412
difficult, 60, 84, 506 distress, 6, 278
dig, 102, 115, 121, 142, 146, 177, 192, distribute, 291
198, 253, 266, 370, 376, 378, 391, 419, district, 210
489, 522 disturb, 127
dig out, 24, 124, 146 ditch, 104, 106, 366, 368, 508, 523
dig up, 383, 495 dive, 254, 527
digger, 142 divide, 51, 54, 106, 112, 142, 148, 150,
dike, 523 246, 283, 304, 4 1 1 ,4 1 7 , 418. 419, 462
dim, 40, 246, 246, 269, 492 divider, 335
dim inish, 209, 254, 256, 382, 410, 439 do, 8, 22, 343
din, 340, 378 do good, 252
dinner, 74, 507 dock, 225
dip, 300 doctor, 228, 269
direct, 70, 287, 388 doe, 405
direction, 465 dog, 15, 176, 200, 356, 393, 406
dirge, 227, 230 dog chain, 417
dirt, 4, 15, 38, 45, 83, 165. 177, 213, 219, dog-collar, 215, 417
234, 236, 237, 239, 305, 321, 351, 364, dog’s apple, 476
520, 524 dog’s excrem ents, 393
dirty, 38, 165, 214, 259, 272, 279, 281, d ogberry, 476
287, 305, 309, 328 dogrose, 197, 198
dirty joke, 213 dolt, 153
dirty person, 219 dom estic anim al, 14
d irty w om an, 218 donation, 84
disable, 213 donkey, 166, 183, 240, 245
disaster, 20, 31, 187 door, 60, 339, 488, 524
disc, 382, 387, 390 door-bolt, 186
discern, 55, 434 door-hinge, 337
discharge, 60 door-leaf, 99
disclose, 51 door-lock, 33
discourage, 459 dorm ouse, 132, 175
discover, 65, 146 dote, 257
disease o f cattle, 265, 407 double, 523
disem bow el, 429, 520 double fruit, 139
disengage, 429 double-crested m ountain, 25
disentangle, 294 double-sided axe, 471
disgrace, 84 dough, 38
disgraceful act, 332 dove, 203, 318, 509
disgusting, 38, 193, 418, 524 down, 112, 164, 220. 292, 324, 340, 340,
dish, 30, 163, 189, 247, 271 351, 429, 450, 451, 503, 526
dishonor, 53, 191 dow nw ards, 166, 326, 331, 451, 454
disk, 66, 206 dow ry, 18, 57, 308, 322, 345, 507
dism ount, 416, 421 doze, 74, 99
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 543

drag, 416 duckling, 371

drag oneself back, 440 dull, 246, 310
dragging, 518 dumb, 20, 255, 289
dragon, 41, 72, 74, 201. 393 dun, 155, 280
dragon-w om an, 232 dune, 170
dragonfly, 203, 326 dung, 14, 108, 164, 277, 287, 332, 446,
d ra g o n ’s dw elling, 41 475
drain, 445 duplicate, 139
drain out, 525 dusk, 2, 246, 281
drainage ditch, 345 dusky, 297
draw , 1 4 5 ,4 5 2 ,4 6 1 dust, 40, 63, 147, 308, 329, 335, 336, 341,
draw out, 249, 303 462
draw to and fro, 469 duty, 62, 204, 320
draw bar, 307 dw arf, 24, 146, 349, 480
draw er, 100 d w a rf bustard, 349
dream , 6, 92, 523 dw arfed, 513
dress, 501, 502 dw elling, 16, 39, 41, 247, 508
dress up, 327 dye, 300
dried, 381 dye red, 222
drill, 322, 430, 462, 467 dysentery, 220
drink, 124, 132, 324
drink at one gulp, 421 eagle, 107, 307, 415, 434
drink greedily, 237 ear, 183, 497, 501
drink out, 430 ear (of a vessel)
drinking cup, 168 ear o f corn, 167
drinking glass, 354 ear o f grain, 167, 186, 490
drinking vessel, 168, 177 ear-w ax, 33
drip, 113, 179 early, 132, 214, 343
drive, 31, 286, 330, 345, 510 early in the m orning, 256
drive away, 62, 138, 262, 293, 414, 431, earring, 466, 496
469, 470 earth. 15, 33, 80, 109, 114, 452, 459, 466,
drive on, 157, 167, 355 495, 499
drizzle, 262, 371, 488, 515 earth m ound, 216
drone, 72 earthquake, 424, 454
drop, 98, 113, 128, 128, 144, 179, 323, earw ig, 160, 172
325, 339, 371, 374, 469 ease, 479
dropsy, 400 easily attainable, 479
dross, 524 easily scared, 198
drought, 526 E aster, 312
drow n, 254 easy, 77, 377, 428, 479, 482
drow siness, 92 easy to m ake, 287
drug, 17 easy to reach, 479
drum m em brane, 459 eat, 6, 56, 84, 126, 140, 142, 151, 239,
drunk, 86 295, 372, 475
dry, 97, 141, 296, 324, 471, 473 eat aw ay, 124, 272
dry firew ood, 172 eat greedily, 212, 263
dry frost, 475 eat like a dog, 187
dry land, 58, 69, 452 eat m uch, 92
dry leaves, 134 eat too m uch, 498
dry pastry, 372 eat up, 237
dry up, 105, 324, 439 eaten up, 142
duck, 371, 374, 427 eating, 6
 544 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

eaves, 400. 403 enrollm ent, 207

echo, 138, 159 enslave, 372
eczem a, 73 entangle, 165, 169, 294
edge, 36. 37, 42. 43, 44, 45, 51, 216, 223, enter, 153, 376
245. 397, 398, 523 entice, 235, 286
edible acorn, 86 entrance, 524
eel, 298 entrust, 94
efface, 339 entw ine, 169
egg, 81, 497, 499 envy, 268, 368, 369
eight, 453 epidem ic, 144
elbow , 23, 238, 518 epilepsy, 99
elder, 440 equal, 227, 320, 412
elder sister, 275 equipm ent, 307. 435
e ld er-b crry , 440 eradicate, 382, 415, 424
elem ent, 304 ere, 132
elephant’s trunk, 194 erect, 258
elevation, 435 erosion, 121
elf, 393 erring, 380
elk, 36 eruption, 73
ell, 238 escalate, 416
elm , 259. 485, 500, 507 escape, 103
elsew here, 133 especially, 339
em aciated, 342 estim ate, 52
em ber, 348, 518 E truscan, 460
em brace, 298, 352 euphorbia, 391
em broidered sash, 310 even, 118, 377
em broidery pattern, 156 ever, 206, 454
em broil, 244 evict, 418
em ery, 267 evidently, 309, 310
em peror, 252 evil, 60, 84, 99, 157, 175, 213, 227, 243,
em pty, 48, 65, 153, 215, 252, 348, 423, 389, 482, 506
471, 474, 493, 493, 522 ewe, 318
em pty honeycom b, 399 ewe with horns, 184
em pty nut, 348 exact, 393
em pty place, 109 exactly, 276, 414
em pty vessel, 475 exaggerate, 416
encircle, 254, 295, 299 exam ine, 435
■enclose, 297, 482 exam ple, 410
enclosure, 459, 472 exceeding due lim its, 482
end, 5, 43, 51, 106, 1 1 1 .1 1 7 , 249, 325, excellent, 26
357, 362 excessive w ine-drinking, 196
end of the ax-handle, 353 exchange, 420
endanger, 274 excite, 159
endure, 323, 455 excom m unicate, 244
enem y, 9, 490 excrem ent, 108, 164, 171, 184, 280, 393,
cnergetic, 516 432, 441
engage, 308 exccute, 44
engraft (of plants). 408 exercise, 376
enjoy, 42, 141 exhaust, 143, 169, 213, 340, 398, 462,
enjoy oneself, 62 468
enm ity, 515 exile, 262
enroll, 207 existing, 394
 IN D E X OK M E A N IN G S 545

expanse o f rubble, 222 fart, 64, 95, 330, 338

expect, 343, 355 fast, 2, 43, 196, 254, 262, 299, 328, 381,
expectorate, 114 428, 470
expedite, 428 fast o f forty days, 196
expensive, 441 fast stream , 392
explain, 105 fasten, 51, 157, 250, 266
explode, 318 fastening, 266
explore, 376 fat, 59. 83, 213, 236, 238, 241, 248, 462,
express, 431 486
exterm inate, 93 fat bacon, 214
external, 437 fat cheese, 369
extinguish, 97, 339, 369, 435 fate. 94, 373, 510
extrem ity, 194 father, 6, 11, 13, 212, 345, 450
extricate, 429 father-in-law , 198, 424, 510
eye, 405 , 503 fathom , 312
eye (of a plant), 397 fatten, 107, 241
eye-ball, 200 fault, 501
eye-thread, 134 faulty, 489
eyebrow , 37, 326, 503 favor, 148
eyelash, 330 favorable, 158, 248
eyelid, 357, 503 fear, 5, 6, 76, 204, 218, 256, 271, 381
feast, 104
fable, 98 feather, 315
face, 44, 93, 107, 226, 228, 301, 319 feather-bearing, 327
face side, 226 February, 103, 425
fade, 58, 97 fecundate, 249
faded, 492, 502 feeble, 38, 97
faggot, 415 feed, 47, 189, 217, 241, 258, 260, 448,
fail, 255 490
faint, 215, 222, 492 feed oneself, 490
fairy, 510, 522 feeding, 241, 328
faith, 94 feel, 53, 64, 138, 152, 285
faithful, 22 feel bad. 114
falcon, 93, 399, 415 feel cold, 81
fall, 21, 24, 28, 32, 69, 287, 308, 321, feel feverish, 385
369, 370, 374, 428, 444, 474 feel inclination, 110
fall dow n, 128, 376, 446, 515 feel pity, 264
falling, 32, 35 feeling, 415, 447
fallow, 241, 241, 525 fellow, 396
fallow field, 223 felt, 334
fallow ground, 483 felt cap, 326
fallow land, 69, 358, 380 felt gaiters, 456
false, 380, 469 female, 247
falter, 297 female deer, 405
fam e, 283 fem ale pudenda, 325
fam ily, 93, 95, 373 fem ale screw , 448
fang, 402 female sexual organ, 2 18
fantastic im age, 278 fem ale shepherd, 438
far, 214, 431 fem ale w itness, 165
far-sighted, 393 fence, 110, 121, 306, 417, 472, 482
farm , 257, 332 fenced area, 42
farm stead, 7 fencing, 306
548 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

fragile, 35, 363, 473 further, 337, 431

fragile earth, 229 furuncle, 1, 350
fragm ent, 27, 33, 76 fury, 147
fragrance, 257 futile, 469, 471
frail, 197 futuere, 476
fram e, 219, 394, 435
freckle, 344 gadfly, 279
free, 225, 229, 281 gain, 233, 360, 429
free tim e, 200 gaiters, 457
freely, 276 gale, 386
freeze, 81, 245, 296, 441 gall, 515
frequent, 328, 429 gall-bladder, 454
fresh, 278, 287, 464, 513 gall-nut, 120, 414
freshw ater fish, 202 gallery, 522
Friday, 343 gam e, 230
friend, 94, 266, 337, 426 gang, 76
frieze, 117 gangrene, 265
fright, 204, 271, 458 gape, 140, 359
frighten, 31, 76, 109, 459, 463, 470 garden, 121, 131, 190, 496
frighten off, 469 garden fence, 429
fringe, 220, 313, 380, 473, 477 garden plot, 340
frizzy, 163 garden straw berry, 443
frizzy hair, 220 garden-bed, 513, 519
frog, 36 garlic, 151
from , 155, 164, 252, 307, 343, 448 garm ent, 317
front, 311, 342 garrison, 403
frontier, 257 gasp, 2, 255
frost, 1, 38, 46, 102, 105, 245, 275, 296, gate, 488
306, 308 gather, 135, 148, 195, 251, 289, 360, 365,
fruit, 17, 38, 103, 314, 389, 501 378
fruit pulp, 408 gather into a heap, 123
fruit-tree, 314 gathering, 365, 434
fruitful, 502 G eg, 112
fry, 46, 96 genista, 75
fuel, 91 gentle, 244
full, 47, 55, 92, 110, 334, 335 gentle slope, 336
full m oon, 147 gently, 165
full sack, 55 G erm an, 290
fulling-m ill, 493 get, 9, 448
fum e, 13, 175 get angry, 296, 463
function, 306 get bad, 294
fungus, 43, 44, 90, 111, 179 get close, 347
funnel, 238, 327, 447 get covered with a film , 242
fur, 117, 127 get dirty, 4
fur jacket, 193 get divided, 129
fur on tongue, 222 get dressed, 183
fur-coat, 121, 261 get drunk, 398
furnish with doors, 482 get engaged, 512
furnishings, 307 get free, 281
fu rrow , 33, 106, 145, 152, 227, 391, 425, get hoarse, 299
443, 506, 508 get out, 103
fu rry , 112 get rid of, 127, 519, 520
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 549

get spoiled, 393 go again, 324

get stuck, 294 go away, 154, 404, 496
get tangled up, 284 go for a walk, 17, 134, 413
get tired, 169, 378 go foul, 468
get torn, 288 go grey, 478
get used, 343 go m ad, 416
get well, 51 go out, 54, 61, 426
get w orse, 271 go past, 166
getting ready, 343 go through the mud, 277
ghost, 209 go tow ards. 138
giant, 367, 507 go up, 148
gift, 57, 345, 507 go w ith, 166
gild, 342 goad, 50, 85, 360
gill, 500 goat, 18, 19, 21, 47, 83, 147, 161, 174
gird, 299 goat cheese, 136
gird er, 428, 435 goat hide, 443
girdle, 525
goatskin, 45, 407, 415
girl, 48, 119, 187, 190, 493
goatskin coat, 127
girth, 148, 361
goblet, 68
give, 93, 157, 466
god, 89, 153, 315, 526
give a nam e, 363, 503
godchild, 93
give birth, 26, 64, 140, 217, 249, 342
goddess o f forests, 522
give consolation, 298
godfather, 203, 204, 302
give freely, 157
godm other, 203, 204, 288
give m oney as a gift, 57
going, 7
give way, 89
gold, 7, 100
glacier, 3
gold piece, 100
glade, 373
golden, 356
gland, 135, 231
glanders, 407 golden bream , 427
glass, 49, 205, 355 golden coin, 100
glass ball, 375 golden rain, 172
glass bead, 375 goldfinch, 293
gleam , 278 good, 26, 40, 69, 1 11, 128, 248, 267, 516
glide out, 385 goods, 260
glitter, 17 goose, 111, 312
globe, 223, 391 goose-coop, 133
globular fruit, 189 gospel, 487
gloom , 277, 297 gourd, 202, 203
glory, 363, 526 gout, 128
glove, 457 grace, 148
glow, 306, 473 gracious, 414
glow ing coal, 348 grade, 417
glue, 118, 242, 247 graft, 259
glutton, 211, 218, 221, 235, 236, 237 grain. 3, 17, 75, 78, 86, 125, 126, 189,
gluttonous, 243, 295 265, 306, 328, 378
gnarl, 112, 303 g ran ary , 334
gnarled, 303 granddaughter, 250
gnat, 267 g randfather, 140, 212, 274, 302
gnaw , 34, 35, 36, 115, 124 grandm other, 159, 237, 302
go, 3 3 ,4 5 ,5 3 ,5 4 , 85, 128, 131, 140, 153, grandson, 300
154, 292, 362, 3 8 7 ,4 2 1 ,4 2 9 , 502, 504, granule, 124
508 grape, 165, 192, 225, 391, 465
 550 IN D E X OK M E A N IN G S

grape juice, 371, 407 177, 214, 215, 217, 251, 296, 300, 304,
grape-stalk, 102 387, 490, 512, 520
grapes, 7, 448 grow fat, 94
grasp, 131, 164, 167, 169, 246, 355, 372, grow numb, 294
410, 521 grow old, 215
grass, 16, 122, 221 grow stiff, 294
grasshopper, 161, 171, 460 grow l, 6, 297. 516
grassland, 223 grub, 499
grate, 368 grubbed out land, 377
grating, 426 gruel, 96, 328
gratuitous, 56 grum ble, 60, 516
grave, 121, 124, 170, 253, 461, 495, 496 grunt, 184
gravel, 527 guard, 345, 346, 366, 368, 369, 373, 374,
graze, 203, 475 403, 425
grease, 213 guard o f private property, 424
great, 36, 109, 240 guest, 151
great-grandfather. 402 guest-cham ber, 438
greed, 211, 232 guilt, 92
greedy, 211, 243, 295 gull, 49
G reek, 114, 122 gullet, 107, 127
green, 29, 65, 131, 372, 464, 499 gullible, 220
green bean, 27, 247 gulp, 132, 187, 237, 239
greenfly, 136 gulp dow n, 357
greenish-yellow , 131 gum , 78, 247, 302, 527
greens, 211 gun, 351
grey, 29, 97, 148, 183, 278, 332, 405, gurgle, 184
478, 479 gusset, 209
grey hair, 478 gust o f wind, 2
grey-brow n, 280 gut, 112, 191, 389, 525, 526
g rey-haired, 524 gut string, 191
grief, 6, 35, 137, 144, 260, 449 gutter, 106, 233, 346, 445
grieve, 319, 320
griffin, 123 habit, 327, 519
grim ace, 406, 419 hack, 408
grin, 183 hackle, 114, 327
grind, 30, 96, 114, 124, 141, 150, 180, hail, 35
198, 199, 265, 481 hair, 19, 26, 57, 100, 112, 176, 190, 219,
gristle, 180 359, 361
grits, 125 hair parting, 348
grizzled, 332 hair ribbon, 294
groan, 6, 81, 370 hair-net, 176
groats, 126, 197, 198 hairlock, 113, 377
groin, 90, 117, 154 hairy. 165, 220, 471
ground, 7, 337, 452, 459, 499 hake, 271
ground corn, 96 half, 139, 309
ground o f right, 457 halt, 261, 292, 292, 352, 355, 360
ground sesam e, 329 ham , 309, 319, 481
ground-nut, 362 ham m er, 241, 353, 357, 357
group, 309, 467 hand, 70, 126, 194, 246, 263, 318, 365,
group o f stones used in a gam e, 326 377, 4 8 1
grove, 108, 131 hand-basket, 162
grow , 17, 22, 27, 33, 39, 42, 44, 106, handcuff, 228, 341
 IN D E X OK M E A N IN G S 551

handful, 118, 126, 253, 522 hay, 394

handkerchief, 102 hayloft, 247, 332, 333
handle, 263, 382, 382, 497 haystack. 401, 403, 470
handy, 287 hazel-nut, 211
hang, 161, 171, 494, 511 hazel-tree, 211
hang down, 215 he, 3
hanging, 225, 330 he-goat, 47, 85, 143, 400
hank, 377, 456 head, 51, 73, 126, 179, 189, 199, 353
happen, 128, 286, 287 head of cabbage, 188
happiness, 14, 158 head-dress, 176
happy, 234 heal, 51, 258, 413
hard, 11, 47, 77, 288, 296, 303, 422, health, 412
441, 506, 515 healthy, 74, 129, 189, 413
hard piece o f m eat, 213 heap. 26, 109, 115, 124, 125, 198, 205,
hard shell, 226 243, 257, 326, 334, 359, 3 6 1 ,4 0 1 , 434,
hard skin, 355 458, 468, 481
hard soil, 240 heap o f stones, 120, 219
harden, 4, 297, 436, 441 heap o f wood, 401
hardened, 293 hear, 62, 285, 364, 501
hardly, 256, 339 heart, 520
hardw ood interior o f trees, 281 heart o f tree, 28
hare, 219 heartburn, 124
haricot, 102, 255 hearth, 495, 496
harlot, 139 h earth stone, 119, 486
harm , 63, 184, 471 heat, 2, 31, 105, 108, 303, 306, 494, 525,
harm less, 301 526, 527
harm onious m otion, 200 heath-cock, 74
harm ony, 200 heather, 38
harness, 252 heaven, 360
harpoon, 98 heavy, 316, 354, 366, 370
harrow , 8, 33, 171, 219, 307, 433, - heavy object, 332, 333
harsh, 12 hedge, 327
harvest, 157, 192, 511, 514 hedgehog, 90, 155
haste, 228, 350, 514 heel, 419, 474
hasten, 152, 189, 497 heifer, 73, 264, 437, 440
hastening, 217 height, 436
hat, 407 helix, 373
hate, 262, 263, 268, 430, 490 hell, 95, 328, 398
haunch, 510 helm et, 449
have, 167, 169 help, 252, 286
have breakfast, 432 hem p, 182
have a dry m outh, 454 hen, 349
have a m iscarriage, 64 hen-coop, 404
have a rest, 352 herald, 173
have bad taste, 393 herb, 87
have hernia, 331 herd, 33, 51, 70, 123, 146, 401, 469
have pains, 184 herdsm an, 39
have sexual intercourse, 360 here, 11, 61, 156, 185
have troubles, 284 h ernia, 202, 370
having a hole, 348 hero, 196, 464, 486
having four feet, 437 heroism , 155
haw thorn, 150, 279 heron, 49, 111
552 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

herpes, 453 honey, 268, 356

hesitate, 205, 297 honeycom b, 94, 150, 151, 328, 399, 417
hew, 55, 174, 175, 179, 358, 453, 459, honeycom b cell, 369
472 honcycom b stom ach, 339
hidden, 432 honor, 283, 338
hide, 19, 104, 124, 199, 222, 408, 432, hood, 162, 312
435, 484 hooded coat, 162, 184
hiding place, 354 hoof, 481
high, 214 hoofbeat, 506
high sea, 314 hook, 116, 123, 184, 201, 247, 523
high-spirited, 278 hook and eyelet, 247
highest, 445 hooked stuff, 300
hill, 34, 40, 109, 188, 202, 364, 377, 402, hoop, 381, 504
468 hoopoe, 350
hillock, 125, 127 hope, 431, 491
hillside well, 482 horde, 210
hilly countryside, 402 horizontal, 366
hip, 154, 177, 188, 228, 353 horn, 36, 37, 73, 198, 373, 388, 390, 481
hip bone, 164, 177, 181, 200 hornbeam , 378
hire, 308 horned, 184
hiss, 413 horned anim al, 390
hit, 24, 46, 63, 175, 360, 406, 414, 446 horned creature, 373
hive, 29, 485 horned object, 373
hoar-frost, 34 horned owl, 153, 491
hoarseness, 299 hornet, 123
hobble, 354 hornless, 126, 162, 182, 268, 292, 405,
hoe, 143, 146, 247, 266, 342, 366, 370, 447
408, 409, 419, 423 h o rro r, 144, 458
hoe over, 342, 350 horse, 14, 113, 166, 240, 421
hog, 21 horse-fly, 245
hold, 75, 169, 248,'283, 354, 521, 524 horse-hair, 455
hold back, 347 horse-race, 368
hold up, 283, 355 horsefly, 279
hole, 26, 37, 109, 111, 120, 124, 222, 426, horseshoe, 313
475, 489, 500, 522, 522 hose, 469
holiday, 195 hospitality, 432
hollow , 107, 117, 119, 3 0 9 ,3 4 8 ,4 2 7 , 474, hot, 4, 5," 108
522 hot ashes, 108, 348, 351, 432, 476
hollow (in a tree) hour, 146
hollow out, 368, 378 house, 8, 110, 135, 156, 332, 359, 365,
hollow trunk, 192 438, 458, 508, 509
hollow ed, 132 house keeper, 403
hollow ed out, 389 house m aster, 526
hollow ing out, 121 house objects, 378
holly, 21, 213 house o f ill-repute, 237
holm -oak, 154 household goods, 209
holy, 149 housew ife, 438
holy grove, 229 hovel, 162
holy T rinity, 413 how, 193, 364, 392, 395
hom e, 16 how ever, 242
hom e w ork, 365 howl, 6, 235, 297, 484, 487
hom esickness, 243 hue-and-cry, 207
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 553

hull, 27, 336, 422 in front of, 343

hum , 516 in o rd e r, 256
hum an being, 304 in some way, 164
hum iliate, 418 in the evening, 252
hum m ock, 163 in the m iddle, 254
hump, 110, 113, 125, 127, 207 in the m orning, 343
hunch-backed wom an, 184 inability, 395
hundred, 361 incense, 40, 175, 356, 470
hunger, 3, 90, 487, 489 incentive, 418
hunt, 137, 138 incise, 49
hunting, 137 incitation, 167
hurry, 73, 149, 152, 228, 286, 303, 368, incite, 114, 167, 292, 293, 294, 297
428, 483 inclination, 339, 344
h u rry after, 134 incline, 330, 464
hurry up, 435 incom plete, 139
hurt, 46, 63, 223, 224, 471, 505 inconvenience, 339
husband, 42, 94 increase, 2, 94, 387, 440, 490, 520
indeed, 1
husband-like, 262
index, 212
husk, 23, 213, 336, 422
indigo, 38
hut, 39, 161, 162, 166, 174, 189, 359, 365
indirect, 455
hut fo r cattle, 347
indulgent, 286
hut used to isolate a sick anim al, 443
inebriate, 57
hydra, 201
inebriated, 195
hypochondriac, 262
inebriation, 196
inexorable, 381
I, 486
infant, 102
ice, 3, 245
infect, 344
ice-floe, 12
infection, 99
icicle, 3, 86, 186, 198
infirm , 242, 244, 261
idea, 425 inflam e, 243
idle, 65, 88 inflam m ation, 46, 317
idler, 212 inflate, 253, 277
if, 6, 292 inflict, 63, 286
ignite, 284, 323 inflict pain, 63
ignom iny, 95 influence, 286
ill, 175, 227, 395 inform . 382
illness, 35, 61, 134, 224, 227, 273, 395 infuriate, 454
illness of sheep, 403, 415 inherit, 462
illum inate, 62 injure, 34, 215, 239
image, 436 inlet, 209
im itate, 420 inn, 438
im itation, 139 inner porch, 464
im m ediately, 251 inner side o f thigh, 407
im m erse, 195, 289, 527 innerm ost part, 281
impel, 355 innocent, 301
im portunate, 209 inoculate, 293
im pose, 63, 286 inquire, 146
im pregnate, 476 insect, 168, 239, 386
impulse, 418 insert, 106, 167, 177, 281
in, 155, 164, 250, 284, 450 inside, 35, 252, 277
in fact, 146 insipid, 393
 554 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

insist, 297 jug, 113, 172

insistence, 297 jug w ith a handle, 192
instant, 150 juice, 79, 129, 224, 363
instigate, 177 jujube, 263
instrum ent, 87, 272, 497 jum p, 34, 38, 98, 100, 103, 144, 147, 150,
insufficience, 254 176, 180, 228, 416, 418
insufficient, 254 jum p away, 19
insult, 84, 107, 271, 406 jum p over, 169, 299
intelligent, 256, 489 jum per, 475
intention, 45, 489 juncture, 32, 33, 139
in terio r, 458 juniper, 23, 63, 88
interlace, 285 just, 146, 276, 339
intestines, 5, 35, 389 ju st as, 186
into, 284, 450
inundation, 80 keep, 374, 429
invade. 420 keep away, 369
investigate, 151 keep in, 386
invite, 105, 115, 235 keep smb. till late in the night. 89
invoke, 115, 121, 235 keg, 191, 420
iron, 144 kennel, 365, 442
iron ring, 228, 486 kerchief, 244, 282, 372, 375
irrigate, 371, 492 kernel, 474
irrigation channel, 492 kestrel, 456
irrigation ditch, 170, 345 key, 51, 208, 362
irritate, 73, 114, 223, 285, 293, 298, 517 kick, 93, 100
irritation, 317 kid, 85, 105, 161, 174
island, 155 kidney. 90, 228, 376. 384, 502
isolate, 201 kill, 254, 515
isolated, 423 kin, 59, 93, 373, 394
Italian, 225 kind, 504
itch, 523 kindle, 84, 323, 423, 487, 488
ivy, 152, 202, 219, 319, 490 king, 252, 367, 371
king (in cards)
jackal, 71 kinsm an, 204
jackdaw , 108, 402 kiss, 44, 352
jagged, 462 kite, 360
ja r, 168 knapsack, 70, 461
jaw , 301 knead, 38, 71, 133, 253, 255, 267, 299
jaw bone. 301 kneading-board, 357, 359
jay, 123 knee, 137
jealousy, 268 knee-cap, 110
jest, 150, 310 knee tendons, 118
join together by riveting, 357 knife, 301, 471, 477, 482
joined, 139 knife w orn at the belt, 182, 301
joint, 137, 139, 200, 300 knight, 196
joint-pin, 479 knit one’s brow s, 452
joke, 150 knob, 31, 40, 41, 250
jow l, 301 knobbed stick, 14, 103
joy, 111, 520 knock, 300, 357, 455, 456, 459, 461, 483
joy o f battle, 110 knot, 63, 112, 291, 303, 363, 369, 374
Judas tree, 209 knot-grass, 121
judge, 139, 398, 405 knotted thread, 110
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 555

know, 64, 65, 305 late, 133, 514

know intim ately, 347 late afternoon, 522
knuckle, 200, 300, 518 late afternoon m eal, 522
later, 1, 337
Lab, 208 Latin, 225
L aberia, 208 lattice, 426
labor, 225, 350, 463 laugh. 359
labor pains, 84, 439 laughter, 111
laburnum , 172, 490 laundry, 226
lace, 129, 383, 459, 465, 527 laurel, 213
lace up, 498 law, 227, 519
lacerate, 226 lawn, 96
lack, 78, 254, 278 lay eggs, 88, 441
lack o f freedom . 290 layer, 100, 163, 317, 441
lack of restraint, 231 laziness, 99
lacquered leather, 451 lazy, 88, 334
lad. 45, 190 lazy person, 212
ladder, 237 lead, 24, 336, 345, 483, 510
Lady H elen ’s belt, 518 leader, 51
lair,’ 122, 301 leaf, 16, 25, 41, 49, 100, 133, 213, 219
lake, 159 leafy, 100
lamb, 58, 88, 231, 266, 356, 391, 440 league, 20
lam bskin, 512 lean, 99, 141, 334, 344, 386, 487
lam bskin w aistcoat, 121 leaning, 334, 335
lam e, 49, 99, 108, 162, 222, 433, 481 lean m an, 97
lam entation, 297 lean sheep, 171
lam m ergeycr, 17 learn, 264, 352, 434
lam p, 178. 235 leather lace, 381
lance, 50, 102 leather rope, 381
land, 7, 8, 80, 242, 452, 459, 464 leather-coat, 121
land m easure, 398 leave, 152, 225, 229, 292, 496
land unused for tw o years, 483 leave unharm ed. 429
landm ark, 341 leaven, 38, 136
language, 138, 237 leaves used as fodder, 196
languid, 215, 224 ledge, 337
languish, 88, 224 ledge o f a rock, 245
lantern, 235 lee-side o f m ountain, 170
lap, 342, 414, 419 leech, 329, 447, 491
lap up, 212, 237 leek, 339, 344
lapping, 221 lees of oil, 278
lapw ing, 49 left, 242, 261, 418, 438
lard, 3, 83, 238, 491 left hand, 242
large, 214, 240, 370 lefthanded, 383
large am ount, 273 leg, 177, 181, 194, 407
large m elon, 330 leg of pork, 481
large vessel, 438 leisure, 294
lark, 162 L ent, 196
larva, 193, 441, 480, 499 lentil, 19, 125, 218, 392, 479
larynx, 398 lepra, 1 13
last day o f the year, 186 leprosy, 73, 216, 218
last night, 290 less, 244, 254
last sheaf, 358 lessen, 254, 410
 556 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

let, 217, 220, 225, 230, 307 liquid food, 363

let fall, 374 liquid m easure, 192
let flow , 366 lisping, 482
let fly, 323 list, 387
let go, 150 little, 54, 154, 244, 307, 325, 513
let grow , 215 little bit, 301
let rise, 217 little boy, 340
let ro t, 165 little girl, 325
letter, 115, 340 little ham m er, 471
level, 228 little hand. 70
lever, 336 little splinter, 453
leveret, 162, 242, 266 live, 388, 503, 516, 525, 526
liar, 209 liver, 259, 280, 502
libel, 347 liver phthisis (in sheep), 112, 224
licentiousness, 231 living on earth, 480
lichen, 73, 234 living through, 516
lick, 212 lizard, 128, 142, 164
lie, 99, 101, 209, 210, 217, 235, 380 load, 18, 19, 293, 415
lie down, 61 loathe, 198
life, 131, 159, 526 lobe, 516
lifeless, 270 lobster, 168
lift, 296 lock, 53, 77, 100, 185, 195, 251, 288
lift up, 29, 217 lock up, 297
lifted, 445 lodging, 438
light, 2, 17, 65. 75, 78, 217, 220, 482 loess, 255
light breeze, 348, 452 log, 30, 181, 445
light up, 84 loin, 228
light-colored, 29 lonely, 423, 433
lightly, 220 long, 130, 133, 215
lightning, 98, 390 long for, 64, 236
like, 513 long hook, 393
lily, 228, 234 long pole, 435
lim b, 31, 139, 267 long row , 490, 495
lim e, 176 long sw ord, 390
lim e-tree, 229, 239 long-eared, 237
lim e-tree bast, 239 longing, 243
lim it, 307, 358, 398 look, 75, 179, 364, 414
lim ited, 310 look for, 181
lim p, 504 loop, 202, 211, 229, 329, 401
linch-pin, 519 loop-ring, 228
linden, 29, 30, 223 loose, 209, 215, 281
line, 50, 115, 229, 391, 437, 508 loosen, 215, 423, 464
linen, 226, 229 lord, 512, 526
linen fabric, 406 lord o f the house, 526
linen garm ent, 229 lori parrot, 231
linen kerchief, 331 lose, 28, 32, 152
linen shirt, 177, 229 lose energy, 61
link, 215, 228 lot, 76, 381, 426, 527
lint, 270 lote, 166, 170
lion, 232 louse, 89, 273, 274, 476
lip, 43, 44 love, 77, 213, 232, 234, 235, 236, 344,
liquid, 210, 224, 227, 524 489
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 557

loved one, 48 m ake bitter, 325

lover, 209, 262 make bright, 282
low, 324 m ake brow n, 521
low hill, 404 make clear, 105, 200, 374
low p la te , 58, 230 m ake cold, 105
low er, 89, 321, 340, 484 m ake desperate, 64
low er part, 249 m ake dirty, 95, 212, 213, 237, 287, 289,
low er part of the back, 377 317, 424, 466
luck, 286 m ake dry, 452
lucky, 234 m ake fast, 201
lullaby, 300 m ake ferm ent, 280
lum bar region, 228 m ake firm , 275
lum ber, 377, 378 m ake flexible, 223
lump, 28, 31, 40, 41, 42, 108, 109, 124, m ake flow, 458
183, 238, 260, 273, 361, 404 m ake hoarse, 446
lunch, 74, 328 m ake hot, 4
lung, 259, 280 m ake hum id, 371
lure, 235, 241, 286. 403 m ake lukew arm , 493
lust, 65 m ake m ove, 371
luster, 75 m ake noise, 176, 378, 446
lusty, 40. 157 m ake o rder, 231
lye, 349, 472 m ake palatable, 414
lying. 230 m ake pale, 520
lying near, 479 m ake peace, 231
lying w ithout m oving, 335 m ake pregnant, 249, 336
lynx, 372, 384 m ake quiet, 448
m ake ready, 111, 346, 365, 365
M acedonian baths, 365 m ake red, 398
m achine, 261, 272 m ake red-hot, 178
mad, 246 m ake right, 453
m adder, 389 m ake rot, 355
madness, 262 m ake shine, 400
m aggot, 441, 480, 503 m ake skillful, 418
m agic, 107, 261 m ake sm all, 458
m agic w heel, 391 m ake sm aller, 382, 439
m agic w hirligig, 391 m ake soft, 96, 517
magpie, 49, 123, 399, 477 m ake sore, 223, 243
m aiden, 48, 493, 508 m ake sorry, 465
m aim ed, 242, 244, 261 m ake sour, 436
m aize, 203 m ake stiff, 275
m aize porridge, 349 m ake strong, 106
m aize-cob, 390 m ake swell, 520
m ake, 9, 22, 394 m ake thin, 148, 453
m ake a bargain, 308 m ake tired, 272
m ake a com plaint, 479 m ake ugly, 412
m ake a m istake, 107 m ake verses, 175
m ake a m otion, 504 m ake w arm , 105, 371
m ake a present, 57, 84 m ake w ash, 301
m ake a sign, 504 m ake w eak, 400, 416
m ake a step, 419 m ake wet, 12, 255, 305, 363, 485
m ake appear, 382 m ake white, 215, 519
m ake auguries, 489 make w ithered, 502
 558 IN D E X OK M E A N IN G S

make work hard, 372 m aterial, 223

m aking burst, 61 m atter from eyes, 118, 119, 398, 421
male, 247, 262 m attock, 247
m allei, 240, 310 m aybe, 242, 249, 287, 494
m allet-shoot, 262 m aze, 220
m allow , 259 m eadow , 96, 106, 230, 243, 248, 517
m altreatm ent, 230 m eager, 480, 514
m an. 42, 247, 304 m eal, 39, 131, 248, 277
man lying in w ife’s bed, 262 m cal-tim e, 39
m anage, 249, 287 m ean, 340
m ane, 123, 126, 185, 190, 196. 19 7 ,4 1 2 m eaning, 70
m anger, 122, 169 m eans, 270
m anhood, 505 m easles, 103
m anifest, 156 m easure, 200, 246, 256, 264, 271. 274,
m anifestly, 309. 310 448
m anna, 262 m easure of grain, 172, 192
m anure, 441, 462 m easure o f length. 208
m any, 26, 183, 445 m easure o f weight, 150
m aple, 195, 309, 485 m eat, 257, 267, 468
m arble, 245 m eat pasty, 257
m arc, 23 m ediator, 149
m arch, 439 m edicine, 261
M arch, 245 m edulla, 281
m are, 240, 314 m eet, 284, 325, 329, 448
m arigold, 262 m eet accidentally, 402
m ark, 28, 260, 305, 336, 517 m eeting, 208
m arket, 245, 463 m elt, 46, 105, 423, 464, 470
m arriage, 57, 246, 303 m elted butter, 71
m arried. 411 m eliing, 255
m arried w om an, 302, 411 m em ber, 31, 267, 304
m arrow , 63, 205, 241, 309 m em brane, 331, 332
m arry, 246, 259, 287 m end, 9
m arsh, 4, 1 5 ,4 1 , 1 7 8 ,2 2 1 ,2 3 3 , 2 4 0 ,3 1 4 , m enstruation, 214
351, 517 m ention, 295, 321, 355
m arsh m allow , 259 m ercy, 148, 264
m arsh rosem ary, 245 m erm aid, 200
m arshland, 55 m erry, 278, 294
m arten, 40, 98, 432 m essenger, 340
m arten fur, 432 m etal plate, 317
m artin, 520 m ew , 269
M ary ’s breast, 262 m idday meal, 74
m asculine, 247 m iddle, 271, 356, 520
m ash, 106 m idge, 143, 267, 279
m asked participant o f a carnival, 373 midget, 257
m ass, 115, 257, 273, 334 m idnight. 271
m assage. 288 m idw ife, 244, 288
m ast, 77 m ignonette. 445
m aster, 270, 526 m ilch cow, 318
m astic-tree, 264, 434 m ild, 38, 267
m astitis, 216 m ildew , 266, 516
m atchm aker, 424 m ilk, 67, 80, 136, 149, 270, 363, 363
m ate, 31, 285 m ilk and butter, 322
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 559

milk cow , 58 m ortar, 326, 437, 481

milk out, 525 m oss, 220, 222, 234, 276, 282, 523
m ilk-can, 172 m oth, 190, 196, 237, 272, 451
m ilk-skin, 257 m other, 4, 6, 244, 260, 275, 291
m ilking enclosure, 443 m other o f m any children, 510
mill funnel, 66 m other-in-law , 510
m ill-hopper, 340 m otive, 418
m ill-stream , 158 m otley, 214
m illet, 86, 255 m ould, 31, 278, 281, 282
m illipede, 272 m ount, 421
m illstone, 272 m ountain, 109, 110, 127, 241, 243, 247,
mimic, 294 361
m ind, 256 m ountain brook, 383
m int, 256 m ountain chain, 114
m iracle, 158, 275 m ountain forest, 428
m ire, 232, 238 m ountain pasture, 28
m isadventure, 339 m ountain path, 170, 185
m iscarriage, 64, 439 m ountain pine, 186, 388
m iscarried fetus, 290 m ountain ridge, 377
m iser, 150 m ountain stream , 348
m iserable, 137, 262, 296 m ourn, 101, 230
m iserly, 182 m ourn the dead, 492
m isery, 141 m ourning, 227, 230
m isfortune. 243, 260, 385 m ourning wail, 492
m iss, 78, 152. 236 m ouse, 265, 489
m issing, 153. 244 m ouse vetch, 280
m ist, 13, 186, 269, 277, 304, 492 m ouse-trap, 280
m istake, 31, 380 m outh, 5, 39, 43. 44, 120, 295, 513
m istletoe, 502 m outhful, 40, 152, 258
m istress, 411 m ove, 48, 61, 73, 109. 226, 231, 232, 243,
mite, 143 277, 294, 298, 344, 362, 366, 386, 389,
m itigate, 218 397, 404, 469, 483, 508
m ix, 46, 264, 266, 322, 462 m ove away, 384, 431
mix up, 284 m ove in waves, 101
m oan, 348, 370 m ove strongly, 388
m ock, 294, 322 m ove up, 386, 387
m odel, 166 m ovem ent, 109
m oderate, 200, 320 m oving to and fro, 101, 449
m odern, 399 m ow, 193
m oisten, 387, 515 m uch, 445
mole, 220, 489 m ucus, 184, 221, 238
m om ent, 50, 150, 260 m ud, 59, 96, 104, 216, 219, 222, 232,
m oney, 304 236, 238, 239, 279, 281, 282, 364, 456
m onk, 278 m udbed, 135
m onster, 32, 158, 418, 420 m uddy, 23, 232, 272
m onth, 276 m uddy place, 218
m ood, 379 m ulberry, 244, 269
m oon, 146, 147, 276 m ule, 148, 279, 281
m orass, 237 m ullein, 225
m ore, 258, 276, 451 m ullet, 355
m oreover, 336 m ulticolored, 278, 313, 379, 384, 408
m orning, 261 m um ble, 60
 560 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

m urky, 246 new nam e, 301

m urm ur, 263 , 278, 291, 303 new' skin, 355
m uscle, 280, 313 new wine, 280
m ushroom , 179 New Y ear day, 186
m usk, 282 New Y ear eve, 186
m ussel, 205, 408, 419 new com er, 153
m ust, 71, 78, 280 news, 204
m ustache, 26, 196, 500 nice, 40, 267
m ute person, 255 nick, 109, 113
m utter, 263 nicknam e, 300
m uzzle. 469 niece, 250
m y, 154 night, 2, 282, 290
m ythical serpent, 510 night-gow n, 177
m ythological m onster, 160 night-ow l. 137
nightm are, 5, 6, 242, 273, 458
nail, 121, 346, 347, 406, 481, 486 nim ble, 27, 99
nail used to hang clothes, 132 nincom poop, 48
naked, 21, 126, 211, 325, 326 nine, 291
nam e. 87, 283, 477 nipper, 116
nap, 74, 351 nipple, 46, 478, 479
nape, 8, 527 nit, 89, 273, 476
napkin, 102, 282, 313 no, 159
narcissus, 13, 262 noble, 40
n arrow , 5, 6, 88, 298, 441, 443, 467, 523 noise, 238, 340, 347, 378, 501
noisy, 109
n arrow ness, 5
nom inate, 321
narrow valley, 210
noon, 271
nature, 283
noon heat, 526
navel, 183
noon m eal, 328
near, 1, 2, 16, 132, 283, 290, 298, 321,
noose, 211, 215, 416
341, 484
nor, 10
near the sun, 343
norm , 380
nearby, 16, 341
N orth A lbanian, 460
nearest, 347
N orth wind, 4, 13, 32, 279
nearly, 341
nose, 152
necessity, 290, 380, 464 nostril, 94, 99
neck, 126, 182, 298, 353
not, 10, 159, 206, 242, 274, 291, 302,
necklace, 417 309, 392, 513
need, 236, 290, 380, 464, 511 not eat, 299
needle, 52, 88. 134, 145, 404 not outside, 479
needle-point, 324 notch, 109, 113
needy, 397 note, 340
neglect, 290, 321, 335 now, 146, 148, 156, 185, 301, 449
neigh, 110, 148, 422 num b, 328
neighbor, 102, 394 num ber, 291, 304
neither, 10 num bly, 328
nephew, 300 nurse, 70
nest, 51, 121, 146, 239 nut, 10, 108, 165
nesting-box, 106 nut-shell, 101
net, 276, 388, 393, 494 nym ph, 200
nettle tree, 45, 166, 170
never, 206, 302 oak, 41, 74, 76, 79, 88, 213, 229, 384,
new , 355, 356, 371 388, 427, 428, 453
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 561

oak grove, 154 one-sided, 445

oak-tree, 509 onion, 357, 357
oakum , 199 onion-bed, 345
oar, 230, 233, 380 onion-top, 365
oath, 20 only, 242
oats, 455 ooze 113
obligation, 320 open, 51, 142, 511, 522, 523
oblique, 455 open field, 106
oblong grape, 448 open m outh, 491
obsccnity, 213, 309 open way, 344
observe, 64, 78, 179, 374, 398, 435, 506, open wide (of eyes), 523
515 opener, 51
obstacle, 292 opening, 122, 347
obtain, 9, 360 opening used to insert the shuttle, 148
obvious, 156 openly, 427
occiput, 353, 414, 518, 526 opinion, 70, 333
occur, 286 opium poppy, 242
odd, 48 opportunity, 294
odor, 4, 6, 492 oppression, 5, 293
off, 153, 307, 503 or, 1
offend, 107, 271, 406 orach, 225
offense. 408 ordain, 445
offer, 93 o rder, 200, 231, 333, 338, 363, 380, 488
offering, 222 ordering, 287
office room , 114 o rdinary, 287, 348
offspring, 102 ore, 144
ogress, 232 oriole, 21
oil, 13, 236, 492 ornam entation, 211. 212
oil lamp, 62 orphan, 495
oil-barrel, 169 O rthodox priest, 338
oil-cake, 71 ostrich, 243
oil-press, 261, 460 other, 133, 151, 285, 305, 457, 458
ointm ent, 129, 248, 486 otherw ise, 288, 308
old, 125, 214, 215, 285, 332, 512 otter, 234, 507
old m an, 140, 332 ouch, 104
old ox, 224, 389, 390 O ur lady’s belt, 518
old shoe, 407 oust, 418
old w om an, 13, 125, 302 out, 158, 164, 292, 497
oleander, 212 out of, 155, 164, 343
olive, 485 outer entrance hall, 464
olive tree, 485 outgrow th, 364, 369
on, 251, 307 outlet, 426
on an em pty stom ach, 86, 90, 473 outside, 158, 437, 493
on one’s back, 166 outstretched arm s, 312
on purpose, 339 ovary, 194
on that side, 451 oven, 106, 109, 338, 339
on the other side, 470 over, 148, 161, 320, 396
on this side, 453 over and over, 166
one, 136, 304 over there, 451
one year old creature, 157 overeat, 498
one year old heifer, 248 overflow , 147, 505
one year old w ether, 271 o verpow er, 521
 562 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

overtake, 157 passage, 120, 323, 403

overthrow , 25, 93, 98, 320 paste, 247
overturn, 152, 169, 320 pastry, 100
owl, 153, 362, 402, 491 pasturage m oney, 312
ow n, 140, 493, 498 pasture, 28, 137, 243, 248, 256, 306, 312,
ox, 59, 160, 265 425, 503
ox yoke, 523 pasture rent, 312
ox-collar, 202 pat, 310
oyster, 119 patch, 9, 182, 213, 216
paternal aunt, 87
pace, 50, 312 path, 170, 185, 366, 403, 416, 437, 460,
pacify, 351 462, 464, 483
pack, 14, 246 path tread in the snow , 377
package o f hay, 393 patronage, 287
pad, 244 paunch, 29, 310, 333
paddle, 514 pauper, 150
pagan, 317 pause, 310
pail, 409, 497 paw n, 315
pail (for m ilk) pay, 29
pain, 31 pay attention, 366. 414, 490
paint, 214 pay off, 320, 425
pair, 80, 308, 309, 310 paym ent, 268, 427
pair (of oxen), 315 pea, 27, 122, 125, 479
pair o f anim als, 25 peace, 231, 267, 308, 310, 464
pair o f legs, 407 peach, 331
palace, 318, 337, 349 peak, 53, 162, 188, 202, 241, 243, 361,
pale, 15, 28, 33, 65. 499 364, 402, 472, 474, 512
pale-yellow , 306 pear, 56
palm , 70, 286, 318, 446, 474, 481 pear-tree, 56, 76
pam per, 454 pearl, 375
pan, 276, 420 pearl-barley, 349
pancake, 201 peasant, 39, 42, 394
pant, 2, 65 peasant coat, 174
pants, 35 peasant leather clothes, 317
parable, 323 pebble, 108, 326, 338, 423
paradise, 57, 96, 312 pebble bank, 219
parapet, 449 pebbly site, 382
pardon, 286 peck, 362
parent, 345 peck open, 102
p arro t, 231 peel, 212, 221, 226, 234, 239, 372
p art, 19, 294, 331 peeled barley, 349
p a rt o f the cam pfire, 357 peelings, 101
partake, 257 peep, 320, 327
particle, 76 peer, 504
partition wall, 443 peg, 47, 82, 205, 297, 400, 406
partner, 396 peg on anim al’s neck, 182
partridge, 475 peg out, 496
party, 308, 309 pelt, 117
party on the occasion o f child-birth, 342 pen, 135, 487, 496
pass, 166, 211, 219, 309, 463, 466 pen-point, 487
pass (in the m ountains) penalty, 136
pass through, 170 penetrate, 24, 60, 323, 431
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 563

penis, 53, 54, 150, 162, 170, 188, 231, pile o f logs, 470
474 pile o f sheaves, 514
penknife, 37 pile o f stones, 222
Pentecost, 385 pile-structure, 417
people, 136, 338, 434, 503 piled up, 199, 223
perceive, 62, 285 pillar, 268
perch, 72 pillory, 341
perform , 44 pillow , 203
pergola, 330 pim ple, 26, 31, 97, 220, 348
perhaps. 192, 249, 287 pincers, 56
period o f changeable w eather, 210 pinch, 152, 179, 184, 266, 329, 408
period o f tim e, 275 pine, 32, 34, 51, 141, 328, 506
period o f tw enty-four hours, 522 pine needle, 34, 150
peritoneum , 130, 213 pine-w eevil, 136
peritoneum (of a slaughtered anim al) pipe, 103, 221, 233, 326, 327, 328, 467,
perm ission, 158 471, 504
persecuted, 137 pit, 109, 124, 222, 238, 368, 389, 461
persist, 363 pit filled with w ater, 459
pitcher, 107, 113, 438
person, 6, 304
pitchfork, 46, 452
perspiration, 69
pith, 309
persuade, 20, 21, 25, 448
pity, 264, 319
persuasion, 317
place, 83, 167, 463, 499, 504, 508, 510
pestilence, 144
place o f abode, 247
pestle, 353, 487
place w here the cattle gives birth, 242
petrify, 297
place w here the snow m elts, 58
phallus, 31
placed sideways, 334
phlegm , 99, 157
plague, 278
physical strength, 505
plain, 106, 412
physician, 269
plait, 115, 193, 200, 318, 329, 331, 482
pick, 114, 115, 179, 186, 378, 417
plaited hair, 176, 186
pick-axe, 186
plaiting, 229
picket, 150, 167 plane, 112, 376, 403, 412
pickles, 379 plane-tree, 309
piece, 19, 50, 94, 294, 322, 329, 459 plank, 332
piece o f bread, 378 plant, 25, 106, 250, 271, 332, 385
piece o f a broken pot, 486 plant with big leaves, 213
piece o f cheese, 264 platan, 378
piece o f dung, 28 plate, 30, 267, 334, 379, 447
piece o f turf, 334 plateau, 402
piece o f w ood, 44, 117, 162, 186, 202, play, 230, 231, 232
465 playful, 230
pierce, 26, 323. 325, 327, 430, 431, 474, playing-ball, 326
486 pleasant, 159, 267
pig, 22, 61, 71, 242, 477 please, 128, 177, 318, 344
p ig’s foreleg, 180 p leasure, 81, 178
pigeon, 318 plectrum , 317
piggyback, 165 pledge, 22, 315
piglet, 24, 25, 61, 371 pliant, 38, 224
pike, 271 plight, 141
pile, 169, 198, 205, 297, 326, 351, 441, plot, 190, 216, 452, 459, 466, 513
458 plow , 21, 311, 335. 380
 564 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

plow -beam , 189 pouch, 162

plowed land, 8 pound, 27, 239, 289, 420
plow m an, 39, 374 pound earth-clods, 407
plow share, 223, 335, 485 pounded m ass, 59
pluck, 61, 179, 314, 329, 511 pour, 56, 79, 180, 231, 234, 236, 254,
pluck out, 288 300, 363, 366, 371, 374, 462, 483
plug, 166 pour in, 439
plum , 315 pour out 60, 113, 144, 505
plum tree, 204 poured, 106
plum age, 315 pouring, 106
plum e, 468 pow der, 335, 341
plum m et down, 63 pow er, 106, 352, 396, 521
plunder, 342, 388 practice, 376
plunge, 195, 199, 276, 289, 300 praise, 93, 115, 121, 253
poached (o f egg), 109 pray, 225, 235
pocket w ithout lining, 432 precede, 345, 346
pockm ark, 28 precipice, 339, 383, 384, 386, 428
pod, 27, 213, 247, 355, 447 precise, 393
podzol, 233 prefer, 513
poem , 511 pregnant, 249
point, 1, 47, 62, 97, 174, 241, 326, 360, pregnant [m are]
361, 474, 481, 490 prejudice, 449
point o f a pole, 474 prem ature, 214, 321
pointed end, 207 prem ature (of fruit)
pointed stake, 145 preoccupation, 365
poise, 330 preparation, 311
poison, 144, 145, 441, 515 prepare, 111, 287, 350, 365
poke, 322 prepare for journey, 300
pole, 72, 77, 150, 185, 189, 229, 307, 310, prepare in advance, 343
383, 435, 435, 443, 445, 448, 474, 481 preparing, 343
pole-cat, 432, 489 present, 57, 84, 93, 345
polish, 92, 222, 282, 408, 419 press, 26, 71, 261, 288, 295, 311, 323,
pollen, 87, 468 331, 350, 442, 443, 458, 460, 4 6 6 ,4 6 7 ,
pom egranate, 409 468, 481, 483, 484, 490, 511
pond, 23, 152, 314 press on, 288
ponder, 352 press together, 19, 378, 427, 444. 458
pool, 23, 120, 152, 221, 223, 236, 238, press upon, 299
314, 404, 488 pressing, 79
poor, 99, 124, 137, 397, 495, 513 pressure, 475
poplar. 333 pretend, 439
poppy, 242 pretty, 40, 189
porch, 337, 340, 464 pretty girl, 25
pore, 327. 421 prevail, 277
porridge, 363 prevent, 347, 362, 488
possess, 167 prey, 342
possibility, 277 prick, 49, 117, 124, 134, 142, 325, 327,
post, 268, 435, 444, 445, 448. 460, 464 481
posterior, 1, 19, 312, 337, 340 p rick out, 430
pot, 109, 168, 337, 338, 340, 404, 453 prick up (ears), 48
potato, 183 priest, 345
potion, 515 p riest’s house, 355
pottage o f pulse and grain. 171 prim e, 382, 512
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 565

prince, 346 pull up, 387

priory, 257 pullet, 157, 349
prison, 42, 363 pulp, 408, 468
prisoner, 372 pum pkin, 205, 330
private, 344 punch, 296, 356
prize, 308 punctured, 348
probe, 491 punish, 63, 285
proclaim , 216 punting-pole, 72
produce, 9, 252, 330, 346 pupil, 75, 230
profit, 69, 233 puppy, 177
progenitor, 140 purchase, 344
projecting (of teeth), 347 purr, 175
prom enade, 348 purse, 350, 440
prom inent, 321 pursiness, 143
prom ise, 343 pursue, 286, 296
prom pt, 292 pursuit o f robbers, 340
prong, 122 pus, 355
prop, 50, 251, 347 push, 26, 262, 288, 330, 347, 350, 389,
prop up, 106 444, 445, 461, 463, 466, 469, 490
proper, 2 push away, 152
property, 14, 70, 260, 332 push back, 435
prophesy, 489
push out, 414
propitious, 414
pussy-w illow , 386
prosper, 464
put, 51, 71, 83, 436, 440, 469, 479. 503,
prosperity, 14
504
prostitute, 206
put aside, 466, 503
protect, 253, 277, 287, 352
put down, 503
p rotector, 287
put ears o f corn together, 167
protruding beam , 400
put in, 106, 439, 519
proud, 113
put in a row , 367
prove, 463
put in disorder, 284
p roverb, 323
put in m ind, 204
prow , 335
put in o rder, 287, 368
prudent, 489
prune, 185, 421 put into, 177, 281
pruning-hook, 185 put on, 183, 249, 501, 502
pruning-knife, 163, 193 put on m ake-up, 222
p ry, 320 pul on yoke, 36
pubic hair, 112 put out, 203
public, 348 p utter, 114
public way, 348
puddle, 55, 187, 237, 314 quack, 171, 187
puff 104 quail, 74
p u ff up, 277 quarrel, 124, 174, 181, 300, 354, 377
pull, 61, 73, 77, 145, 288, 314, 329, 350, quarry, 389
375. 376, 389. 3 9 0.430, 435, 4 5 2 ,4 6 2 , quarter, 192, 210, 294, 334
483, 511 quarter o f a slaughtered anim al, 192
pull dow n, 386 queen-bee, 247
pull faces, 183 quench, 445
pull hair, 221 quick, 27, 43, 64, 99, 328, 371, 398, 418,
pull off, 249 428, 470, 472
pull out, 195, 288, 303, 362, 424 quiet, 99, 310, 359, 386, 464, 489
 566 IN D E X O E M E A N IN G S

quietly, 165 really, 393

quilt, 340 reap, 192, 511
quince, 105 rear, 322, 469
quiver, 2, 201 rear side (of a knife), 364
quivering, 196 reason, 10, 416
quote, 354, 355 rebound, 19
quotes, 480 recall, 321
receive, 9, 120
race, 26, 110 receive as a guest, 429
rack, 224 receiver o f stolen goods, 149
raft, 8 recent, 371
ra fte r, 70 reckon, 204, 205, 352
rag , 45, 216, 226, 226, 313, 367, 379, 404 recognize, 55
rage, 264, 268 reconcile, 308
raging, 43 record-office, 114
rain, 369, 413, 414, 515 recover, 51
rain with snow , 238 rectum , 55, 523
rain-storm , 275, 404, 416 red, 33, 77, 103, 205, 211, 391
rainbow , 77, 236, 518 red beech, 422
rainw orm , 118, 172, 386 red-backed shrike, 49
rainy w eather, 61, 281 red-brow n, 280
raise, 217, 296, 345, 355 red-haired, 376
raise up, 511 red-hot, 471
raised, 445 redden, 201, 297
raised baulk, 357 reddish, 33, 385
rake, 116, 122, 195, 366, 395 reduce, 209, 254, 256
rake over, 342 reed, 107, 167, 168, 173. 178, 202, 334,
ram , 21, 54, 57, 143, 188, 402 348, 388, 434, 518
ram bling, 492 reed flute, 150
ram rod, 415 reed mat, 388
rancid, 12, 136 reed-structure, 368
ran co r, 193, 271 reel, 275
rare, 369, 377 refresh, 182, 285
rascal, 209 refuse, 415
rash, 144, 403 region, 194, 334
rasp, 369 registry, 114
rasp b erry , 265 reject, 152, 435
rattle, 60, 180 rejoice, 110, 277
ravage, 238 release, 215, 371, 422, 423
rave, 264 released, 281
raven, 191 relieve, 29, 218
ravine, 71, 122, 230, 323, 516 religion, 94
raw , 389, 519 rem ain, 158, 230, 250, 261, 294, 386, 388
raw silk, 260 rem ain awake, 320
ray, 2, 12, 382, 418, 439 rem ainder, 230, 343
raze, 322 rem aining, 229, 343
razo r, 37 rem edy. 17
reach, 157, 177, 355, 406, 410, 448, 521 rem em ber, 201, 338
read, 251, 462 rem ind, 204
readiness fo r copulation (o f pigs), 141 rem ove, 2, 389
ready, 111, 377 rend, 389
real, 159 ren der faint. 225
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 567

renew , 9 ripen, 96, 289, 314

rennet, 379, 384, 433, 435 rise, 53, 148, 217, 300, 321, 344. 368,
rent, 50 371, 387, 454
repair, 9 rise early, 261
repeat, 304 rising, 321
repent, 315 risk, 127
report, 271 ritual bread, 181
reproach, 84, 360 rival, 411
reptile, 441, 524 river, 211, 234, 367, 383
reputation, 93, 283 riv er bank, 519
requite, 320 riv er m outh, 126, 216
resem ble, 128, 410, 419, 425 river sand, 519
resentm ent, 449 river-bed, 4, 122, 323, 375
residue, 33 riverside forest, 131
resin, 120, 129, 371, 385 rivulet, 23, 27, 367, 368, 409, 508
resonant, 456 roach, 239
resound, 134 road, 31, 61, 437, 443, 483, 508
respect, 283, 338 roam , 88, 134, 383
rest, 165, 310, 352 roam around, 513
rest at noon, 263
roar, 39, 73, 121, 376, 486
resting, 352
roast, 96, 319, 323, 381, 473
restlessness, 6
roasted, 381
restore, 285
roasting-spit, 347
restrain, 254
rob, 121, 199, 346, 383, 388, 467
reticulum , 339
robber, 48, 212
reveal, 51
robust, 14, 481
revenge, 427
rock. 43, 48, 55, 127, 171, 195. 221, 233,
revive, 178, 182
254, 273, 320, 359, 402, 420, 423
revolve, 156
rock edge, 468
rew ard, 308
rocky area, 114, 172
rheum , 118, 119, 218, 398, 421
rib, 37 rocky bank, 195
rich, 14, 20 rocky desert, 376
richness, 14 rocky landscape, 142
ride, 134, 386 rocky precipice, 369
ridge, 202, 215 rod, 10, 27, 351, 386, 481, 509
ridicule, 448 roe, 161
rifle, 351 roebuck, 161, 170
right, 67, 73, 248, 276, 414, 453 rogue, 150, 209
right (side), 67 roll, 226, 254, 285, 292, 330, 383, 416,
rill, 215 418, 449, 481, 494
rim , 381, 504, 523 roll in dust, 418
rim (of wheel) roll up, 323, 323
rind, 196, 221 rolled in a ball, 391
ring, 14, 182, 354, 358, 369, 370, 456, ro lle r, 261, 333
486, 495, 504 Rom an, 370
ringing, 114, 521 R om ance speaking, 512
rinse, 324, 363, 430 roof, 198, 224, 340, 349, 417, 442, 457,
rinse w ater, 31, 214, 215 458
rip, 376, 433, 520 ro o f on ra fte rs, 378
rip open, 419, 419 ro o f plank, 359, 462
ripe, 157, 280 ro o f shingle, 421
568 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

roof-beam , 357 rush down, 376, 515

roof-lim ber, 349 rush to, 404
room , 355, 475 rush-trap, 188
roosl, 106 Russian leather, 451
rooster, 118, 131, 170 rust, 33, 77, 288, 516, 524
ro o ste r’s breath, 430 rustle, 422
ro o ste r’s com b, 196 rusty, 77
root, 181, 207, 295, 382, 384, 386, 425 rye, 473
rope, 129, 211, 215, 228, 229, 388, 426, rye-grass, 327
455, 460. 482, 505, 527
rope (m ade o f bast), 32 sack, 63, 331, 393, 461, 475
rose, 294, 296, 388 sacral bone, 180
rot, 245, 357, 365, 429, 462, 468 sacrifice, 100
rotate, 73 sacrum , 180, 228
rotation, 353 sad, 147, 465
rotten, 209 sadden, 147
rough, 11, 36, 197, 515 saddle, 407, 415
round, 319, 490 saddle cover, 401
round bread, 171, 201 saffron, 200
round button, 404
sage, 245, 258, 411
ro u n d dance, 373
sail, 514
ro u n d fruit, 178
saint, 411, 526
round object, 200
salam ander, 32
rouse, 297, 523
saliva, 238, 282, 481
row , 51, 195, 338, 365, 367, 368, 387,
salm on, 218
408, 437, 495, 514
salt, 132, 137, 197, 298, 410, 412
row o f stones, 488
salt-cellar, 410
row o f thrum s in the loom , 482
salty, 298, 446
row o f vines or trees, 495
sam ple, 299, 410
row ing, 513
sanctify, 445
rub, 34, 96, 124, 361, 455, 465
rubbish, 30, 332, 377, 378, 389, 475 sanctuary, 145
ru d d er, 442 sand, 247, 370, 519
rude, 36, 408 sand ballast, 527
rue, 376 sand-dune, 26
ruffle, 454 sandal, 306
rug, 331, 422 sandy soil, 247
rugged, 36, 114, 462 sap, 281
ruin, 97, 115, 339, 384 sapling, 262, 301
rule, 380, 404 sapw ood, 28, 490
rum ble, 103, 134 sate, 295
rum or, 93, 109 satiate, 178, 183
rum p, 510 satiate som ebody (with lies)
run, 31, 50, 63,73, 8 5 ,1 4 8 , 229, 286, 292, satisfy, 131, 177, 316
368, 384, 404, 470, 497, 514, 516 saturate, 47
run after, 134 Saturday, 444
run away, 154, 496, 497, 515 sausage, 112
run dry, 439 save, 412, 429, 431
run fast, 293 savory, 467
runner, 163 saw , 343, 346, 409
rupture, 370 say, 480
rush, 107, 168, 173, 202, 376, 397, 428, scab, 73, 113, 141, 197, 198, 308, 355,
470 357, 403, 404, 441, 523
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 569

scabies, 198 seat, 407, 412, 420, 468

scabs, 101 secret, 432, 456
scale, 118, 213, 219, 221, 224, 235, 260, secret path, 460
435, 481 secrete, 458
scale o f onion, 365 section, 294, 347
scanty, 254, 377 section in a barn, 347
scar, 28, 260, 517 sedim ent, 71, 238, 239
scarab, 168 see, 64, 75, 78, 285, 366, 374, 425, 426,
scarce, 377 506
scarcely, 256, 339 seed, 93
scare, 198 seed-vessel, 355
scare off, 76 seek, 138, 181, 236, 352, 376, 462
scarccrow , 341, 514 seem, 78, 128
scarlet, 205 seethe, 383, 446
scatter, 163, 388, 406, 439, 442, 519 seine, 516
scent, 257 seize, 131, 154, 157, 164, 167, 169, 246,
scented plant, 288 355, 357, 362, 372, 383, 389, 4 1 0,434,
school, 421 470, 520, 521
scissors. 116 seize and c arry off, 515
science. 419 self, 393, 482. 493, 498
scold, 97 self-consciousness, 76
scoop, 124 sell, 411, 503
scorch, 323 sell off, 60
scorching heat, 447 sem en, 93
scoria, 33 send, 53, 63, 157, 217, 404
scorpion, 395, 422 senior shepherd, 51
scoundrel, 150 separate, 2, 51, 52, 95, 198, 283, 339,
scour, 116 411, 420, 423, 433, 434, 496
scrap, 33, 45 separately, 497
scrap o f cloth, 216 serf, 372
scrape, 114, 116, 132, 359, 390, 424 serpent, 21, 130, 201
scraper, 116, 369 servant, 93, 374, 417, 418, 488
scratch, 114, 115, 116, 145, 160, 180, serve, 413
198, 226, 311, 364, 420, 422 service, 306
scratch oneself, 226 ser vice-berry, 472
scraw l. 422 set, 332, 440, 453
screen, 104, 226 set (of the sun), 93, 315
screw , 460 set alight, 284
screw -nut, 448 set in m otion, 105, 345
scum , 31, 222, 242 set in o rder, 105, 367
scythe, 192, 193 set o f four, 172
sea, 61, 273 set off, 300
sea fish, 427 set on fire, 82, 167, 339
sea pike, 271 set outside, 200
sea snail, 182 set up, 258
sea-crab, 168 set upon, 300
sea-w eed, 3 settle, 365
sea-w olf, 209 settle dow n, 280
seal, 41, 201, 253, 253 seven, 436
seam, 319, 375, 398 seven tens, 436
search, 146 seventy, 436
season with butter, 321 sever, 2, 95
570 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

sew together, 357, 392 shepherd’s hut, 453

sewn together, 447 shew bread, 251
shack, 337 shield, 104, 311, 401, 435
shackle, 315 shift, 344
shade, 209 shin, 194
shadow, 147, 518 shinbone, 180
shaft, 421, 482 shine, 17, 18, 29, 30, 62, 65, 75, 106,
shaggy, 471 119,128, 1 4 6 ,1 4 7 ,2 1 2 , 2 3 1 ,2 7 8 ,3 8 4 ,
shake, 55, 73, 79, 174, 221, 231, 232, 405, 413, 419, 423, 473, 479, 503, 520
292, 424, 446, 519 shining. 15, 17, 18, 29, 33, 108, 118, 119,
shake off, 424 128, 147, 231
shake strongly, 424 shirt, 177, 372, 375, 408, 425
shallow , 141 shiver, 95, 385, 449
sham e, 84, 95, 191, 249, 461, 469, 524 shivering, 273
sham eless wom an, 150 shivering fit, 273
sham rock, 454 shock, 169
shank, 194 shock (of hair or feather), 162
shape, 182, 400, 419 shoe, 45, 179, 306
share, 257 shoe-lace, 376
sharp, 1, 11, 38, 86, 88, 141, 149, 481, shoot, 38, 143, 190, 234, 238, 251, 262,
482 268, 277, 293, 327, 391, 411, 464, 465
sharp end, 38 shoot (of vine)
sharp point, 357 shoot of rice, 397
sharpen, 86, 111, 124, 143, 166, 3 4 2 ,4 3 1 , shooting, 448, 465
459, 477, 482 shore, 243, 247
shave, 34, 37, 359, 390 short, 154. 206, 244, 425
shavings, 219, 465 sh o rt and soft (of w ool), 375
she, 3 short jacket, 261
she-ass, 240 short spear, 428
she-bear, 254 shortsighted, 313
she-goat, 58, 83, 105, 174, 188, 357 shoulder, 193, 279, 280, 405, 428
sheaf, 78, 186, 202, 514 shoulder-blade, 400, 405, 428
shear, 171 shout, 23, 108, 109, 116, 134, 151, 176,
sheath, 266 180, 327, 376, 3 9 9 ,4 8 4 ,4 9 1 , 505, 508,
shed, 330, 365 526
sheep, 18, 19, 21, 58, 131, 190, 233 shovel, 230, 310
sheep and goats, 21 show , 271, 286, 382, 463
sheep enclosure, 459 show off, 295
sheep louse, 179 show er, 379, 390
sheep with little ears, 53 shred, 219
sheep with long w ool, 196 shrew -m ouse, 489
sheep with w hite spots on the m uzzle, 408 shriek, 201, 509
sheepfold, 496 shrill, 141
sheet, 337 shrink, 105, 439
shelf, 224, 337 shrub, 262, 263, 472
shell, 117, 118, 126, 213, 222, 235, 355, shrubbery, 53, 108
379, 474 shrunk old m an, 373
shell-fish, 205 shudder, 216
shelter, 340, 357, 363 shut, 251, 254, 363
shepherd, 13, 17, 51, 370, 403 shut in, 484, 511
shepherd producing cheese, 438 shuttle, 77, 400, 462
shep h erd ’s assistant, 403 sick, 175, 395
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 571

sickle, 72, 187. 220 skin of corn-cob, 173

sickness, 224 skin o f nuts, 408
side, 2, 5, 37, 122, 154, 193, 194, 308, skin o f onion, 448
523 skull, 126, 163, 187, 195, 199, 234, 379
side (of a ship), 92 sky, 360
side of ham , 309 sky blue, 166
side-w hiskers, 196 slab, 332, 334, 336
sieve, 203, 395, 396 slag, 524
sift, 203, 394, 394, 396, 427 slander, 167, 295, 347, 430
sigh, 81, 104, 324, 348, 447 slanting, 364
sign, 410, 411 slap in the face, 311, 446
silk, 260 slate, 219, 229
silly w om an, 153 slaughter, 142, 335, 455, 474
silt, 4, 135, 216, 238 Slav, 432, 434
silver, 8, 89 slave, 255, 417
silver coin, 315 sledge, 87, 393
silver fir, 272 sleep, 92, 99, 138, 448, 523
sim, 475 sleepiness, 92
sim ilar, 410 sleet, 401
sim ple, 479 sleeve, 260, 261
sim pleton, 17 slender, 150
sim ulate, 439 slice, 94
sin, 92, 258 slide, 418
since, 249 slight, 335
sinciput, 217 slightly, 154
sinew, 117, 136, 302, 313, 451 slim , 149, 150, 238
sing, 175, 178, 470 slime, 184, 281, 282, 364, 456
sing (of sw allow s) sling, 14, 30, 150
sing psalm s, 393 slip, 340, 418
singe, 341 slip o f the tongue, 346
singular, 339 slipper, 179, 224, 407
sink, 195, 289, 459, 515 slippery place, 434
sip, 375 slippery slope, 418
sirocco, 13 slit open, 421
sister, 275, 493 sloe, 75, 203
sister-in-law , 140, 246, 250 slope, 321, 345, 359, 420, 450, 451, 513
sit, 131, 158, 385 sloping, 334
site, 401, 466 sloppy mud, 184
sitting around, 104 sloppy w ork, 95
situation, 142 slot, 152
six, 130 slough, 237
six tens, 130 slow, 254, 392
size, 448 sludge, 238
skate, 418 slug, 182
skein, 377, 456 sluggish, 88, 99, 254
skeleton, 379 slum ber, 74, 99
skew, 364 slurp, 212
skillful, 418 slut, 218
skim m ing, 159 sm all, 97, 150, 154, 227, 244. 254, 271,
skin, 5, 19, 28, 31, 69, 83, 126, 163, 212, 301, 325, 502, 513
222, 226, 234, 242, 248, 257, 331, 332, small axe, 459
398, 408, 435, 475, 520 small bag, 407
 572 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

small boat, 448 soar, 286, 303, 321, 428

small object, 76 sod, 334
small piece, 301 sodom ite, 295
sm all pod, 414 sodom ite sexual act, 295
small stone, 326 soft, 43, 213, 220, 244, 464
small tub, 484 soft w ood, 453
small wom an, 385 soft-boiled, 375
small w ood, 347 soften, 218, 520
sm allpox, 227 soil, 289, 317, 459
sm art, 502 soiled, 317
sm arten oneself, 327 soldier, 490
sm ash, 24, 49, 474 sole, 179, 352, 426, 432
sm ear, 118, 236, 282, 295, 299, 300, 305 sole o f plow, 336
sm ell, 2, 4, 6, 301, 381, 448 solem n, 479
smell (of food) solid, 462
sm ith, 193, 507 solve, 369
sm ithy, 94 som e, 44, 305
sm oke, 13, 79, 175, 277, 356, 366, 367, som ebody, 177
470 som ething, 65
sm oke out, 324 som ew here, 204
sm ooth, 43, 106, 118, 220, 222 son, 26, 67
sm other, 195 son-in-law , 82
smut, 487 song, 168, 179
snail, 182, 234 sonorous, 456
snake, 31, 41, 130, 201, 201, 386, 393, soot, 30, 478
480 soothe, 344
snake skin, 527 sop of bread, 322
snap, 164, 169 sorb-apple, 492, 494
snap at, 81 sorcery, 261
snare, 206, 211, 416 sorrow , 31, 35, 141, 144, 317
snarl, 268 sort, 417
snatch, 163, 164, 389 so rt out, 360
sneak, 195 soul, 6, 430, 470, 520
sneer, 152, 294, 347 sound, 72, 74, 115, 138, 180, 187, 203,
sniff, 301 217, 297, 456, 491, 521
snipe, 400 sound like a pipe, 328
snivel, 184, 364 sound used to call goats, 174
snore, 114, 295, 370 soup, 86, 135, 322
snort, 295, 395, 469 sour, 12, 27, 91, 175, 446, 454, 472, 472,
snot, 364 491
snow , 32, 62, 268, 274, 369, 414 sour dough, 472
snow (of light flocks) sour m ilk, 67, 148, 149
snow broth, 238 sour substance, 192
snow storm , 398 source, 4, 253, 516
snow -drift, 257 South, 160
snow -flake, 404, 429 Southern wind, 160
so, 6, 11, 170, 336, 341, 414 sow , 25, 71, 93, 251, 330, 408, 426
so m any, 170 sow -thistle, 385
so m uch, 170 space, 7, 501
soak, 210, 245, 254 spade, 215, 310, 494
soap w ater, 97 span, 22
soap suds, 97 Spanish tty, 168
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 573

spare, 200, 206, 320 splitting fruit, 346

spark, 155, 341, 420, 439, 517, 518 spoil, 50, 109, 110, 152, 334, 346
sparkle. 106, 278, 420, 502 spoke, 382
sparrow , 142, 279, 364, 520 sponge. 432
sparse, 382 spool, 132, 275
Spartan (lily), 221 spoon, 233
spasm , 46 spot, 182, 210, 213, 305, 336
spawn, 154 spotted, 152, 214, 344, 408
speak, 99, 431, 431 spotted hound, 408
speak clearly, 434 spotted w oodpecker, 325
spear, 21, 50, 95, 134, 144, 145, 146, 421, spouse, 94, 95, 523
439, 445, 474, 490 spraw l, 520
spear tip, 97 spread, 163, 283, 305, 439, 441, 442, 443
speck, 222 spread oneself out, 520
speck o f dust, 453 spring, 34, 98, 103, 143, 176, 198, 228,
speckle, 210, 214, 384 230, 344, 418, 479, 516
speckled, 344 spring up, 220
specter, 209
spring wind, 425
speech, 27, 98, 208, 323, 521
sprinkle. 102, 144, 319, 321, 322, 325,
speed, 350
371, 402
speedy, 153
sprinkling, 346
spellet, 223
sprinkling device, 402
spelt, 3, 17, 451
sprite, 327
spend, 464
sprout, 38, 57, 190, 277, 293, 301, 327,
sperm , 60
411, 448, 465
sphere, 391
spur, 50, 244, 430, 431
spider, 257
spur o f a m ountain, 388
spike, 361, 404
spill, 93 spur on, 48, 121
sputum , 176
spin, 302, 457
spin wool, 418 spy, 320
spindle, 32, 77, 466 square, 188, 412
spine, 195, 207, 430, 457 square m easure, 403
spiral, 389 squash, 444
spirit, 57, 430, 470 squatting, 172
spirit o f m ountains, 393 squeak, 487, 505
spit, 64, 97, 107, 145, 157, 324, 485 squeeze, 77, 113, 288, 323, 3 7 8 ,4 2 7 , 442,
spit out, 485 443, 468, 475, 483
spite, 243 squeeze out, 443, 466
spitting out, 324 squeezing, 79
spittle, 107 squinting, 438
splash, 104, 332 squirrel, 112, 175, 176, 489
spleen, 333, 431 stable, 42, 135, 174, 257
spleen inflam m ation, 419 stack, 361, 370, 388
splendid, 65 staff, 184, 240, 359, 401, 421
splendor, 66 stag, 161
splint, 117, 185 stagbeetle, 161
splinter. 10, 11, 28, 30, 32, 76, 99, 141, stagfly, 161
186, 329, 400, 414 stagnant, 4
split, 49, 50, 51, 54, 55, 95, 101, 107, stagnant green, 242, 440
141, 142, 145, 147, 150, 196, 212, 332, stain, 182, 305
334, 348, 357, 380, 416, 419, 424, 435, stained, 270
447, 455, 474, 474 stair, 419
574 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

staircase, 416 slick in, 297

stairs. 416 stick of firew ood, 141, 144
stake, 150, 167, 268 stick out, 129
stale, 152, 285 stick to, 299
stale (of bread) sticky, 299
stalk, 38, 95, 112, 181, 202, 219, 465 sticky stuff, 299
stall, 401, 436 stiff, 436
stall covered with straw , 443 stiffen, 56, 295, 297
stallion, 143, 371 stiffness, 294
stam en, 369 stim ulate, 303
stam m erer, 108 sting, 8, 47, 94, 117, 476, 478, 480, 481
stam m ering, 20 stinging nettle, 147
stam p, 53, 296, 402 stir, 34, 73, 76, 226, 243. 276, 387, 389,
stand, 251, 322, 386, 437, 438, 440 455, 466, 469
stand on end (of hair), 181 stir up, 296, 314, 322, 344
standing. 251 stirrup, 342
standing aside, 438 stitch, 43, 392
standing by, 479 stock, 144
standing crop, 509 stom ach, 29, 112, 233, 277, 333, 523
star, 153, 518 stone, 23, 44, 127, 316
starling, 32, 110, 444, 520 stone (of a fruit), 23, 165, 481
start, 300 stone hill, 120
start m oving, 387 stone pillar, 72
start out, 300 stone plate, 64, 378
state, 142, 438 stone splinter, 387
stature, 436 stone trough, 326, 339
stay, 39, 250, 261, 386, 388, 503 stone wall, 386
stay aw ake, 112, 518 stone-pine, 143
stay overnight, 39 stoneslide, 222
stay silent, 146 stony field, 229
steal, 121, 195, 199, 383, 510 stool, 403, 433
steam , 12, 339, 513 stop, 283, 297, 360. 362, 369, 402
steel, 1 stork, 17, 111, 168, 402, 439
steep, 142, 195, 370, 383 storm , 32, 274, 404, 475, 475
steep rock, 394 story, 98, 323, 337
steep slope, 64 stove, 338, 339
steer, 442, 514 straight, 63, 73, 285, 287
steering paddle, 442 straightaw ay, 343
stem , 30, 95, 112, 181, 202, 421 straightforw ardly, 465
stench, 447, 448 strain, 95, 192, 203, 350, 380
step, 50, 142, 296, 312, 406, 419, 432, strain oneself, 378
444, 459, 506 stram onium , 450
stepfather, 509 strange, 151, 437, 464
stepm other, 304 stranger, 151, 153, 255
steppe, 402 strangle, 254
stepson, 480 strap, 36
sterile, 356, 437, 440 straw , 167, 167, 173, 202
sterile cow , 437 straw berry, 73, 244, 443
stern, 350, 442 stream , 53, 60, 113, 299, 371, 383, 390,
stick, 25, 72, 77, 95, 118, 132, 134, 172, 392, 418
185, 329, 351, 359, 401. 421, 435, 436, street, 390, 443, 483, 507
474, 477 strength, 106, 505, 525
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 575

strengthen, 107 suet, 83

stress, 434 suffer, 62, 323, 376, 455, 516
stretch, 59, 89, 283, 315, 317, 354, 442, suffering, 169
455 suffocate, 178, 347, 412
stretch oneself, 288 suit, 128
stretch out, 283 sulphur, 394, 401, 434, 478
stretcher, 507 sultriness, 273
stride, 387 sum up, 204, 205
strike. 4, 14, 21, 24, 28, 30, 63, 119, 179, sum ach, 433
233, 251, 254, 297, 298, 311, 331, 346, sum m er, 499, 525
377, 3 7 9 ,4 0 6 , 4 1 4 .4 2 3 ,4 3 1 ,4 4 4 , 446, sum m it, 162, 241, 243, 364
448, 468, 469, 470, 488 sun, 65, 405, 518
strike out, 430 sun-dried brick, 334
string, 73, 302, 313 sun-heat, 527
strip o f land, 258 Sunday, 65
strip off, 372, 514, 515 sunny place, 155
stripe, 94 sunny side, 343
stripped skin, 334 sunny spot, 445
stroke, 310, 513 sunspot, 344
stroll, 17 sup up, 132
strolling about, 492 superfluous, 451
strong, 77, 101, 194, 303, 351, 352, 381, supper, 56
437, 441, 472, 516 supple, 224, 228, 235, 267
strong bough, 398 supply, 144
strongly, 351, 352 support, 50, 106, 336
structure open from all sides, 417 supporting beam , 336
struggle, 127, 159, 300 suppress, 254
stubbed area, 180 surface, 228
stubbed plot, 358 surfeit, 92
stubble-field, 142 surplus, 165
stud-horse, 143 surprise, 141
study, 114 survive, 516
stuff, 18, 47, 59, 253, 318 surviving, 516
stuffed up, 55 suspect, 138
stum ble, 419 sw allow , 6, 55, 113, 122, 124, 126, 152,
stum p, 48, 54, 132, 180, 181, 207, 310, 169, 237, 239, 258, 343, 357, 525
453 sw allow greedily, 212
stum py, 378 sw allow ed dow n, 295
stunted, 139, 458 sw am p, 15, 22, 210, 211, 233, 238, 240,
stupefy, 241 314, 351, 353, 517
stupid, 55, 107, 246, 310, 313, 447, 464 swan, 270
sturgeon, 30 sw arm , 29, 236, 238, 273, 373, 411
stuttering, 20, 289 swath, 495
stuttering person, 289 sw ay, 221, 233, 254, 320. 493
sty, 163 sw ear, 320
subjugate, 169, 445 sweep, 104, 276, 360
succeed. 464 sw eep away, 317
such, 6, 46, 456 sw eep out, 324
suck, 67, 285, 324, 479 sw eep up, 194
suck in, 132 sw eepings, 101, 332, 475
suckle, 58, 71, 260, 265, 295 sw eet, 91, 289, 414
suckling, 58 sw eet m elon, 330
 576 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

sw eet pea, 122 tassel, 350

sw eeten, 259 tasseled hair, 115
sw eetness, 453, 454 taste, 77, 132, 299, 414
sw ell, 32, 40, 41, 44, 48, 90, 91, 163, tasteless, 393
253, 277, 330, 454, 471, 520 tavern-keeper, 190
sw elling, 16, 48, 117, 127, 136, 235, 260, tax, 338, 450
454, 468 tea tim e, 522
sw ift, 290 teach, 263
sw ift flying, 405 teal, 47
sw im , 276, 301, 333, 430 team , 25
sw ine, 328 tear, 24, 28, 60, 61, 64, 69, 75, 76, 124,
sw ing, 55, 101, 221, 229, 233, 320, 330, 152, 196, 212, 231, 288, 299, 332, 361,
400, 418, 424, 435, 466, 469, 493 367, 368, 375, 376, 377, 378, 383, 389,
sw itch, 27 390, 410, 419, 424, 433, 4 3 4 ,4 3 5 , 515,
sw ollen, 469 515, 520
sw ord. 48, 145, 191, 310, 392, 416, 428, tear away, 383
471 tear into bands, 299
sym bol, 410 tear off, 179, 372, 417, 420, 515
syringe, 415 tear open, 520
tear out, 143, 424
tabby-cat, 327 tear up, 51, 52, 377
table, 185, 403, 447, 468 tearful, 231, 492
table-cloth, 55 tease, 48, 110, 292
tadpole, 230 teat, 350
tag, 365 tell, 382, 427, 463, 463
tail, 27, 48, 351, 474 tell stories, 167
take, 157, 164, 169, 179, 246, 291, 304, tem per iron, 4, 293
357 tem perate, 320
take a m id-day nap, 263 tem pest, 404, 475
take a root, 295 tem ple, 145. 466
take account of, 335 tem ptation, 417
take care of, 159, 248, 286, 374 ten, 84
take hold of, 124 tench, 305, 456
take out, 434, 521 tend cattle, 203
take pains, 225 tender, 40, 466
take place, 286 tendon, 59, 282
take possession, 167 tendril, 212, 232
-take precaution, 346 tent, 337, 409, 451
tale, 98, 323 term , 307, 373
talk, 27 , 463 terrace. 64
talker, 461 terraced land, 241
talking big, 309 te rro r, 218
tallow, 83 test, 159, 295
tallow -candle, 178 tcsticles, 31, 90, 145, 188, 228, 231
tally, 365, 448 testify, 64
tam arisk, 263, 516 tetter, 357
tame, 81 than, 394
tan, 367 thank, 208
tangle up threads, 285 thanks to, 308
tankard, 168 that, 3, 151, 289, 360, 394
tar, 394 thatch, 340, 458
tares, 269 theft, 187
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 577

then, 85, 307, 336, 450 throne, 420

there. 12, 148, 185, 450, 470 through, 292
therefore, 5, 341 throw , 98, 143, 144, 151, 258, 385, 414,
thick, 42, 59, 351, 352, 429, 449, 462, 424, 439, 440, 445, 483
462 throw back, 98
thick coat, 184 throw down, 160, 373, 386
thick forest, 449 throw on the ground, 98
thick set, 378 throw oneself upon, 404
thick skin, 293 thrush, 46, 123, 379
thick with leaves, 471 thrust, 167, 259, 262, 288
thick wool, 375 thrust in, 106, 297
thickening, 110, 117 thum b, 117, 118, 318, 349
thicket, 42, 122, 203 thum p, 343
thicket o f rushes, 178 thunder, 39, 103, 1 24,134, 180, 446, 491
thickly, 351, 352 thunderbolt, 274, 390
thief, 48, 212, 235 thundering, 114
thigh, 188, 474 T hursday, 88
thin, 141, 150, 228, 254, 382, 480, 502 thus, 11, 341
thin skin, 47, 222, 296 thym e, 467
thing, 134, 163, 209, 349, 381, 394, 453
thyrsus, 465
think, 64, 78, 201, 256, 286, 343
tick, 89, 179, 387
think of, 393
tie, 25, 59, 78, 226, 523, 527
think over, 105
tie bundle, 505
thirst. 90
tight, 440, 441
this, 208
tighten, 92, 343
this night, 399
till, 61, 132, 225, 397
this year, 397
tilled around, 104
thistle, 374. 382, 383, 477, 490, 491
tilled field, 398
thorn, 33, 94, 95, 132, 145, 327, 400, 476,
tilled land, 7
480, 481
thorn hedge, 338 tim ber, 223, 500
thorn-apple, 450 tim e, 50, 66, 146, 188, 274, 294, 307,
thorn-bush, 73, 152, 175 373, 396
thorny bush, 10, 95, 391 tim e spent on the w ork, 494
thorny fruit, 481 tinge red , 222
thorny plant, 75, 391, 433, 475 tinkle, 370
thoroughly baked (of bread), 107 tinkling, 370
thou, 455 tiny, 154, 183, 301, 324, 325, 418
thought, 458 tip, 47, 117, 174, 185, 241, 268, 325, 326,
thousand, 266 481
thread, 59, 77, 97, 110, 223, 229, 270, tip out, 56
294, 302, 313, 388, 460, 490, 5 1 1 tire, 75, 225, 230
threat, 76 tired, 141
threaten, 181, 295 tiredness, 95
three, 463 tit, 396
thresh, 297. 414 title, 457
thresher, 466 to, 61, 174, 284, 289, 292, 343, 450
threshing-floor, 7, 8, 58, 222, 459, 466 toad, 36
threshold, 341, 427, 433 toast, 341, 473
thrice, 97 today, 399
thrive, 251, 286 together, 19
throat, 32, 107. 115. 122, 126, 127, 128, toil. 169, 255
526 tolerate, 194
578 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

toll, 204 tray, 416

tom b, 468 tread, 462
tom bstone, 258 tread grapes, 444
tom orrow , 290 treat, 461
tone, 203 treaty, 20
tongs, 56, 237 tree, 74, 76, 77, 183, 229, 269, 425
tongue, 138 trefoil, 454
tool, 497 trem ble, 95, 99, 174, 216, 221, 350, 463
tool for draw ing a circle, 457 trem ulous, 196
tooth, 82, 122, 474, 527 trench, 106, 488
top, 1, 97, 185, 202, 241, 325, 326, 489 trial, 139, 404
top (of a boot), 456 tribe, 26, 59
top o f the head, 217 trick, 92
top o f the rock, 468 trickling down, 166
topsy-turvy, 165 trident, 98
torch, 78, 98 trifle, 76, 310
torm ent, 178, 184 trim , 185
torn, 368 T rinity, 413
torrent, 386 trip, 419
tortoise, 36 triton, 142
Tosk, 460 trium ph, 467
toss, 519 trot, 229, 483
tot, 385 trotting, 229
touch, 45, 51, 216, 243, 246, 277, 287, trouble, 141, 278, 458, 466
292, 294, 298, 320, 329, 330, 343, 354, trouble about, 159
362, 389, 447, 448, 455, 521 troubled, 466
tough, 437 trough, 77, 173, 191, 233, 326. 485
tournam ent, 319 trousers, 35
tousle, 326, 402 trout, 20, 465
tow , 186, 199, 444 truce, 22, 464
tow ard, 321 true, 159, 489
tow ards, 283, 292, 312, 343 truly, 287
tow el, 282, 312 trum pet, 467
tow er, 26, 470 trunk, 26, 42, 72, 132, 410, 445, 448, 467,
town, 110, 121, 496 469, 471
toy pipe, 460 trust, 22
trace, 66, 138, 383, 461, 496, 516 trustw orthy, 22
track, 301, 344, 506 truth, 505
track out, 151 try, 139, 277, 295, 299, 491
trade, 204 tub, 180, 205, 253
tradition, 70 tube, 103, 221, 327, 471
trailing, 307, 518 tuberculosis, 455
train, 263, 280, 322, 403 T uesday, 245, 246
tram p, 153 tuft, 48, 97, 112, 134, 162, 176, 185,326,
tram ple, 420 358, 377, 477
tram ple down, 417 tug. 73
transfer. 466 tum or, 126, 165, 235, 265, 355
T ransfiguration, 413 tunnel, 522
trap, 206, 211, 416 turbid, 466
trash, 30 turf, 28, 469
travel, 514 turkey, 267, 349, 371
traw ling net, 461 T urkey oak, 354
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 579

turn, 73, 156, 165, 184, 200, 202, 223, undernourish, 481
254, 302, 309, 320, 353, 358, 376, 387, undersized, 513
390, 4 5 7 ,4 6 0 ,4 9 0 , 500, 505, 511, 514, underskirt, 331
519. 527 understand. 51, 205, 343, 434
turn aside, 344 understanding, 10
turn fast, 470 underw ear, 249
turn into dust, 342 undo, 209, 294
turn out, 248 undrying rivulet, 409
turn over, 323 uneasiness, 458
turn round, 200 unequal, 248
turn the scale, 515 uneven, 11, 48, 196, 248
turn up, 170 uneven place, 125
turn up the nose, 152, 347 untlavored, 393
turn upside dow n, 250 unfortunate, 270
turning point, 512 unfriendly, 515
turnip, 365, 368, 381, 386 unhappy, 270, 296, 433
turtle, 425 unite, 523
turtle dove, 115, 203, 469 unleavened, 287
Tuscan, 460 unless, 242
tutelage, 287 unload, 417
tw addle, 346 unlock, 425
twenty, 521 unnecessary, 471
tw ice, 80, 97 unrest, 5
tw ig, 25, 27, 38, 54, 57, 118, 238, 374, unrip, 419
386, 4 1 1 ,4 1 4 , 434, 464, 465, 481 unripe, 276, 519
tw ilight, 2, 277 unripe m ulberry, 382
twin, 139 unstable, 230
twined, 202 untie, 209
tw ist, 288, 490, 510 untilled land, 223
tw isted, 202, 455, 510 untwine, 440
twisted cord, 334 untw ist, 440
tw itter, 327 unw ashed, 309
two, 79, 80, 405, 464 unw reathe, 486
tw o-w heeled w agon, 172, 358 up, 148, 161, 270, 321, 455
typhus, 224 up there, 396
tyranny, 293 up to, 61, 155
tyre, 504 uphill, 321
upland, 336
udder, 88 upon, 250, 251
ugly, 113 upper, 89. 482, 487
ulterior, 431 upper part, 47, 226
um belliferous plant, 411 upperm ost, 445
un-, 497 upright, 26, 443
uncastrated he-goat, 319 uproot, 415
uncastrated pig, 10 upset, 152
uncastrated ram , 215, 495 upside dow n, 165, 320
uncle, 13, 212, 487 upw ards, 455
unclean, 259, 317 urchin, 244
unclean liquid, 441 urge, 167, 292, 293, 297, 303
unconsciousness, 326 urinate, 314, 321, 348, 446
under, 153, 284, 291, 321, 340, 482 urine, 446
underneath, 322 use, 38, 42, 69
 580 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S

used for packing, 410 visit paid to m ourners, 342

úseles^, 193 V lach, 120
utensils, 307, 453 voice, 138, 521
uterus, 5, 190, 218, 265 void, 252
vom it, 485, 5 1 1
vagina, 120 voracity, 232
vagrant, 153 vow, 207
vain, 153, 193, 469 vulture, 153, 162, 168, 171, 360
V alachian, 370, 512 vulva, 120
valiant, 252
valley, 59, 70, 122, 178, 211, 493, 517 w ade, 34, 299
value, 45, 480 w afer, 28, 100
vam pire, 233, 237, 517 w agon, 197, 358, 381
vanish, 514 wail, 201, 235
vapor, 12, 58, 339 w ailing, 230, 231
varied, 384 wait, 343, 355
variegate, 214 w ake, 53, 523
varieoated. 379 w ake up, 39, 362, 401

120, 437, 464, 482, 508 w heeze. 378, 378

:89 whelp, 201
, 38, 69, 97, 141, 213, 267, 438, 439, when, 206, 301, 392
4, 484, 502, 514 w hence, 204
en, 59, 98, 213, 224, 272, 340, 379 w henever, 392
ness, 415 w here, 200, 206, 450
h, 233 w herein, 164
, 527 whet, 477
on, 9 w hether, 1
, 501 w hetstone, 43, 44, 111, 458
off, 88 w hey, 149, 363
out, 124, 169, 209, 468 w hich, 46, 193, 360
230 while, 396
:l. 40, 81. 280 whim s, 451
ter, 274 w hine, 487
e, 8. 87. 88. 285, 422, 453, 459..4S2. whinny, 148
'8, 510 whip, 27. 30. 103, 179, 348
er, 161 w hirlpool, 152, 299, 508
e r ’s beam , 445 w hisper, 213, 303, 324, 328, 404
ing tool, 87 w histle, 97, 103, 404, 413, 476, 504, 509
ing, 225 white, 15, 17, 18,21, 119, 147, 168, 231,
259 270, 488, 520
ing, 57, 302 white anim al, 15, 20
ing feast, 57 white cheese, 487
;e, 205, 297, 353 white felt, 456
lesday, 262 white goat, 209
, 9, 49, 143, 375, 395, 408 w hite-haired, 15
, 158 white object, 21
, 6, 353, 376 w hite sheep, 20
ing, 231, 376 white spot, 15, 214, 270
229, 456 w hitefish, 336
ti, 264. 370, 511 w hitethorn, 279
ht, 316, 350 whizz. 516
 IN D E X O F M E A N IN G S 581

w ater bird, 374 w eir, 158

w ater bubble, 338 w elfare, 158
w ater lily, 221 well, 146, 285, 336, 351, 482
w ater spray, 346 well up, 113, 516
w ater-bed, 4 wench, 210
w ater-bucket, 483 went, 140
w ater-fow l, 14 w erew olf, 43, 235, 517
w ater-hole, 120, 362 wet, 12, 105, 210, 222, 242. 255, 276,
w ater-m elon, 202, 232 281, 305. 371, 387, 485, 493, 513
w ater-pit, 488, 492, 508 wet, 35
w ater-pum p, 467 w et-nurse, 237, 244, 448
w ater-shed, 144 w etness, 387, 485, 512
w ater-source, 4, 448 w hale, 30
w ater-trough, 233 what, 52, 394
w aterfall, 225, 227, 386, 446 w heat, 22, 125, 126
w aterm ill ditch, 368 w heat-ear, 379
w ave, 55, 198, 202, 241, 361, 424, 493 w heel, 381, 389, 390
7Q 516
vary, 288 406, 413, 419, 4 3 ^ hf ? k t
way,
vase, 337 walk before. 321
we,
vault, 106, 168, 205, 356 walk over, 147
weal
veal, 45 1 walk through a sw am p, 242
4i
vehicle, 497 walk to and fro, 366
weal
walking, 131, 280, 437
verdure, 422 weal
wall, 81, 121, 135, 216, 286, 402, 524
verm in, 376, 441 weal
w all-eye, 270
verse, 511 wear
walnut, 10
vertical, 26, 326 wea]
w ander, 366, 421
very, 451 weai
w ane, 499
vessel, 5, 87. 88, 107, 168, 205. 233, 337, weai
want, 213, 489
4 0 4 ,4 1 0 ,4 5 3 ,4 9 0 weai
w anting, 489
vetch, 122, 125, 271, 508 weai
w ar, 233
vibrate, 73 weai
w ar cry, 207
vice, 109, 501 weat
w arlike, 262
victory, 510 wea'
warm , 105, 296, 303. 493. 524
victuals, 507 4'
w arm over fire, 407
view , 70 w ea'
w arm slightly, 493
vigil, 262 w arn, 180 w ea'
vigorous, 14 w art, 220, 237 wea'
village, 104, 174, 507 w ary, 213 webl
villager, 42 wash, 210, 215, 234, 254, 276, 281, 363 wed,
villain, 150 w ash in hot w ater, 342 wedi
vine, 7, 232, 238, 391, 465, 500, 501, 502 w ash up, 324 wedi
vine-arbor, 330 washing w ater, 349 wed;
vinegar, 12, 491 w ashing-stick, 310 W ed
vineyard, 506 w asp, 8, 123 weei
vintage, 511 w aste, 346, 375, 464 weel
viola, 107 w atch, 506 wee]
violent, 40, 86, 236 w atch all night. 320 wee]
viper, 290, 385, 425 w atchm an, 315 weft
virgin, 495 w ater, 12, 41, 254, 446. 483, 484, 486. weij
virgin land, 96 488, 492, 527 w eij
 582 INDEX OF MEANINGS INDEX OF MEANINGS 583

who, 207 wise, 278 w ord. 98. 208. 363 3ML 434 vt*llowwV\^
c i x u w l u u c , TXT/
whole, 47, 109, 129, 440, 454 296 307, 451, 473, 494 w ork diligently, 255
ellow ish, 65, 166 whole object, 45 wish luck, 489 w ork on, 350
es, 336, 414 whole skin, 45 witch, 45, 442 w ork slowly, 255
esterday, 68 w hore, 150, 206, 215, 352 w itchcraft, 45, 261 w ork up, 296
ew , 88, 457 why, 395 with, 254, 270, 283, 450, 454 w orking horse, 166
¡eld, 17 w icker-w ork, 116, 206, 219, 326, 359, with black circles around eyes, 406 w orkshop, 94
ogurt, 192 482 w ither, 97 w orld, 33, 159
ogurt ferm ent, 472 wicket-gate, 346 w ithered, 125, 285, 502 w orm , 119, 168, 196, 197, 372, 3 8 6 ,4 5 1 ,
oke, 157, 252, 521, 523 wide, 133, 309, 332, 501 w ithering, 97 524
ou, 159 widen, 163, 331 within, 252 w orm w ood, 314
oung, 139, 201, 287, 355, 371, 418, 464, w idespread, 283 without, 159, 307 w orry, 127, 313
466 w idow, 497 w ithout ears, 192 w orth, 60, 283
oung anim al, 525 width, 501 w ithout shell, 375 wound, 1, 215, 224, 331, 406, 425, 441,
oung bull, 59, 280, 449 wield, 53 witness, 271 486, 495, 514, 515, 517, 520
oung cow, 139, 440 wife, 94, 125, 302 w olf, 233, 484 w oven, 510
oung creature, 72 wild, 36, 40, 43, 65, 86, 236 w o lf s hide, 484 w rap, 119, 495, 506
oung dog, 176, 177, 208 wild anim al, 27, 57 wom an, 13, 95, 125, 237, 526 w rap up, 285, 324
oung fowl, 349 w ild artichoke, 383 w om an or anim al with hanging breasts w rapping, 410
oung grow th, 422 w ild cat, 81 221 w rath, 77, 87, 124, 155, 262, 271, 291
oung m an, 262, 486 w ild celery, 411 w om an’s shirt, 366 w ren, 52
oung o f anim al, 176 w ild grass, 86 wom b, 18, 265 w restling, 233
oung plant, 301 w ild olive tree, 485 w onder, 53, 158, 262 w retched, 137, 296
oung ram , 266 wild pear, 56, 120 w onderful, 267 w rinkle, 22, 76, 383, 390
oung shoot, 361 wild straw berry, 123, 276 w onderful apparition, 158 w rinkled, 109, 381
oung tree, 272 w ild vine, 213, 225 wood, 76, 127, 134, 173, 223, 229, 269. w rite, 423
oung w om an, 246, 302, 367 will, 513, 517 519 w rong, 60
oung w ood, 28 w illow , 10, 34, 410 w ood-engraver, 451
oungster, 449 w illow -loop, 417 w ood-pigeon, 319 yard, 206, 306, 496
outh, 45, 48, 53, 67, 242, 255, 449, 513, win, 69, 429, 521 woodcock, 400, 407 yarn, 270, 460
525 win (m oney) w oodcutter, 212 yawn, 120, 140, 359, 491
outhful strength, 525 w inch, 358 w ooden bowl, 30 year, 105, 274, 294, 373, 509
w ind, 89, 123, 375, 386, 505 wooden jug, 486 yeast, 38, 71
;al, 101 w ind instrum ent, 328 w ooden pail, 191 yell, 484
;st, 101 w indbag, 461 wooden platter, 247
w indlass, 358 wooden snare, 435
w indpipe, 115 w ooden vessel, 336, 409, 410
wine, 7, 500, 501 w ooden wall, 402
wine b arrel, 456 w oodlouse, 272
wine vessel, 456 w oodpecker, 400
w ine-press, 222, 460 w oodw orm , 196
w ineskin, 161, 263, 385, 415 woody nightshade, 475
wing, 96, 99, 100 woof, 229, 456
w innow , 194 w ool, 219
w innow ing shovel, 452 w ool blanket, 331
w insom e, 189 wool cover, 21
w inter, 66, 505 wool fat, 3
w inter pasture, 256, 505 woolen blanket, 498
w inter solstice, 181 woolen cloak, 408
w intry, 256 woolen cloth, 354
w ire, 451 woolen shawl, 187
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

Indo-European

*ad, 3 *busd(h)is, 44
*ad-staio-, 479 *bhägnä, 42
*aghlu-, 4 *bhakä, 19
*aiyes¿íí, 512 *bhars-, 17
*am bhi, 250 *bliedh-nö, 26
*am bhi-oudhö, 249 *bhel-, 31
*am bhi-sed-, 104 *bhei-, 14, 24, 251, 379
*am bhi-sek-ti-, 104 *bheidh-, 20, 22
*ana-, 5, 104 *bhelo-, 15, 41
*anat-, 427 *bhendhtä, 22
*(a)natiä, 374 *bhendhtiä, 22
*anghijrä, 6 *bher-, 18, 24, 26, 32, 38, 249, 251
*anghos-, 5 *bherag-, 17, 34
*anghosti-, 6 *bhergh-, 520
*anghosto-, 6 *bheriö, 24
*anghu-, 5 *bherno-, 42
*ani, 85 *bherH yä, 26
*ap-, 157, 410 *bhes-, 13
* apero-, 1 *bheu-, 17, 33, 39, 40, 42, 251
*apniö, 51 *bheya-, 44
*apo, 307 *bheugh-, 14, 39, 43
*ät-siä, 159 *bhid-to-, 27
*au-, 3 *bhid-rä, 26
*au(s)-, 8 *bhidh-tä, 22
*ayei-, 2 *bhi-ghä, 25
*aug-, 2 *bhlen-, 29, 30
*aug“nä, 5 *bhlend-, 99
*auH -m -tlä, 504 *bhleudhro-, 29
*autios, 497 *bhleyo-, 29
*aye, 503 *blileyos, 30
*aued-, 12 *bhlöros, 29
*ayedh-, 249 *bhlusä. 333
*ayei-, 519 *bhj3no-, 31
*ayeido-. *bhoidh-tä, 22
*ayeks-, 512 *bhoidh-tiä, 22
*ayer-, 12 *bholato-, 15
*ayietos, 427 *bhorH -dä, 42
*aiyotä, 159 * bhorH -n-, 43
*aic-, 8, 12, 86, 89, 481 * bhorH tr-, 43
*a£nä, 8 *bhöreiö, 24, 31, 35, 62
*aßs-, 10 *bhorago-, 17
*b3lno-g*ä, 14 *bhorno-, 42
*bolg"-, 14 *bhoru-, 21
*bu-, 44 *bhoyono-, 16
*buk-, 44 * b h rä te r-, 503
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 585

*bhredh-, 34 *do, 85, 157

*bhreg-, 34 *dodH s-, 157
*bhrei-, 34, 36, 37 *-dog"heiö, 284
*bhren-, 37 *dork“om , 56
*bhrendh-no-, 37 *dregh-, 73
*bhreum o-, 38 *dreu-, 74, 288
*bhreus-, 35 *drok“-, 74
*bhroisino-, 35 *druya, 76
* bhrou-dh-, 38 *dfak"-, 56
*bhrou-t-, 38 *drk“ä, 74
*bhfdh-, 42 *d|-no-, 76
*bhfdhjä, 44 *du, 79
*bh f-n -H -e/o -, 35 *dus-n-a, 84
*bhpiio-, 42 *dus-süto-, 64
*bh¡rio-, 37 *d(u)uoi, 79
*bhrozdh-, 34 *d(u)viö(u), 79
*bhu-, 22, 27, 33, 39, 44, 251 *duein-, 58
*bhugho-, 43 *dyi-, 79
*bhugh-to-, 43 *dyïgho-, 464
*bhuk-l-, 40 *dyoighä, 25
*bhukl-on-, 40 *dyo-, 58
*bhul-, 32 *dyö, 464
*bhu-l-, 26 *duoin-, 58
*bhulna, 16 *dhailiä, 58
*bhurom , 44 *dhalniö, 54
*bhyïliâ, 25 *dhau-, 496
*dalno, 54 *dhë-, 71, 503
*dalniö, 54 *dhegH o-, 80
*deiic-, 62, 286 *dheg"h-, 68
*deino-, 66 *dheg"h-lo-, 65
*de£-, 284 *dheg"hslos, 65
*delcs-, 67 *dhei-, 67
*de£sino-, 68 *dhe(i)-, 58, 71
*deìcsto-, 68 *dheia-, 64
*dekrfi, 84 *dheu-, 54, 79
*dekipti, 84 *dheub-, 61
*dek"-, 283 *dheubh-, 69
*der-, 56, 64, 73, 75. 76, 497 *dheup-, 69
*d erg ia, 71 *dhailo-, 58
*dergh-, 75 *dlighòm , 80, 109
*der£-, 75 *dhiH-rji, 64
*dërk"iü, 71 *dhoigho-, 81
*desiäs, 526 *dhoilia, 58
*dino-, 66 *dhouso-, 57
*dieu-, 526 *dhreu-, 76, 77
*dieu-t-, 526 *dhü-, 471
*dlngh-to-, 130 *dhu-to-, 471
*(d)longho-, 130 *dhùm os, 470, 471
*dlonghtos, 130 *dhyer-, 60
*dlonghyä , 138 *dhues-. 58
*dlijghya, 138 *dh(josi-, 57
*do, 284 *e-, 1, 85
586 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

*ed-, 84, 140, 141. 142, 158 *gels-, 138

*ëd-, 85 *geu-r-, 522
*e-dss-Tp, 157 *glei-, 305
*edolos, 142 * g b k t-, 80
*edóm , 142 *glüno-, 137
*egö, 486 *g|so-, 138
*eghom , 486 *golbh-, 165
*eghs, 155, 158 *golso-, 138
*eghs-to-, 158 *gou-r-, 522
*ei-, 3, 85, 153, 154 *gred-, 116
*eiom , 208 *grp-, 523
*eks-, 50 *gursiä, 128
*eks-ketiö, 412 *gyelbh-, 190
*eks-skeliö, 51 *gyol-bb-, 355
*e£s-skeriö, 52 *gebh-, 295
*e£s-skeyiö, 53 *galakto-, 80
*eks-skolyios, 49 *gens-, 65, 305
*em -, 154 * g en ster, 82
*3rjilos, 91 *genu-, 137
*en, 284, 292 *gep-, 295
*en apo k"id, 249 *gera-, 125
*en auso-, 290 *geus-, 77
*en esti, 156 *geusrp, 78
*(en) k"o(d) so, 164 *gne-sk-, 305
*en öku-, 290 *gne-y-, 305
*en-dhe-, 87 *gnoH -cskoH , 305
* e n e u ,159 *gnö-, 305
*e-M Ìc-s-om, 24 *golH -, 80
*en-gres£o, 296 *gom H -ter-, 82
*eni, 155, 284 *gfnom , 125
*en-kom , 292 *g"ed-, 524
*enm en, 87 *g"c-g"reH-do-, 523
*en-pro-agö, 252 *g"ei-, 526
*entjrio-, 466 *g"eÍ3-, 521
*ëp-, 157 *g“el-, 134
*epi, 89 *g"el3-, 138
*epi-d(o)H -iö, 157 *g*em-, 131
*er-, 368, 371, 387 *g"en-, 125
*er(a)-, 374 *g“enä, 526
*es-, 134, 156, 168, 343 *g'cnia. 526
*esqtis, 394 V e r - , 6, 115, 124, 126, 127
*es(o)nti, 156 *g“e r(s)-, 140
*et-, 158 *g“era-, 525, 526
*eu-, 249 *g’es-poti-, 526
*eues-dh-, 491 *g"ês-potnï, 526
*eya-, 153 *g?9tos estui, 502
*êyië, 497 *g1-, 303
*eus-, 91, 488 *g‘iiä, 526
*eus(i)eH , 526 *g"ïyVt-, 303
*eus-ti-, 90 *g"iä-tä, 526
*aus-, 501 *g"îê-, 525
*galan-, 5 13 *g”ipdhos, 131
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 587

*g"non-, 125 *H en-m (e)lit-, 91

*g"öu-, 14, 108, 131, 160, 393 *H enter, 284
*g*öu-di-äpos, 117 *H idh-no-, 147
*g*rH-u-, 127 *Hk"iuyo-iH, 405
*g"nuä, 126 *H onö, 503
*g“rrjdho-, 370 *H rghiiä, 145
*g“fs-, 115 *H upstxanH -, 104
*g“rtlom , 122 *H uslo-, 518
*ghen-, 520 *H yolkeiö, 145
*ghölu-, 126 *idhi, 154
*ghrebh-, 121 *Is-m os, 154
*ghrgdh-, 114 *itiö, 85
*ghäghos, 525 *iä-, 128, 156
*ghand-, 111 *ielo-, 519
*ghan-s-, 111 *iem o-, 139
*ghau(a)-, 526 *ies-, 524
*gh(e)detio-, 83 *ieudh-, 159
*ghed-to-, 83 *ieug-l-, 521
*gheim en-, 66 *io-, 3
*ghel-, 79, 81 *ioi, 85
*ghenö, 521 *iugom , 521, 523
*gher-, 110 *iuH, 160
*gher-m uro-, 525 *jum os, 139
*gher(s)-, 56 *kakhiö, 359
*ghersos, 69 *kal-,"l 89
*ghesr-, 70 *kam pä, 177
*ghetiä, 71 *kap-, 167, 169
*ghard-, 56 * kär-, 422
*ghard-s-, 70 *ked-, 354
*ghntä, 111 *ked-m o-, 175
*ghö, 85 *keia-, 356
*ghoi, 86 *keksä, 188
*ghorios, 61 *kel(3)-, 297
*ghör-n-, 61 *kel-, 4
*ghoubhä, 69 *ken-, 361, 364
*ghrsijo-, 75 *ken-k-, 356
*ghr?;d-, 75 *kenako-, 356
*ghü-dlo-, 79 *kepH ä, 353
*ghulo-, 79 *kër dhê-, 295
*ghunä, 84 *kera-, 424
*ghu-slo-, 79 * ker-£-, 358
*ghyen-, 521 *ker-nö, 192
*ghyer-, 70 *kers-, 116, 297
*g"hen-, 521 *kert-, 358
*g”her-, 108, 109, 296, 524 *kes-, 160
*gvh ercs-, 525 *kes(cä, 188
*g'*hermo-, 524 *kêsyâ, 189
*g"heros, 525 *kledniö, 185
*gl,h o r-ti-ä , 108 *klen-, 359
*H eiH ri, 399 *kneudhö, 184
*H eßm n-tieH , 187 * ko-£ru-to-, 184
*H en, Í *kom , 292
588 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

*ko-osk"(h)u-, 353 *krH -euno-, 199

*koso-, 160 *£fm o-, 405
*krem -, 423 *£¡tio -, 48
*krënyo-, 198 *£yeid-, 405
*krêp-, 194 *kuk-, 405
*kreunom , 199 *ßum b-, 404
*krok-skâ, 194 *fqjôn, 356
*krop-, 195 *icyorkos, 472
*kfH p-, 195, 423 *k“â-kJe, 192
*kfnos, 207 *k"âs-, 189
*kseu-, 447 *k"e, 274, 394
*kseum a *k"ei, 395
*ksï(n)i-, 414 *k“ei3tos, 47
*kyep-, 356 *k"ek*-los, 400
*kyëp-, 175 *k*el-, 156, 165, 202. 309, 320
*kyet(y)or pd-iëH , 437 *k"(e)lâ, 396
*Cëi-, 477, 482 *k*em, 394
*£el-, 397, 474 *k“e r-, 394
*jcelontl, 475 *k"etur-, 173
*(cenid-, 476 *k"etyer-, 173
*£enk-, 476 *k“eturrp, 173
*£ëns-ti, 4 8 0 *k"i-, 274, 395
*£ent-, 478 *k"id, 52, 360
*í;entrom , 50 *k*Uâ, 395
*£er-, 478, 481 *k"ila, 396
*£eras-, 199 *k"o-, 178, 185, 200, 204, 207, 208, 274,
*kes-, 471 289, 302
*fces-dhro-, 471 *k"ôd, 174
*£es-ro-, 455 *k“ôi, 174
*£ë-ti, 480 *k"oleiô, 355
*£eu-, 405 *k“olo-, 167
*lceu(3)-, 48 *k"om, 207
*£(e)u-po-, 48 *k*iTni-, 197
*ki-, 395 *k“ryi-, 196
*kia, 394 *k"sâiô, 445
*£iâ dïti-, 399 *k"u-" 200, 206, 207
*£jai nok'ti-, 399 *k"u-k"o-, 201
*£jëi, 399 *k“u-so-, 207
*iciei yetei, 397 *legh-, 99, 210, 217
*Ci-ker-, 479 *leg*h-, 217
*£iom tom , 394 *lei-, 220, 234
*(cîei-, 334, 386 *lêi-, 231, 236
*£leu-r-, 364 *leidheroi, 217
*Cleyos, 363 *leig-, 128
*lcloino-, 364 *leik"-, 229
*Ci)k-, 473 *leik"iâ, 229
*£onid-, 476 *lei-n-, 217
*fcontro-, 471 *leip-, 118, 213, 236
*fcordho-, 146 *lek-, 100
*£orqgno-, 472 *lëk-, 98, 211
*fcouHlo-, 474 *lem -, 222, 223
*fcouli-, 475 *lem esjo-, 223
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 589

♦lent-, 218 *m 3ison-, 258

♦leu-, 219 *rpgh-, 277
*leu(a)-, 234, 239 *m l-, 267
*leubh-, 234, 235, 236 *m oio, 254
*leudh-, 177, 214, 215, 217, 503 *m ntis, 256
*leudheroi, 217 *m nto-, 247
*leug-, 101, 512 *mok"i-, 257
*Ieug-, 101 *m oliâ, 241
*leugh-, 101, 233, 235 *m üia, 268
*leu-k-, 235 *m üs, 265
*leuk-, 18, 119, 209, 211, 231 *m üs-, 268
*lsk-, 98, 211 *nas-, 152
*lïg-, 128 *qbh(u)lo-, 12
*Jmo-, 485 *ne, 206, 302
*lng"h-, 217 *nebh-, 12, 366
*loghos, 210 *nebhelo-, 12
*lom os, 222 *neik'iô, 300
*ludh-sio-, 177 *nefc-, 177
*m aghos, 255 *nem -, 304
*m aghu-, 242, 255 *nepôt-, 300
*m äter, 1 1, 275 *ncpötiä, 250
*m azd-, 241 *neyios, 371
*m e-, 486 *neyn, 291
*m ë, 274 *neyos, 371
*m ë-, 246 *tj-g"ori-, 86
*më k"e, 274 *çghrdis, 56
*m eg-, 240 *ni-g"fno-, 295
*m egh-, 241 *nizdô, 386
*m êi-, 267 *nok"t-, 282, 290
*m eigh-, 321 *nok"tiôr, 290
*m ek-, 240 *n-sem -, 305
*m el-, 30, 265, 270 *nu, 301
*m el3-, 281 *nubh-tia, 303
*m elan-, 270 *nukâ, 303
*m el3m â, 259 *o-, 1, 85
*m elijo-, 265 *5, 3
*m ëm , 486 *oblu-, 494
*m em so-, 267 *ôd, 85
*m en-, 244 *ôge, 85
*m ëns-, 276 *oid-, 90
*m er-, 263, 274 *oid-skâ, 90
*m ergv-, 269 *oidsto-, 90
*m ergh-, 245 *oi-no-, 304
*m erï, 246 *ofctô(u), 453
*m ësen-ko-, 276 *ôku, 405
*m ësn-, 276 *ok"-, 503
*m ët-sio-, 274 *ok'iôn, 405
*m eu-, 255, 276 *ok“la, 503
*m ey3-, 255, 281 *ok“-t-, 503
*m eu-ro-, 279 *oner-, 92
*m agios, 240 *onerjo-, 92
♦m aies, 258 *(o)noH m ti, 87
 590 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

*onöm n dhe-, 503 *plm ä, 318

*oposnä, 350 *plsio-, 334
*or-, 371, 387 *pjthyiäm , 107
*or(3)-, 374 *plus-, 333
*orghi-, 145 *pçk"ti, 316
*öus-, 5, 501 *pö(i)-, 324
*ouos, 151 *pölnä, 314
*pä-, 426 *polteH , 309
*ped-s-t-ero-, 324 *poti-, 168, 526
*ped-su, 322, 340 *-potis, 526
*peiglidh-, 325 *potniä, 526
*peik-, 313 *pot-to-, 168
*peis-, 56 *poukso-, 351
*peisom , 56 *poyio-, 308
*pe£-lä, 326 *preß-, 344
*pek"-, 329 *prH o-uo-, 311
*pelä *pr£to-, 344
* p e b -, 330, 332, 335 *prö, 343
*pelakos, 332 *pro-ko-, 400
*pelmQ, 329 *pfyom , 24
*pelö, 330 *puk-, 351
*penk‘e, 316 *puksko-, 351
*penk"tiä, 316 *pun-, 432
*per-, 24, 311, 346 * re(i)-, 323
*per-eio-, 323 *reidh-, 386
*perg-, 427 *rendh-, 196
* -periö, 430 *rep-, 372
*perk"-, 427 * rep -, 378
* -perö, 430 *reu-, 24, 375, 515
* p e r-re n -, 323 *reu-g-, 375
*per-srouno-, 323 *reudh-, 33, 77, 103
*pet-, 317 * reudh-so-, 374
*pctcH . 405 * reup-, 368
*peta-, 317 *rghi~, 145
*pet-no-, 429 8
*petino-, 313 *rkto-, 8, 80
*peu-, 308 *sä, 394
*peuk-, 351 *sal-, 137, 298
*peu-t-, 90 *sali-, 132
*peyör-, 432 *sayieto-, 427
*pater-, 11 *sayil-patno-, 134
*pi . 324 *sayisia-, 140
*pipH -, 325 *saukniö, 471
*pTt s-ja, 328 *sauso-, 471
*pTt-so-, 328 *sed-, 131, 153, 158
*ple-, 334 *se(i)-, 136
*ple-g-, 334 *sëi-, 133, 135
*plet-, 354 *sek"-, 425
*pleto-, 335 *sek"s£ö, 426
*pleu-, 430 *sel-, 51
*plakos, 332 *sem -, 136
*p lH -sß o /e-, 331 *sem -gho-, 136
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

*sem -kûpo-, 434 *skordhos-, 146

*septrp, 436 *skhed-, 447
*septrp-ti-, 436 *(s)khed-, 140
*ser-, 138 *sk(h)er-, 419
*serk-, 472 *(s)leub-, 234
*serp-, 130 *(s)m ed-H ernô, 246
*seu-, 140 *(s)m eik-, 254
* sH -aie/o -, 131 *(s)m i(d)-sk-, 266
*siH -ito-, 136 *sm ieH , 305
*si(l)g“â, 409 *srp-m arï, 411
*sked-, 49 *srp-tero-, 458
*skedho-, 144 *srji-tronk“â, 443
*skei-p-, 419 *snë-, 301
*skeid-m en-, 148 *sneig*h-, 369
*skek-, 416 *sneu-, 302
*skek-no-, 144 *snusiê, 303
*skel-, 141, 145, 150, 407, 419, 424 *snusos, 302
*skel-no-, 49 *sok”ë sà ô , 426
*sken-, 435 *solkeio, 145
*(s)ke(n)d-, 163 *sont-s, 134
*sken-to-, 434 *sorbh-ei-o, 133
*skep-, 142, 357 *sor-m o-, 138
*(s)kep-, 170 *sosdh-na, 472
*(s)këp-no-, 190 *sosdhom , 472
*sker-, 116, 143, 146, 192, 196, 408, *spel-, 94, 107
417, 432, 488 *(s)pel-, 334
*(s)ker-, 172 *spelgâ, 98
*skerdh-, 51 *spend-, 350
*sker-ti-, 50 *sper-, 93, 95
*(s)ker-s-, 458 *(s)per-, 477
*skes-, 418 *spher-, 93
*skeubh-, 152 *sporâ, 93
*skeud-, 143 *sphel-, 474
*skeua-, 212 *(s)phel-, 334, 338
*skeut-, 424 *sphlend-, 99
*skod-, 409 *sphrugniô, 103
*skok-ter-, 176 *sr-edh-, 387
*skolnâ, 141 *sreu-, 392
*skorH dâ, 488 *srdhä, 488
*skfdo-, 488 *stä-, 401, 519
*skj-no-, 488 *stâiô, 440
*skuyi-, 153 *standhno-, 439
*sÎtâi-~, 147, 479 *(s)teg-, 458
* (s)ta m b -, 474 *steH ij-o-, 440
*s£ëi-, 200 *stel-, 435
*s£ëini-, 153 *ster-, 441
*skcntrom , 50 *steuno-, 439
*s£ep-, 50 *st3no-, 437
*skerH inâ, 149 *st(h)âno-, 437
*slceud-, 144 *st(h)atos, 251, 436
*s£ï-, 147 *stoigho-, 437
* stin o -, 147 * strog-, 443
592 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

*strug’h-, 443 * tb -ro -, 214

*sthä-, 322, 437, 438 *tnt-, 451
*sü-, 71, 414 *tnto-, 174
*sud-lo-, 445 *to-, 178, 204, 449, 450, 470
*süli-, 518 *tod, 450
*sulno-, 518 *töd uperom , 451
*sün-, 405 *toi e(cs, 451
*süpniö, 153 *toi k"u-, 450
*sup-no-, 138 *treies, 463
* sü ro -, 472 *trep-, 462
*süs, 477 *treu-, 462, 468
*syätiä, 71 *treu-s-, 462
*sye-, 493 *tfk-, 464
*syei-, 507 *trm o-, 464
*syei-k-, 507 * trü -, 468
*syekrü-, 510 * trüto-, 468
*s(y)e£s-, 130 *tü, 455
*sye£uros, 510, 511 *tyono-, 454
*syes£uros, 511 *ud-, 254, 527
*syelo-, 504 *udä, 483
*sye-loghos, 504 *üdiö, 527
*syep-, 138 *ud-l-o-, 483
*syep-no-, 138 *udniä, 483
*sye-sloughä, 504 *ulm atiö, 485
*sye-t-, 498 *upelo-, 482
*syet-i-, 498 *uperos, 89
*syidröt-s, 69 *upo, 1 4 8 ,4 8 2
*syo-, 482 *usm -, 160
*syoieti, 498 *yä-, 153
* syoinro-, 61 *yadhom , 492
*syojos, 498 *yägno-, 513
* syo-ro-, 493 *yalnä, 493
*syom , 482 *ye-, 513
*syordho-, 492 *yebh-, 8
*tä-, 105 *yed-, 254, 483, 486, 527
*täg-, 287 *yed-l-, 507
*täg-, 287 *yedh-, 482, 483, 510
*tauro-, 449 *yegh-, 483, 510
*tegos, 458 *yei-, 510, 525
*tekslä, 459 *yei£-, 509
* te ts lä *yeiiciä, 508
*teicp-, 453, 459 *yei£o-, 509
*tek“-, 286 *yek-, 445
*ten-, 283 *yel-, 223, 494, 527
*tep-, 105 *yen-, 489
*ter-, 464 *yendä, 486
*terknö, 457 *yend-ti-, 501
*ters-, 452 *yer-, 487, 490, 495, 514
*teudiö, 49 *yerb(h)-, 386
*teya-, 454, 471 *yerg-, 8, 517
* ü ä , 399 *yerp-, 515
*tio-, 456 *yers-, 489
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 593

*yert-, 156, 387, 527 hastai, 11

*yes-, 160, 496. 499, 503 feuda-, 483
*yes£uro-, 511 ¿ubbas, 140
*yetesjo-, 507 ishiia-, 427
*yeteso-, 507 iskalläi-, 51
*yag-, 513 kars-, 458
*yaliä, 493 karäiia-, 458
*yîk-, 521 kata, 450
*yike-g"o-, 525 k essar, 70
*yìkipti, 521 kuit, 52
*y(k“os, 484 mekkiS, 240
*ylna, 493 m ilit, 268
*ylo-m -, 223 palbi-, 309
*ynd-, 517 sakuisk-, 425
*yoino-, 501 sebur, 446
*yolnä, 493 tekan, 80
*yoliä, 493 yar-, 488
*yordä, 487 yeriia-, 505
*yorkos, 527 uitt-, 509
* y ortom , 488 zam ankur-, 269
*yrägh-, 377
*yfdä, 487 Other Anatolian Languages
*yrdni, 384
*yfdho-, 152 aara-, Lyd, 7
*yfdhö, 387 xuga, Lyc, 140
*yrg-, 376
*yrH n-, 73 Tokharian
*yrm i-, 386
*yfm o-, 386 kam , A, 82
*yreg-, 367 kem , B, 80
*yrêg-, 7 kem e, B, 82
*yren-, 376 kus, A, 207
*yreng-, 375 kuse, B, 207
*yrep-, 515 m e-, A, 246
*yrano-, 516 pai-, A B, 310
*yroig-, 377 putk-, AB, 106
*yroi£os, 381 salu, A, 129
su-, B, 414
Anatolian sw asc. A, 414
Hittite sw ese, B, 414
sar-, B, 70
anza-, 91 s'wà-, AB, 141
apa, 142 tark-. A, 466
ar(ja-, 7 tärk -, B, 457
arnum i, 143, 344 tärm -, A, 463
atta-, 11 tkam , A, 80
da-, 157 tsak-, AB, 68
epzi, 157 tsäk-, AB, 68
ganeä-, 305 tsar-. A, 70
genu, 137 tw ere, B, 60
iiant-, 131 w äp-, B, 498
h artagga-, 9 w ar, A, 446
 594 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

w ar, B, 446 bhäta-, 33

w ärto, B, 496 bhati, 520
yutk-, A, 159 b h rä ja te , 17
bhrínáti, 34
IndoT rauian b hrd-, 37
bhfsti-, 33
S anskrit bhugna-, 40
bhunákti, 42
abhrá-, 12 cándati, 147
ádhvanlt, 58 candrá-, 147
aja'-, 19, 83, 85 cárati, 397
ajina-, 19 catvára-, 173
áksa-, 11 cyávate, 404
aksí, 405 chandati, 147
ala-, 145 chaya, 147
am ia-, 91 dádhi, 67
áráhas-, 5 dáhati, 68
ana-, 289 dáksina-, 68
ándhas-, 87 dam -, 81
angusthá-, 118 dám an-, 78
ániti, 5, 6, 91 dánta-, 82
ano, 159 dar-, 283
ánta-, 5 d a (r)d ru -, 73
ántara-, 285, 458 dáyate, 54, 112, 283
anya'-, 133, 305 dás'a, 84
anyá-, 305 dalayati, 54, 55
áñgara-, 476 -d äri-, 61
añgúli-, 118 dáti, 283
apa, 307 däy-, 286
ápara-, 1, 337 dina-, 66
api, 250 diva, 65
argala-, 8 diti, 66
ásm i, 156 díyati, 286, 303
ásthi, 11 dráti, 497
asta, 453 dró n a-, 77
áva, 503 dru-, 76
ava-, 153 druna-, 77
ávi-, 158 drhyati, 75
ayáni, 3 dfnáti, 69, 520
äpndti, 157, 410 dus-, 84
a ta r-, 496 dvíh, 80
ätf-, 374 dvár-, 60
ätm an-, 470 dhaná, 78
at, 85 dhánvan-, 58
bädhate, 19, 26 dhanyá-, 78
b radhná-, 33 d h ara, 60
bhága-, 14 dhenä, 58
bhäla-, 16, 31, 32 dhlta-, 64
bhárati, 24 dhrán ati, 72
bhárga-, 17 d hüli-, 63
bhástra, 13 dhyäta-, 64
bhavana-, 16 dhyäti, 64
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

dhyäyati, 64 k fm i-, 197

edhas-, 91, 147 k fp -, 182, 419
éva-, 153 kfsná-, 399
gálati, 113, 128 ksam -, 80
gar-, 123 ksara-, 446
gavate, 297 ksarati, 60
gatú-, 120 ksTrá-, 149
girati, 124 kúha, 200
g iri-, 127 kum bha-, 404
grïvâ, 126 khánati, 198
gfdhyati, 296 k h ára-, 166, 183
gfnäti, 115, 121 khadati, 140
g h arghara-, 114 laghú-, 217
ghas-, 140 lápati, 213
gha'sati, 151 lavi-, 220
ghósa-, 501 liksa, 89
hadati, 83 lúbhyati, 213
háras-, 525 lum páti, 239
hári-, 65 m ádati, 241, 242, 321
havate, 526 m ahánt-, 240
hä-, 521 m ala-, 321
hem an, 66 m aliná-, 30, 259
hyás, 68 m aliríí, 259
Tsát, 154 m arcáyati, 274
jáh a ti, 292 m arú-, 243
jah u -, 525 m arsati, 321
jala -, 80 m árya-, 262
jám bha-, 82 m am , 486
jám bhate, 81 m am sa-, 267
ján i-, 526 m ás-, 276
jáy ati, 521 m asa-, 271
jä m ä ta r-, 82 m atar-, 275
jan u -, 137 m äti-, 274
ja rá -, 82 m édas-, 241, 248
jäsp ati-, 526 m éhati, 321
jáy ate, 526 m ethí-, 268
jiy á , 59 m im ati, 246
jTrná-, 125 m fm iksati, 266
jiv a ti, 303 m inóti, 266
jósati, 77 m itrá-, 267
jü rn á -, 125 m ódate, 277
jy á, 282, 521 m riyáte, 263
kákhati, 359 m fdú-, 244
kakubh-, 162 mj-s'áti, 246
kaláyati, 355 m uktá-, 281
kalyá-, 189 m ulula-, 277
kanína-, 355, 356 m uñcati, 281
kânkçati, 473 m ü rá-, 246
k a rá-, 194 m ü rd h án -, 243, 277
karka-, 116 mu$-, 265
kéáa-, 359 naca, 302
kiçku-, 194 nákt-, 282
 596 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

nár-, 304 fdhnóti, 387

nas-, 289 fksa-, 9
nás'ati, 177 ¡•noti, 344, 386
nava, 291 sácate, 425
nidrá, 92 sájati, 299
nú, 301 sant-, 134, 394
pacati, 329 saptá-, 436
páksm a-, 330 saptatí-, 436
palala-, 329 sarà-, 149
päm sii-, 316 sárm a-, 138
páñca, 316 sarpis, 129
papau, 324 sárva-, 129
p ara-, 431 siñcati, 144
par date, 330 sirá, 299
pári, 319 sisakti, 426
párs'u-, 37 skhadate, 49, 163
pasca-, 19, 312, 340 skhálate, 419
pascát, 249 snäpayati, 301
pasu-, 14 snavan-, 302
pásyati, 426 snusá, 302
pata-ga-, 312 snuta-, 302
pátati, 321, 428 spandate, 95
pati, 324 sphavayati, 107
p iparti, 24, 431 spháyate, 94, 96
pitti-, 328 sphrírjati, 103
plosati, 348 sj-játi, 60
prach-, 352 stari, 356, 437, 440
prá-m rrta, 246 stj-nati, 439, 442
p ravedayati, 353 sth äv ara-, 436
p ra tá -, 335 sthála-, 435
prlnáti, 344 sthitá-, 251
pfsni-, 152, 344 svadati, 414
pfthú-, 332 svásar-, 493
pfthvf, 15 svädu-, 414
púccha-, 351 sväpa-, 523
p ürusa-, 42 syáti, 427
p u m a -, 92 sás-, 130
pdrva-, 311 sasti-, 130
phálati, 334 ¿ala-, 473
phanas-, 102 sam ba-, 481
rag h ü -, 217 sárdhas-, 146
raja-, 366 s'ásati, 455
rám ate, 370 s'astra'-, 471
rarhhati, 368 sata-, 361
rátha-, 381 sákha, 473
rávate, 24 á alü ra-, 475
rayati, 216 sepa-, 474
réjate, 228 sikhä, 477
rinati, 366 sís'áti, 477, 482
ró d iti, 376 smásTu-, 269
ru játi, 101, 233 ¿ocati, 473
ru ta-, 515 so-pha-, 48
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 597

srávas-, 363 váyati, 510

s'ráyati, 46 vayá, 507
sjriga-, 472 vasáyati, 501
sanati, 474 váyati, 514
siici-, 205 vid-, 65
s'upti-, 405 vidháva, 497
s'Qka-, 404 vims'atí-, 521
s'ünyá-, 48, 474 vinakti, 496
svä, 393 viá-pati-, 526
svas'ru-, 510 vleska-
svàsura-, 510 v rájati, 387
syäva-, 478 v raná-, 495, 515
tam sáyati, 469 vrj-, 490
tandate, 59 vfka-, 484
tanóti, 283 vyáthate, 254
tàpati, 105 yam á-, 139
taralà-, 449 yám a-, 132
tarati, 445, 462 yám ati, 521
tarkii-, 466 yásyati, 133
tarnaka-, 418 yós-, 158
tarsáyati, 452 yúdhyate, 159
táruna-, 287, 418, 466 yusm an, 159
tisthati, 440 yüs, 135
trásati, 76 yüsnáh, 135
trayah, 463
tu, 1 í G ypsy
tú, 185
túm pati, 471
kar, 170
túndate, 444, 469
lokatsi, 231
tupáti, 471
tu rtá -, 470
P roto-Iranian
ubhnáti, 498
ukhá-, 5
*asta-pan-, 403
upa, 148, 321
*ava-tä-, 105
upara-, 89
*drüna-, 77
urú-, 501
*gaunya-, 313
una-, 153, 489
*m atya-, 274
vacyáte, 445
váhati, 510 *saka-, 406
vaiati, 254 *spaka-, 406
vám iti, 485 *xakaram , 242
vánati, 489 *xata-, 174
vangati, 504
var-, 153, 446. 484 A vestan
vara-, 494
varas-, 501 asi, 405
vardhati, 493 avara, 61
várjati, 390 ayar, 132
vársati, 369 ayara, 399
vartate, 387 äat, 85
váste, 501 ât, 85
vatsá-, 507 ätar-, 496
váya-, 510 dä(y)-, 64
 598 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

dru-, 76 T adjik
arazant-, 157
arazT, 145 sag, 406
gairi-, 127
gaos-, 501 K urd
g rîv â, 126
hü, 477 gi, 136
tiinu-, 136 gis, 136
jy â , 282 viz, 507
kata-, 475
maya-, 109 Sogdian
nö, 289
raoyna-, 516 m yô, 274
sü k ä -, 404 z ’y, 525
sand-, 147
späm a-, 481 Y agnob
stavro, 436
supti-, 405 m et, 274
syäva-, 478
tu, 455 Y azgulam
tauruna-, 466
upara-, 89 m i0, 274
uparö, 487
v ä r-, 515 Scythian
vam -, 485
varasa-, 19 *xara, 183
xarö, 183
yarjhayeiti, 299 O ssetic
z airi-, 65
z äm ä tä r-, 82 æ rdyn, 77
zavaiti, 526 æ xsir, 149
cæw, 47
O ld P e rsia n dajyn, 105
fælm , 329
kaufa-, 361 m et, 274
m äm , 486 m ît, 274
qæ bûl, 190
P e rsia n (C lassical, M iddle and N ew ) tajyn, 105
urs, 488
ägär, 242 xæ ræ g, 183
bar, 17
capis, 47 A rm enian
d u rü n a, 77
m ä, 242 aganim , 249
m eger, 242 at, 298
raz, 391 am ul, 5
säg, 406 and, 87
sak, 406 anjn, 6
xuk, 150 anurj, 92
zäq, 525 araw r, 8
araspel, 98
ayc, 83, 85
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 599

ayr, 304 Vändern, 486

b e ran, 44 varem , 487, 488
brdor, 17
bun, 42 P hrygian
but', 43
ciw l, 118 Bayoûoç, 42
dayl, 58 P é k o ç , 40
eker, 124, 140 m o u , 158
ergicanem , 377 K ipE pO Ç , 521

erin j, 72
erkat', 144 Greek
erkn, 84
gam , 502 A ncient G reek
geran, 500
à y aG ô ç , 111
getin, 499, 503
’A y á O u p o o i, 2
gind, 486
àyyE Îov, 5
gini, 500
ayyeXoç, 88
glux, 126
oiyyoç, 5
haci, 2
a y to ç , 526
hayi-, 426
a y i c u p a , 144
jag, 525
à y o p à , 463
jain , 521
a y o p E v a i , 463
je rn , 70
a y p io ç , 86
1er, 525
àypôç, 8
je rm , 525
äyto, 143
kalin, 120
à eip co , 345, 511
ket, 355
àéXAa, 12
k'ovr, 493
àé^w , 490
lu, 333
à r |p , 366
lue, 523 a ï y E ( i) O i;, 83
m an r, 254 oùyiaXôç, 519
m awruk', 269 a ïè c A o ç , 159
m is, 267 oàGoç, 90, 91
m ux, 277 aiG ô ç, 91
m xem , 281 aïGco, 147
m zil, 268 a î f , 83, 85, 147
orjik', 145 a ia x ^ v r ) , 84
o rjil, 89 aixÉû), 90, 353
art', 7 ä i c a i v a , 481
sarik', 482 â ia x v o ç , 481
sep, 474 àicooiT Î, 173
sisern, 479 ctKo\)G), 62
slanam , 404 áKpaia-úXcx, 182
srunk', 194 atep o v , 1
sterj, 356 CÂtiç, 12
sur, 48, 477, 482 âtcuX oç, 86
te r, 526 'AX-ßavia. 7
*ti-, 80 à^.Éyoj, 335
tarm , 464 àÀEÎ<p<o,236
ur, 206 àXéco, 141, 150
ut', 453 &Xç, 137, 298
600 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

aXaoç, 229 ß a i m a p a , 13
a X u aiç , 129 ßaitTco, 527
a h f x , 86, 270 ß a p a 0 p o v , 127
ó.Áxur|, 222 ßapiXOi. 17, 21, 495
áXcüJtá, 81 ßapiXOi, 21
áXwjiri^, 81 ß a a a a p a , C yren, 19
â|i<x0oç, 247 pàxoç, 244
à^é^yd), 270 pà-cpa^oç, 36
àp v ô ç, 88 ßauKpoi;, 40
á |iv ío v , 5 ß in , 521
á|ió p y r|, 278 ß io ;, 59, 282
ctjxcpí, 250 ßXarcKü, 213
âv, 1 ßA,aot0<;, 277
áváyKTi, 6 ßAivvcx;, 30
âv-aupoç, 488 ßA,ipa^(a, 118
àviip, 304 ßXivog, 30
avÔoç, 87 ß oX ß u o v , 14
ctvtai, 91 ßopecu;, 32
à v tà ç , 91 ßoijßaXcx;, 39
a|(ov, 11 ßou-KoX-eco, 203
arcó, 307 ß p ä , 504
cinta), 157, 410 ßpayot;, 23
àp av iç , 72 ßpayxo«;, 35
à p a p io K ü ), 9 ßpaGw, 34
àpriyco, 374 ß p e x « , 35, 515
apKTOç, 9 ß poviri, 123
àpvéojiai, 380 ßp60aKo<;, 36
â p v u jiai, 9 ßpoxaxoi;, 36
âpvnpi, 246 ßpoxoi;, 36
a p o u p a, 7 ß puxaopoti, 23
a p tia , 10 *ßpt)KT], 38
cccfiç, 104 ß-üveco, 253
àoTpànxco, 423 ß v a a o i, 44
cmop-ai, 87, 88 yà a, 80
àrùÇ onai, 470 yáXaKHoç, 80
crèyrj, 2 yaX É T ), 8 1
a ù iô ç , 150 yáXí»ç, 140
aûoç, 471 yajxßpoi;, 82
oumSç, 498 y âp o ç, 57
aika>ç, 153 yaijoa7co<;, 117
ax>xr\v, 353 y av aatp o ç, 117
axepSoç, 56 yeúo|xai, 77
A j Xvq , 4, 277, 492 yéqnipa, 488
oxvïi, 2 yñ, 80
àxpàç, 56 yiÎpDÇ, 521
ây, 1 yiyyXupoç, 137
a<o, 91 yi(y)voLiai, 131
ßaivco, 508 yvyvûiCTKO), 305
ßaixt] ,3 1 7 y^avKO^, 128
pàXavoç, 120, 218 y^,aii>aaa>. 128
ßaX.Xa>, 128 ytaiqxa, 132
PaîtxiÇo), 308 yXoiôç, 299
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

yXSxsoa, 138 ôokoç, 70

yvócpoc, 297 Sópitov, 56
yvowjKci), E pidaur, 305 Spáiccov, 72, 74
yoyyv'koq, 109 Spárcavov, D or, 72
yôjicpoç, 82 Spéjtavov, 72
yóvu, 137 Spénto, 72
yôoç, 297 Spioç, 73, 75
ypcrôç, 125 Spoóv, 77
Ypiujf. 123 S pôaoç, 69
y u y a í, 140 Spûç, 76
yu ítri, 120 S tjc û , 289, 527
yraXeôç, 120 Scopéopai, 84
S ccÎ h o v e ç , 6 8 Stôpov, 70
S a ío p a t, 54, 112, 283 èyeipco, 296
Salto, 84 e y K Ê tp a t, 299
S c c k v c o , 56, 69, 288 ZyX^Xvc,, 298
Sáicpu, 60 ë 8ap0ov, 92
SoAôç, 79 e 8 v o v , 507
8àpaA,oç, 59 ËSpâv, 497, 515
ôàaKiAAoç, 57 E tK o a i, 521
ô a o û ç , 471 eiAiœ, 254
S eîaa, 83 eiX toveç, 504
ÔÉKa, 84 etico, 484, 511
8e^pA.EÎç, 81 eijti, 85
8e[iEX,éaç, 81 ftjit, 156
ôévSpov nacTTtztvov, 264 eïpto, 505
Sévvoç, 84 ÈKÎvrioa, 300
Se^tôç, 68 E K K ^ r ia i a , 186
Séopai, 78 È K jtéxopai, 429
S éraç, 68, 69 è K -T Î0 T lp i, 200
ôépo), 28, 69, 515, 520 E K upôç,510
Seûpe, 61 eX m (f)o v , 236
ôe-upi, 61 èXaxvç,, 217
S eîpo, 61 éXàco, 345
Séco, 59, 78 * è .X 0 e î v , 8 8
Sñ, 80 eâkcu, 145
Àr|"HT|i:r|p, 81 'éXnoç, 129
Sîipôç, 59 èpéco, 485
Srinôç, 83 E v , 284
St|v, 58 EV EyK EÎv, 24, 300
5t|(o, 284 ëvecm , 156
Siaßotax;, 67 ivri, 89
SiaXoç, 65 ÈV0EÎV, 8 8
Siepat, 286 ëv io i, 305
Stri.tiepov, 522 ë v vupi, 501
S iÇ ripai, 138 ëvTEa, 5
ôi-!ti.ôoç, 309 é v - t E Î v c o , 283
Siç, 80 évTuMociu), 285
Sier-, 523 ëÇ, 130, 158
S ic o k c û , 286 éjcî, 250
S o k é c o , 78 èrciSiôcopi, 157
8 o k t | , 70 ëreopat, 425
602 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

km a, 436 0T|yco, 47 7
è'pyov, 367 GXißco, 475
ëp eP o ç, 9 0 , 3 6 6 0X í|i,|ia, 475
èpgiSoj, 3 47 00A.OÇ, 59
èpeiKT), 372 0 o p ô ç, 60
è p é n -to n a i, 372 G p iv ia , 465
èp eu v âco , 3 76 Ô pôvoç, 4 6 8
epK oç, 4 7 2 0pv>HHa, 477
epoTi, 6 9 BpÙjIXO), 76
épiiKco, 3 86 © w a n iç, 50
èpûto, 3 9 0 0 î >e XX<x, 47 5
È 'pxojiai, 5 08 O tiu ß p ä , 46 7
àpw fi, 3 8 6 0 -u p .ián a, 175, 47 0
ca0Â.ôç, 9 0 0t)ji.ôç, 4 7 0
È a x a p ô ç , 142 O ùoç, 79
è t à , 159 0 ú p a , 60
èiaÇ a), 159 00) pòco, 4 8 2
eteôç , 159 ©■ùpcioç, 465
ETEpOÇ, 4 5 8 Otico, 4 8 2
ë to ç, 5 0 9 0 a)|iô ç, 481
EÙpùç, 501 0a>paKEÎov, 44 9
ei)0evéa), 521 0 á )p a ^ , 44 9
£\)p{ôK(o, 3 89 0ci>ç, 71
è'xtxôov, 131 ió n ico , 157
f'XÏvoç, 90 iSpcoç, 69
ê'x<a, 167 VEpôç, 149
É'coç, 89, 3 96 I'kco, 154
Ç é |ia , 83 ÏA.ecdç, 414
Çé®, 133, 5 2 4 ïvôoupoç, 489
136 iô ç , 136
ÇcÎ)vt|, 525 ï o d ^ o ç , 52 6
Çwvvunt, 299 ïc to ç , 4 1 2
Çrâov, 525 ïaiT im , 4 4 0
Çrôco, 525 iaX^Çt 136
jj, 1 ìx<óp, 129
T|. 1 KaßäA,Xt|(;, 166
iißn, 525 KayKO)j.Évr|ç, 47 3
r]0é(ü, 4 2 7 K aivôi;, 355, 356
TÎXioç, 65 K aîp o ç, 4 8 2
TÎHia-uç, 139 KCXKOÇ, 175
i“lp i, 132 KâA-ôç, 189
f|ü)ç, 2 KàX-u^, 355
Q à X a a c ra , 61 K a f iâ p a , 168, 3 5 6
0 a M i ç , 45 K àji|x ap o ç, 168
0áM .co, 54 Ka(i7tri, 177
0 à |iv o ç , 4 7 2 K avG apoç, 168
0éX unva, 474 KavSôç, 178
0 é v a p , 474 K a v v a , 359
0f.p(xôç, 524 Ktinr), 169
O é p o n a i, 5 24 koœvôç, 175, 35 6
Oépoç, 525 KtxjiTiô, 164, 169, 357
© é tiç , 61 ic â p a , 73
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 603

K a p K Îv o ç , 116 K oporaxrip, 115

K a p n ca riç opoç, 171 K opacoTÔç, 115
K a p u o v , 10 K Ô pvÇ a, 184
Kaictco, 169 k ô o h o ç , 363
K a o o îj/.a , 184 K o a x a i, 173
K<xxa, 450 k ô o ^ h P o ç , 162
K oaà, 164, 292 k ô x o ç , 193
icaxÙ Y E iov, 174 KOxt)ÀT|, 475
K ainôç, 471 Koxcovri, 228
ica^àÇ«), 359 *KÔpX.oç, 47 4
KÉaÇw,455 K p a v io v , 199
KÉyKEi, 473 K p àv o v , 196
K tip tû , 359, 433 KpÉKü), 4 2 2
KEÂEtpOÇ, 355 Kpf)VTl, 198
KÉXA.W, 167 tcpivG), 198
K É ^ o )ia i, 355 k p o k ô 8 e iA ,o ç , 164
K E ^ à ç , 160 Kp-ùoç, 2 9 6
KEVXÉCÛ, 481 Kpwitxo), 124, 199
K É vxpov, 5 0 , 3 60 KÙAAa, 176
K â p a a o ç , 3 58 KÛ^ia, 361
K Épaç, 73 K v n ß n , 177, 4 0 4
K E p a x ia ç , 184 KÍ>pxT|, 4 8 2
K É p x v o ç, 299 v u p x ô ç , 184
K eîiéoç, 3 5 4 v ù c m ç , 162
KT|>.T|, 295 îcùxoç, 47 5
KÎ)!to<;, 190 icútóv, 393
Kt|p, 4 7 4 KMjia, 138
K ÎpK oç, 3 5 4 , 358 ta x ß p a i;, 209
K Îp v rim , 4 6 Â à p p ix o ç , 209
KÎoj, 5 3 , 362 X,aiKàÇffl, 21 0
k W côoç, 134 XaKÎç, 2 1 2
K/axi(û, 353 X à |ii a , 5
*K X àfiô ), 353 XcwàÇto, 213
K ta v rü ç , 3 59 taxrtafiov, 225
KÂéoç, 363 ^ a n a p ô ç , 2 1 2 , 21 3
k Xiïiç , 3 6 2 *A.ánE0ov, 225
K/.ùÇ(D, 363 A.ànxco, 2 1 2 , 237
K v á a), 198 X à a ïo ç , 220
k v îS t i, 147, 149 X à u K a , 2 1 0 , 217
KOÉCO, 3 6 4 X a v p a , 219
KOÎÀ.OÇ, 4 7 4 X á x a v o v , 211
K0KK\)|XT|X0V, 2 0 4 A-àxvTi, 220
kcA côvt), 2 0 2 \Éyco, 251
KÔnpoç, 481 À-Eipiov, 2 3 4
Kovéïo, 189 Xémpoç, 221
k o v îç , 4 7 6 XÉ7ta>, 2 1 2 , 37 2
KOJtàX,X,a, 190 Â,éa>v, 23 2
kôtcoç, 169, 190 X,ti8eîv, 230
KÔJtpoç, 164 A,tikéo>, 217
KÔitxco, 175, 179 A.t|ht|, 21 6
K o p S ù X o ç , 142 X tvov, 2 2 6
K o p é a ), 360 X in x o n a i, 23 6
606 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

p á S ii;, 3 8 4 aKoA.iôç, 49
paívco, 371 OKÓpoSov, 151
pàÇ , 391 aK o p itto ç, 42 2
páittco , 3 9 2 aicôxoç, 193
p à 7 tu ç , 3 8 1 , 3 86 O KvXat,, 176
pácraoi, 2 4 , 377 aKœX,oç, 145, 150
p à x iç , 377 aK w p, 432, 446
péyicm, 3 7 0 a p ù p iç , 267
péÇco, 367 0 7 ta ip u ), 2, 103
p e p ß o p a i, 383 o îtâ p y a v o v , 428
penco, 515 a itâ p o ç , 4 2 7
p e û p a , 3 6 8 , 3 8 0 , 392 0 7 tà m , 4 3 0
péco, 387 o itE Îp o ), 93
priyviipv, 37 7 , 3 8 0 , 3 9 0 OTtéppa, 93
p ô ô o v , 388 o ité p x o p a i, 42 8
poiK oç, 381 arcriX aiov, 107, 4 2 8 , 4 2 9
p o p ß o i;, 391 ajtiX o ç , 97
p o )i(p a ia , 3 90 a i c ^ v , 431
p o m i, 3 3 9 aT ioyyiá, 4 3 2
po(péo), 132 o rco p à, 93
p u p ô ç , 383 a n ô p o ç , 428
p fflo p ai, 3 88 ajro iiô ii, 3 5 0
o tx k k o ç , 475 a t à i i v o ç , 43 8
crápi;, 4 0 8 a x a x o ç , 251
ctccd k ö v , 471 oxéyri, 4 5 7
aàco , 4 2 6 axéyû), 6 2 , 4 3 6
crß ev v u p i, 4 45 o x é X X to , 440
o ß e p K o ? , 527 crx eîp a, 3 5 6 , 4 4 0
a é X a q , 65 (J te îx îo , 4 3 9
aéX,7iov, 411 ax E p y àv o ç, 287
a il0 w , 3 9 5 , 4 2 7 ax ep E Ô ç, 4 3 6
a iß ö ii, 4 0 9 axépitpoç, 437
a iô r i, 4 0 9 ax é p ip a , 437
aiA .ß ia , 4 0 9 oxoA.il, 4 3 5
a ita p io v , 411 ax o îx o ç , 4 3 7
a ip ô ffl, 347 a x ó p v o jii, 4 3 9 , 4 4 2
a ite ú a ) , 4 7 axpàftxcû, 423
OKaÇû), 4 18 a x p a x ô ç , 441
O K a iô ç , 4 1 8 crû, 4 5 5
ô K a ip œ , 143 CTUptÇœ, 41 3
OKàXXa>, 416, 419 acpaôàÇco, 95
aic a p ß o i;, 8 9 , 4 7 4 aqjàÂAw, 9 3, 98
aicâ p u p o ç , 4 1 7 a c p a p a y É o p a t, 103
a K à n o q , 421 o(pôvôuX,oç, 95
a K E S â v v u m , 4 9 , 163, 4 0 6 a x à i ü , 421
aKÉX.oç, 4 0 7 axâÇ tfl, 49
CKÉTtri, 357 a xîvoç, 434
OKÉJtCÛ, 104 xâyn, 287
OKtjltTpOV, 421 X&A.IÇ, 67
aK iá, 147 xapâoaco, 76, 462
aK iápri, 43 3 xàaaco, 287
aKÍpov, 148 x a û p o ç , 45 2
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 607

TÉyT), 458 im o , 321

t e î v û ) , 283 vpaÇ , 489
X E Íp c o , 4 5 7 , 465 îiç, 47 7
xeîzoç, 2 8 6 -ùcFxepaia, 2 9 0
t é k v o v , 57 (pàyoç, 42
i É k x w v , 4 5 1 , 453 (paivco, 2 2 , 38 2
x é p r|v ', 4 6 4 , 4 6 6 <pàKEÂ.oç, 14
x é p ^ ia , 3 5 7 , 3 58 (poucfj, 19
x épu, 466 (paKoç, 19
t é o o a p e c , 173 (pâtaryE,, 30
X E ipácúv, 74 (paÀÂôç, 31
x e -ú x o ) , 287 (paÀ.ôç, 15
xfj^iç, 4 48 (pàp(iaK ov, 17
x í, 5 2 (pâpoç, 20
xí0r|,ui, 4 7 9 cpâpooç, 19
n n á c o , 52 tpapuyi;, 18, 32
x u a í v t o , 4 55 cpE ßo|iai, 31
xí<pT|, 451 (péyyoç, 4 7 6
toîxoç , 81 (pépvT), 18
x ó ^ o v , 79 (p É p co , 24
x ôpvoç, 457 < p r i|ii. 4 8 0
T p â n e Ç a , 4 68 <p0eíp, 2 7 4
xpoatéco, 3 2 3 , 4 4 4 <p0eipco, 2 8 , 2 7 4 , 49 7
x p á itr ) ^ , 7 2 <pA.àco, 99
Tpaxv>ç, 4 62 (pX oiàpiov, 100
x p e îç , 4 63 (pA,oiôç, 100
xpép/D , 4 63 <popà, 18
xpétpû), 4 3 6 ipopKÔv, 17
xpÉxvoç, 4 65 < pop|iôç, 18, 101
x p e x » , 6 3 , 73 (pôpoç, 17
xpàco, 7 3 , 76 (ppôiccAov, 475
x p iß o i;, 4 6 4 qrúAAov, 16, 41
x p0 7 to ç, 465 (p-ùXov, 25
x p \)^ , 71 <pí)¡*.ov, 2 6
xp^Tcáco, 4 6 2 (pâj|ic<, 25
x p ix o , 4 6 2 , 4 6 8 ( p ú o n a i, 106
tù X.t|, 4 6 8 (pD oáo), 107
xùA.oç, 183 X a ív o j, 140, 359
x\m x(o, 4 4 4 , 4 6 8 , 471 X aípco, 110
xwTi, 286 x a íx r i, 176
xrâ, 450 x à X in o ç , 145
iiy p ô ç , 513 X a^K Ô ç, 144
\>8pot, 201 x á v S a v c o , 131
i> ô p ia , 483 x á p a i ; , 64
ü e i , 414 X a p á a c rm , 143
i u ô ç , 26 X ap S o ú v , 142
vAáco, 485 X a p i Ç c o , 142
üXri, 353 x à p i ç , 148, 149
■ ù h e îç , 159 x áp |iT |, 110
ijo o K 'ù a n o ç , 433 x á o K co , 120, 3 5 9
W E poç, 89, 487 xéÇ tn, 83
i)7ivoç, 138 X eí(ia. 66
608 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

Xeîp, 70 ÇevyXa, 523

XeA.iÔ(ûv, 55 Ç e û ia , 523
XÉpooç, 69 Çéco, 524
xéco, 300 Ç a jv à p i, 518
X0éç, 68 KaÁápi. 167
X0tóv, 80 K a n á o a ,1 6 9
Xitóv, 414 Kàpcpoç, 172
Xoîpoç, 61 K attòpu^, 163
XÔvôpoç, 124 K a x o íjv a . 174
XopSr), 525 K a ia o vX a , 162
Xpaivco, 117 K a tc Í K i, 161
Xpico, 124 K a x á y i, 174
XvXôç, 79, 363 K avK aA -ov, 163
vj/aXiç, 407 koÆkoç, 163
\|/à(o, 445 Ké<pa?^oç, 355
Xj/iaiva), 406 KTipi, 362
yvXX a, 333 KÔKKaXov, 164
Kipov, 306 k ô k k i v o ç , 205
(0K\)itéxT|ç, 405 K opôôvopai, 295
(ùXÉvri, 238, 518 Koppi, 182
(iSv, 134 k o tû , 127
¿>óv, 497 K O Ù K O U pO V , 201
â ç , 501 K o u p p i, 182
à ç a v , 392 K o ù p rr|. 206
fflxpoç, 306 k o u A .o"6ki(ov), 177
(»Xpôç, 306 Kpayyráv, 472
A.aßo')v(o, 215
M iddle and M o d em (N ew ) G reek XaXâç,, 212
 a p i a , 209
à v r ip jto p ia , 395 Xénpa, 218
*àyx<àv<a, 295 Xepcôvco, 214
ot^oúyyi, 491 pàyyavov,
àicpé7ceia, 339 p a i c á p i , 242
à p à S a , 365 p é , 254
àpoEviKÔv, 371 p jta iv c o , 31
PaÀAiÇco, 494 p u p p f iy y i, 257
ßaA-xog, 15 p u p o X o y co , 230
•ß eX ev x o a , 498 p w p à , 274
ß i x a a , 27 v o v v ô ç , 302
y á a x p a , 294 ó ^ o ú y y i, 491
y iá , 156 Ttataxßpa, 309
y(K)aßaA.a, 14 jcaXápri, 318
yo ú v a, 127 nartoÚTOi, 179
y o û p p a , 139 KuvXa, 310
ypap E v áx a, 123 Tci\iia, 328
ypáppcx, 115 j a i r a , 328
ypacpeíov, 114 jtA.<ápri, 335
Ô0K6Î, 78 rcM vO oç, 334
Sptróyot, 77 ¡x p o iK Íov, 322
ÈyyiÇm, 292 E p o u v e X -iá , 279
ÉCTTÍa, 439 nponoyévvripoi, 342
EijX oyía, 100 jtDpôç, 351
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 609

p a ö o c, 365 Ancient dialects of the Balkans

pccK iov, 378
pàjivoç, 391 Reconstructed Balkanic forms
p á o o v , 366
p à % iç , 377 * argella, 365
p e Í K ia , 372
p é ^ a , 368 Thracian
p é v x a i , 368
priyaç, 371 ßoX.iv0oq, 39
p ô Ç o ç, 374 -ßouvov, 39
p ó ic a , 373 -ßoup, 42
p o t i o a o ç , 376 ßpoüxog, 38
o á v , 392 ß p ik e a , 23
o a v ó v , 394 ßpüxov, 23
oiKÄ-a, 409 SiÇa, 83
oíxÁ . a , 409 A avSaX fixai, 59
OKaWÇû), 166 à p év iç, 73
ÇTKOCJ1VOV, 433 *erm as, 158
ô kîvoç, 434 ZeiÇaç, 524
0KparcT(ì), 423 Z ioiç, 524
a o û ic X a , 409 7CÎVOV, 325
ancxpfávi, 428 *pupa, 350
(TJtiyYoç, 97 OKáXnrj, 145, 416
c ra m , 438 -xeA|jiç, 67
o t á n v a , 438
ctx'üà.oç, 444 Dacian
a x o r a í , 444
a x V n a x o ç , 396 *baröo-, 17
a% íina, 400 *draga, 71
a % îv o ç , 434 Apeviç, 73
xaYÎÇco, 448 Kivoi)ßoiA ,a, 476
x a p x a p iÇ û ) , 449 *kolpllos, 190
x e x p á y y o u p o v , 461 *laid-, 216
x p e ß a , 464 lia v x e ia , 244
x p o ú y a , 77 m antïa, 244
x a e p ß o i A i a , 45 rib o rasta, 38
xoéXiyKaç, 51 scardian, 490
x o ix w v o ), 47
x a o u v v í , 54 Macedonian
(paKiôA.r|ç, 102
(p a c o ijX i, 102 a^oç,, 3
çXôyoç, 101 á p y eX X a , 365
( p o v o a â x o v , 104 B ora, 32
iptovri, 521 yoxáv, 71, 108
(pcimÇco, 62
*X0tpaWÇo>, '4 2 Illyrian
cbxoç, 153
AA ,ßavoi, 7
avS ivoç, 88
A -vendius, 499
ß ap < v » K a, 18
A paK oínva, 56
610 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

*engella, 298 alnus, 141

[equal bardia, 249 alo, 217
M aluntum , 243 altärium , 232
N eunt(i)us, 292 a lte ra re , 285
O üêvôcov, 499 alveolum , 302
R agusa, 391 am bulare, 248
R agusium , 391 am lculus, 266
P a o ú a a , 391 am lcus, 266
p ív o ;, 366 am ita, 87
T aulantii, 55 am m a, 4
T auX ávxioi, 55 am nis, 4
T ergeste, 463 a m putare, 412
V endum , 499 am urca, 278
am urga, 278
Italic am yndala, 256
an, 1
Osean angelus, 88
angor, 5
m ais, 258 anguilla, 298
perum , 307 anguis, 480
veru, 488 angustus, 6, 298
anim us, 6
Latin annus, 147
anus, 302
a b e rra re , 143 apio, 51
abiegnum , 506 apTscor, 157
abietem , 506 apparäm entum , 311
accipiter, 360, 434 ap rllis, 345
a cer, 86 aptus, 2
acerbus, 472 aquilö, 4
acidus, 12 arca, 9
aeüleus, 8 arcus, 9, 142
acus, 88 a rea, 8
adjacens, 479 arena, 370
adm issàrius, 143 a rgentum , 8, 89
a d o rare , 1 a rista, 379
adventus, 181 arm a, 9
aeger, 175 arvum , 8
â ë r, 89 asper, 11
aeräm en, 367 atrium , 495
aestas, 91 atta, 11
aestim äre, 52 a u g u rare , 489, 519
aetäs, 159 augustus, 128
affinis, 2 auris, 501
ägniculus, 356 aurum , 7
agnus, 88 au sp icare, 519
agrestis, 86 aut, 1, 10
albus, 270 avere, 141
alga, 3 avis, 12, 510
alica, 3 avunculus. 487, 504
alium , 3 axis, 11
allégoria, 230 axungia, 491
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

baca, 30 calx, 419

baetere, 33 cam era, 356
balbus, 20 cam isia, 177
balsam um , 15 cam m arus, 168
bap tizare, 308 cam pana, 177
barbus, 20 cancer, 116
barca, 18 candëla, 178
baro, 18 canem , 356
bärönem , 17 canis, 356
barönis, 18 canna, 168
b a rro , 42 cannabis, 182
basilica, 28 cannêtum , 178
basium , 44 c an tare, 178
bellicösus, 262 c antharis, 168
bélua, 32 cantharus, 168
b enedìcere, 20 canticum , 179
bestia, 27, 43, 57, 437 cânus, 168
b ë te re , 33 caper, 47
bibö, 324 c ap e re, 164, 179
biga, 25 capessere, 164
bis, 80 capiô, 167, 169, 354, 357
bolea, 32 capissere, 164
B oreas, 13, 279 c â p ô n e m ,170
bräcae, 35 capra, 357
bräch iu llu s, 24 capreolus, 170
brïsa, 23 capsa, 163, 353
brum a, 38 captus, 354
bruscus, 36 capus, 108
bübalus, 39 caput, 353
bubulcus, 39 capys, 108
bucca, 39, 44 carâ re , 360
bulla, 31, 41, 253, 260 card u ëlis, 293
burica, 42 cariés, 357
bustum , 43 c arm in a re , 175
buttis, 43 carp io , 194
bütyrum , 488 carpo, 179
buxus, 43 c arru m , 172
caballus, 14, 166, 421 carru s, 197, 358
cadus, 163 casa, 359
cado, 287 câseus, 369
caeca, 432 c astig are , 285
caelum , 360 castanea, 117
calätionem , 181 castanëtum , 117
calam us, 167 castellum , 185
c alca ria, 176 castrum , 188
calendae, 186 casula, 162, 184
calicem , 355 c atïnus, 475
calicem sanctum , 176 catulus, 176
callis, 416 cauca, 189
callum , 292, 355 causa, 163, 294
caltha, 167 caveô, 364
calthula, 167 c ed ru s, 63
 612 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

cella, 355 c o la re, 203

cênseô, 480 colere, 203
centrum , 356, 360 coleus, 63
centum , 361 co lla re , 202
cëpa, 357 c o lllm itare , 135
cëpulla, 357 c o llu c tâ rï, 127
ceram ida, 182 collum , 353
cerasus, 358 c o lostra, 203
cere b ellare , 195 colostrum . 363
cereb ru m . 195, 199 colum ba, 203
c erru s, 354 colum en, 202
c e rta re , 354 colum nätiö, 203
cervus, 73 colò, 397
ch ersy d ru s, 201 coin-plëtus, 335
chorda, 191 com a, 190, 361
chorus, 200 com m äter, 204
C h risti jejü n iu m , 181 com m ercium , 204
C hristi n atale, 183 com m onere, 204
C h risti nä tä lia , 183 com m onitus, 204
c h ristiän u s, 185, 197 com m ünicäre, 205
C hristus, 197 conipater, 204
cicer, 479 co m putare, 204, 205
cicerem , 361 concha, 205
cich o reu m . 191 c o n fu ta re, 254
cicuta, 201 c o n sc rlb e re, 207
ciêô, 362 consilium , 185
c ië re, 362 c onsöbrlnus, 207
cTmicem, 52 consocer, 198
cingula, 361 c onsolare, 298
cinis, 147 constare, 207
cippus, 474 consulem , 208
circellus, 182, 358 co n ten tare, 208
circulus, 354, 358 co n tra, 204
circus, 354, 358, 472 conventus, 208
citrum , 362 co n v ertere, 200
citrus, 362 cöpa, 190
cîvitâte(m ), 364 coquö, 329
c lam are, 134 corbis, 180
c lä ru s, 354 corbula, 191
c la u su ra , 185 cornea, 425
clava, 359 co rn ix , 399
clâvis, 362 cornus, 425, 472
cluö, 363 co rn u ta , 184
clu sü ra, 185 corona, 206
coam buläre, 166 c orpus, 182, 191, 419, 423
coccineus, 205 c o rrig ia, 376
coccum , 189, 190 cortem , 206
co em ere, 360 c o rtin a, 183
c o g itare, 201 cor vus, 191
cognata, 204 cossus, 193
cognätus, 204 coxa, 188
c o ire , 361 c rä b rö , 123
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

c rap u la, 196 dëp ô n ere, 64

crassus, 462 d e sid e ra re , 64
c rä tis, 206, 482 dësTderium , 64
c ra tis (spinae), 195 d ë sp ë râ re , 64
creätiönem , 181 d ë sp ic â rï, 285
crem o, 423 d ëteg ere, 65
crep e r, 297 d exter, 68
crepö, 423 diabolus, 67
cresc o , 296 D iana, 522
C rëticum (acer), 195 dies, 66
c rïn a lis. 376 d iës solis, 65
crisp a, 196 dignus, 60
c rista, 196 directum , 73
cro cio , 199 directu s, 285
crocum , 200 d irig e re , 63
cru cem , 183, 199 dis-, 155, 274, 392
c ru d a, 197 discus, 66
c ru s, 194 dolo, 54, 55
cubitus, 208 dom esticus, 270, 280
cucum is, 205 d o n a re, 84
cucurbita, 202, 203 dorm iö, 92
cucurum , 201 dracö, 74
c üdö, 298 dracönem , 72
cu lcitra, 203 ducem , 78
culleus, 202 du co , 288
culm en, 202 ductus, 78, 471
culm us, 202 dulcis, 289
c u n ctäri, 205 dum us, 79
c u n ea re, 205 d u ra re , 79
cuneus, 205 d ü ru s, 288
cuppa, 205 e b ria, 86
c uprum , 361 e b riäca, 86
c u ra re , 360 ecclesia, 186
cu rtu s, 206, 425 echo, 158
c u rv o , 184 ëd ic tâ re , 146
c urvus, 184, 416 elogium , 227
cutis, 475 em ö, 344
cydönium , 105 episcopus, 487
cym a, 361 ë râ d îc â re , 382
c yprium (aes), 361 e ric a, 372
D acia M aluensis, 243 ëric iu s, 155
D acia R ipensis, 243 errö n eu s, 380
daem önem , 68 e rro r, 380
dam num , 63 erv illa, 392
d atu ra, 450 ervum , 392
dëbeô, 78 ësca, 90
d êbilis, 69 et, 85
dccem , 84 evangelium , 487
decus, 68 exam en, 411
d e le g are , 63 ex, 158
dënsus, 57, 59 ex an im ârï, 412
d ë p artlre , 60 ex-cap p äre, 429
 614 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

excandëscere, 420 fetus, 102

e xcaudicäre, 415 ficus, 96
excetra, 201 fidem , 94
e x ciëre, 53 fidës, 20
excipere, 434 filia, 25
e xcïre, 53 filiaster, 480
excitare, 53, 362 filicem , 395
excutere, 424 fíliu s, 26, 67
exem plum , 410 í'tluni, 59, 97
e x h o n o râre , 53 findere, 27, 95, 478
exigere, 414 findo, 43
ë(x )m u lg ëre, 525 finis, 2
exossus, 446 fístula, 103, 328, 348, 504
e xpedlre, 429 flaccus, 98
expedltus, 428 flagro, 98
exp rim ere, 431 flagrum , 30
e xtenuare, 439 flam en, 99
e xtrânea, 437 fiam m a, 30, 99
ex tra, 158 fiare , 100
exungere, 445 flätü ra, 100
ex-uô, 249 flä tü rä lis, 100
fâba, 479 flävus, 30
fâbella, 98 flëtus, 231
fabrica, 94 fio, 99
fa b u lo , 99 floccus, 100
facies, 92, 93, 107 flo rìn u s, 100
factu ra, 107 flörus, 29
facula, 98 flu ctu are , 101
falcônem , 93 flüm en, 234
fallere, 92 foedus, 20
fam a, 93 foliâta, 100
fam ilia, 95 follis, 31
fam ulus, 93 foria, 83
fa r, 17 form ella, 101
farciö, 18 form icula, 480
farina, 96 fornicem , 95, 106
fascia, 19, 94 fo rd s, 101
fascis, 19, 32 fo ro , 26
fatum , 94 fossa, 106
favilla, 476 fossäturn, 104
fax, 78 fragm en, 33
fe b ru ä riu s, 103 fräg u m , 73, 443
felicem , 395 fraxinus, 102
feniina, 94, 247 fren d ö , 35
fem u r, 474 frenum . 102
fe re , 132 fric a re , 96
ferio, 24, 28, 474 frfg ere , 96
ferm entum , 38, 253 friö, 34
ferula, 95 fru ctu s, 103
ferveò, 253 frü x , 38
festus, 479 fu lclre, 106
fêtôsus, 102 fúlica, 475
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 615

fundus, 106 hastîle, 439

furca, 106, 395 hebdom as, 158
furnus, 106 hederá, 490
furo, 253 helvus, 65
fuscina, 98 herba, 17
fuscus, 84 h eri, 68
fustis, 14, 103 hibernälis, 256
fusum , 106 hibernum , 505, 506
fütis, 107 hinnire, 148
galbinus, 131 hinnus, 148
galgulus, 110 hira, 526
galla, 120 hirundinem , 55
gallinacea, 118 hirundö, 55
gallas» 118, 131 höc, 86
g a rrire , 110 hoedus, 174
gaudium , 111 honorem , 284
gem ere, 134 höra, 146
gem o, 81 hordeum , 75
gena, 301 h o rrë re , 490
g en er, 82 hospitium , 438
genesta, 133 hoste, 490
genista, 133 hostis, 151, 490
gens, 59 huic, 86
gentem , 136 ilia , 154
genii, 137 ïlicem , 154
genus, 394 im ago, 139
glaber, 118 im ber, 66
glände(m ), 218 im m une, 276
gianduia, 135 im par, 248
glirem , 132 im perantem , 316
glis, 132 im p eräto r, 252
g lo m e rare , 123 im ple re. 252
g lom erätum , 123 in, 284
glom us, 123, 129, 223 in altum , 214
(g)nöscö, 305 in offulae, 301
g racilis, 124 in tötö, 71
g ra d io r, 296 incidere, 185
g raecus, 122 in clin are , 361
g räm en, 122 in cu rre re, 297
g randis, 370 in d icare, 286
g ränum , 125 indicere, 63
gravis, 366 ind u lg ere, 286
gregem , 123 infernum , 95
g rüm ulus-, 125 ingrätus, 296
grüm us, 124 inguen, 90
gryps, 123 inim icus, 9
gula, 120 innocuus, 301
gum m i, 120 insubulum , 445
gunna, 127 insula, 155
habeö, 167 in te g rare , 285
haedus, 85 intelligere, 62
hasta, 134, 146 inter, 284
616 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

intra, 35 lib e ra re , 229

intus, 158 lib e ri, 217
¡rivenire, 151 lig a re, 226
in v ertere , 250 lig a tu ra, 228
invidia, 268, 368 lllium , 228, 234
Iovis diem , 88 lim a, 228
Ira, 155 lim acem , 234
ito, 85 lim a re, 222
jän u a, 524 linea, 229
je ju n ä re , 2, 299 llneum , 229
jejü n iu m , 2 lino, 236
je n tä re , 135 linquö, 229
Joannes, 137 llnum , 226
jocus, 150 lippitüdo, 218
jü d ic ä re , 139 liq u o r, 227
jü dicium , 139 lira , 227
ju n ctü ra, 139 longus, 130
jurare;, 320 lo ran d ru m , 212
ju s, 135 lucerna, 235
juvenca, 139 lücius, 271
lab o ra re, 225 lucrum , 233
labrusca, 214, 225 lucta, 233
lacerta, 142 lü d ere , 232
L acônem (lïlium ), 221 lügeö, 101
lacus, 211 lupus, 233, 484
laedere, 224 lu stru m , 237
lan g u ëre, 224 lutea, 232
lapathum , 225 lutum , 177, 232
laqueus, 211 m achina, 272
lärd u m , 214 m acula, 109
läridum , 214 m aculum , 109
largus, 214 m agia, 261
larv a, 209 m agis, 258
lassare, 225 m agister, 270
lassus, 215 m agnus, 240
L atlnus, 225 M äjus, 241
laurus, 213 m aledlcere, 244
lavacrum , 227 m alitia, 243
lav a re, 210, 215 m alleolus, 240, 262, 513
lavo, 210 m alleus, 241
laxa (cutis), 209 m alum , 243
lege(tn), 227 m älum , 272
legó, 251 m alum angere, 243
len ire, 218 m alva, 259
lënis, 220 m anubrium , 263
lêns, 218 m ancus, 242, 244, 261
lentâre, 223 m ando, 241
leporem , 219 m andus, 265
lepra, 218 m ane, 261
lev are, 217 m ane vigil
levis, 217 m ania, 262
leönem , 232 inanicae, 261
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 617

m an icare, 261 m iser, 270

m anipulus, 253 m iserem , 270
m anna, 262 m isere re, 264
niansio, 247 m iseria, 264
m antïle, 244 m issa, 257
m aniis, 246, 263 m odius, 281
m arathrum , 244 m odus, 271
m arathum , 245 m olìnum , 277
m arginem , 245 m ollis, 244
M aria, 262 m om entum , 260
m a n ta , 411 m onachus, 278
m a rita re , 246, 259 m öns, 241, 247
m arltus, 411 m o n sträre, 271
m arm urem , 245 m ordeö, 274
M artis (dies), 245 m o rio r, 270
M artius, 245 m o rtälis, 278
m arum , 245 m ortem , 273
m as, 262 m ücus, 281
m asculus, 247 m ulgeö, 270
m assa, 104, 247 m ülus, 279, 281
m asticare, 264 m ü n iäre, 277
m asticinus, 264 m u rm u ra re, 278
m äte r, 275 m üs, 265
m atricu la, 288 m usca, 268
m atrix , 265 m uscellärium , 280
m ed icare, 258 m usculus, 280
m edicus, 269 m uscus, 276, 282
m édius, 271 m ustum , 280
m edulla, 281 m y rlca, 263
m eiö, 321 m y rrh a, 257
m el, 268 n a tä re, 301
m elandrya, 266 na tu ra , 283
m ellärium , 29 nebula, 13, 269, 304, 365
m ellitus, 259 nec, 302
m ênsis, 276 neglegö, 335
m ensura, 264 nepös, 300
m enta, 256 nepötem , 300
m entem , 256 nepötia, 250
m entum , 260 neque, 302
M ercu rii (dies), 262 nidus, 386
m erg ere, 262 nödulus, 303
m erid iäre, 263 nödus, 303
m erula, 259 nos, 289
m etaxa, 260 novem , 291
m ïlia, 266 n overca, 304
m ilium , 255 nox, 282
m in istra re, 248 n u b es, 269
m inuö, 254 n u m erare, 291
m iräculum , 275 num erus, 304
m ïrâ ri, 262 num m us, 304
m ïru s, 267 num quam , 291
m isceö, 266 nunquam , 302
618 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

nüpta, 302 parm a, 311

nuptiae, 302 Pasqua, 312
nutrlcula, 288 passus, 312
oblata, 28, 251 p a stu ra, 312
obtundere, 364 pastus, 28
obtusus, 364 pateo, 317, 331
odor, 4 patina, 276
officium , 305 patior, 324
offula, 301 p atrônus, 287
o leaster, 485 paucus, 308
oleaster, 514 p au sare, 452
oleum , 492 pavlcula, 353
oliva, 485 pâx, 308
olTvus, 485 peccâtum , 258
opera, 499 pecten, 314, 328
opus, 350 pecto, 326
o ra re , 489 pedica, 315
orbus, 499 pellis, 334
ördinem , 488 pello, 330
penna, 315
o rio r, 344, 387
pen sare, 264
orphartus, 495
pensum , 316
os, 501
pepönem , 330
öscitäre, 491
p er, 319
ötus, 153, 491
per intu, 35
övum , 497
p e ra rä re , 311
pacem , 310
p e rce llä re, 360
p acisco r, 308
percellere, 322
pacto, 308
pe rd o lë re, 319
pägänus, 317
pérgula, 330
pala, 309, 310
perlavantem , 349
palam , 309, 310, 427
persica, 331
patâtium , 318
p ersiccätu s, 324
palûdem , 353
pertica, 351
palanga, 333 p e rv ig iläre , 320
pallium , 308 peto, 352
palm a, 318 p etra, 23
p a lp a re, 310 phalanga, 333
palum bes, 203, 318 phaseolus, 102
palum bus, 319 picca, 325
pango, 275 pignus, 315
pantex, 310 p ig ritä rl, 322
panticem , 333 pila, 326
pânus, 313 pilleus, 326
parabola, 309, 323 ptlö, 326
p aradlsus, 312 pïlum , 353
p a ra re , 346 pinna, 315
p a rce re, 200, 320 pinniger, 327
parem , 310 pínnula, 315
pa ren tare , 315 pïnus, 328
p a re n tâ n , 316 p iplre, 327
parentem , 345 piscem , 316
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

p istare , 27 p ro x im â re, 347

pistörium , 437 proxim us, 347
p iac ere , 318 pru in a, 38
placitum , 333 prôna, 348
plaga, 334 p ublica (via), 348
plaga, 331, 335 püblicus, 348
planea, 332 pugnò, 350
plan tare, 250 pulcher, 40
piantò, 332 pullus, 349
platanus, 309, 310 pulpa, 349
plecta, 333 pulverem , 40, 335
plectò, 318, 331 pulvis, 335
plico, 319 puncta, 348
plovum , 335 puppis, 350
plum bum , 336 pustula, 107
poenitere, 315 puteus, 351
polenta, 349 putô, 106, 352
pollen, 329 qua h ô ra, 206
p o llic äris, 349 qu ad rag esim a, 196
pöm um , 314 qu ad rig a, 172
pöm us, 314 quadrum , 188
pondus, 350 qu ad ru p es, 437
pönere, 503 qu aerere, 358
poples, 400 quarta, 172, 192
populus, 338 q uartum jejü n iu m , 181
pöpulus, 333 quasillum , 162
porcus, 22 quatiò, 53, 292
p o rrin a, 345 quattuor, 173, 174
p o rrò , 336, 337 quei, 395
p o rru m , 339 qui, 360, 395
p o rta, 339 quia, 360, 395
poseo, 352 quietus, 359
post, 340 quid, 52, 360
poste, 340 quinqué, 316
p otestätem , 352 quis, 207
p otior, 167 quisquam , 201
p rae, 311 quisquis, 201
p ra eire, 345 rä d e re , 390
p raeam b u läre, 321 radius, 382
praeda, 342 ra d ix , 382, 384, 386
p re-hendö, 131 rä llu s, 377
p rem ere, 431 räm u s, 380
p re p a ra re , 350 ran co r, 365
p re sb y ter, 345 râ p a, 365
princeps. 346 ra p ere , 372
p riv a re , 346 rapidus, 381
prïvum (iter), 344 rapiö, 372, 515
prò , 319 räpum , 381
pro c ere s, 400 rä ru s , 377
p rô d â re , 346 rästellu s, 366
p ro h ib ëre , 347 rastu s, 379
prö m ittere, 343 räsu m , 366
 620 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

ratiCmem. 10 sabulum , 519

rebus, 381 sab u rra, 527
re fe rre , 382 sacculus, 407
rëg em , 367 sacena, 409
reg ere, 388 sa c ra re , 412, 445
regestum , 387 saeculum , 410
re g u la , 380, 435 sägiö, 53, 138
rê g (u )lu s, 367 sagitta, 406, 414
re ite ra re , 304 sagittäre, 406
rëm us, 380 sagum , 406
rë n ës, 376, 384 sal, 137, 298
re n ïd ë re , 384 salire, 180, 412
re n o v are , 9 salix, 410
rë p e re , 515 salv are, 412
rê s, 381 salvia, 411
ré sin a , 371, 385 salvus, 129
resisto , 369 san are, 413
restis, 388 sanctam trln itätem , 413
re su rg ere , 387 sanctus, 411
re te , 388 sanguisuga, 447, 491
rhododendron, 212 Sanitätern, 412
rhom bus, 391 sanna, 406
ricinus, 387 sapa, 407
rig a re , 371, 387 sarcin äriu s, 410
rim a re , 383 sariö, 49, 143
rim a ri, 146, 370 sarm entum , 411
rip a, 386 S aturn! dies, 444
rö b u r, 74, 388 scabies, 523
röbustus, 74 scälae, 416
ro d e re , 383, 390 scam num , 420
R om änus, 370 scandalum , 417
rom phaea, 390 scäpus, 421
rös, 366 scateö, 418
R ösälia, 385 scelus, 49
rösu(m ) pöne, 389 schola, 421
rota, 381, 389 scientia, 419
ro tu la, 390 scindo, 147, 361, 424
rotunda, 490 scintilla, 420
ru b e r, 391 sclavus, 432
ru b ia, 389 scopa, 434
rubus, 152 scoria, 524
rudô, 376 scorpiö, 422
ru g a, 383, 390 scortea, 422
ru in a, 384 sc rlb ere , 423
rum pere, 383 sc ru tar!, 435
ru n c äre , 375 scrobis, 422, 523
ruö, 24, 376, 515 scutula, 400
ru sc u s, 391 scutum , 401, 435
rü sseo lu s, 385 sebum , 3
russus, 77 secale, 473
sabbatum , 444 secò, 409, 412
sabucus, 440 sêc rê tu s, 423
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

sectäre, 447 sp lritu s, 430

sector, 409 spissus, 429
scctum , 412 splënëticum , 431
secundum , 395 spodium , 432
sella, 407 spolium , 334
sem i-, 139 sporta, 431
sen ëre, 257 sputare, 324
sënsum , 415 spuö, 107, 324
septem , 436 sputum , 107
sequor, 414, 421, 425 squam a, 481
se rere , 408 squätus, 418
serica, 408 stabulum , 436
serpens, 130 status, 251, 436, 438
serpo, 130, 139 stercus, 4 4 1
serra, 394 sterilis, 437
serum , 136, 149 sterno, 439, 442, 443
serus, 133 stilus, 444
se rv ire, 413 stip are, 444
sessus, 412 stipo, 323
sex, 130 stolö, 464
sic, 414 stratum , 441
sîca, 477 stria, 443
sic cä re, 473 striga, 442
signum , 411 strin g ere, 442
silicula, 414 stringò, 443
sim ilare, 410 stultus, 464
sim ilis, 410 stuppa, 444
sinus, 135, 414 sturnus, 444
sirp e, 411 sto, 440
situs, 415 sub, 153
socius, 426 subjugäre, 445
socrus, 510 sublata, 445
solänus (locus), 445 sü d o r, 69
solum , 426 su ffe râre , 62
sorbeö, 132 sulcus, 425
sorbum , 472 sulphur, 434
sorbus, 492 sulphurem , 401
sorex, 489 sum m a, 446
so ro r, 493 sum m acus, 433
sorte(m ), 94 sum m um , 446
sortem , 426 sum m us, 445
spartum , 428 super, 396, 482
sparus, 95, 427, 428 super-, 429
späta, 428 super-cadere, 446
spatula, 400, 428 süpö, 152
spëlaeum , 428 surdus, 446
spelunca, 429 sus, 477
sp e ra re , 429, 431 su sp ira re, 348
spernö, 2, 95 suspîrium , 348
spica, 97 su su rrare , 413
spina, 94, 430 sütus, 447
sp ira re , 430 sym boluni, 410
 622 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

syringa, 415 trim ën se trïticu m , 455

tabella, 447 trim estris, 455
täctus, 447 tristis, 465
taenia, 451 trivium , 464
talea, 448 tructa, 465
tälis, 46, 456 trü d ô , 288, 463, 468
talla, 448 tru m p h â re, 467
tam a, 454 truncus, 467
tango. 287 tu, 455
tata, 450 tüfa, 468
taurus, 452 tum ba, 468
tegm inem , 456 tum ulus, 468
tegö, 62 tundö, 444, 469
tëgula, 457 tu rb a re , 454
tela, 459 turm a, 469
tem pus, 466 tu rp e, 469
tendere, 59 turpís, 469
tendo, 59 tu rrem . 470
tenebrae, 452 tu rtu r, 470
tepeo, 105 T üscus, 460
tergum , 457 ulm us, 485
term en, 358 ulna, 238
terra , 452, 466 u lu la re, 484
tetraönem , 74 um erus, 280
texo, 453 uncäre, 487
thym iarna, 175 uncô, 6
tim òrem , 458 u n c tü ra , 486
tina, 456 unde, 204
tinca, 456 u nguere, 300
tinea, 451 unguis, 486
tinnuncula, 456 ungulus, 486
titulus, 457 unguö, 305
tollö, 214 ünus, 304
torculum , 460 upupa, 350
torqueö, 457, 457 urbs, 496
to rreo , 452 urgeö, 489
tortum , 460 u rin a, 446
tortus, 455 urna, 495
tötum , 71 ursus, 9
tötus, 440, 454 Q sitärl, 491
trabem , 460 uter, 469
trac tä re , 461 vacuus, 493
tractum , 461 v ä d ere , 502
trä d e re , 463, 466 vado, 502
trahö, 461 v a d u m ,491
traiecto riu m , 447 vae, 492
tran sig e re, 462 v agar!, 498
trem ere , 463 vagor, 513
trem o, 463 vagus, 492
trè s, 463 v alere, 511, 512
tribuí um , 466 vallis, 493
trifolium , 454 vänus, 153, 514
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 623

vapor, 12 v iv erra , 489

vehiculum , 497 vivo, 303
vehö, 483, 497, 510 vo lare, 494
velarium , 226 volpës, 81
vellus, 220, 484 voluntâtem . 517
vellö, 511 volvö, 226, 235, 494,
venënum , 515 vom eö, 485
veniö, 508 vom is, 485
venire, 508 vorö, 124
ven tilare, 105 v ulnerata, 517
venus, 489 vulnerò, 517
verbum , 380
vergo, 376 Roma
v e ritâte m , 505
verm is, 386 Proto-Romance
v erricu lu m , 516
v e rsa re , 505 *abetta, 29
v ersus, 506, 511 *ablevare, 29
v ertere, 500 *abluta, 31
vertö, 387 *äcing(u)lus, 356
v ë ru s, 489 * acücula pani, 134
vesco r, 490 *addönäre, 84
vëscus, 97, 502 *ad iü n äre, 2
v esica, 104, 264 *aeta, 159
v e stig â re, 506 *affinàre, 2
vestire, 502 *agnunc(u)lus, 356
veterem , 512 *aira, 89
v ia, 508 *albanensis, 7
vicia, 508 *albanus, 7
v ïcïnus, 102 *albeata, 29
v ictoria, 510 *albiettus, 29
v îctuâlia, 507 *äliellum , 392
vlcus, 507 *äliölum , 391
vidua, 497 *am endula, 256
vïeô, 510 *anulla, 302
vîgintï, 521 *apetta, 29
vigilia, 262, 507 *arm essarius, 143
villana, 513 ^ a rre sta re , 369
vînum , 500 * a rriv a re, 10
vip era, 290 *ascla, 11
virginem , 508 *aviüsius, 140
virgo, 493, 495 *avusius, 140
viriae, 486 *banea, 16
v iridis, 499 * b a rra re , 351
v irtü tem , 505 *bassus, 249
viscum , 502 * belluàrius, 41
v isita re , 506 *bestana, 437
vitium , 501 *bola, 31
v ïtricu s, 509 *boreànus, 279
vitta, 503 *brach iu le, 24
vitulus, 105, 507 *brocca, 347
viv ere, 516 *broccia, 347
 624 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

*brosacus, 36 ♦colum nâtia, 203

*brösca, 36 ♦ co n scrlp târe, 207
♦brotacus, 36 ♦convenire, 208
♦ brotascus, 36 ♦conventiae, 208
♦ brutea, 23 ♦côpïlis, 190
♦buccella, 40 ♦cotôneum , 105
*bulläna, 260 ♦crâpulus, 195
♦bullüca, 41 ♦crem orâtum , 123
♦burgus, 42 ♦ cuculbita, 202
*cadöcus, 175 ♦cuplea, 202
♦caesänia, 116 ♦cuppus, 205
♦calandae, 186 ♦ cu rtiare, 206
♦calthinus, 166 ♦debitare, 62
♦cam ba, 177 ♦ debitüra, 62
♦cam pona, 177 ♦ dêcaptâre, 65
♦cannapis, 182 ♦ dëcôleâre, 63
♦cänösus, 168 ♦ d ëfre n âre , 62
♦ canticella, 179 ♦ d elib erare, 63
♦canticellum , 168 ♦ dê-p en etrâre, 60
♦cantile, 398 ♦ d epositare, 64
♦ capitiäre, 169 ♦ d ëràm âre, 63
♦cappuläre, 522 ♦ d irectâre, 285
♦capreus, 357 ♦ disbinäre, 62
♦capsäre, 164 ♦disbinô, 31
♦ captiâre, 164 ♦ discarpere, 417
♦cardella, 388 ♦ d isca rric âre , 417
♦cardellicula, 293 *dis-co-affibulare, 522
♦ carputiô, 179 ♦disculus, 66
♦ ca rric u lâre , 197 ♦ disfrenare, 62
♦ carsânia, 116 ♦ d isq u iritâre, 435
♦ carsöria, 116 ♦ d is-sp ïrâre, 430
♦casina, 359 ♦doctâre, 62
♦catta. 111 ♦ dom estiâcus, 270
♦cedrulanea, 63 ♦ dom esticare, 280
♦cedrulina, 63 ♦drancônem , 72
♦ celiare, 360 ♦drusculum , 79
♦ cen trare, 360 ♦ductus, 471
♦cerasium , 358 ♦ elëgium , 227
♦cerebellus, 195 ♦evangelum , 487
♦ circare, 181 ♦exalbidus, 472
♦clâvanus, 359 ♦ exam putâre, 412
♦clom ostrum , 363 ♦exbattuere, 519
♦cloppus, 433 ♦excaballicâre, 421
♦coaliare, 166 ♦cxcallàre, 416
♦coca, 189 ♦ excam biâre, 420
♦cocceum , 190, 191 ♦ ex card iâre, 418
♦cocceus, 205 ♦ excarpere, 417
♦codrum , 188 ♦ excarptäre, 417
♦coëm ptâre, 360 ♦ ex carp tiâre, 417
♦ cognâteôlus, 204 ♦ ex -cathedrâre, 418
♦ colluctiäre, 127 ♦excavône, 524
♦colum bula, 204 ♦excloppus, 433
 ÍNDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 625

*excovus, 524 *glem us, 223

*excurtus, 425 * globelläre, 363
*exm ulgia, 525 *globellus, 363
*ex-pagere, 430 *gräm a, 122
*expedïtâre, 352, 428, 429 *grassus, 462
*ex-p er-lav áre, 430 *gripsa, 123
*expresso, 431 *gunna, 127
*ex-pugere, 430 *gutta, 128
*ex-pungere, 430 *h ern izäre, 370
*ex q u artare, 409 *hibernïnum , 505
* e x rlm arí, 146 *hinnicula, 148
*ex scäläre, 416 * h inniculäre, 148
*exstirpus, 437 *hospitäre, 429
* exträna, 437 *illac, 350
*extus, 158 * im p aräre, 253
*exundulare, 446 * im perätus, 252
*exungulare, 446 * im plantäre, 250
* exvigilare, 523 * in au ritäre, 282
* fâb âriu m , 479 * in caballicäre, 421
*fallia, 92 *incalam äre, 293
* farïnata, 96 * incalleäre, 292
* fa rîn â re, 96 * in caricäre, 293
* farrïm a, 477 *incausinäre, 294
* fa rn m e n , 477 *in co rd äre, 295
*favalia, 94 *indictäre, 62
*fileölum , 102 *inquaternäre, 294
*filiänus, 96 *in-russicö, 77
*filicäria, 96 * (in )se rtä re, 408, 409
*firigilïnum , 100 *in trü d ö , 288
* fiscläre, 98 *in tu b ercu läre, 288
*fisticula, 348 ^in v e la re, 253
*fistuläre, 98, 328, 504, 509 *inventäre, 151
*fixätum , 104 * invernal ia, 256
*flaca, 98 *invernus, 506
*flacula, 98 ^in v id iare, 268
*flatuäria, 100 *invitiäre, 263
* fluctuläre, 101 *itiö, 85
*focilis, 476 *junctus, 139
* fragm inäre, 477 *länorius, 224
*fulcius, 106 *laquus, 211
*fulingia, 475 *lav ätü ra, 215
*fullinga, 475 *lavcärum , 227
*fuscinia, 98 *(li)brinum , 29
*fustulum , 103 * lippitüra, 218
*galbulus, 110 *lunter, 234
*galliätia, 118 *lupus c erv ariu s, 235
* gallinätia, 118 *lupus cervulus, 235
*gam ba, 177 *lupus peccätus, 233
*ganta, 111 *m agistericus, 247
*gat(t)us, 111 * m ajärium . 241
* genistra. 133 *m alitiäre, 243
* glandura, 135 *m alleänus, 513
626 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

*m ancare, 278 *palotta, 452

*m ancinus, 261 *panticârium , 310
*m anctus, 242 *p an tô râre, 287
*m anipulare, 253 *parâm entum , 311
*m annia, 262 * p a râre , 351
*m anöbrium , 263 *p astü racu s, 312
*m anurus, 263 *pastürâticus, 312
*inarathricum , 245 *pastica, 28
*m arathriurn, 244 *patïna, 276
*m arcatum , 245 *p atiâre, 323
*m äricösus, 262 * p atrô n âre, 287
*m aris lücius, 271 *pectum , 328
*m arïtâtiô, 246 *pedinus, 313
*m assätum , 104 *pepinem , 330
*m ätricus, 265 * p erarâm entum , 311
*m âtrîn a, 288 *p er-in d u lg ëre, 319
*m edicäster, 258 *p ersiccâre, 324
*m elettum , 29 * pesâre, 264
*m ellïtiâre, 259 *pesca, 331
*m ensôra, 264 *petia, 331
*m entaxa, 260 *petiô, 352
*m ercâtum , 245 *petram en, 23
*m erlcmia, 259 *pica, 325
*m erlônius, 259 *picta, 328
*m er(u)lanea, 259 *pîlicum , 353
*m icetta, 271 * p in n ig erâre, 327
*m igetta, 271 *pïpa, 327
*m ingilia, 262 *pistâlia, 27
*m isrem , 270 * pistârium , 437
*m ortâlia, 278 *placium , 333
*m uculus, 277 *plagius, 336
*m ula, 277 *planticus, 332
* m y n cïn ia, 263 *platania, 309
*m uscellârius, 280 *plicïnus, 319
*m uscônea, 268 *plôpus, 333
*m uscônia, 268 *pluverem , 335
*mustëlTna, 280 *pollicer, 349
*nappa, 282 *porriciutn, 339
*natricipertica, 290 *porrïnum , 339
*neptia, 250 * potestâre, 352
*ninna, 300 *pottus, 340
*nodunculus, 291 *praeam bulatus, 321
*notâre, 301 * p rïm a v ë ra, 344
*n<5vaster, 301 *pulla, 349
*nunta, 302 *pullicus, 349
*nuntiae, 303 *puppa, 350
*nüptia, 303 *puttana, 352
*olïvaster, 485 *râdica, 386
*orna, 495 *râdicula, 386
*ôvâtium , 501 * rem anâre, 388
* p äctäre, 308 *retina, 381
*padülem , 353 *rin g u lâre, 516
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

♦rocca, 389 *taliäre, 451

*rom bulus, 391 *tappum , 449
*rubëscula, 391 *taxa, 450
♦rucca, 389 * taxitäre, 450
*rüga, 390, 443 *tenta, 451
♦ ru in a re, 384 *terebellum , 467
♦rüsculus, 391 * terrä tic u m , 461
♦ rö d icu läre, 383 * terrae m ötus, 454
♦saguisungia, 447 *terriola, 466
*salica, 410 ♦ testim oniare, 64
♦salviella, 411 *tetraonem , 74
♦sam bata, 444 *tinnunculus, 456
♦ sanguisungia, 491 *tînum , 456
*sanitösus, 413 ♦toccare, 448
♦sannarl, 406 ♦tonia, 459
♦sappa, 408 *tornum , 460
*sappäre, 408 ♦tötanus, 454
♦sappata, 395 ♦trabeza, 468
♦sappula, 408 ♦tractäriu s, 447
♦sarica, 408 *tragula, 461
♦scandulum , 417 ♦traiectäriu m , 447
*scetula, 400 ♦ trä n sfläre , 469
♦scintilla, 420 ♦ tränsfunditörium , 447
♦sclöpus, 433 ♦ trä n sin flä re , 469
♦scum a, 424 ♦ trän sm ed iäre, 462
♦ sedicäre, 4 15 * trän sv ert5 riu s, 455
♦sicla, 409 ♦ trim ensänum , 455
♦sicula, 414 ♦trina, 465
♦ signitäre, 412 ♦ trü d icä re , 461
♦silpium , 411 ♦ tru d icu lä re, 461
♦ sim u lätü ra, 410 ♦trum ba, 467
♦slucus, 425 ♦trum pa, 467
♦slufur, 434 ♦ tru m p äre, 467
♦slufurem , 401 ♦ tru m p iscäre, 467
*soca, 426 ♦ trü sä re , 469
*socus, 426 ♦tüfa, 468
*sortïca, 426 ♦turba, 70, 469
* so rtïre, 426 ♦ tu rb u läre, 466
* spatula. 428 ♦turbulus, 466
*spora, 431 ♦ulnäna, 238
*sputîre, 324 ♦ u ru lä re, 484
*stancus, 438 ♦ utrïnum , 469
*sternäcus, 443 ♦vacus, 493
*stram bus, 441 ♦väditus, 502
*strinctus, 441 ♦ väditus sum , 502
*stringa, 443 ♦vapa, 494
*suävilia, 414 ♦vapulus, 13
*sub-m arïta, 411 ♦ vera, 499
*sub-m arïtica, 411 ♦ vertia, 500
*subraucare, 446 ♦ vlclnius, 102
* su sp ïritâre , 348 ♦vïllânea, 513
*talia, 448 ♦vingilia, 262
 628 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

* virana, 486 careg a, 172

* virganus, 495 carp a , 194
*virg ariu s, 495 castello, 185
*viscile, 509 cesoie, 116
*viscula, 509 chiaro, 354
*vistulum , 502 c hiudere, 363
*vittula, 503 cica, 517
*vitulea, 105 cicogna, 168
*vivula, 107 cionno, 54
*vivulellus, 100 ciullo, 48, 54
*vola, 494 coccia, 190
*volva, 31 coccio, 187
coccola, 189
Italian co g liere, 192
coltello, 182
am m ennola, 256 c o rre , 192
angheria, 293 c o rte llo , 182
arred o , 307 costo, 207
asea, 11 crep are, 196
aschia, 11 c rusca, 196
atto, 251 datura, 450
bagno, 16 degno, 60
bagola, 14 diletto, 81
bagula, 14 d isp erare, 64
balla, 31 dragone, 72
bandera, 310 du ra re , 79
b andiera, 310 eco, 158
beccaccia, 400 ernia, 370
becco, 400 *eterigo, 452
bocca, 513 fadiga, 95
boia, 41 fam iglia, 95
bolla, 31, 41 fango, 96
bosso, 33, 43 fattu ra, 107
botte, 43 fe, 94
brocca, 347 fiaccare, 98
brosa, 34 fiaccola, 98
buccella, 40 fiale, 94
buffare, 253 fiastro, 480
cadrega, 172 ficcare, 97
cam ozza, 161 fidare, 94
*cam ozzetta, 161 figliastro, 480
cam pagna, 106 flem m a, 99
canape, 182 fnaciullo, 48
canterella, 168 foglietta, 100
canto, 178 fo rfo re, 101
cantone, 174 forte, 101
capitare, 170 frusta, 103
capone, 170 gam bo, 1 12
capovolgere, 169 ganascia, 301
capro, 357 ghiandola, 135
cardicello, 385 gnoffele, 301
cardoscolim o, 383 gola, 120
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 629

grappa, 123 p a rare , 347

greco, 122 p ergola, 330
greppo, 195 perla, 374
grin ta, 124 pesca, 331
grisola, 116 pezza, 331
griva, 123 pezzo, 331
grum olo, 125 piaga. 331
guscio, 117 piaggia, 336
incagliare, 292 pianca, 332
incalm are, 293 p iccare, 325
in caricare, 293 piccino, 325
ingattiar, 294 picciolo, 325
iskolka, 424 pila, 326
lacca, 211 pila, 326
lam pare, 98 pizzo, 325
lam po, 98 *plaga, 331
*larviccio, 209 *planca, 332
lasciare, 225 poppa, 350
lungo, 298 posare, 352
m adrina, 288 pozzo, 351
m aggiatico, 241 prim av era, 344
m aglio, 241 prode, 252
m agliolo, 262 p ro m ettere, 343
m alanno, 260 puttana, 352
m anca, 242 quaresim a, 196
m ancare, 278 radica, 384
m anco, 244 ram e, 367
m andola, 256 rangola, 365
m anzo, 265 rapa, 381
m arru ca, 279 rege, 367
m arte, 246 regola, 380
m edicastro, 258 rem o. 380
m eno, 254 re stare , 369
m enta, 256 rig a, 371
m erla, 46 rig are , 371
m erluzzo, 271 rocca, 373, 389
m icio, 265 ro cca del cam ino, 373
m ilza, 259 ro n c are , 375
m olino, 277 ru b a re , 383
m usso, 279 ru in are, 384
natura, 283 rum bulu, 391
ninna, 300 rum m ulu, 391
novastro, 301 saetta, 390
novo de trinca, 465 sbattere, 519
nuovo di trinca, 465 scagno, 397
olivastro, 485 scalcare, 421
orm a, 139 scam biare, 420
palazzo, 318 scardasso, 420
palio, 308 sc a ric are , 417
palta, 15 scaron, 149
panza, 333 scem are, 410
p aradiso, 312 scola, 421
 630 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

scopare, 324 trubbulu, 466

scum a, 424 truche, 466
seccare, 473 tuffo, 468
secchia, 409, 410 tu rb a, 469
secco, 473 uru lare, 484
secondo, 395 vangelo, 487
se rra, 409 vapa, 494
siliquastro, 209 v ersare, 505
siserchia, 478 visiyyu, 509
skum m e, 424 voga, 513
soffiare, 404 vrica, 516
soga, 426 zappa, 47
*splenza, 333 zappo, 47
sporta, 431 zoppo, 481
spranga, 341 zufolare, 404
stalla, 436
stanco, 438 Spanish
stanga, 436
stato, 436 e n je rta r, 408, 409
stram bo, 441 e scarzar, 417
strano, 464 fardacho, 142
strento, 441 gram a, 122
strinto, 441 pata, 312
stru c ca re, 466 pipa, 327
su rra g are , 446 pote, 337
taglia, 448 rueca, 389
taglio, 450 taja, 448
tappo, 449 tufo, 468
tegola, 457
terra zz a, 64 Catalan
terrem u o to , 454
tigna, 451 tap, 449
tino, 456
toccare, 448, 459 Portuguese
togna, 459
torba, 469 caram ujo, 182
torchio, 460 escarçar, 417
torm a, 469 escolca, 424
torno, 460 travoela, 467
torta, 460
tosco, 460 O ld and Middle French
tosto, 64
tram ezzare, 462 bacoule, 40
trav asare, 462 bague, 14
tregua, 463 baraigne, 21
trem este, 455 estanc, 438
trifoglio, 454 m artrin e, 432
trina, 465 m ule, 277
trivella, 467 pipe. 327
trivello, 467 poupe, 350
trom ba, 467 soue, 426
tronfio, 469 soufflace, 446
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

taille, 448 Dalmatian

treve, 464
triege, 464 canpuone, 177
trom pe, 467 faular, 99
nepo, 300
French nepoça, 250
trak ta, 461
aise, 479
broche, 347 Rumanian
coche, 108
daille, 54 abur, 12
em b racer, 352 ajuna, 2
é v en trer, 520 albina, 29
ivraie, 86 aliol, 391
jan te, 111 alior, 391
le long de, 298 argea, 365
loup-cervier, 235 arm äsar, 143
m ère de vinaigre, 4 baci, 13
m iette, 271 balegä, 14
nappe, 282 balta, 15
nivereau, 520 barzä, 17
p a rer, 347 basca, 19
pièce, 331 bälaur, 41
pinson de neige, 32 bîlc, 314
pot, 337, 340 b îr, 21
poule, 349 bora, 32
rêne, 381 brad, 34
tour, 460 brinca, 35
tourbe, 469 brînzâ, 35
tro m p er. 467 brîu, 36
trouble, 466 broascä, 35
tro u b ler, 466 buca, 39
bucur, 40
Provençal bunget, 42
buzä, 43, 44
envezar, 263 caine, 356
ganta, 111 cap, 179
taravela, 467 cäciulä, 184
torn. 460 cälbeazä, 1 13
trom pa, 467 cänäpä, 182
tru zar, 469 cäntecel, 168
cäpuijä, 179
Raeto-Romanic ce, 52
ceafä, 353
bar, 21 cioarä, 399
brose, 34 ciucä, 53
criu re , 296 cium p, 481
dâsa, 79 ciut, 405, 447
gripp, 123 ciutä, 405
lapa. 212 coacäzä, 190
sepc, 474 codru, 188
trü sch er, 469 copil, 190
 632 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

cräciun, 181 pie, 325

curpen, 202 piedin, 313
cuscru, 198 p în tecaraie, 310
daltä, 54 piai, 336
da$, 57 poiatä, 337
därim a, 63 porum b. 203
d escareca, 417 prim ävarä, 344
d roaie, 76 pupäzä, 450
druete, 76 rajä, 374
farim a, 477 roibä, 389
flacärä, 98 sac, 393
fluier, 100 sarbäd, 472
gard, ! 10 sägeatä, 414
gata, 111 sälciner, 410
gaina}, 118 särciner, 410
gälbeazä, 113 scäpära, 423
ghim pe, 132 schim ba, 420
ghindurä, 135 scînteie, 420
ghiuj, 140 scrum , 423
gresie, 116 sîm bure, 481
groapä, 124 soc, 440
grum az, 127 spuzä, 432
gu§ä, 128 sting, 438
gutä, 128 stira, 440
înveja, 263 strepede, 441
jum ätate, 139 strîm b, 441
la, 450 strîm t, 441
lum e, 33 strungä, 443
luntre, 234 stupi, 324
luptä, 233 Sat, 104
m al, 243 §chiau, 432
m are, 240 çchiop, 433
m asteacan, 264 sopirla, 407
m ägurä, 109 tatiná, 450
m azäre, 271 tärcinä, 455
mel, 266 tärsinä, 455
m erloi, 259 to rt, 460
m esteca, 264 trage, 462
m ifa, 265 t(r)aisträ, 461
m înz, 265 tras, 462
mo§, 274 tufä, 468
m ugur, 277 tu rb u ra, 466
m urg, 278 tu rb u re, 466
musjcoi, 279 tureac, 456
nanä, 291 }ap, 47
näpircä, 290 fare, 472
paltin, 309 {eapä, 474
päducei, 273 urdä, 488
päducel, 273 urla, 484
pädure, 353 urm ä, 139
p äräu, 323 vaträ, 496
pästaie, 27 vätui, 105
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 633

viezure, 510 am bal, 5

zapada, 32 asse, 479
zarä, 80 ball, 31
zbat, 519 ban, 520
zbor, 520 bann, 22
z estre, 57 blár, 29
zgardä, 417 bocc, 40
zm ulge, 525 boce, 40
bog, 43
Arumanian bolach, 31
both, 39
arum în, 370 b ressim , 23
budzä, 43 briiu, 35
eta, 159 cail, 474
g llndura, 135 cam m , 474
* grum urata, 123 earn, 48
niputeare, 395 cenn, 199
sclifur, 401 cét-, 450
d o c h , 479
Messapic claidim , 363
com m , 404
aran, 7 congan, 472
atabulus, 13 c o rr, 458
ßpevSov, 36, 72 crann, 425
ß p e v tio v , 36 mi, 393
bilia, 25 cum cae, 5
ennan, 305 dam , 59
M enzana, 265 darn, 73
*skar-, 149 delirad , 65
din u, 58
Venetic d iorain, 102
d o-cer, 474
ceva, 160 do-tuit, 444
draigen, 56
Celtic d riss, 73, 75
dron, 77
Proto-Celtic druidim , 76
dui, 54
*bardos, 115 éim , 328
*dam atos, 58 em on, 139
*kando-, 147 lan. 513
*kom -ong-ia, 5 fern, 500
*kom -vor-ko-, 527 fert, 496
*läpego-, 231 fillid, 254
*m ogo-, 109 fir, 489
*xpbi, 250 fogeir, 524
*stre-n-k-, 441 frige, 376
frith, 344
Irish gerbach, 109
glúin, 137
aicher, 1 gran, 125
ainm , 87 grend, 196
634 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

gúaire, 112 Welsh

ibar, 23
im m -, 250 aw yd, 2
in-grenn-, 296 blaw r, 29
ith, 328 breu, 35
láeg, 231 bru, 18
lem , 485 brych, 18
lom an, 223 brydd, 38
luaid, 231 bys, 118
m aige, 240 cann, 147
m aisse, 271 clud, 359
m at, 242 colw yn, 176
m ath, 247 cordd, 146
m aug, 255 craff, 194
m eirb, 270 cyw arch, 527
m erenn, 269 dafad, 58
m í, 276 dal, 283
m ol, 243 dala, 283
m uch, 277 e rch , 344
na-ch, 302 ffern. 95
roth, 381 go-dyrddu, 60
saigim , 138 gw eint, 486
sal, 305 gw ernen, 500
salann, 298 gw raidd, 384
scáilim , 150 gw rm , 372
scaraim , 52, 433 hufen, 136
see, 150 hw yad, 427
scén, 144 na-c, 302
scothaid, 424 neithiw r, 290
seig, 136 neithw yr, 290
selige, 425 nudd, 269
serg, 61 oed, 159
sin, 136 osnad, 104
síbl, 137 tarw yden, 73
síth, 133 trw nc, 441
siiti, 405 try ch u , 288
tech, 458 tw r. 470
techim , 286
tir, 452 Bretón
trén, 462
tú. 455 ala, 217
-tuidm en, 266 a-raok, 400
tuilid, 448 b a l’, 15
uirgge, 145 cann, 147
dauat, 58
Gaulish dibri, 56, 74
diprim , 74
*dal(l)jä, 54 gw ern, 500
eb u ro -, 23 houat, 427
kant, 360
leue, 231
neizœ r, 290
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 635

neiziir, 290 *m arxjo, 240

skant, 435 *nebulaz, 12
stroñk, 441 Spranga-, 341
uurm , 372 *rauböjan, 388
*raukiz, 366
Cornish *raustjan, 381
*rukkjan, 389
aw it, 2 *rôw ô, 386
bes, 118 •sailaz , 129
bis, 118 *skallaz, 141
hoet, 427 *skiutan, 143
*skurjan, 149
Hispano-Celtic *skurta-, 425
*skurtaz, 425
m aT ui, 275 *skurti-, 425
*spannjan, 92
Germanic •sp aro ja n , 429
*speru-, 95
Proto-Germanic * sprëw jan, 432
* stanga, 443
*airiz, 132 *steurjan, 442
•a id a -, 215 * steurö, 442
*alinobogon, 23 *suraz. 446
* arm iz, 9 *tïdiz, 66
*bainan, 379 * targjan, 61, 73
*bakan, 309 *tw aina-
*bakkon, 309 *tö, 284
*barm a, 38 *})uba-, 468
*barnan, 19 *¡3üfa, 468
*bastaz, 32 *w erdan, 156
*bautan, 14 *xallaz, 141
*bazaz, 21 *xanduz, 481
*burg-, 42 *xanxön, 184
* bosta, 32 *xraznö, 198
*brustilö, 38 *xrengaz, 370
*deupit>ö, 61 *xrengjan, 370
*deuzan, 57 *xunagan, 356
*ëdum az, 470 *xutan, 221
*farnaz, 96 *xw urbana, 202
*finkan, 21, 97
*finkjan, 97 Gothic
*fleusaz, 219
*grauta-, 36 af, 307
*jakulaz, 3 af-skiuban, 152, 435
*kidjaz, 174 afar, 1
*kne-jan, 305 aggw us, 88
*kranaz, 199 ains, 304
*kran-ila, 199 air, 132
* k rük-, 172 aiz, 144
*lakaz, 211 ana-praggan, 35
*lendo, 223 andéis, 5
*m aron, 458 auhns, 5
 636 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

auhsa, 160 leik, 419

bai, 25 letan, 220, 230
bairhts, 17 lisan, 251
baitrs, 472 liufs, 234
bauan, 39 liugan, 101
baur, 26 m agus, 242, 255
baurgs, 42 m aiza, 258
beitan, 472 m ats, 242, 271
bi, 250 milijj, 268
bi-w indan, 486 m im z, 267
bigitan, 131 mij), 254, 270
bindan, 25 neh;a, 290
biraubon, 388 nih, 302
brukjan, 38 nim an, 291, 304
brunjo, 36, 37 niun, 291
dauns, 58 nu, 301
dius, 57 paida, 317
*fadi-, 94 puggs, 350
fahan, 275 rau p jan , 376
fa irra , 431 rign, 387
faw ai, 307 rin n an , 323, 368, 384
fera, 2 sa ih a n , 425
fram , 252 seifrns, 133
franjan, 343 skaidan, 148
frijó n , 344 skeinan, 146, 405
fula, 314, 330 skeirs, 148
ga-nah, 177 skew jan, 53, 421
galeikan, 128 sparw a, 520
galeiks, 419 spill, 98
ganisan, 178 spillon, 427
gards, 110 staiga, 437
gatairan, 69 stautan, 444
gaw igan, 510 stols, 185
g rid, 296 *sw airhs, 527
baban, 167, 169 tagl, 57
h airda, 146 tekan, 287
hairus, 48 tiuhan, 288
haurds, 206 fiagkjan, 286
hausjan, 62, 364 [jaurban, 469
hefijo, 475 fieihan, 286
hlahjan, 359 *[)iuhbröks, 457
hlaine, 364 ßiubs, 48
hnasqus, 306 fm gkjan, 78
hors, 150 ubils, 482
hrot, 198 uf, 321
inu, 159 us-anan, 91
iup, 89 u s-skarjan, 143
ju s, 159 us-f>riutan, 288, 463
kaurn, 125 w aggs, 96
laggs, 130 w ahsjan, 490
laikan, 228 w aila, 494
laus, 214 wairfian. 387
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 637

w ans, 489 jç k u ll, 3

w arjan, 488 kali, 138
w asjan, 502 kná, 305
w aúrm s, 386 knégum , 305
w iduw o, 497 kofi, 120
w inja, 503 korpna, 109
wijxm, 254 k rap p r, 523
w rohjan, 380 kuistr, 134
w ulfs, 484 kverk, 126
lágr, 216
O ld N orse lam b, 231
lauf, 213
alm r, 485 lykna, 512
angi, 6 raeiör, 268
á r, 132 m err, 240
askr, 2 mfga, 321
b a rr, 17, 34 m jç l, 265
b augr, 14 m y, 268
bauta, 254 m ykr, 277
b e rr, 21 m y rk r, 269
bialki, 30 od dr, 490
bikkja, 43 olnbogi, 23
blekkja, 30 Qrr, 371
bola, 40 d reg g iar, 71
borö, 42 ra'fr, 378
b o rg r, 21 raki, 387
detta, 112 rasa, 25, 366
d ra n g r, 72 rauf, 368
d re n g r, 72 re y k r, 366, 367
dri'ta, 83 rinna, 368
d ÿ r, 57 rjdm i, 516
eik, 88 r0 k ja, 374
eista, 90 ry k k ja, 389
feigr, 313 sin, 136
fel, 309 skaga, 416
finir, 328 skalpr, 419
fjall, 331 skelpa, 419
fo rk r, 427 skera, 50, 52, 433
gam an, 520 skffa, 419
geta, 131 skilja, 51, 416
g ra u tr, 125 skinn, 435
há, 184 skjóta, 143
haddr, 176 skuggi, 153
hali, 474 skyr, 149
hnjojia, 184 skyrta, 425
hóra, 150 spara, 429
h ç rr. 184 spari, 428
h ræ fa, 194 spenna, 92
h ringja, 370 spjall, 98
hrufa, 197 spjQr, 95
hunang, 356 sta rr, 436
h verfa, 184 stinga, 436
 640 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

spræ jen, 432 schorte, 425

strac, 441 schuft, 405
straf, 440 stale, 435
vlackern, 99
vlies, 331 Old Saxon
zergen, 61
alem ösa, 222
German aru, 371
brustian, 38
Bahn, 31 nifol, 12
B auer, 42 röbön, 388
Betze, 24 sprekan, 431
B ürde, 42 thravon, 483
drängen, 443 tiono, 60
dunkel, 84 w lóh, 60
Fink, 97
flackern, 99 Old Frisian
flink, 99
ganz, 136 gadia, 523
G atte, 523 sklvia, 419
gelenkig, 267
g erinnen, 148, 384 Old English
glänzen, 128
g u rren , 297 ác-w eorna, 489
H acksch, 108 b eorcan, 39
ins A uge fassen, 264 beorm , 253
ja, 159 blát, 29
K artoffel, 183 bo rd , 42
K ätzchen, 111 bregdan, 34
kneten, 133 clám , 305
K nopf, 250 cnáw an, 305
knöpfen, 250 cran, 199
nachgeben, 89 crúce, 172
pflua, 335 cw éad, 524
Pflug, 335 deall, 65
pienk, 21 deorc, 496
piepen, 327 ealh, 145
platzen, 318 éar, 495
P ra n g e r, 341 éode, 140
Q ualm , 13 gicel, 3
rin n en , 148, 384 grindan, 114, 124, 141, 198
Schaf, 190 héap, 361
schleichen, 425 houf, 361
Schneefink, 32 hræ n, 198
Schw albe, 55 hringan, 370
w erfen, 330, 385 hulu, 474
Z w eig, 57 hunig, 356
lind, 223
Middle Low German liste, 216
long, 233
de pede, 61 m éd, 274
scholpe, 419 m olda, 243
 ÏNDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

nípan, 372 Tom T hum b, 481

popel, 338 tw ig, 464
rinde, 196 tw inkling, 146
roccian, 389 w ind, 386, 397
scaga, 422
sceort, 425 Other Germanic languages
screpan, 422
selm a, 137 bako, Frankish, 309
síd, 133 diepde, M D u, 61
sm oca, 277 fara, L angob, 93
sparian, 429 m odder, D utch, 282
spell, 98 m oder, L G erm , 282
sprecan, 431 *pour, O B avar, 42
stéor, 442
strec, 441 Baltic
teona, 60
tíd, 66 Proto-Baltic
tim a, 66
torht, 75 *sintas. 50
w eorö, 496
wi'c, 507 Lithuanian
w ord, 152
w ræ ne, 380 akl, 405
ysle, 518 alka, 3
alksnts, 141
Middle English álkti, 3, 90
anàs, 289
ëode, 140 angis, 480
gän, 140 anglis, 476
geode, 140 angùs, 88
a nkstiraï, 480
English arziis, 157
astriis, 1, 88
birth m ark , 220 at-, 448
bitch, 43 at-éiva, 153
bristle, 38 at-eïvis, 153
catkin, 111 àt-skala, 144
cradle, 68 atólas, 448
depth, 61 aunù, 249
dirt, 83 aurè, 61
dread, 76 ausìs, 501
far, 2 ausrà, 89
hoarse, 299 auti, 249
hop, 150 balas, 15
m arten, 432 bal tas, 15
pig, 24 bàsas, 249
pull faces, 183 bëgti, 31
quick, 303 berti, 28
rem o rse, 35 b érzas, 17
sell, 412 bingùs, 42
shallow , 141 bìskis, 27
stick, 344 b ß k is, 27
642 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

blendis, 29 galástuvas, 111

blindis, 29 gaïsas, 138
blusa, 333 galvà, 126
bradas, 34 gâm ulas, 109
brendù, 34 gandas, 109
briaunà, 36, 37 gañdinti, 109
b rìsti, 34 ganga, 109
bùdé, 44 gángytis, 109
budê, 43, 44, 111 g ardas, 110
burnà, 44 garsas, 115
b ü rÿ s, 70 garbúlis, 113
bùtas, 39 gargalas, 110
dàkanoti, 284 g argölas, 110
dàknyti, 284 gaubti, 119
dàkyti, 284 gaíiras, 112
dangà, 55 ga'uti, 297
dardëti, 60 gëda, 524
dárga, 61 gelili, 132
daüsos, 57 gélti. 117, 132
dègti, 68 gém bé, 132
degù, 68 genü, 138
délka, 286 geriu, 124
délna, 286 gerklé, 526
dengiù, 55 g érti, 124
deñgti, 55 gim ti, 342
dienà, 66 giñti, 342
d'ïrginti, 61, 73, 77 g iriá, 127
dirgti, 61 giriù , 115, 121
d ragés, 71 g irti, 115, 121
dránga, 72 gléim és, 305
d raudziù, 76 gliejù, 295, 299
d raûsti, 76 glièti, 295, 299
drovà, 76 glitìis, 299
drùzgas, 76 glodùs, 118
drù zti, 76 g rëbti, 195
dù, 79 gréndziu, 114
dülis, 63 grésti, 114
D uobÿté, 62 g riejù, 124
dúona, 78 grièti, 124
dvâkas, 54 griovà, 122
dvêkti, 54 grinti, 122
dvÿnas, 58 grùblas, 125
etk, 154 grudas. 126
eïki, 154 grum bulis, 125
éngti, 88 grùm ulas, 125
e'rké, 89 grósti, 296
erm as, 158 gruziu, 296
ezÿs, 90 gugà, 127
gaivùs, 294 gungà, 127
gaizùs, 136 gurklÿs, 122
galas, 111, 117, 292 gysla, 59
galásti, 111 ìlgas, 215
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 643

indas, 87 kirpti, 171

jsas, 154 k irsd , 472
Vä, 155 kliaudyti, 362
ism intìs, 278 knóju, 198
is-selpinëti, 129 koktùs, 193
jáu d in ti, 159 kopà, 170
jáu d ra, 232 kosulÿs, 189
jég à, 525 krauju, 297
júodas, 524 k raupùs, 197, 198
juosm uö, 521 kràuti, 199, 297
júosti, 299 k rèkti, 364
jfls, 159 k renà, 296
jusé, 135 k rupti, 198
kabà, 161 krupùs, 198
kabcti, 160, 171 krygà, 296
káisti, 359 kùdulti, 221
kàkti, 355 kdla, 117, 364
kalè, 176 kulnìs, 419
kankù, 355 kùlti, 297
kàpas, 170 kuñkulas, 205
kapiù. 175 *kuokas, 176
kàpti, 175 kuokìné, 176
karbas, 180 kùptì, 148
karka, 180, 194 kur, 200, 206
k arstas, 296 k ùrti, 394
k arti, 171 kùsti, 298
kartùs, 149, 472 kutëti, 424
k árvé, 160 kuzdëti, 221
kàsti, 192 làbas, 128
kasù, 192 lai. 215
kaulas, 379 laigyti, 228
kaupas, 361 laìskas, 219
kaùpas, 169 laìtas, 216
kàuti, 298, 379 làpas, 213
keciù, 354 lapénti, 212, 237
këkos. 400 lau re, 219
kèkulas, 361 lazdà, 211
ke'lti, 355 lellas, 228
kenkiù, 184 léisti, 217, 220
kèpuré, 179 Ickiìi, 98, 100
k èras, 207, 295 lekti, 98, 100
k erpù, 171 lèlès, 228
k érti, 172 lèm ezis, 223
kerù, 172 lënas, 99
kësti, 354 lenas, 99
késtù, 163 leñkti, 224
kézeli, 163 lenta, 223
kSzti, 163 liaukà, 231
kfetas. 47 líelas, 228
kìlpa, 202 liepiù, 236
k ìrm is, 197 liepti, 236
kìrna. 207 licsti, 216
 644 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

ligà, 227 naktìs, 282

ligustas, 227 nókti, 178
lìngé, 229 5, 85
lingúoti, 229 oda, 83
litigas, 210, 221 ògi, 85
lóju, 216 ozÿs, 83, 85
loksnùs, 40 pa-, 307
lom a, 222 palkas, 313
ldpas, 213 pala, 331
ldpeta, 215 palóda, 231
lóti, 216 parankà, 365
lubà, 234 p a r-stra p ìn ti, 440
I lignas, 512 pàskui, 312
lügóti, 235 pa-togùs, 287
luñkanas, 235 peikiù, 430
lüobas, 213 peìkti, 96, 430
lùpti, 239 pelenaì, 329
lygùs, 227, 320 pélkas, 314
m akénti, 242 pélkè, 314
m alà, 243 pelkëti, 314
m andrùs, 278 p érd ziu , 330
m argas, 278 p ér-eiva, 153
m artì, 246 per-eivis, 153
m âzgas, 63 p érgas, 427
m âzas, 271 periù , 311, 331, 343
m azùlis, 271 pérsti, 330
m édis, 269 perti, 311, 331, 343
m eilùs, 267 pèsti, 314, 329
m élziu, 270 pesti, 329
m élzti, 270 piëtüs, 328
m ètas, 274 pìlkas, 332
m ieras, 267 pìnklas, 326
m iètas, 268 pìrm as, 311
m iglà, 269 platùs, 332
m ìklas, 267 plené, 331
m ìnkau, 255 plësti, 332
m irgdoti, 278 pliflse, 107
m irti, 263 pl(i)tisìs, 334
m itrìis, 267 plókscias, 99
m ósa, 250 prantù, 343
m uda, 277 pràsti, 343
rniidùoti, 277 pùlti, 321
m ùginti, 277 pur vas, 351
m ugóti, 277 pùskas, 97
*m ugulas, 277 pùskas, 97
m uguliiioti, 277 puskénti, 104
m ùkti, 281 pùskinti, 104
m ìliti, 4 pÿkti, 97
m uìvé, 4 ráibas, 379, 384
m undrùs, 278 raibulÿs, 384
m ùras, 279 raim as, 384
m ùrinas, 279 ràkti, 102, 378
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 645

rakù, 102 skiriii, 52, 143

rankà, 365, 377 sklrti, 50, 52, 143
rasa, 366, 369 skrebëti, 422
raudà, 376 skrüoblas, 422
raupiù, 368 skùbti, 152, 435
raüpti, 368 skujà, 150
rausiù, 391 skum bù, 152, 435
ráuti, 376 skùsti, 424
regëti, 366 skutù, 424
reikà, 380 sliënas, 238
reïkti, 380 sm âkras, 269
renkù, 365, 378 sdra, 86
rëp ti, 372 spàndati, 315
rëzg is, 388 spáudyti, 106
rfeju, 370 spriñgti, 343
rièkti, 380 sprógstu, 103
rieti, 370, 388 sprógti, 103
rìkti, 371 sprügstu, 103
riñkti, 365, 378 sprögti, 103
róju, 388 sraum uö, 392
ró ti, 388 srauga, 377
rd g ti, 367, 375 srúoga, 377
rungtíoti, 375 stälas, 185
rÿtas, 387 *stegti, 458
sakaï, 129 sténgiu, 436
sâvas, 140 sténgti, 436
saüsas, 471 sterti, 436
seijù, 427 stiegti, 436, 458
sëkla, 137 stóju, 440
sergù, 61 stóti, 440
siena, 135 strëgti, 441
siëti, 427 stulbas, 435
sijóju. 427 stùm ti, 444
sijóti, 427 su-nikti, 300
skabëti, 472 súolas, 137
skaitÿti, 146 súras, 446
skalà, 141, 144 surbiù, 132
skantù, 418 surbti, 132
skardùs, 142 su-tógti, 287
skàsti, 418 su-valÿti, 511
skeliù, 51, 150, 416 sveriù, 370, 511
skéiti, 51, 150, 416 svefti, 511
skerbiù, 152 sakà, 473
skerbti, 152 sarka, 477
skerdziù, 142 sarm à, 46
skerdzius, 51 sárm as, 472
skersti, 142 sâuju, 143
skerÿs, 143 saunas, 472
skfedzu, 148 sèrti, 475, 479
skiem uô, 148 si|n a k t, 399
skfesti, 148 iSiïmas, 405, 479
skilvis, 152 äiräuö, 123
646 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

Sirvas, 478 vietà, 509, 510

slaïtas, 359 vilgyti, 485
sliùrti, 364 vilnis, 493
sókti, 144 vilpisÿs, 81
sùké, 405 vingis, 504
sukëtas, 405 vinksna, 507
sùkos, 405 virbas, 386, 391
sum pis, 481 virpëli, 515
siinobuolas, 476 v irti, 152, 487, 514
suo, 393 vôjus(i), 514
Svilpti, 476 vokà, 503
tankus, 449 vÿti, 31, 510
tarnas, 418 zarnà, 525
tasaü, 453 zelvas, 65
tasÿti, 453 zem biii, 81
taüras, 452 zcm bti. 81
tekëti, 286 zéntas, 82
tekù, 286 zerëti, 75
telkiù, 289 z eriù , 75
teîkti, 289 z erti, 124
tiesiù, 453 ïila s , 524
tiësti, 453 zirnis, 125
tiesùs. 453 ziùpsnis, 522
tilti, 448 zvâké, 78
trgsìis, 462
traupùs, 462 Latvian
trçsiù, 462
trDkti, 288 âda, 83
tru n ëti, 468 âra, 7
trü n iù , 468 atkan, 397
tulzis, 454 àuss, 501
tùscias, 471 âzis, 83
tvânas, 454 bals, 15
tvinti, 454 bêgt, 31
tillas, 183 blènst, 29
tylù, 448 brèkt, 23
ugnls, 487 briêdis, 36
dosti, 4 cçkuls, 361
ùrvas, 489 cçpure, 179
usnis, 490, 491 ciîpa, 202
vaïsius, 501 clrpt, 171
v aiv eré, 489 dañga, 55
vaiveris, 489 dardêt, 60
valÿti, 484 Daubïte, 62
vapsà, 8 dçls, 67
varié, 500 diena, 66
vérdu, 152 dradzi, 71
veriù, 490, 511 druvas, 76
v erpti, 392 dzim t, 342
vérti. 490, 5 11 dziria, 127
verziù, 527 endas. 87
v e riti, 527 çrm i, 158
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 647

çrm s, 158 m ikât, 267

gals, 111. 292 m ikls, 267
galuôda, 111 m irga, 278
gañdét, 109 m itrs, 267
g aura, 297 m ùrgs, 278
gauri, 112 m ûrît, 279
graûds, 125, 126 nâkt, 178
g rava, 122 nakts, 282
gçava. 122 petkt, 97
g rëm ens, 124 peîce, 314
grïva, 126 pelcêt, 314
g rûst, 296 pçlni, 329
g£Üt, 122 pinka, 326
ïgns, 175 pinkât, 326
îgt, 88 pirksts, 348
îss, 154 pricdé, 34
iz, 155 pùrvs, 351
jum is, 139 pusks, 97
kacët, 355 ràibs, 379
kâpa, 170 rakt, 102, 378
kârba, 180 rapt, 515
Ijekuôt, 400 rùoka, 377
kjut, 156 sarm a, 45
krâju, 195 siêna, 135
krât, 195 sïts, 50
kraüpis, 197 skâbs, 472
kriena, 296 skala, 141
kult, 297 skalbs, 141
kupt, 148 skara, 432
kùr, 206 skardît, 142
kùrkt, 358 skuja. 150
kustinât, 298 slàukt, 363
labs, 128 spèks, 106
lai, 215 staîga, 437
laïska, 219 stçga, 435
laîst, 217, 220 stîga, 437
leî, 215 stiñgt, 436
lèkt, 98, 100 straja, 443
lem esis, 223 suka, 405
lëza, 216 su-vergt, 381
liêls, 228 sviêdri, 69
liga, 227 s^ ë ris, 143
liñga, 229 sÿ:frst, 142
lùdzu, 235 s^ çrzu , 142
lùgt, 235 sljirba, 152
lùnks, 235 trükt, 288
luôps, 231 vâjs, 514
lupt, 239 valgurns, 485
m ala, 243 vârde, 500
m aût, 254, 276 vërzt, 527
m çïns, 259 zils, 524
m ezs, 269 zùobs, 82
 648 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

Old Prussian *banja, 16

*bara, 23
ains, 304 *baram>, 21
anglis, 476 *bat’a, 13
aycolo, 145 *batiti, 19
ballo, 16 *batja, 13
*balt-, 16 *berg-b, 34
begeyte, 31 *berza, 17
braydis, 36 *besëda, 27, 104
caune, 40 *bëda, 20
C u rd le , 358 *bëgti, 31
dadan. 67 *bëlasb, 15
dragios, 71 *bëlosb, 15
em nes, 87 *bêl-b, 520
gallan, 292 * b ë lik a , 20
*garbis, 110 *bëlbm o, 270
g rauw us, 122 *bëlica, 21
g urcle, 122 *bicb, 27
is, 155 *bicbki>, 27
iuse, 135 * b l'u d o , 30
kirsnan, 399 * b l’uscb, 38
klsrnan, 188 *blërK 79
Ö B S D y s ir b , l i , ¿io
16 * b o b i , 166 *byvoh>, 39
*bodbCb, 33 *byvolica, 39
14 *bogati>, 14, 20 *bs>rca, 500
35 *bogatjbe, 14 * b b rk t, 500
*bojb, 14 * c a p i, 47
*bolëti, 517 *âad i> , 175, 356
Î2 *bolb, 31 *caja, 49
25 *bolbba, 31 *cajbka, 49
15 *bolna, 28 *cam a, 49
*bolto, 15 *canib, 49
*borna, 33 *capja, 49
* b o r n it i, 33 *cara, 50
*borva, 33 *cara, 45
*b o rvb , 21, 33 * c a r b b a , 45
Slavic *borzda, 33 * c a s i , 50, 188
*bosi>, 249 *caâbka, 49
vie *b red g, 34 *cavbka, 49
* b re d t, 34 * c e k a t i , 355
*bresti, 34 * c e l ’ u s tb , 301
*bricb. 37 *celbnikb, 51
*brichka, 37 *celo, 51
¡57 *bricbk-b, 37 *cerda, 51, 146
142 *briti, 34 * c e s a t i, 188
56 *brod"b, 34 * c e t a , 52
* b r o d ir b , 33 *cetina, 52
156 *bronb, 33 *cetyre, 174
00 * b r u d b , 38 *cçdo, 54
, 237 *brudbm>, 38 * c ë lik - b , 45
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 649

*brtsnQ ti, 37 *cëliti, 51

*brbstb, 38 *cëniti, 45
*bi"bst'b, 347 * c irb , 1
* b ry d tk b , 38 *cirbkt>. 47
*bucati, 39 *cirbjb, 1
*buditi, 39 *cifb. 47
* b u jm i, 40 *cuba, 53
*buky, 42 *cubb, 48
*bukb, 42 *cuditi, 53
* b u r’a, 32 *cudo, 53
*buxati, 253 *cuka, 53
*bbrcikb, 22 * c u li, 53
^'bw ica, 22 *öupati, 152
*bfcrki, 26, 38 *CbrtiTb, 46
*bT>rlogi>, 41 * C b rn id lo , 46, 47
*bTbrtvati, 23 *cbrirb, 52, 399
*bbrtviti, 23 *cbrstvb, 296
*bbrzTD, 38 *cbrvb, 196
*bbrlogb, 41 *cbtyre, 174
*bykati, 73 *da, 85
*byk-b, 72 *daPh, 283
Is, H ---- « - r-r
" a a r o v i, 30 laydis, 2
*dan>, 57 lopto, 21
*davil-b, 79 lubbo, 2
*daxi>, 157 lunkis, 2
*delbtina, 59 m ien, 48
*delbto, 55, 59, 215 m ils, 26'
*dervo, 74 naktin, 2
"‘desiti, 284 peisda, 1
*dikb, 65 rlp aiti, 5
*dira, 66 stallit, 4 ‘
* d ir’a, 66 suge, 41'
*do, 284 sw ais, 4f
*dobro, 70 w urs, 48
*dobr-b, 69
*dob’b, 69
*dobyti, 69
*dojka, 70 Proto-SI;
*dolbto, 54, 59
*dolina, 70 *a, 85
*dolm>, 286 *a da, 8i
*dol"b, 59 *ako, 6
*dorga, 61, 71 *arbmi5,
*dori, 61 *ascei"b.
*dgga, 55, 518 *avbivb,
*drazniti, 285 *aviti, 5]
*drëm ati, 74 *aviti sç,
*drëm iti, 74 * a v o ri, i
*driskati, 83 *baba, V.
♦dristati, 83
650 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

*drobt,m ca, 76 *81001!, 132

j" ~r l 1
*gun’a, 313 *jbz-im ati, 521
*guscerb, 142 *jbzportT>k-b, 290
*gvozdb, 121, 134 *kacati, 418
*g'bbnQti, 119 *kaeuli>, 162
* g ilta ti, 1 13 *kada, 163
* g tltiti, 113 *kaditi, 163
* g in a ti. 138 *kadbca, 161
* g trb a , 113 *kako, 6
*g-brbb, 110 *kak,b, 193
*gbrcb, 113 *ka1’a v t, 165, 166
*g-brd-b, 113 ^kalibobij, 166
*g'brditi, 114 *kaliti, 4, 166, 293
* gw dlacb, 115 ♦ k a li, 4, 165
* g trd lic a , 115 *kapati, 169, 179
*g-brdlo, 115, 122 *kapiti, 169
*gi,rn-b, 109 *kapul’a, 179
*g-brstb, 118, 126 *kasati sç, 354
*xabiti, 141 *kaslb, 189
*xapati, 164 *katerb, 176
*xolditi, 101 *kaznbCb, 173
*xoliti, 150 *klapa, 186
*xorna, 378 *klapati, 186, 187
*xorniti, 374 *klapiti, 187
*xrapati, 378 *klepadlo, 357
* x ra p t, 378 *klepati, 357
*xujb, 150 * k le p i, 357
*xukati, 151 *klëibka, 186
*xval»i, 93 *klctb, 334, 363
*xvoja, 150 *klicati, 176
* x y li, 484 *klikati, 176
*xyngti, 484 *kl’ucb, 208
*xytati, 149 *kl’uka, 118
*ikra, 154 *kl’ukati, 362
* isttb a , 156 *klociti, 187
*iva, 156 *klokb, 186
*jaga, 525 *klopati, 187
*jarica, 157 *klopiti, 187
*jarina, 157 *koba, 187, 415
*jasati, 299 *kobb, 187
*jçcati, 6 *kobbCb, 162, 171, 415
*jëzditi, 134 *kocan-b, 188
*juda, 160 * k o c u b a , 162
* ju d t, 160 * k o c u b t, 162
* ju g t, 160 * k o cu b ejb , 162
*junaki,, 486 * k o cu b elb , 162
*jhdQ, 154 *kocuh>, 162
*jbmç, 87 * k o c u ra , 163
*jbskra, 155 * k o lacb , 201
*jbsto, 90 *kolcs"bka, 189
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 651

*grbk-b, I 14 *ih7

*drozg-, 71 *golem b, 513

*drozga, 71 *golina, 126
*drozgati. 71 * g o lst, 138
*drozdzi, 71 *golva, 126
*drgga, 72, 77 *golvina, 119
*drQgT>, 72 *go[vbn’a, 119
*druzgati, 77 *golvbniki,, 119
*dfbvo, 76 *goh,, 126
*drbva, 76 *gom ola, 109
*dryn-b, 77 *gora, 109, 127
*dryzgati, 77 *gordina, 121
*duxi>. 57 *gordjb, 122
*dvigi,, 25, 464 *gord-b, 110, 121
*d"bvë, 79 * g o r’e, 137
*d-bxorb, 432 * g o rx i, 125
*dyxati, 65 *gorsina, 122
*dbnb, 66 *gorsb, 125
*dbrati, 28. 64 *gorbnica, 120
*dbrgati, 61, 73 *gostiti, 121
*dbrza, 75 *gotovati, 1 1 1
*dbrzjal:i, 75 *gotoviti, 111
*dbrzi,, 60 *gOtOVfe, 111
*dbrzati, 75 *govçdo, 131
*eter-b. 457 *govbno, 14, 393
*ezerb, 159 *gQba, 43
*ezb, 90 *gçz-b, 295
* ë z t, 158 *gQzlarb, 295
* g a d i, 524 *grabiti, 121
*gadtk-b, 524 *grab-b, 378
*gagaib, 108 *grebasb, 122
*gagati, 108 *grebç, 116, 122, 195
*gajb, 108 *grebti, 122, 195
*gal’a, 108 *gred(¿, 296
*galbka, 108 *grçsti, 296
-*gam iti, 109 *grçznQti, 195
*garb, 108 *grcjç, 296
*garbca, 108 *grëti, 296
*gatb, 120 *griva, 126, 197
*gatb, 120 *grob_b, 121, 124
*gavbrati, 110 *grom ada, 115
*gavbriti, 110 *grorrib, 124
*gladiti, 118 *grozdb. 125, 391
*glad'bkt, 118 *grozdblb, 125
*glèirb, 135 *groziti, 295
*glina, 118 *grQbi3, 36
*glista, 119 *grub'b, 36
*gliza, 136 *gruditi, 36
*globa, 136 *grusa, 56
*glQb-okb, 132 *grusiti, 56
 652 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

*kolçda, 186 *krupa, 197, 198

*kolsTj, 167 *krusa, 56
*koh>, 167, 189 *kru siti, 56, 199
*kolyba, 166, 174, 189 *kryti, 199, 297
*kolybati, 174 *kucç, 200
*kon’b, 166 *kukati, 201
*korrb, 397 *kupa, 361
*kopica, 190 *kupt>, 169, 205
*koprb, 190 *kurT>ve, 206
*kopyh>, 190 *kury, 206
*kora, 172, 191 *kutç, 208
* k o rb t, 180 *kvas-b, 192
*korciti, 181 * k t, 292
*korcunb, 181 * k i-d e , 200
*korenb, 207, 295 * k ilb a , 202
* koriti, 191 *kT>lbasa, 112
*korki,, 181, 194 *k-blbt, 112, 202
*koruba. 192 *k-blk-b, 177
* k o ru p i, 173 *k'brbacb, 179
*korva, 160 *ki>rbati, 179
*korvajb, 171 *ktrcagi> , 113
* koryto, 173, 191 *kt.rcb, 180, 358
*kosa, 176, 192, 193 *kbrxati, 114
*kositi, 193 * k w k a ti, 171
* kosorb, 193 *kT>rkt, 126, 182
*kostb, 173, 187 *k-wma, 182
* k o stik a , 187 *k'brn'b, 182
* k o str’ava, 221 * k trp a , 182
* kostra, 221 * k try , 425
*kostrovbCb, 173 *kydati, 424
*kosb, 193 *kyjb, 185
* k o su l’a, 162 *kyka, 185
*kotbCb, 188 *kyla, 117, 202, 364
*kotiti, 292, 330, 418 *kyta, 186
*kovacb, 193 *labanbja, 209
*kovati, 298 *laditi, 231
*koza, 174 *lad'b, 231
*kozblica, 188 *lajati, 216
*kozux-fe, 121, 174 *lapusa, 213
*kQtja, 365 *laska, 40, 210
*kQ ti, 178,365 *laskati, 214
*krada, 198 *laziti, 237
*kradg, 195 *Iazbca, 237
* k rad ç sç, 195 *le, 309
*krajb, 193 *lebetati, 216
* krajina, 194 *lem esb, 223
*krajiti, 194 *lem ezb, 223
* krasti, 195 *lepetb, 213
*krasti sç, 195 *lezti, 7
* kresati, 423 *lçdina, 223
*krëpT>ki>, 194 *lçdva, 228
*kricati, 180 * lçd v o -g o n t, 228
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 653

*lçtja, 218 *h>frb, 234

*lëjati, 99 *lT>ga, 233
*lëjç, 99 * lig a ti, 101, 209
* lël’a, 218 * liz ic a , 233
*lënb, 99 *lyko, 18, 239
^ l ë n tk t , 212 * lb v t, 232
*lësa, 219, 220 *m aca, 239
*lëska, 211 *m aca, 240
*lës-b, 229 *m axati, 241
*lëxa, 216 *m ajati, 255
*lice, 226 * m a k i, 242
*liciti, 216 *m am ica, 244
*likt>, 228 *m am iti, 244
*lipa, 229 *m aniti, 241
* lis tt, 219 *m arëna, 245
*listtkT,, 219 *m atbka. 247
*lixo, 227 *m ati, 4
* l’ubiÈb, 209 * m a z t, 248
* l’ubiti, 213, 232 *mazb, 248
*l’ud-b, 503 *m edja, 258
* l’uska, 226 *m elvo, 265
*l’utb, 236 *m erti, 263
* r utiti, 235 *m erza, 276
*Puxati, 233 *m etadlo, 257
* lo b tz a , 44 *m etati, 258
‘ l o g t, 210, 230 *m eto, 104
*lojb, 238 *mç, 486
*loky, 238 *m çso, 257, 267
*lom iti, 223, 239 *m çsti, 276
*lom otiti, 239 *[11611, 255
*lonn>, 222, 238 *mëlb, 255
*lopata, 230 * m ë lin tk a , 266
*lopati, 212, 237 *m ëra, 256
*lop(o)u§b, 237 *m ësçcb, 276
* lo p o u x t, 237 *m ësati, 322
*lopusb, 237 *m ësina, 263
* lo p u x i, 237 *m ilt., 267
*loska, 239 *mit"b, 267
*loza, 7, 232, 238 *m isa, 267
*loziti, 7 *mogQ, 109
* lo z tk a , 238 *m ogyla, 109, 120
*loza, 239 *m okngti, 242
*lozb, 239 *m okra, 272
*lçciti, 212 *m okrica, 272
*1q c q , 2 12 *m okrb, 242
*lQtfe, 223 *m oldika, 272
*lubënica, 232 *m olica, 272
*lupiti, 239 *m olb, 272
*lup-b, 213 *m ora, 5, 273, 458
*luska, 226 *m oracb, 273
*luspa, 235 *morxi>, 246
*luza, 221. 236, 314 *m oriti, 273
 654 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

* m o r’e, 273 *orrb, 289

*m orovica, 273 *orbotiti, 372
*m orovina, 273 *orbb, 372
*m orvica, 273 *orëxT,, 165
*m orbnica, 273 *orkyla, 10, 365
*morzT>, 245, 275 *orçdbje, 307
*m otovidIo, 275 ♦ ortarb, 374
*m otyka, 247 *orvbrrb, 377
*mozg-b, 63 *orves-, 377
*m<jdrfe, 278 *orbh>, 307
*mQtiti, 276 *orzbiti, 379
*m usica, 279 *o rzo rb , 238
*m uzga, 2 8 1 *orzsoh>, 379
*rrn>dbliti, 272 *osa, 8
*nrbrnrbrati, 263 *ostb, 173, 490
*m-bzga, 281 * ostrb, 1
*m yti, 254, 276 *otava, 307
*m yto, 268 * o t(t)-, 448
*m bgla, 269 *OtbCb, 11
*rriblcati, 255 *ovbragTj, 516
*mbnb, 254 *çda, 87
*m brziti, 263 *Qglb, 476
* n a, 282 *padati, 308
*ne vëriti, 290 *paQ kt, 257
* n e p trtk ’b, 290 *paporotb, 96
* n e s ti, 24 * p a r t, 339
*nevol’a, 290 *parovi>, 323
*nénvb, 289 *pasbniki,, 312
*nëm bCb, 255, 290 *pecenb, 502
*niknQti, 300 *peky, 329
*n’uxati, 301, 302 *pekti, 329
*noga, 366 *pekti sç, 313
*no k t’b, 282 *pel(e)m>ka, 332
*novbka, 301 *pelena, 313, 332
*nozikT), 301 *pelva, 332
*nozb, 301 *pelvbna, 332
*nukati, 292, 294 *pelvbnica, 333
*obvoi"b, 306 *pelynb, 314
* o b (t)k y tb , 306 *pençdzb, 315
*ob(b)pbn'bk’L, 306 *perj<3, 327
*ob(/b)rok’b , 307 *perti, 311, 331
*ob(/b)vbrtka, 21 *perunb, 316
*ocbfb, 12 *pijavica, 329
*oci, 405 *pij<3, 324
*ogordja, 305 *piska, 328
*ojiste, 307 *piskati, 327
* o k o Ib , 306, 513 *pi/.da, 325
*olbanbja, 209 *plasica, 336
*o1bQdb, 270 *plaxi., 331
*olkati, 90 *plaxi3ta, 331
* o lk o n rb , 211 *pleskati, 332
* o lk ti, 3 *plita, 334
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 655

* p l’uska, 336 *prbskati, 346

*ploca, 336 *pr’b skrb , 346
*ploska, 100 *prygali, 103
*ploski), 99 * p ry s k i, 346
*ploxT>, 99 * p u x t, 351
*plugarb, 335 *pi,tjbka, 90
*plugT>, 335 * p y r’b, 351
*plyvati, 333 *pyrb, 327
*po, 307 *pytati, 352
*pobratirtvb, 337 *pyxali, 104, 325
* p o d t, 337 *pyxati (sç)
*podTjkova, 111, 313 *pblstb, 334
* p o d ik o v b , 313 *pbrcb, 319
*podbnica, 338 *pbrsi, 37, 311
*pogarrb, 317 *pbrskati, 319
*poganiti, 317 *pbrQ, 311, 331
* p o -ja s i, 299 *pbrziti, 323
*pokrovT>, 337 *pbsenica, 22
*pola, 337 *pbstrb, 313
*polata, 337 *raditi, 365
*porak"b, 337 *raziti, 24, 377, 431
*polica, 337 *rem ene, 383
*polm ç, 329 *rem ç, 383
*poh>, 309 *rem çta, 383
^pol’bjb, 427 *rem y, 383
*polzi>, 336 *repbjb, 378
*pom hniti, 338 *resetbka, 426
*porçdt>, 338 *rgditi, 368
*porg"b, 341, 427 * r ç d i, 367, 368
* p o ro v t, 323 * rç s tk a , 380
*porQciti, 338 *rëdja, 382
*porsiti, 342 *rëdT>kt, 369
*porx-b, 341 *rëka, 367, 383
*porzdbrvb, 252 *rëkojQ, 383
*postaja, 340 *rëpa, 368, 381
*postati, 340 *rësiti, 369
*postatb, 340 *rëzbka, 369
*postava, 339 *rinQti, 371
*postavb, 339 *riza, 372
*postrëxa, 340 *rodi>, 373
*pos"bli, 340 *rogacb, 373
*posyla, 340 *rogalb, 365, 382
* p o ter’a, 341 *rogovbCbka, 373
*potrbka, 341 *rogozt>, 388
*po-ustati, 340 *rogozina, 367
*pçdarb, 315 *rog-b, 37, 373, 388
* P Q d i t i , 308, 350 *rojiti (sç), 373
*prçgQ, 343 *rojb, 373
♦ prijati, 344 *rojbka, 373
*prokb, 343 *rok"b, 373
*prosekt>, 347 *roniti, 323, 371, 374
*prQfbk"b, 351 *ropaki., 389
 656 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

»rosa, 369 *slina, 238

*rovb, 366 *slota, 401
*rovi>ki>, 366 *slovëne, 434
*rozga, 374 *slovo, 363, 434
*rozbka, 390 * s1ovq, 434
*rQb-b, 375 *sluti, 434
* rçg ati sç, 377 *sokol-b, 399
*rçka, 365, 377 *sokb, 129
*ruda, 375 *solpiti, 129
*rudina, 375 *sorka, 399, 408, 477
*runbCb, 391 *sovadiiika, 400
*runo, 391 *sçditi, 398, 404
* ru s t, 376 * S Q d t. 404
*rydati, 376 *spëti, 96
*rysb, 372 * s p ë x t, 428
*ryti, 376 * s ta n i, 401
*saditi, 83 *stap"b, 401
*sadlo, 83 *stava, 401
♦ s a d i, 131 * ste l’a, 402
*sauib. 393 *stëna, 402
*sanb, 393 *sterti, 439
*sani, 393 * sto g t, 403
*sapi,, 407 *stojati, 440
*setbirb, 130 *stojç, 440
* s ç b ri, 394, 411 * s to li, 185, 403
*sçgati, 406 *stopa, 432
*sëjati, 396, 427 *stopam>, 438
*sëkavica, 393 *storza, 403
*sëno, 394 *stQpa, 432
*sëra, 394, 478 *stQpati, 432, 444
*sijati, 405 *stQpiti, 50
*sila, 396 *strëxa, 340, 403
*sinb. 405, 478 *strbcati, 402
*sisa, 396, 479 *strbkati, 402
*sita. 396 *strojb, 443
*sito, 396, 397 *strop,b , 442, 443
* sitik a , 397 *strugati, 403
*sivî>, 478 *strug-b, 403
*skakati, 176 *strum y, 404
*skarçd’b, 418 *strup"b, 404, 441
*skociti, 180 *sfi>Ibi>. 435
*skoki>, 144, 416 *stbpica, 400
*skopiti, 398, 421 *stbpb, 402
*skora, 408, 432 *stbrk-b, 402
*skorlupa, 398 *stbrvina, 402
*skorb, 398 *stbrviti, 403
*skovordbCb, 420 *stbr<j, 439
*skrebti, 422 *stbza, 437
*skubati, 435 *suki>no, 404
*skubç, 435 *su1ica, 445
* s k v o r b C b , 32 *susa, 526
*slçknçti, 224 * s u x t, 471
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 657

*svëtiti, 503 *toliti, 448

*svëzb, 513 *topidlo, 459
*svojb, 498 *topiti, 459
*STsbozbjc, 14 *topori., 459
* s t-d o rv b , 74 * torcina, 455
*ST)lati, 404 *toriSce, 459
*srb]og,b , 398 *torove, 460
*si>-mçtQ, 317 *tQga, 449
*s'bm il’ati, 398 *tQpiti, 459
*s"bnt, 138 * t r a g i , 461
*s"bsora, 408 * tr a p i, 461
*si.tçga, 401 * tratid , 464
*si>ti,, 399 *tratjQ, 464
*si.vbrstbnikb, 504 * trazid , 462
*syrb, 149 *trepati, 483
*sbrbati, 132 *trëska, 465
*sbrditi sç, 296 *tropa, 462, 483
*sbrsenb, 123 *trositi, 466
*sara, 408 *trov<2, 462
*sarovb, 408 *troxa, 465
* s a tb ri, 409 * trgdti, 466
*scbrba, 152 *trudi>, 463
*scetbka, 412 *trupi>, 467
*scii"b, 148 *truxa, 462
*scitb, 401 *tr bgi:.. 463
*scurb, 460 *trbstb, 465
*sestb, 130 *trbs-b, 465
*sçtati, 413 *tum>, 469
*sibati, 414 * turb, 452
*sibi>ka, 415 * tu riti, 469, 470
*sija, 414 *tbkacb, 161
*sulb, 445 *11)1511, 462
*sum a, 347 *ti,rgi), 463
*sunn>. 347 *ti>rkati, 455
*sun>, 405, 447 "‘tyl'b, 468
*tajati, 105 *tbrpëti, 455
*tajQ, 105 *ubogb, 513
*tajbna, 456 *udobb, 482
*tata, 450 *ugari>, 483
*tek<j, 286 *ukrajb, 484
*tekti, 286 *ulica, 483
*tekb, 451 *ulisce, 484
*telkti, 289 *ulbjb, 485, 524
*terba, 464 * upirati sç, 487
*tesati, 358 *urokij, 489
*tesla, 459 *u-si>-daja, 491
*tçzbna, 354 *uti, 249
*dna, 456 *vada, 345
♦ tis i, 457 *vaditi, 492
*tocidlo, 458 * v a l’anica, 493, 498
*tociti, 458 * valid , 160
*tokb, 459 *vali>, 493
658 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

*variti, 152, 487, 514 *zçbQ, 8 1

*varbba, 514 *zçbti, 81
*vedç, 345 *zçtb, 82
*veriga, 500 ®zidT>s 524
*verscati. 505 *zQbina, 527
*verzti, 527 *zçbi., 82, 527
*vcsti, 345 * z v o n t, 521
*vçnçti, 499 *zibvati, 526
*vçzt>, 507 *zybî.ka, 69
*vëdja, 503 *zbrëti, 75
*vëdro, 497 *zbrno, 125
*vëko, 503 * z e g t, 527
*vëtvb, 507 *zely, 165
* virovc, 508 *zeng, 138
* virb, 152, 508 *zerdlo, 122
*viskati, 509 *zerti, 525
*visk’b, 509 *zçti, 483
*visbn’a, 509 *zçtica, 483
*viti, 510 *zid'bk'b, 524
* vol’a, 513 *zila, 59
*voldyka, 512
*volga, 210, 512 Old Church Slavic and Church Slavic
*voliti, 513
*volkove, 494 banja, 16
* v o lk t, 512 b l’udo, 30
* v o lst, 219, 220 bogatb, 20
* v o lx i, 512 b r ë g t, 34
* v o lt, 160 bui, 40
* von’a, 492 b y strb , 27
*vorbbCb, 142, 364 cëliti, 5 1
*vorbblb, 142 c a s t, 50
*vorna, 516 d e m o n t, 68
*vorrïb, 516 dyxati, 65
*voziti, 514 jarbrrrb, 157
*vbn-k-b, 292 k o rb d a, 191
*vydra, 507 kraina, 194
*vykati, 508 krtcag"b, 113
*vyporfbk“b, 290 k v a s t, 192
*vyraziti. 431 Iel’a, 218
*vblgiki>, 485 lël’a, 218
*Vblkodlakb, 517 liciti, 216
*vblna, 493 lopata, 230
*vbrba, 386 luza, 236
^vbrl-b, 516 loza, 232
*vbrsta, 504 m td liti, 272
*vbrtëti, 505 polata, 337
*vbrvëti, 505 proce, 341
*zabcl"b, 519 repina, 378
*zabojb, 519 sanb, 393
*zakonb, 519 s k o r t, 398
*zapada, 32 skrapii, 422
*zapariti, 519 tim ijasati, 470
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 659

tn>gi>, 463 g lav n ’a, 1 19

vrazda, 515 glina, 1 18
vrazb, 515 glista, 1 19
globa, 136
B ulgarian gom ila, 120
g ornica, 120
b an 'a, 16 g o st’a, 121
belvica, 20 gozd, 121
beseda, 27 g ra b ’a, 121
bistb r, 27 grad, 121
blana, 28 gradina, 121
b l'u d o , 30 gram ada, 115
b ltd a , 31 grazd, 122
bogat, 20 g ro z ’a, 295
borika, 32 g r t c , 113
b r'a g , 34 grb k , 114
brana. 33 g rim a d a , 115
brava, 33 gusterica, 128
brazda, 33 gvozd, 121
brica, 22 g tlta m , 113
bricka, 37 g tr b a , 113
b ric k a , 22 g w lic a , i 15
b rbsna, 37 ikra, 154
b ris n a c , 37 iskra, 155
b rts n ic , 37 iva, 156
b r e s l’an, 319 izba, 156
br'btv’a, 23 izb a v ’a, 520
buca, 39 jarem , 157
buza, 43 jarick a , 157
b-brlog, 41 j a v e n , 156
c e l’a, 51 jaz, 158
c e n ’a, 45 ja z d ’a, 134
cas, 50 juda, 160
cavka. 49 ju g , 160
celnik, 51 junak, 486
celo, 51 kaca, 161
ceta, 52 kacul. 162
cetina, 52 kada, 163
c reda, 51 kad’a, 163
cula, 53 k a l’a, 166
d ira, 66 kalim ana, 165
d ir’a, 66 ka p ’a, 169
dixam , 65 kapus, 179
dlato, 54 katerica, 176
dobija, 69 kika, 186
dojka, 70 kita, 176, 186
dolina, 70 klanik, 119
dren, 74 klapam , 187
drobnica, 76 k lasn ’a, 187
drozde, 71 klecka, 186
g a v r’a, 110 k l’uc, 208
glavina, 119 klocam , 187
660 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

kloca, 187 lecok, 220

klokam , 187 ledina, 223
klopam , 187 le l’a, 218
klukam , 187 le n k 'o , 212
klupam , 187 lepida, 224
koba, 187 lepidka, 224
koc, 188 lesa, 219, 229
koce, 188 lexa, 216
kol, 189 lice, 226
kolac, 201 lik, 228
koliba, 189 lipa, 229
k o p tr , 190 1’uxam , 233
kopil, 190 locka, 238
kopile, 190 lo m ’a, 239
kora, 191 lom ka, 238
k o r’a, 191 lo m o t’a, 239
korito, 191 lopata, 230
koruba, 192 lopux, 238
korup, 173 loza, 232
kosa, 192, 193 loza, 239
k o s’a, 193 lubenica, 232
k osor, 193 lupez, 235
koS, 193 luspa, 235
k o str’ava, 221 lic k o , 220
kovac, 193 Itg u t, 209
kozuf, 121 m aca, 239
k raguj, 171 m am ’a, 244
k raiste, 194 m am ica, 244
k rajnik, 194 m ’a ra, 257
k rap , 194 m arave, 245
k rastavec, 173 m aravuska, 245
krastavica, 173 m atka, 4, 247
k rb n , 182 m az ’, 248
kuce, 201 m ecka, 254
kuka, 201 m ek, 255
k u k a m ,201 m el, 255
kum , 203 m em kin’a, 255
kum a, 203 m era, 257
kup, 205 m esnik, 257
kurva, 206 m esina, 263
kuzuf, 121 m etalo, 257
k-blk, 177 m ezda, 258
k-bpina, 169 m isa, 267
k tr c a g , 113 m ito, 268
k i r k , 182 m ladika, 272
k tr k a m , 171 m ol, 272
k-brma, 182 m ora, 273
k"brpa, 182 m orac, 273
kvas, 192 m ore, 273
lakom , 211 m ornica, 273
lapardosvam , 212 m otovila, 275
lecko, 220 m ravica, 273
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

m raz, 275 poroj, 323

m reza, 276 postan, 340
m rbzi, 263 postav, 339
m usica, 279 poterà, 341
m trk u s , 262 prag, 341
m -brm or’a, 263 prasa, 342
m ts k , 279 prax, 341
na, 282 prazen, 252
n ’am, 289 procka, 346
n a p l’uncvam , 282 prosek, 347
n a p l'u n k a , 282 p r t c , 319
nem ec, 255, 290 prbskam , 322
nem km ’a, 255 p r ita k , 351
n e p m i k , 290 p rbza, 22, 323
n e v o l’a, 290 pulka, 349
obor, 306 puska, 351
obrok, 307 p w la r, 315
oiste, 307 p ix a m , 325
okol, 306 rab, 372
o re l, 307 rabus, 365
otava, 307 ra d ’a, 365
ovrag, 516 rak ita, 10, 365
pada, 308 rakla, 378
pecurka, 179 r ’apa, 368
pelena, 313 rapam , 378
pelin, 314 rasa, 366
penez, 315 raven, 377
pijavica, 329 razbija, 379
pita, 328 razsol, 379
plasica, 336 red, 367
plaz, 336 reka, 367, 383
plem na, 332 rep a, 368
plevnica, 333 resa, 369
plita, 334 ris, 372
pii vain, 333 riza, 372
ploca, 336 rod, 373
ploska, 101, 336 rofeja, 390
ploska, 101, 336 rog, 373, 388
plug, 335 rogac, 373
p l’unka, 282 roj, 373
p l’uska, 336 roja, 373
pobratim , 337 R ojka, 373
pod, 337 rok, 373
podnica, 338 r o n ’a, 374
pokrov, 337 ropa, 389
pola, 337
rozga, 374
polica, 338 rozka, 390
po m n ’a, 338 rozko, 390
ponica, 338 ruda, 375
pop, 338
rudina, 375
p o r ’az, 338 r u f a , 390
porez, 338 runo, 391
 662 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

rus, 376 setam , 413

r i b , 375 sibka, 415
r tg a ja , 377 strb k , 439
sa b ’a, 392 surkam , 446
sak, 393 sut, 447
sakavica, 393 tajna, 456
sam , 393 tam 'a n k a, 448
sani, 393 tato, 450
s ’ano, 394 tatui, 450
s a p it, 395 tatula, 450
s ’ara, 394 tesam , 359
sila, 396 teta, 453
sisa, 396 tina, 456
sito, 396 tis, 457
skakalec, 171 toca, 458
skop’a, 398, 421 tocilo, 458
skoro, 398 topilo, 459
s k ra p l’a, 422 tor, 460
slog, 398 to riste, 460
sm il’avam , 398 trag, 461
sokol, 399 traga, 461
sovalka, 400 trap, 461
spica, 400 trem , 464
st'a g a , 401 t r ’am, 464
stan, 401 trosa, 466
stap, 401 tro x a, 465
stava, 401 trup, 467
stega, 401 trik a m , 455
stel’a, 402 tr tp n a , 454
stena, 402 trb sin a, 455
stog, 403 tun, 469
stol, 403 tu r ’a, 469
stopan, 403, 438 tbkac, 161
s tr ’ama, 403 t i r p 'a , 455
s tr ’axa, 403 ubog, 513
straza, 403 ugar, 483
stroka, 403 vada, 345, 492
strug, 403 v a d ’a, 492
struka, 403 vazdam , 496
strup, 404 vedrò, 497
strbcka, 402 vena, 499
strb k a, 403 veriga, 500
strijv ’a, 403 vica, 27
vidra, 507
stip a m , 432
susa, 526 vikam , 508
visk, 509
s i d , 404
v isn ’a, 509
s t d ’a, 398
vladika, 512
s-bt, 399
vlaga, 512
sapka, 407
vlak, 512
sara, 408
vlax, 512
saro, 408
vli^kolak, 517
satbr, 409
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 663

v o l’a, 513 bogat, 20

v o z ’a, 514 borika, 32
vrabec, 364 brana, 33
vrax, 514 brava, 33
vrazda, 515 bravi, 33
v r ts ta , 504 brazda. 33
vi"bl’a, 505 *brcik, 22
v r i v ’a, 505 breg, 34
v i r i , 516 b ricka, 37
v irz o p , 505 b rijeg, 34
x a b 'a, 141 b rsljan, 319
xilam , 149 bucati, 39
xrana, 378 budza, 43
xranica, 378 bunjak, 517
xrapam , 378 ceniti, 45
zaboj, 519 c ijeliti. 51
zakon, 519 c oprati, 481
zavrat, 519 c m , 402
zid, 524 ca, 52
cara, 45
Macedonian cas, 50
cavka, 49
buza, 43 celo, 51
cajka, 49 ceonik, 51
d rem it, 74 ie ta , 52
dren, 74 cetina, 52
d r obi, 75 c red a , 51
drobnica, 76 cuba, 53
gaga, 108 cula, 53
kapina, 169 cupa, 48
klepalo, 357 c vorak, 520
kolk, 177 dihati, 65
kraina, 194 dika, 65
kuzuv, 121 d ira, 66
k-blk, 177 dobiti, 69
lici, 216 doista, 287
listok, 219 dojka, 70
pcenica, 22 dolina, 70
dram iti. 74
Serbo-Croatian drijem ati, 74
d rijen, 74
badnjak, 44 d robnica, 76
balega, 14 druga, 77
banja, 16 gagati, 108
batiti, 19 gaj, 108
bcseda, 27 galja, 108
bica. 24 ganuti. 109
bice, 24 g avrati, 110
bistar, 27 glavina, 119
blana, 28 glavnja, 119
bijudo, 30 glina, 118
biuta, 31 glista, I 19
 664 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

gliza, 136 kita, 176, 186

globa, 136 klapati, 187
gom ila, 120 klasnje, 187
gostiti, 121 klecka, 186
g rab iti, 121 kljuc, 208
grad, 121 klopati, 187
gradina, 121 kob, 187
gram ada, 115 koba, 187
grasina, 122 kokosinja, 171
grba, 113 kolac, 189
grC, 113 kolac, 201
grditi, 114 koliba, 189
g rgati, 114 kopar, 190
g rk, 114 kopil, 190
grlica, 115 k o ra, 191
groziti, 295 korbac, 180
gusterica, 128 korda, 191
guta, 128 k oriti, 191
gutati, 113 k orito, 191
gutiti, 113 koruba, 192
gvozd, 121 kosa, 192, 193
habiti, 141 kositi, 193
hitati, 149 k o so r, 193
hladiti, 101 koá, 193
hrana, 378 k ostrjava, 221
h rap ati, 378 kotac, 188
hrb at, 195 k o v a i, 193
ikra, 154 kraguj, 171
iskra, 155 krain a, 194
iva, 156 k rajisnik, 196
izba, 156 k rap , 194
izbaviti, 520 krastav ac, 173
izm eljati, 321 krav aj, 171
jara m , 157 k rbulja, 180
ja r ina, 157 krcag, 113
javan, 156 krenuti, 464
jaz, 158 krh ati, 114, 422
jelo , 131 kriöati, 180
jezd iti, 134 k rk , 182
ju g , 160 k rkati, 171
junak, 486 krn, 182
kaca, 161 k rpa, 182
kada, 163 k rpelj, 179
kaditi, 163 kuce, 201
kaliti, 166 kuka, 201
kanja, 168 kukati, 201
kapati, 169 kum , 203
karkaSa, 171 kum a, 203
kaznac, 173 kup, 205
keca, 174 kupina, 169
kika, 186 kurva, 206
kim ak, 52 kvas, 192
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

lakom , 211 m ore, 273

lapusa, 213 m otovilo, 275
lebetati, 216 m ravica, 273
ledina, 223 m raz, 275
leha, 216 m reza, 276
lice, 226 m rm rati, 263
liciti, 216 m rziti, 263
lijeha, 216 m usica, 279
lik, 228 na, 282
lipa, 229 na po se, 339
liska, 229 nana, 291
listak, 219 nem , 289
ljelja, 218 nem ac, 255, 290
ljesa, 219 nevolja, 290
ljuspa, 235 nijem , 289
lokanja, 231 ni jem ac, 255, 290
lom iti, 239 njusiti, 302
lom otiti, 239 N ovka, 301
lopata, 230 obor, 306
lopuh, 238 obrok, 307
loza, 232 ograda, 306
loz, 239 ograda, 306
loza, 239 ograja, 306
lubenica, 232 ojiste, 307
luza, 236 okit, 306
m aca, 239 oko, 306
m am ica, 244 okolo, 306
m am iti, 244 opanak, 306
m asur, 247 orao, 307
m atica, 4 osoran, 408
m atka, 247 otava, 307
maz, 248 padati, 308
m ecka, 254 panj, 310
m edja, 258 p ecurka, 179
m edljika, 266 pelena, 313
m ek, 255 pelin, 314
m el, 255 penez, 315
m era, 257 pijavica, 329
m esina, 263 p ir, 327
m etalo, 257 piska, 328
m ica, 265 piskati, 327
m ilak, 266 pita, 328
m isa, 267 plaz, 336
m ito, 268 plita, 334
m jera, 257 plivati, 333
m jesic, 385 pljuska, 336
m jesina, 263 ploca, 336
m ladika, 272 ploska, 336
m lak, 493 plug, 335
m olj, 272 *po se, 339
m ora, 273 pobratim , 337
m orac, 273 pobrisati, 339
666 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

pod, 337 ro g , 373, 388

p okrov, 337 ro g a i, 373
pola, 337 rogoz, 388
polica, 338 ro id se, 373
poljak, 337 ro j, 373
pom niti, 338 R ojka, 373
ponizili se, 338 ro k , 373
pop, 338 roniti, 374
porez, 338 rozga, 374
postaje, 340 ru b , 375
postât, 340 ruda, 375
postav, 339, 340 rudina, 375
p o stre sid , 340 rugati se, 377
poterà, 341 runo, 391
potka, 341 ru s, 376
prag, 341 sablja, 392
prah, 341 sabor, 519
prasiti, 342 sak, 393
prazan, 252 sam , 393
prcija, 322 sani, 393
prc, 319 sat, 399
prosijek, 347 sebar, 394
prskati, 322 sera, 394
prutak. 351 sijeno, 394
prziti, 323 sila, 396
p u titi, 348 sinjav, 97
pudar, 315 sisa, 396
puha, 348 sita, 397
puhati, 348 sito, 396
puska, 351 sjera, 394
rab , 372 skopid, 398, 421
raca, 374 skoro, 398
raditi, 365 soko, 399
ragalj, 365 spica, 400
rakita, 10, 365 stan, 401
rapati, 378 stap, 401
ra so , 379 stelja, 402
ra ta r, 374 stena. 402
ravan, 377 step, 402
razb iti, 379 stepsti, 402
razo riti, 238 stijena, 402
red, 367 sto, 403
redjati, 367 stog, 403
reka, 367, 383 stopanin, 403
repa. 368 straza, 403
resa, 369 strcati, 402
reska, 369 streha. 403
rick a , 371 stroka, 403
rijeka, 367, 383 strug. 403
ris, 372 strup, 404
riza, 372 strvina, 402
rod, 373 stupati. 432
 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 667

stupiti, 459 vikati, 508

sud, 404 visak, 509
suditi, 398 visnja, 509
supljaca, 446 vjedro, 497
susa, 526 vladika, 512
sapka, 407 vlah, 512
sara, 408 vlak, 512
sator, 409 voliti, 513
setati. 413 volja, 513
siba, 414 voziti, 514
skrapa, 423 vrabac, 364
strk, 439 v rli, 516
sulj, 445 vrsta, 504
sut, 447 v rtjeti, 505
tajna, 456 vrvjeti, 505
tak, 448 v rvljeti, 505
tam janika, 448 vukodlak, 517
tata, 450 zabijeliti, 519
tatula, 450 zaboj, 519
tek, 451 zakon, 519
tesati, 358 zatka, 303
teta, 453 zavrat, 519
tina, 456 zdeknuti, 496
tis, 457 zid, 524
tocilo, 458 zega, 527
tocili, 458 z rijeb, 527
tor, 460
trag, 461 Slovene
trap, 461
bavbav, 514
traskalo, 461
blóda, 31
tratk a, 461
b rlog, 41
trem , 464
c ara, 50
trijem , 464
cájka, 49
troha, 465
cára, 45
trositi, 466
crm , 46
trpljeti, 454
danka, 55
trs, 465
gaj, 108
trup, 467
goltiti, 113
tupiti, 459
grdeti se, 114
turiti, 469
klociti, 187
ubog, 513
kozol, 422
ugar, 483
k r i , 180
ukraj, 484 kricati, 180
uliste, 485 losk, 239 '
uzdaja, 491 m edliti, 272
vada, 345, 492 m ornica, 273
vatra, 496 orjak, 367
vedrò, 497 osoren. 408
venuti, 499 pihati, 325
veriga, 500 skralupa, 398
v idra, 507 sie tk a , 412
viganj, 507
 668 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

sul j, 445 d ra t’, 515

slrum en, 404 g a l’a, 108
truskelica, 443 g n a t', 31
tu, 450 gon, 31
k lep a t’, 357
Czech kolba, 202
k o r’, 228
c arb a, 45 kuzov, 422
krc, 180 m edved’, 10
m aca, 240 m edvedka, 10
pÿf, 3 5 1
m ozzevel’nik, 63
sahati, 406
m uzicok-s-nogotok, 481
trú titi, 466
m ysij gorosek, 280
venku
obertka, 21
ostolbenetb, 464
Polish
percatka, 457
pole pod parom , 241
bark, 22
povetrie, 99
buzia, 44
prilavok, 420
drab, 72
solovyj, 210
jçdza, 147
sp e sit’, 286
kielb, 202
parów , 202 s-po-spes-estvovat’, 286
ssora, 408
perz, 351
stolb. 464
tracie, 466
sy p ’, 144
sy p at’, 144
Old Russian
sagati, 406
te l’atina, 451
m t s k i , 279
ukraj, 484
stbrvb. 441
vova, 514
s-bvtrstniki,, 504
z ’ablik, 520
urokb, 489

Russian Ukrainian

b u z ’a, 44
bolona, 28
m u ra v ic ’a, 273
borona, 26
sahaty, 406
borzoj, 43
vonka, 292
dereza, 75
 NON-INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

Uralic

Hungarian kurs, 206

kurum , 423
csucsa, 48 link, 229
po r, 42 lokm a, 238
ré ce , 374 m eyer, 242
ru ca, 374 m erakî, 262
sed, 409 m isk, 282
sét, 409 m or, 278
supra, 482 oluk, 233
szablya, 392 orak, 514
szabni, 392 papu§, 179
velencze, 498 parça, 322
vese, 502 pita, 328
vihnye, 507 pota, 340
pusj, 351
Turkic rehb, 381
riíjte, 388
Turkish sahih, 393
sajikli, 393
ari, 8 taka, 448
arya, Chag. 365 tatula, 450
arpa, 86 telatin, 451
a§, 322 tutm ak. 470
badruk, 13 uluk, 233
ba§hk, 312 vurm ak, 488
buhur, 40 zurna, 526
çâbis, 47
çapm ak, 50 Kartvelian
çelik, 51
dangalak, 55 Georgian
de, 85
denk, 55 are, 8
dogru, 70 hana, 5
g a rra , 108
hai, 142 Hamito-Semitic
H
hö r, 150
ho?, 159 Egyptian
kinam ak, 178
kism ak, 184 E g h rr.t, 234
käci, 174
kafa, 353 Coptic
kapm ak, 169
kara, 165, 171 hlêli, 234
k a ra bas;, 170 hrêri, 234
k ir, 364
kö r, 137
670 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES

Proto-Sem itic Basque

*wainu-, 500 amcts, 6

ardao, 7
Akkadian buslan, 43
chiugurri, 480
guzippu, 117 ego, 2
kuzippu, 117 h u rr, 10
ura, 488
H ebrew
O ther languages
pita, 328
sòr, 48
ais, E tr, 89
doxs, B ulgaro-T urk, 71
burkak, B urushaski, 19