CHAPTER - SIX

ANCIENT PEOPLES OF BENGAL

 CHAPTER SIX
ANCIENT PEOPLES OF BENGAL

In the previous Chapter the discourse on the 'Indigenes' has been made
with the primary object of tracing the very base or substratum of the composition
of the people and culture of Bengal. Excluding those 'Indigenes' who are Virtually
non-extant today in Bengal because of their amalgam with all other peoples
who came to this region in subsequent periods, there were several other peoples
who figure prominently in various ancient documents, literary and epigraphic,
which furnish considerably detailed materials for their ethno-historical reconstruction.
Again, those very' peoples played the most vital roles in diverse fields of activities
of the people of ancient Bengal through long centuries of her history which is
succinctly glaring from the historical period. In fact, those peoples acted out­
standingly in moulding and remoulding the Bengali culture as it stands today.
Since those peoples have been described with considerably relevant details in
various early documents shedding light on their manifold achievements, they
have been branded 'Ancient Peoples' as distinguished from the 'Aborigines' and
the 'Indigenes' of Bengal treated in the preceding two Chapters.

The present Chapter makes an analytical study of those very ancient

peoples of Bengal in a somewhat comprehensive manner. Most significantly, those
ancient peoples of Bengal represented well-defined and broadly determined different
quarters of ancient Bengal, and their treatment has been made accordingly. Exclu­
ding the minor/insignificant ones, the major and historically and culturally the
most potential ancient peoples of the different regions of ancient Bengal have
been treated here with relevant details relating to their names, early notices,
origins, settlements and movements, physical features and ethnic affiliations,
culture and life-patterns, identities and contributions. These very potential ancient
peoples of Bengal included amongst others the Vangas, the Suhmas and the Radhas,
the Pundras and the Gaudas representing Eastern, Southern, Western and Northern
regions of ancient Bengal.
 329

I. The VANGAS

Of all tribal or semi-tribal communities of ancient Bengal, the oldest

and most widely known one was the Vahga after whom the whole country and
her people have been named as Vahga or Vartgadesa, Vangala, i.e., Vanga country
and Vahgall (VangalT), i.e., the people of Bengal/Bengali people.

i) Derivations and Meanings :

As to the derivations and meanings of the word it may be noted that
some scholars have suggested that the term Vanga originated from theTibetan
I q
word bans or ban meaning marshy or moist land, i.e., watery land. This implies
that the entire area criss - crossed by rivers and marshy land was called Vanga.
Again, one of the meanings of the word Vanga is cotton (Kapasytula). In other
Indo-Aryan languages of Eastern India Vang means Kapas-tree, and in Bhojpuri
language, Vang or (Vanput) means Kapas-kos. It appears that the term Vanga
has an inseparable connection with the cotton cultivation and industry, and the
land producing cotton and excelling in manufacturing cotton fabrics came to
be called Vanga, i.e., the country named after its chief production. The Muslim
Meanings writers, however, called Vanga as simply Bang. Again, Vanga means
also tin, i.e., ranga, and in the Amarakosha, the expression is Ranga-vanga. Tin
was, however, absent in Bengal, but available in Malaya, Pegu, China and East
Indies. From these countries, tin might have been supplied to different parts
of India through the coastal parts of South Beng&Accordingly, the region importing
tin from South-east Asia and supplying the same to other parts of India might
have been called Vahga, i.e., named tin. But the former derivation appears to
be more substantive. Moreover, in the findings of Phayre and Gerini a reference
to Bong-long is found and its peoples have been called Bong. The expression Bong-
long has been taken to be the original form of Bahgala . The term Vanga has
been accordingly taken to be of foreign origins.

From the term Vahga originated several other words with the addition
of suffixes, such as, Vang51a, Vangal, Vangal, Bengal, Bhangala, Bengala, etc.
Of all these words again, Vangala is the original one, and the subsequent Muslims

1
 330

and Portuguese writers transformed it into Bangal and Bengala. The term Vahgal
or Vahgal is a colloquial transformation of Vahgala meaning the inhabitants of
Vangalades'a. The word Vahgala is again derived from Vanga + al^ (ali). It has
been contended that 51a has been again a derivation from the Dravidian word
alam which is a verbal derivative form from al_ meaning to possess, and the expre­
ssion Vangalam denotes marshy and moist land.** Again, in Mech language, the
terms Vang and _la denote capture, and Vanga appears to be derived from Vahg+la.
If it be so, the suffix al_ was added subsequently by the local people. Regarding
the derivation of Bangal (Vahgala), Abul Fazal in the 16th century states : "Its
former rulers raised mounds measuring ten yards in height and twenty in breadth
throughout the province, which were called aj_. From the suffix al_ the name Bengal
Various took its rise and currency." As to this derivation, Sircar points out:
derivations"Although the derivatipn may be worng and Vahgala may have sprung
from Vanga + the Prakrit suffix ala in the sense of a notable district
belonging to Vanga ... the interesting mention of the earthen mounds meant
for keeping off the encroachment of sea-water from cornfields refers to a condition
prevailing in the Bakhergunge region of the coastal area of Bengal even today".
The original word V angala was transliterated by the Muslims as Bang or Bang ala
or Bangalah (BangSla). From this word, the Potuguese derived the word Bengala.
Taranath translated the same word as Bhangaia. In Hindi language, the Bengali
speaking region is called Vangal which has been actually transliterated by the
English as Bengal/ The term Vahgali (from Vahgala; meaning the people speaking
Bengali language) is used in other parts of India to denote "the people of Bengal.
The Epglish transliterated form of Vang ali is Bengali or Bengalee. In Bengali
language, the term Bangali is used to denote the peoples of Bengal. At present,
Vanga and Vahgala are generally used to denote or indicate the whole Bengali
language-speaking area, and its peoples are thereby called Vahgali or Bangali.

ii) Early References :

The Rigveda does not mention the Vangas or Vahgadesa implying thereby
that these peoples and their country were not known to the Rigvedic hymn compo­
sers. It is, however, in the Aitareya-Aranyaka that the Vangas figure along with
8 * * _ / __
the Pundras and the Vagadhas (Vangavagadhas=Cherapadah). In the Atharvaveda,
** * • 9
the expression is found in an amended form as M agadha-Vanga-Matsyah. Here,
Vanga- M agadhah implying the Vanga and Magadha peoples have been specifically
referred to. The Vangas have been again compared or rather called birds as attested
 331

to by the expression : Cherapadah• (Vayamsi Vangavagadhas=Cherapadah; Magadab).

t-
Though the exact meaning or significance of the expression is not distinctly clear,
it appears that the Vangas and the Vagadhas have been plausibly delineated by
their totemic names. It naturally implies that the Vangas might have the birds
as their totems. The Vanga territory has been further described by the Vedic
Bengal in Aryans in the Aitareya-Brahmana (about the 7th century, B.C.), as
post-vedic
texts
the land of the barbarians. It is also stated in the same Brahmana
that the Pundras, the Andhras and the Savaras live on the border
of the Arya country, and the bulk of them are the Dasyus.^ It may thus be
contended that in the post-Vedic texts, the Vangas have been portrayed either
as birds or barbarians implying thereby that those peoples were outside the pale
of the' Vedic culture.

This contention is fully supported by the Dharmasutra texts. In Baudha-

yana's Dharmasutra, (about 6th - 5th century B.C.), the Vangas along with the
Pundras and the Kalingas have been regarded as impure peoples.^ There are
also certain Pther references to these people, and accordingly, it has been enjoined
that any person visiting their countries shall have to be purified by performing
12
purificatory rites like the Punastoma or Sarvaprishtha.
~~ •
Later on, this injunction
in the was modified by stating s "Anga-Vanga - Kalingeshu Saurashtra-Magadhe-
satr™8” shu-cha Tirthayatram-vinagacchan punah samskaram=arhati. ^ According
to this prescription, anybody visiting Ahga, Vanga, Kalinga, etc., except
on pilgrimage was required to undergo initiation for the second time. In the Dharma-
sutra of Baudhayana, the Vangas are also mentioned in a list of peoples who
lived in regions beyond the zone of the Aryan culture. 14 By the time of Baudhayana,
the Vangas were, however, distinguished from the Pundras.^

This outlook of the Dharmasutra-writers underwent considerable changes

in the Jaina and Buddhist -texts and also in the Epics. It is to be admitted that
the Vangas do not figure prominently in the 3aina and Buddhist texts. In the
full list of the Jaina-Upahga called Prajnapana, a reference has been made to
the Vangas whose capital city was at Tamalitti (Tamralip'ti). It is again very
Jaina j significant to note that the Prajnapana admits that the Angas and the
texts Vangas belong to the first group of the Aryan peoples whom it calls
-.*17 • —
Khettariya-Vangaya. Thus the Vangas as the Eastern Aryas have been occasionally
referred to in the Prajnapana. In the list of sixteen kingdoms as described in
the Taina Bhagavatl-sQtra the Vanga country is also included as one of the
M ahaj anapadas.* ^
 332

In the Buddhist texts as well Vahga does not figure very prominently.
Even in the list of Solasamah5{anapadasa as given in the Anguttara-Nikaya, the
Vahga country is not included.^ But the same Nikaya refers to Vahga once in
20
place of Vatsa. It is, however, in the list of the Mahavagga that the word
•
Vang occurs. This was perhaps a mistake for Vamsa*
or Vatsa/21 Early references
to Vahga have been also traced in the names of the two Buddhist Elders, namely,
Upasena Vahgantaputta and Vangisa who are said to be contemporaries of the
Buddha. In the Milinda-Panho Vahga is described as a maritime country frequented
23
by ships with merchandise. All these Eire indications which make it highly probable
Buddhist that the earliest use of the term Vahga was also related to the littoral
t8Xts region of Bengal which included that portions of the Suhma country
which at some periods in ancient times were conterminous with Vahga. This
is, however, a mere presumption. Again, in the Lalitavistara .there is a reference
to Vahgalipi. It appears that by the time of this work, the Vahgas had their
own script. Further, in the Ceylonese Chronicles the prince Vijaya has-been repre-
sented as the grandson of a princess of Vahga. It thus appears that by the
time of the composition of the Dipavamsa and the M ahavamsa Vahga was a kingdom
26 ?
ruled by a king.

In the Epics, the Vahgas have been generally mentioned along with other
neighbouring peoples. As for instance, the Vahgas have been mentioned in the
27
Ramayana along with the Angas. The Vahgas have been also referred to in
* - 28
the Ramayana as peoples in political alliance with the King of Ayodhya. In
I •
fact, Yanga has been described as a part of the king Dasaratha's empire. In the
Digvijaya section of the Mahabharata, there is a sequential account of the conquests
29
of Bhima. We are told that Bhima after subjugating the Pundras fell on the
* 30 — *
Vahgas. A perusal of the conquests made by Bhima would attest that the country
of the Vahgas was primarily a coastal territory. The Mahabharata further informs
in the us that the great conqueror Jarasandha of Magadha established his
Epics supremacy over the Vahgas, the Pundras and other peoples."^ In the
same way, Karna is credited with the conquest of the Vangas and other peoples.
In fact, the Vahgas along with other neighbouring peoples played a prominent
part in the great battle at Kurukshetra, and they are said to have been defeated
33 t * *
by Vasudeva. In the Bhishmaparvan of the great Epic, the Angas, the Vangas
34
and the Kalingas are mentioned as East Indian peoples. In the Sabhaparvan
of the Mahabharata, there is also a reference to Anga and Vahga as forming
35
one Vishaya. In another passage of the Sabhaparvan, the Vahgas have been
 333

36 ^ t
more specifically mentioned. In the Mahadbhashya of Patanjali} the Vangas and
their country have been excluded from the Aryavarta, and in the Arthasastra
•
of Kautilya, the Vangas figure as a very prominent people. 37

It is however, in the Puranas and the classical Sanskrit texts that the
Vanga people have been specifically described. In the Markandeya-purana, an
account of the Vangas along with other neighbouring tribes like the Angas, the
38
Suhmas and the Pundras has been given. The Vangas, therefore, lived as neighbours
of these tribes in the Eastern part of India. In the Matsya-puraoa, Vanga and
In the Suhma are included in the list of the Eastern countries. In Kalidasa's
Puranas * t
and other Raghuvamsa, the great conqueror Raghu is said to have exterminated
texts the Vangas and set up pillars of victory in the Island of the Ganges.
(Vanganutkhaya taras3 net! nausadhanodyatan Nichakhan Jayastamhan Gahgasrdto^
• Ctareshu sah). This establishes the connection of Vanga with the 'Gangetic
Delta, and that it extended also up to Kapisa (Kasai).Besides, the Vangas
are also referred to in the Kamasutra, Brhatsamhita, Dasakumaracharita,
rV 1 1 "r 111 n "" • ■

Gaudavaho and in many other texts. Varahamihira places Vanga in the South-east
1 u2
division of Bengal.

Thus the Vangas as a group of people have been abundantly mentioned

in the early literary texts. Not only that, the Vangas are often referred to in
inscriptions as well. The earliest epigraphic record of Bengal, namely, the Mahasthan
inscription (3rd century B.C.) records the expression : Samyamgiyanapnji.e^the
Samvarhgiya people.Here, the derivation of Vangiyanam from Vanga appears
to be explicit . Again, Bhandarkar regards the Vangiyas as identical with the
. 44
Vangas. In many other inscriptions, there are similar expressions in the forms
of Vanga, Vangeshu, Vanga Janapadeshu, Vangaladesam, Vangas and so on. As
for instance, in the Second Apsidal Temple inscription at Nagarjunikonda (3rd
century A.D.) the Vangas are described as having been converted into Buddhism
"
by the monks hailing from Tambapamna or Ceylon. 45 In the Meherauli Iron Pillar
inscription of the king Chandra of the 4th Century A.D. it is said that the king
Chandra destroyed his Eastern enemies designated as the Vangas in Bengal (Vangeshu,
Vanga-3anapadeshu).^ The Mahakuta Pillar inscription of the Chalukyas of VatapI
(6th ceniury A.D.) relates that in the 6th century A.D. Kirtivarman of the Chaiukya
dynasty gained victories over the kings of Vanga, Anga, Magadha and the neighboUr-
ing countries. 47 In the Tirumali Rock inscription of the king Rajendra Chola
(11th century A.D.), the expression Vangaladesam, i.e, the realm of the Vahgalas
 334

• 48 +
or Vangas is found mentioned. The BhuvanesVaca inscription of Bhatta Bhavadeva
a ' 'us
■refers tona ruler whose line was connected with Eastern Bengal". Again, in
the Pithapuram plates of Prithivlsena (12th century A.D., the king Malla is said
to have subdued among others .the kings of the Vangas, the Magadhas and the
Gaudas."^ The Vanga country is also mentioned in the Kamauli Copper plate
in Ins- grant of Vaidyadeva of Kamarupa, Bhuvanes'vara inscription of Bhatta-
cription bhavadeva, Madanapada grant of Visvarupasena of the 13th century
A.D., Rampal Copper plate of Srlchandrasena, Edilpur Copper plate of Kesavasena,
Sahitya Parishat Copper plate of Vis'varupasena, etc.^* It would thus appear
that in the inscriptions, there are frequent references to the Vanga people and
also to the land inhabited by them, which refers only to a particular region of
Bengal.

iii) Origins :
Regarding the origins of the Vangas there are some mythical stories
described in the Epics and the PurSnas like the Vayu, the Bramanda, the Matsya,
• • •

the Bhagavata, etc. It has been stated that Vanga, Ahga, Kalihga, Pundra and
Suhmah were five sons of'Sudeshna, the wife of the king Vali by the blind and
- 52
old sage Dirghatama. This story thus speaks of the non-Aryan origin of the
Vanga people. It is evident from these texts that the Vangas were the descendants
of one of the five sons of the sage Dirghatama. This story further gives an indi­
cation that serious attempts were made by the earlier writers to brand the Vangas
and others as orginating from an Aryan and non-Aryan admixture.

iv) Settlements :
Both literary and epigraphic records present conflicting indications
regarding the territorial limits of the. land of the Vangas. In the earlier texts,
the country occupied by the Vangas has been very vaguely stated. Even the Buddhist
literature does not refer to anything specifically about the land occupied by
the Vangas. The Jaina Prajfiapana, however, refers to the wide extent of the
* 53 _
Vanga country which included Tamralipti. It is, however, from the Mahabharata
which refers to Ahga, Vanga, Pundra and Kalihga countries (Anga-Vanga-Kalingascha
Pundra tesam de£ah) that some precise information regarding the land of the
r_ 5 h
Vangas are available. The M ahabharata relates also to a traditional account
of the belt of the Eastern states : Angan-Vangan-Kalingamscha Magadhan Kasi-
K5salan.~^ Of these, the collection of Ahga, Vanga and Kalihga was in the
 335

traditional order 56 . In the Bhishmaparvan of the Mahabharata, the Angas,

the Vangas and the Kalingas are mentioned as the East Indian peoples^.
Epics, In the Kiskindhya-Kapda of the Ramayana, the Pundras are mentioned
Budhist , 58 „ , . _
texts etc as ^astern Peoples . Suhma and Pundra countries are sometimes
tagged together and often dropped. All these countries have been,
however, mentioned in an orderly fashion, not only in the Mahabharata, but
- <- - 59 .
also in the Sutras, the Arthasastra and the Kamasutra

But a definite idea about the Vanga country can be gleamed from
the Digvijaya section of the Mahabharata^. From the account of Bhlma's
conquest in Eastern India, it would appear that the Vanga country was situated
beyond Anga and occupied perhaps the whole territory covering the present
districts of Mursidabad, Nadia, Jessore, Rajsahi, PabnS and Faridpur . Bhima
during his military sojourn in Eastern India conquered the Vahgas after defeating
the Suhmas. Thus, the Vanga country lay beyond the Suhma territory. Besides,
the Vanga territory has been made distinct from Pundra, Tamralipta, Suhma
and Karvarta. In the PurSnas, the Vahgas along with the Angas, the Suhmas
and the Pundras have been placed in the Eastern part of the country.

Yasodhara { commentator on the Kamasutra ) gives' a connotation

•
of the Vanga country by stating : Vanga-Lauhityat-purvena°62 . But Raychaudhuri
does not accept this contention on the ground that Yasodhara had no precise
knowledge about Eastern India 63 . In the Raghuvamsa
• ^ of Kalidasa, there is,
.
however, a specific description of the Vanga country . From Kalidasa's
account it appears that the realm of the Vahgas abutted on the Ganges which
perhaps formed the dividing line between Vanga and Suhma^. From the account
Other of the Vanga:country given by-Kalidasa, it also appears that a direct
texts reference has been made to the undeveloped areas of the Southern
coast of Bengal, i.e.,Sundarbans ( Vanganutkhaya tarasa rteta nausadhanodyatan
Nfchakhan Jayasthambhan Ganga Srotontareshu sah ) . The lexicographer
Hemachandra ( 12th century A. D. ) appears to have identified Vanga with
Harikela ( Vahgastu Harikeliya ). Raychaudhuri thinks that it is only in a
narrower sense that Vanga was identical with Harikela^.
 33G

It would appear that the Vanga country was in the neighbourhood

of Suhma having a distinct entity of its own. Following the accounts given
by Kalidasa in the Raghuvamsa, the Vanga country shall have to be placed
beyond the river Bhagir-athI including the southern coast of Bengal, possibly
the region now known as Sundarbans 68 . Again, Vanga is to be equated with
Harikela which is mentioned by Rajas'ekhara and frequently referred to in
the inscriptions like the Chittagong inscription of Kantideva ( 8th century
A.D.), Rfimpal . Cbpper plate of Srichandra ( 9th century A.D. ), etc. Hemachan-
dra actually makes Harikela identical with Vanga which is the eastern limit
of Eastern India in the opinion of I-Tsing^. Harikela has been again made
identical with Sylhet. It appears from a study of the inscriptions that Harikela
included Chandradvipa and perhaps also Vikramapura which again belonged
to Vanga. On East, Vanga appears to have been bounded by Kamarupa and
on South, by the Bay of Bengal. On West and North, the boundaries of the
Vanga country varied from time to time. Sometimes Vanga included parts
of West Bengal as well .including Tamralipta. In later periods, Vanga, however,
stood for entire Eastern Bengal. This becomes evident from a perusal of
the epigraphic records of later periods. The Brihatsamhita includes Vanga
in the South-east division and refers also to Upa-Vanga which may be identified
with certain portions of the Gangetic Delta 71 . Some others have, however,
I * 72
equated Upa-Vahga with the districts of Noakhali and Chittagong . In the
* yi
Digvijayaprakasa, Upa-Vanga appears to denote 3essore and its forest regions .
The Vanga country has been again specifically referred to in the Saktisangama-
+ + 74
tantra as :
"Ratnakaram Samarabhya Brahmaputrantagah iaibe
' Vangade^o maya proktah Sarvvasiddhipradar£akah".
. ■-■TTr-i-T T -1* ,r--r, -,-„T|r-."rn «

It thus follows that the Vanga country extended from the Brahmaputra
to the Sea,i.e., Bay of Bengal, which indicates that the Eastern half of Bengal
was called Vanga. The old course of the Brahmaputra was perhaps the northern
and eastern boundary of the Vanga country. Sometimes, the Vanga country
included also certain parts of West Bengal as well. As for instance, in the
3aina Prajnapana Tamralipta has been described as the chief city of the Vangas.
But in later periods, the association of the Vangas with the eastern districts
of Bengal became more closer than its original ties with the adjoining
75
Radha or Suhma countries on West .
(V) Navya and other Bhagas :
Excluding the literary texts, the Vanga country with its various
divisions is also mentioned in inscriptions as well. As already referred to,
in the NagarjuniKonda inscription of the 3rd century A.D., it is stated that
the Vangas were converted into Buddhism by the monks from Ceylon76. In
the Pala epigraphic records, Vanga appears to have been divided into two
parts : Uttara (Northern) and Anuttara (Southern). These two parts again
might have corresponded to two Bhagas ( divisions ) of Vanga, namely,
Vikramapura-bhaga and Navya as recorded in the Sena inscriptions. These
Divisions two Bhagas might have been connected with each other as well.
and As to the exact geographical boundary limits of these two Bhagas
subdivisions ° 0 ------- —
or divisions, it may be noted that materials at our disposal are
too scanty to arrive at any firm conclusion77. It is very interesting to note
in this connection that in the Kamauli Copper plate of Vaidyadeva, there
occurs the expression Anuttara-Vanga which perhaps corresponded to a portion
of South Bengal 78 . Other inscriptions refer to Vanga
* as equivalent to Eastern
Bengal. As for instance, the Madanapada grant of Visvarupasena and the
Edilpur grant of Kesavasena distinctly refer to the inclusion of Vikramapura
within the Vanga country ( Vange-Vikramapur abhagapradesa ). Thus the
district of Dacca was in the heart of the Vanga country .in the Sena period.

Like Vikramapura, Navya appears also to have been another division

of the Vanga country as mentioned in the Sahitya Parishal Copper plate
^ 80
of Visvarupasena0 . In this inscription, the expression occurs : Pundravardhana-
bhuktantah pati-Vanganavye Ramasiddhipatake 81 . That Navya - * *was a part
• * " •

of Vanga is also proved by the Copper plate grant of Visvarupasena ( Vange

Navye ). Again, there is a reference of Vangalavadabhu in the Ramasiddhipataka
of the Navya area of Vanga denoting perhaps the inclusion of the present
Barisal district (Banglades') . The term Navya means a region which is
accessible bv boats. It seems to be synonymous with the Bengali word Bhati, •

i.e., the region towards the sea. In the Muslim period, Bhati was a district
-83
of the coastal strip between the estuaries of the H-ugli. river and the Meghna .
But Bhati also denotes the region watered by the inflow and outflow of
 338

water from the Sea. This refers also to the district of Barisal. The Madanapada
Navya and inscription mentions Vangalavada and Nidradvipa (Chandradvipa)
referring ~-t to Barisal district. The Rampal Copper plate inscription
of Srichandra refers also to Chandradvipa which might have correspnded to
the districts of Faridpur and Khulna of the present Banglades . It '.would
appear from • the Sahitya-Parishat Copper plate inscription that Navya, a sub­
division of the Vanga country-, denotes the Southern extremity of the Dacca
( Dhaka ) district ( present Banglades ) abounding in creeks of rivers navigable
throughout the year 85 . Others have contended that Navya
- •
of the Vanga country
perhaps included Faridpur and Barisal districts of the present Banglades. Further,
Samatata, another regional name of a part of ancient Bengal, does not seem
* * 86
to be different from Vanga .

It is indeed a* difficult task to determine the exact limit of the

Vanga country. Generally speaking, the Vanga country was perhaps restricted
to eastern part of the Gangetic delta, and as such, Southern Bengal was plausibly
a part of the Vanga territory as well. This becomes also clear from the inscrip-
tioijial records. But the Vanga territory became gradually limited to only eastern
and southern districts of Bengal. Even in the Bhaturia ( Rajsahi district )
inscription of Rajyapaia, the Vangas are said to have lived in South-eastern
Bengal. From the Madnapada Copper plate inscription of Visvarupasena, it
is evident that the district of Faridpur was included within the Vanga country,
Limits and other inscriptions also refer to the inclusion of the districts
of Vanga ^ Qaccaj Faridpur and Barisal^. The Sahitya-parishat Copper
plate of Visvarupasena records : Pundravardhanabhuktantah pati-Vahga-navye-
Ramasiddhi-pataka . Again, the Rampal Copper plate inscription of Srichandra
( 10th - 11th centuries ) refers to Chandradvipa which might correspond to
-89 . Moreover, during the rule of the Senas
the districts of Faridpur and Khulna
Vanga formed an administrative division of their kingdom. At the time of
Vallalasena, Vanga might have comprised the tract bounded by the Brahmaputra-
90
Meghna and the Ganges on the south and the Khasi hills on the north .

Evidently, it follows that neither frifflithe literary texts nor the

inscriptions any precise clues can be obtained regarding the exact location
 339

and boundaries of the Vanga country which varied from time to time. Mostly,
the Vanga country or Vang&lade^a might have denoted Southern and Eastern
Bengal only.

vi) Vang ala and Bangala :

Along with Vanga there are also references xo Vangala which is
a variant form of Vanga. The word Vangala denotes a territory, i.e.,Vahgalades"a,
from which again is derived the present expression Vangal, i.e., one hailing
from Vangai&'dgja or Vangadesa and Vang all or Vangallj.e^the people of Vangala
or of Bengal. Both the terms Vangala and VahgSli (Vahgali/Bengalee) have
gained currency from the early medieval period 91 .

The first epigraphic reference to Vangala is to be found in the

Nesari plates of Govinda III ( 805 A.D. ) wherein Dharmapala has been mentioned
as the king of Vangala . The Tirumalai inscription refers to Vahgaladesa
where rain never stopped, and its king Govinda Chandra was defeated by
Rajendra Chola 93 . Vangala in Rajendra Chola's inscription is again to be
Early distinguished from Uttara-R5dha and Dakshina-Radha which is to
references iecj with the Northern and the Southern Radha (West Bengal).
Again, in the Goharwa plate of the Kalachuri king Karnadeva, the Vanga
country is referred to as Vangaladesam which in the 13th century came to
. • 94 . In some inscrip­
be called Bangala and during the Muhammedan times, Bangla
tions, however, Vanga and Vangala have been mentioned separately.

Some scholars have suggested that Vanga and Vangala are two distinct
territorial units 95 . It has been also proposed by some that Vangala may be
identified with Chandradvipa ( parts of Barisal, Khulna and Noakhali). This
96
proposition has been, however, contradicted by other scholars . In the Ablur
inscription, Vanga and Vang51a are mentioned separately 97 . Similarly, a work
named Hammlramahakavya of Nayachandra Suri ( 15th century A.D. ) refers
98
to Vanga and Vangala as two separate geographical units . In this context,
a reference may be made to Abul Fazal's account regarding the derivation
of Bengal or Vangala (Bang+al) . Here, occurs the equation of the two terms.
But objections have been raised1 . Though the Chandra kings have been
mentioned as rulers of Chandradvipa and Vahgaladesa, the former appears
 340

to be a large geographical unit denoting also the northernmost areas of Vahga.

The Tibetan historian Taranath uses the word BhanRala instead of Vang ala
Va^a as different from Radha and Varendra101. It is. however, to be
and *
Vafigaia borne in mind that though Vahga and Vahgala have been sometiems
used as separate territorial uni'ts, it appears that both are synonymous and
not distinct from each other 102 .

According to some, the most important evidence relating to the

separate existence of Vahga and Vahgala is furnished by the AJblut't* inscription
of Vijjala (1200 A.D.) wherein it is stated that Vijjala humbled Chedi, Vahga
• 103 . It is, however, to be noted that this invasion
and killed the king of Vangala
of the Kalachuri king has little historical credibility. This appears to be an
exaggerated statement, and the poet might have repeated the same incident
by referring to the conquest of Vahga. Accordingly, Vahga and Vahgala can
not be treated as two separate countries on the basis of this inscription.
i
Besides, the Tamil poem Kalingattupparani furnishes a list of peoples who
paid tributes to Kulottunga, and this list includes the name of the Vahgalas
separately. But this reference also can not be wholly relied upon. The poet
might have mistaken the two terms as different. On the other hand, Vahgala
• 104 . In
appears to be simply an etymological variation of the term Vanga
the face of the available records, it appears that Vahga and Vahgala are
identical. Even the medieval Bengali writers have used both the forms as
denoting one geographical unit^.

To the foreigners, however, the term Vahgala became more acceptable

as denoting the whole of Bengal. It would be evident from a Nepalese inscription
106
which refers to the invasion of Samsuddin with the Vahgala army . In the
. 107
Tarikh-i-Firuz-Shahi, the term Vahgal denotes also the whole of Bengal
By the time of Akbar, the Subah-Bangalah included the whole territory from
Sylhet to Kankol with the exclusion of Chittagong, CoOchbihar, Midnapur and
Vahgal Hi:>li. In Marcopolo's account, there is also a reference to the king
and of Mien (Burma) and Bangal (Vahgala). Yule takes Bahgala as the
Bengala , ao
entire province of Bengal . In Gastaldi's (1561) map, the expression
used is Bengala, and in other maps as well Bengala has been referred to as
indicating sea-coast areas of Chittagong. But Blochmann has not admitted
the existence of the city of Bengala as it does not occur in accounts of some
 3-51

travellers 109 . There is, however, little justification of holding the view of
the non-existence of Bens ala. In fact, Majumdar thinks that Bengala was
the capital city of Vahgaladesa near Chittagong*^®. Here, certain points
may be noted : (1) It has been found out that the city of Bengala which figures
prominently in Portuguese writings does occur neither in medieval Bengali
texts nor in the Rajamala ; (2) Even Rennel could not trace the existence
of the city of Bengala ; (3) Other writers have questioned the very existence
of the city as such1 . It appears that the Bengalis and others did not know
anything about Bengala. The Portuguese might have simply referred to Vahgala's
chief city as Bengala, and when the port of Chittagong became prominent,
they perhaps called it 'Bengala city' 111a

It would thus appear that Vanga and Vahgala became synonymous

in later period, and the latter came to be used in the sense of the people
of Vanga country in general and more specifically of the people of her eastern
and southern regions. This becomes also clear from the Saduktikarnamrita •" •

wherein both the terms Vahgala and Vangali have been used, the latter denoting
the people of the former11 . The terms Vanga and Vangali also occur in
Bauddha-Gan-Q-doha which refers to Vanga (Vangali-bha-iti). In the medieval
Bengali texts, there is a precise description of Vangali. In .the Manik Chandra-
rajar gan it is stated : "Bhati haite aila Vangal lamba lamb| dadi" i.e.,the
, _ 1 rr? ‘ :
Vang alas with their long beards came from Bhati . In. other- words, Vahgala
ancj Bhati have been made identical. The term Vahgala is thus used to denote
the people of Bhati ri.e., the southernmost region of Vanga, who used to bear
long beards. It has been further suggested that the Vangalas were at first
settled on east of the Brahmaputra and later on invaded and occupied Vanga
in the 10th - 11th century A.D. Majumdar identifies Vahgaladesa with the
region round Chittagong district, the original habitat of the Palas and the
113
Chandras. This view of Majumdar has been, however, challenged by Sircar
. 114
Instead, Sircar makes Vanga identical with Gangaridae of the classical writers
On the other hand, Ganguly has tried to show that from the 11th - 14th century
Vahgala denoted Dacca district which again formed a part of Vanga. It appears
that Vanga and Vahgala denoted the same region and peoples : the former
was the most ancient name and the latter, a popular Bengali dialectical form
of the early medieval period. One Nepalese inscription, however, refers to
 342

Vangala in the sense of the whole of Bengal^. The Tarikh-i-Firuz-shahi

similarly applies the term Vangala to denote the whole of Bengal, and during
Akbar's time Bengal was indeed Subah-Bangalah^^.

Evidently, it appears that in ancient times Vanga and Vangala were

generally used synonymously, one in the sense of the country and the other,
peoples who were inhabitants of East Bengal in general and of its southern
parts in particular. But Hemachandra in his Abhidhana-Chintamani
— t (of the
12th century A.D.) actually identifies the Vangas with the peoples called
Harikelas (Vangastu-Harikeliyah, i.e.,the Vangas are the Harikeliyas)?

In the face of all these confusing and conflicting details regarding

the; location of the Vangas and the identity of the Vanga country, it is very
difficult to earmark or to draw any sharp line of the territorial limits of
the spatial distribution of the Vangas in ancient Bengal. But the fact that
emerges is that the term Vanga was used both in a wider and narrower sense.
In a broader sense, Vanga comprised perhaps the whole of Bengal excluding
certain parts of West Bengal. In its narrower sense, Vanga, however, denoted
the entire area of Eastern Bengal including its South-eastern parts. Some
have gone to the extent of contending that the Vanga country in ancient
118
times was represented by Dacca and Chittagong divisions only . But in
reality, the extent of Vanga far exceeded the limtis of these two divisions.
It has been further suggested that the ancient Vanga was bounded on West
by the Brahmaputra, on South by the Ganges and the sea, on East by the
- 119
Meghna and on North, by the Khasi hills

vii) Language and Culture :

Very little is known about the physical characters and cultural
patterns of the Vanga people from early literary texts or inscriptions. In
the M afijusrl-Murakalpa it has been stated that in Vanga, Harikela and Samatata,
the peoples spoke the Asura-speeclP^. This is a clear indication that the
Vangas spoke a non-Aryan tongue. The Vanga language is, however, said to
possess a poetic character. This becomes evident from the Saduktikarnamrita
which compares it with the flow of the Ganges, i.e., fluent like the current
of the Ganga . Again, the dialect spoken by the Vangalas possesses a distinct
regional character and is different from the one spoken in West Bengal. Not
• ..122
Language only that, even there is a. reference to Vahga-lipi . It implies
script ■ that even in Vangadesa, a characteristic alphabet developed. In
the Natyasastra of Bharata, the Vahga country along with other Eastern countries
• _ 123
is said to have adopted the local usage called Odramagadhi . It has been
already stated that the very term Vahga may be of foreign origin, either
Tibeto-Burman or Austro-Asiatic/Dravidian. The Aryans of Upper India were
little conversant with the language of the people of this Eastern area. Their
utterances sounded also like those of the birds. This might be one of the
reasons of their being described as brids. Accordingly, the Vahgas were outside
the fold of Aryan speaking zone. It is quite likely that the language spoken
by the Vahgas were primarily of Austro-Asiatic origins. This will be evident
from a linguistic analysis even of the present day Bengali language of the
Indo-Aryan affiliation.

The Vahgas were expert artisans excelling in weaving textiles.

From the account of the manufacture of cotton fabrics as given in the Arthasas-
*

tra, it appears that the Vahgas excelled in weaving textiles. It has been stated
that the Vahga country was very well-known for best cotton fabrics. Kautilya
has specifically noted that white and soft textiles werp manufactured in the
Vahga country ( Vahgakam svetamsnigdham dukulam)*^. Again, the cotton
fairies of Vahga, Mathura, Kalinga, etc., are said to be of the best quality

(Vahgakam Karpasikam Sreshthan). Further, as the Vahgas lived in the region

criss-crossed by rivers and bounded on one side by the sea, it is quite likely
that they would turn themselves to become sea-faring peoples. In fact, from
very early times, the Vahgas have been expert navigators and sailors. The
account given by Kalidasa in his Raghuvamsa reveals that the Vahgas fought
against the king Raghu from their boats. Mukundarama in his Chandimangala
speaks of the Vangalas as good sailors. In this respect, it may be also noted
that even today the people of Chittagong and Noakhali regions are reputed
sailors. The peoples from the Bhati areas,i.e.,primarily the Vangalas are even
125
today well-known sailors . In ancient times as well, the Vangas went to
far off lands and-colonised many places of South-east Asia. Before the spread
of Brahmanical religion in the Vahga country, the Vahgas adopted Buddhism
as referred to in the Nagarjunikonda inscription of the 3rd century A.D. But
 344

from indeterminable times, Gangasagar has been a holy place, and it is because
of this Tirtha-kshetra that the stigma of unholiness of the Vanga country
and the taboo on paying a visit to this land were considerably modified. Vanga
is also mentioned as one of the 18 tlrthas as referred to in the Kularnava-
126
tantra . Again, the king Srichandra is said to have established 8 Mathas
/- * t *
(temple/cel) in Srihatta-mandala. Of these four are called Vangala meaning
• . 127
thereby that these were located in the Vangala country . Besides, there
are also faint indications that the non-Aryan Vangas were primarily animistic
and totemistic peoples as well. The snake worship was very common as it
is | today. It is not also unlikely that the Vangas were Cherapadas because
of their totemic affiliation with the birds. Besides, the Vangas might have
been also so called because of their speech which was unintelligible like sounds
produced by birds. This implies that the Vangas were speakers of a non-Aryan
language which was perhaps of Austro-Asiatic affiliation. Accordingly, their
culture and religion appear to have been primarily derived from the same
source, i.e.; Austro-Asiatic.

viii) Ethnic Affiliation and Identity :

The Vangas as the oldest peoples of Bengal have left behind no
trace of their surviving elements to recount the glorious deeds of their ancestors,
and as such, it is not possible to identify them with any particular living
community of today. The primaiy reason: appears to be that unlike other
tribal communities like the Pundras, etc.; the Vangas were largely mixed up
with all other peoples in such a way as not to leave any trace of their separate
existence or identity. This happened* in their both ethnic and cultural spheres.

It has not been possible also to determine the ethnic identity of

the Vangas. If the people of Eastern Bengal are recognised as the descendants
of the ancient Vanga people, it may be contended that at present they are
distinctly of mixed ethnic origins. That the people of the ancient Vanga country
are represented today mostly by the people of East Bengal is clearly attested
to by the widely used expression Vangala denoting the people of Vangadesa
or Vangaladesa as referred to in the Tirumalai inscription of Rajendra Choia
 345

I OQ

of the 11th century A.D. . There is, however, little doubt that the Vangas
were perhaps the most ancient known peoples of Bengal. In that case, they
may be affiliated to Austric language-speaking peoples who are to be again
ethnically included within the Australoid racial stock and whose surviving
remnanats are still to be found predominant amongst those who form the
bulk of the population of the lower orders of the Bengali people, Hindus and
non-Hindus.

ix) Observation :
The Vangas were outside the pale of Brahmanical culture, and
their country Vahga lay beyond the outlined limits of the Aryavarta or Brahma-
varta. The early texts accordingly branded the Vangas as the Asuras, the
Dasas and the Dasyus, and an injunction was laid down in the Dharmasutras
prohibiting the Aryans from traversing the land of the Vangas branded as
impure/despised, and anybody doing so would have to be purified by the perfor­
mances of purificatory rites. Subsequently, this injunction was modified stating
that traversing the Vahga country for the purpose of pilgrimage might be
tolerated. This implies that even in very early times there were centres of
pilgrimage in the Vahga country, the sacredness of which was highly recognised
in l!he Aryandome. The earlier injunction thus modified might have facilitated
and opened the channel of the infiltration of the Aryans bearing the torch
of Brahmanism to the land of the Vangas, and this had again accelerated
the process of Brahmanization in this part of the sub-continent. As to the
identity of the primary centre of pilgrimage, a particular reference has been
already made to the Gangasagar-tirtha in the ancient Vahga country, which
even today attracts thousands of pilgrims even from the very core centre
of the Brahmanical culture. In early times as well, the Vahga country had
a great potentiality of encouraging settlements by all kinds of peoples belonging
to diverse ethnic and cultural groups, and as such, a grand milieu was created
which completely wiped out the individual or separate existence of the ancient
Vangas and their surviving elements. It is also surprising that the early literary
texts furnish little information regarding the physical features and cultural
characteristics of the ancient Vangas. The implication is that even in ancient
times, the Vangas lost their individuality or separate identity because of
their amalgam on a large scale with other peoples. In the absence of any
 346

positive evidence regarding their physical features and cultural patterns it

may be, however, presumed that the ancient Vangas might have originally
belonged to the Australoid ethnic stock and Austin -Asiatic language family.
Subsequently, other peoples belonging to the Mediterranean ethnic stock and
Dravidian linguistic family got inextricably mixed up with the primitive Vangas.
This process continued through long centuries, and many other peoples joined
the milieu. Traces of surviving elements of many linguistic, ethnic and cultural
groups may be now detected more particularly amongst those who belong
to the lowest orders of the. Hindu society. Though the ancient Vangas lost
their racial, linguistic or cultural identity, they no doubt made basic contribu­
tions by giving their own name to this country now called Bengal and also
to the composition of her peoples and culture as a whole.

n. The PUNDRAS
• •

Next to the Mangas, another important and widely known non-Aryan

tribal community of ancient Bengal is the Pundra, and the peoples belonging
to this community have been variously called as Pundras,
„ >>
Paundras,
r~i
Paundrikas,
^
etc.

(i) Derivation and Meaning ;

The word Paundrika in the Rigveda, the Brahmanas, the Aranyakas
ri • ** 130
and the Upanishads. denotes blossom of the lotus flower . Pundarisraja
131 ^ means
means a wreath of the lotus leaves . But the term Paundra actually
sugarcane ( ikshu ) of a particular specis called Punri, or Pudi which in Bengali
language is commonly called Akh, i.e., sugarcane1 . In the Amarakbsha,
Pundra or Paundra is actually referred to as a variety of sugarcane 133 . From
the nomenclature, it appears that this particular tribal community was perhaps
named after sugarcane,i.e.,a totemistic name. Significantly, the terms Pundraka,
Paundrika, Paundra , Pundra. etc., are sometimes used synonymously, more
'• * r ~ • • ........... ....' ' ' '

particularly in the Mahabharata which refers to the name under various forms
as : Savaiigan sa Paundrodran ( 111.51.22 ) ; Ahga Vartgascha Pundrascha
Sanavatya gayastatha ( 11.52.16 ); Vangah Kalinga Magadhastamraliptah
* * 1 *

Sapundrakah (11.52.18H Utkala Mekalah Paundrah Kalingandhrascha (VII.4.8).

* * • « t t i

In the Ramayana as well a reference has been made to Punda. But in the
 Arthasastra the name occurs in the form of Paundra. The Agni-purana also
refers to the name as Paundra. Again, in the great Epic and the Puranas,
135 ’
the Paundrakas are distinguished from the Pundras . Accoridngly, some
scholars like Pargiter think that the Pundras and Paundras are two distinct
136 1-1
tribes occupying two different territories . But in most of the early literary
texts and inscriptions no such distinctions have been drawn between these
two designations 137 . Both the terms have been, however, synonymously used
to denote one single tribal community and the country inhabited by its members.
Pundra was again the name of a prince of the Lunar dynasty and a son of
138
the king Bali, and the people and the country were named after him
Indeed, the Paundras were the peoples of the country called Paundra or Pundra
named after them.

(11) Early References ;

The earliest reference to the Pundras as a group of peoples occurs
in the Aitareya-Brahmana along with other peoples like the Andhras, the
Savaras, the Pulindas and the Mutivas. ( Antan vah praja-bhakshlshteti ta
etyendhyah Pundrah 5>avarah Pulindah Mdtivah dasyudatya vahavo bhavanti
~ • • • ■ * ~ 1

Vaisvamitra dasyunam bhuyishthah) . Thus Pundra is the name of a group

• •

of peoples who were regarded as outcastes and allied with the Dasas and
the Dasyus in the Aitareya-Brahmana 140 . The same Brahmana-text also narrates
Early the story of the origins ’ of all these peoples 141 . In Patanjali's
Brahmanical^afoabhashya ( 4.2.52 ), Pundra is mentioned along with Anga, Vanga
i • * . > 7^
and Suhma ( Anganam-Visaye-ngah Vangah Suhmah Pundrah). The
..r-, , ,„n,r ^ ' , T» “I

Pundras as allied to the Dasas and the Dasyus are also mentioned in the later
3
Sutras, the Dharamasastras, the Epics and the Puranas. The Pundras or Paundrakas
are frequently mentioned in the Drona and Asvamedha parvas (93.44; 29.15-16)
of the Mahabharata. Along with the allied tribes like the Andhras, the Savaras,
the I Pulindas, etc., the Pundras have been also specifically described in the
/• ** 144
Dharmasastras as composed mostly of the Dasyus . Even the land of the
Paundras came to be known after them as Pundradesa. This has been clearly
stated in the Mahabharata (Adiparvan) as : Anga-Vanga-Kalingascha Pundrah
Suhmascha te sutah/Tesham Desah Samakyatah svanamakathita bhuvi^.
....... 1 1 " ... " .... ‘i • I' ................•

The Pundras and their city named after them have been also referred
to occasionally in both the Buddhist and 3aina texts. In the 3aina (Kaipasutra,
 348

G5dasa(discipld °f Bhadravahu) classified the Jainas of Eastern India into

146
4 branches, one of which was Pomdavaddhaniya or Punyavardhaniya. Here
.is a distinct reference to Pundravardhana which might have been a 3aina
147
religious centre as well. In the later Buddhist texts there are also references
to the city of the Pundras in the Eastern region. The Divyavadana makes a
• • 1

specific reference to Pundravardhana. In the Asokavadana and the Divyavadana

Jaina there are also references to the persecution of the Buddhists
8nd j —
Buddhist anc** suPressi°n °* Buddhism in this part of India. The Aryamah-
texts i.jusrimulakalpa contains an expression i Paundrodrah, i.e., the
Pundras and the Odras. 150 According to a Tibetanr"i legend,
r
Nagarjuna
_ ■ ,c.
is said to have built Viharas in Pundravardhana. But the veracity of the
legend has not yet been fully established. In the Vishnu-purana, the Pundras
along with the Angas, the Vangas, the Klingas and others are mentioned as
belonging to the tribal communities (Anga-Vahga Kalinga-Suhma Pundrasyam
k * 152 ^
valeyan Kshatram ajanyata). Pundravardhana is also mentioned in other
Puranas like the Bhagavata (9.30), the Padma, the Matsya, the Skanda, the
Markandeya, the Brahmanda and also in the Unanafnava .Tantra as quoted
” ^ _ 153
in the Tantrasaraj-.. Pundravardhana named after the Pundras was indeed
th^ir city par excellence! .

(iii) Ascendancy to Power :

From the Brahmanical texts it would be evident that the Pundras
along with other allied tribes played an important role in political affairs
of Northern India. They also entered into conflicts or alliances with the rulers
of Upper India and were found to have been subjugated sometimes by the
latter.This role of the Pundras becomes clear from the account given in the
Mah&bharata. In the Dronaparvan of the Mahabharata, Vasudeva is said to
r—^ 154 . ,
have defeated the Pundras along with other allied peoples. In the Harivamsa
and Matsya-purana, Vasudeva has been also described as a soverign ruling
* 1 55 z'
over the Pundras. Not only that, in the Harivamsa the Magadhan king
Jarasandha is said to have held his sway over the Pundras and other neighbouring
tribes/ From different Par vans of the M ahabharata, it is further learnt
that the Pandavas held sway over the Pundras, and Karna is said to have
brought troops from Pundra and other neighbouring countries in the battle-field
157
at Kurukshetra.
 349

It thus follows that the Pundras had established an independent

kingdom and played an important role in the political affairs of Northern
India. They appear to have also fought hard to maintain their political integrity.
It, however, appears that the Pundras could not succeed to uphold their political
sovereignty for a long time, and they might have lost their soverign authority
to the rulers of the neighbouring kingdoms.

(iv) Origins :
Rgarding the origins of the Pundras, a detailed account can be
obtained from the Aitareya-Brahmana.1 It is said that Visvamitra cursed
his fifty sons when they refused to agree with his proposal relating to the
recognition of S^unahsepa as his son to the effect that they would be relegated
to the lowest caste orders of the society. As a result of this curse, the sons
✓ -
of Visvamitra became known as Andhra, Pundra, Savara, Mutiba, etc., occupying
159 rs
the lowest rank of the society. The same legend is to be found in the
Sankhyayana-Srauta-Sutra with the names modified as Andhrah-Pundrah-Sabarah,
• 1-1 1 ~ ~

etc. In most of the literary texts, the Pundras or Pundrakas like the Vangas
are again said to have been composed of the Dasyus and the Dasas. It is
stated in the Mahabharata that Pundra with his brothers became the Dasyus.
According to another section of the Mahabharata, he became a Mlechchha
as well.n has 5een ajso narrated that the Pundras along with the Sakas,
the Dravidas, the Chinas and the Khasas were born out of'Nandini's (Vasishtha's
sacred cow) flanks. Again, it has been further stated in the Mahabharata
that the Pundras, the Abhiras, the Savaras,the Dravidas, etc., fled to the
hills out of fear of Parasurama, and thereby they became the Sudras (Vrishalas).^^
Bjjt in the Manusamhita, the Paundrakas, the Dravidas, etc., are described
to have been originally Kshatriyas and later on became relegated to the position
s __
of the Sudras because of their non-performance of the Vedic Samskaras and
165
of the absence of their contact with the Brahmanas. Manu further states
that they are outside the influence of the four Varnas, and they are known
166 1
as the Dasyus. In the Mahabharata, the Pundras have been frequently
referred to as non-Aryans or Asishta peoples.^'7 Again, in the Adiparvan
»

of the Mahabharata, the Pundras along with their allied peoples have been
* *" 168
described as eponymous sons of the king Vali. It is stated that the Pundras
169
were the sons born of Sudeshna by the Rishi Dirghatama. Similarly, from
the Matsya-purana it is learnt that Pundra, Anga, Vanga, Sumah and Kalinga
» * ’
 350

were the five sons of Sudeshna, the wife of the king Vali by the sage
Dirghatama.*^ In the Vishnu-purana, it has been stated : Tamat Vaiih yasya.v
kshetra Dirghatamasa Ahga-Vanga-Kalihga. Not only that, the Puranas and
the Dharmasastras describe them also as the Dasas and the Dasyus^ubsequently,
however, it has been stated in certain texts that the Paundras were originally
Kshatriyas, but later on relegated to the position of the Sudras because of
their non-performance of the Vedic rites. In this connection, a particular
reference may be made to the ---------------
Manusamhita which includes the -----P,-
Paundrakas,
----
i (

the Odras, the Dravidas, the Sakas, the Paradas, the Kiratas, the Daradas,
• "rvr'ni

the Khasas, the Chinas, the Pahlavas, etc., as Kshatriyas, but reduced to
✓ 17?
the position of the Sudras. The commentator Medhatithi while commenting
✓
on Manu's Sloka remarks that the Paundrakas were Kshatriyas, but reduced
173
to the status of the Sudras. In the Brahma-Vaivarta-purana, the Paundras
174
are said to have originated from a Vaisya father and a Saundika (Sunri) mother.

There are also other references in the Epics and the Puranas wherein
the origins of the Paundras have been traced from mythological persons.
It has been generally stated that the ancestor of the Pundras was the king
Pundra who is taken to be 23rd in descent from Puru as described in the
Harivarhs'a. Similarly, in the Vishnu-purana and Srimadbhagavata, Pundra is
said to be 13th or 14th in descent j from Anu. The Agni, -the Brahma and the
^ —L*..—T — ■ ■

Vayu Puranas also tell the same story. All these stories appear to be later
fabrications. From these confusing details about the origins of the Pundras,
the fact that emerges is that the Pundras originally belonged to a non-Aryan
tribal community, and it was only after their Aryanization that diverse attempts
were 'made to trace their origins variously, and in all cases they have been
relegated to a low social position.

(V) Distribution and Settlement :

Regrding the original homeland of the Pundras and their settlement
in Bengal there are also diverse accounts in the early literary texts. In almost
all texts, the Pundras have been placed in Eastern India, more particularly
in Northern Bengal. According to the Divy5vadana, the Pundras had their
in the settlement in Northern Bengal.1 0 It is also evident from a perusal
Meha- ^ literary references that the Pundras might have migrated
bh&rata 1*
from West to North Bengal. The Mahabharata speaks of the Pundras
and other allied peoples like the Aparantas, the Khasas, the Kakas, etc.,
as the dwellers on the sea-side. 177 At the same time, the Pundra country
 178
has been placed to the east of Monghyr. Again, in the Adi-parvan of the
Mjahabharata (104.50), Pundra has been stated to be a neighbouring; territory
179 * f
of Anga, Vanga, Kalinga, etc. ("Anga Vangah Kalingascha Pundrah
Suhmascha te sutah Tesam desah samakhyatah svanamakathitabhuviMj

An examination of the account given in the Sabhaparvan of the

Mahabharata indicates that the Pundra country was bounded on West by Anga
and the Kausiki marshes, on North by the Kiratas, on South-east by theVangas
and on South-west bytheeSuhmas along with the Tamraliptas. Again, in
the Bhismaparvan and Vanaparvan of the great Epic, the Pundra country has
been specifically located as bounded on East by the river Karatoya, on West
by a stream lying to the east of the Kausiki, on South by the South-east
In the branch of the Ganges and on North by the jungles, hills and the
Ramiyann ■^ract 0f tj-,e Kiratas.^ Moreover, in the Mahabharata, the Pundras
and other ------------------------- •' jg2
texts have been often linked with the Vangas, the Kiratas and the Angas.
Accordingly, it appears that the Paundras might have occupied an intermediate
territory between the lands of the Angas, the Vangas and the Kiratas. The
Ramayana (Kishkindhyakanda) refer to Pundra as one of the Eastern kingdoms.
In the Arthasastra, Kautilya refers to the product called Paundrika along
with Magadhika (product of Pundra and Magadha), and the Agni-purana mentions
183 -
the Pundra country of the South-east. Again, the Aryamahjusri-mOlakalpa
combines Pundra with Odra (Paundrodrah). Because of the linkage of the
Pundras with these peoples, Chaudhuri holds the opinion that the Pundras
184
lived somewhere to the West or South-east of the Vanga country.

On the basis of the data supplied by the Mahabharata and the

Markandeya-purana, it has been, however, pointed out by Pargiter that the
** • *
Pundra territory was perhaps surrounded by Kasi on Noth, Anga on North-east,
Vanga and Suhma on East and Odra on South-east. This, no doubt, refers
185
Deductions to the Chhotanagpur plateau. But from other accounts relating
to the Pundra country it would be evident that the Pundras might have occupied
the regions now included in the districts of Maldah, Purnea and parts of Dinajpur
ig£
and RajsShi districts. Besides, that the Pundras were once spread over
the districts of the Santal Pargana, Birbhum and Hazaribagh is attested to
by their linkage with the Odras, the Utkaias, the Mekalas, the Kalingas and
the Andhras. This is also supported by the contention of Wilson who after
 352

taking into consideration the Pauranic evidences pointed out that the Pundras
might have dwelt in the area covered by the district of Rajsahi, Dinajpur,
Rangpur, Nadia, Blrbhum, Burdwan, Mindapur and Jangalmahal.

There is, however, a little doubt that the Pundras were primarily
peoples of Eastern India. Bharata in his Natyaslastra includes Pundra in the
list of the Eastern countries like Anga, Vanga, Kalinga, etc., wherein the
I $$
local usage known as Ardha-magadhi was adopted. This is also supportd by
both the Ramayana« and the Mahabharata
_______ as well. In the Kishkindhyakanda
,,
of the Ramayana, Pundra has been mentioned specifically as an Eastern kingdom:
"Magadhamfcha-mahagraman Pundramsta sathaiva cha". This contention is
also borne out by the Mahabharata and the Pur anas. The Epic reference
to the location of the Pundra country in the East is confirmed by the account
/ ** 1 g9
given byRajasekhara in his Kavyamimarhsa in the following words : Baranasyah
Puratah Purvadesah yatra Ahgakalingakosalatosalotkala/M agadha-Mudgara-
Videha-Nepala-Pundra-Pragjyotisha-Tamaliptaka/M alada M allavarttaka Suhma
Brahmottara Pravrtayah danapadah //. It would thus be evident that the Pundra
country is to be placed in the East along with Pragjyotisha and Tamralipta.
This becomes evident also from the Buddhist, text Divyavadana wherein Pundra-
vardhana or the country of the Pundras has been described as the eastern
Pundras boundary of the Madhyadesa (Purvenopali Pundravardhanam nama
placed
nagaram), and in
the Avadanakalpalata, Pundravardhana is said
in East
r 190
to have covered 160 Yojanas to the east of Sravasti.

Besides, there are also a few references to Pundra in the Southern

direction as well. In the Ramayana (Kishkindhyakanda) Sugrlva asked Angada
and others to enter into the areas of the Pundras, the Keralas, etc., on the
Godavan : Nadim Godavarichaiva Sarvamevanupasyatah/Tathaivandhranscha
Pundramscha Chotan Pandyanschakerala^^ //.
i • _" ~~ ' 11'' 'r • *

1 The Vishnu-purSna contains also references to the Pundras of the

I • * ^ j 92
South : Pundrah Kalinga Magadha Dakshinyatyascha Sarvvasah/.
™| ri ■"
Similarly, " ....... . ......

the M arkandeya-purana refers to the Pundras of South India : Pundrascha

-----------rr—i----C------ — “ I 93 '*
Pundras Keralaschaiva golangula stathaivacha. In the Mahabharata (Santiparvan
in South g«|. i76) as well the Pundras have been mentioned along with
the Pulindas, the Ramathas, the Kambojas, etc., who were also peoples of
South India. This is also partly "supported by the Brihatsamhita which refers
 194a
to the settlement of the Pundras near the Golangula tribe (of the South).
That the Pundras might have been peoples of the Deccan/South India is also
partially corroborated by the epigraphic records. The Kudlur plates of Narasimha
I Q C

(780 A.D.) refers to the Vanga, Pundra, Magadha and Kosala kings. The
Pundras have been also referred to in the record of the Rajarngtla II (904
A.D.). -It also appears that the Hoysala monarch subjugated the Pundras. A
record (dated 1169 A.D.) refers to the Pundra and Andhra rulers f.iguring
amongst those who trembled before the monarch Narasimha. Such references
may or may not, however, indicate the presence of the Pundras in South
India. Even the Pundras of Bengal might have been also referred to. At the
same time, the possibility of the infiltration of the Pundras from North to
South can not be also altogether denied.

It would thus appear that the Pundras might have moved also to
South India or they might have dispersed in different parts of Northern India
from South. In the opinion of Pargiter, the Pundras had made Bengal their
Deductions home and thence moved Southwards as other tribes did in the early
centuries of the Christian Era.The first proposition is supported by the supposed
infiltration of the Austro-Asiatic peoples from North-east.There is of course
another possibility of their migration or movement through South India. All
these presumptions are, however, based on the hypothesis that the Pundras
were Austric peoples. But the fact appears that the Pundras might have been
also peoples of the South, and it is not also quite unlikely that the Pariyas,
the untouchables of today, are the remnants of the ancient Pundras.

From the available materials, it may be, however, contended that

the original homeland of the Pundras in the context of their settlement in
"Bengal may be located in Chhotanagpur and its neighbouring regions, from
where they might have moved in the direction of North-east and gradually
established themselves more particularly in North Bengal, and as such, the
area came to be known after them as Pundravardhana or Pundra country.
Movements The Pundras who settled in North Bengal were again close associates
and settle- Qf thg At^as the Vangas, the Suhmas and the Kiratas. It has been
ment In
Northern pointed out by Sen that the Pundras might have migrated from
Bengal Chhotanagpur to the North-east direction and settled in Northern
Bengal by about 3rd or 2nd century B.C., when the oldest authentic reference
° 196 * - * ■
to Pundranagara occurs in the Mahlsthan inscription. From this inscription,
 359

The Pundras originally belonged to a primitive tribal community

and naturally so, their religious beliefs and practices were mostly governed
by animism, totemism and magic. That, they formed a totemic group is evident
from the very name Pun^ra which has been derived from the word 'Punri'
231
or 'Pudi1, i.e., sugarcane. But with the spread of Buddhism in Eastern
India, the Pundra country was greatly affected, and perhaps many peoples
were converted into Buddhism. Brahmanism also had a stronghold over the
Religion Pundra country. This would be evident from the account of Hiuen
Tsang who in the 7th century A.D. observed 20 Buddhist monasteries and
above 3000 brethern and 100 Deva-temples. 232 Not only that, even the
Digambaras and Nferanthas had their separate establishments. The Chinese
233
traveller has also given a detailed account of the great Po-shi-po monastery.
Again, the Paharpur grant (478 A.D.) refers to Pundravardhana as a great
234
seat of the Jaina pontiffs as well. The Kalaikuri Copper plate inscription
235
also contains some references to the inhabitants of the city. It would
thus appear that Brahmanism, Buddhism and Jainism flourished side by side
in the country of the Pundras.

From the tribal and rural settings the Pundras emerged as urbanized
people as well. This would be clear from an account of their capital city
Pundranagara and Pundravardhanabhukti as given in both epigraphic and literary
documents. In the Mahasthangarf' inscription of the 3rd century B.C., the
cit^ of Pundranagara has been specifically mentioned/236 In the Sanchi-stupa
237
Political inscription there is a reference to Punavadhana. In the Divyavadana,
238
the city of Pundravardhana is mentioned, and so also in the Katha-Sarit-Sagara.
The Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang has also given a detailed account of the
city of Pun-na-fa-tan-na. He says that the city was about 30 li in circuit,
and at a distance of 20 li to the west was the great monastery Po-shi-po,
Jt33 • -----------
the ruins of which have been unearthed. The city was populous and flourishing
and was adorned with tanks, hospices and flower-groves. 240

In the Aryamahjusrlmulakalpa, the name of Pundravardhana occurs

and so also in the Rajatarangini$r During the Gupta period Pundravardhana
4

was not only a city, but also a Bhukti which included the whole of North
Bengal, and in the Pala-Sena period, Pundravardhana had a still wider connotation
denoting sometimes the whole of Bengal. Again, in some medieval Sanskrit
 360

texts occur the name of Paundradesa denoting even the whole of Eastern
242 r*
India. Such a claim has ofcourse a little veracity. A glowing account of
the capital city of Pundravardhana has been also given by SandhyakaranandT
City of in his Ramacharita. He has made a particular reference to the
the 243
Pundras exquisite grandeur and beauty of the city. The Pundras actually
rose above the primitive tribal cultural label, and some of them
certainly became so much urbanised as they could build wonderful cities
and carry on administrtion most effectively over a wide belt of territory.
But it is almost certain that by the time of the Ramacharita, i.e., about
the 11th and 12th century A.D., waves of several tribes had swept over Bengal
and the Pundras gradually lost their identity in a grand mili eu that had taken
place in Bengal.

(vi) Ethnic Affiliation and Identity :

No positive information is, however, obtainable regarding the ethnic
characters of the Pundras. It has been already pointed out that they might
have migrated from the Chhotanagpur region to North Bengal. If it be so,
it is quite likely that they belonged to the same racial stock to which the
tribal peoples of Chhotanagpur were/are affiliated. It may be noted in this
connection that the Pundras might have been Austro-Asiatic language speakers
as well like other tribal peoples of Chhotanagpur. If this contention is accepted,
it may also be presumed that the Pundras perhaps belonged to Australoid
Pundaris ' racial stock like other peoples of Eastern India. This presumption
Puhros would be considerably borne out by a perusal of the physical charac-
• ters of the surviving remmants of the ancient Pundra people. There
are at present some communities living in different parts of Bengal who may
be recognised as the surviving remnants of the ancient Pundras. These are
the Pundaris or Punros in the districts of Maldah, Rajsahi, Mursidabad and
Birbhum. The Punros of Birbhum are again to be equated with the Pods of
24 Parganas. 245 It is very significant to note that the Punros or Pods or
. 246
Pundarikas claim their descent from Pundra or Paundraka, the son of Bali.
In fact, Punqlarika or Pundarika. is even today a title of the present Pods
’ ’* 247
and the Kaibarttas or 3aliyas of Bengal who are all allied peoples.
I

Linguistically the term Paundra appears to have been transformed

into -----------
Prakrita —-----
and local dialect as Pod (Paundra*Paunda=Padma=Padda=Pod).
rz “ n ■

Similarly, Pundo may be also derived from Paundra or Pundra. It has been
 361

recorded in the Census Report of 1901 that the Pundaris or Puros are mainly
✓
found in Birbhum, Maldah, Rajsahi and Mursidabad. The name seems to
indicate that they are in reality the Pods, but by residing at a distance
Pods from the headquarter of the caste, they have gradually lost connec­
tion with the parent group, and the Puros of Maldah profess to know nothing
of the Pods of the district of 24-Parganas, though they admit that they
249
belong to the same caste as Puros of Birbhum district

In the Bengjili social structure, the Pundras do no doubt occupy

a very low position. But now-a-days, they claim themselves as descendants
250
of. the Kshatriyas. Actually, they call themselves l'lPundra-Kshatriya
"The educated members of the caste ( Pod ) claim for it a mixed descent
from a Kayastha father and a Napit mother. Others tell a story regarding
Origins, the miraculous birth of the first Pod from Revatl, the wife of
•151
position Balaram". Such attempts to redesignate the community claiming
and Kshatriya origin have been done with the main purpose of elevating
claims
their social position. But the fact remains that these peoples
belong to the lowest order of the Brahmanical society, and they are considered
in certain parts of Bengal as untouchables. The Pundras or Pods at present
constitute a fishing, cultivating, land-holding and trading caste, and they
are served only by the degraded Brahmanas. They are even denied any access
to the Hindu temples.

While speaking about the Pods Bankim Chandra Chatterji as

quoted in the Census Report of 1S72 referred to their "marked approach
to the Turanian and aboriginal type" of features, and he identifies them
with the Pundras mentioned in the Mahabharata as one of the five races
252
of Eastern India . Risley took anthropometric measurements of the Pods
of Bengal and described their physical characters as medium stature, mesoce-
phalic head, mesorrhinic nose and dark skin colour 253 . The average cephalic
and nasal indices and stature of the Pods as given by Risely are 77.7, 76.1,
254
and 1625 respectively . Thus the. Pods or the Punros or the Pundaris
Physical are largely mesocephalic and mesorrhine people. It has been,
f Rnturps
however, pointed out by Gait that both the Chandalas and the
Pods originated from the same stock 255 . It is not unlikely that the ancient
 362

Paundras were perhaps dolichocephalic and platyrrhine, and in course of

time, as a result of admixtures their physical features underwent certain
marked changes. The present physical charcters of their surviving representa­
tives, i.e.,the Pods speak also of their Australoid affiliation.

But the Punros ( Pundaris or Pundarikas), however, claim to belong

to a higher position than the Pods, and in fact, they claim to be descendants
of the Paundras or Pundras. But the Pods also claim their descent from
ZSG
the Paundrakas, a different community. This kind of differentiation between
Punros these communities can hardly be admitted. Risley and Gait consider
gpjjj *
Pods both °* t^iem as °f common origin. Again, both, the Pods and
the Punros claim to be Kshatriyas, and Gait remarks that "their claim to
Kshatriya rank probably arises from a faint resemblance of the days when
they were a ruling tribe in that part of the country", i.e., North Bengal 257
This is supported by the very fact that some Pods claim today as Padmarajas
or Paundrakshatriyas. But it is very difficult to say as to what extent the
Pods or Punros are the descendants of the ancient Pundras of hoary antiquity.
If any credence is, however, given to the present claim of the Pods or
Punros and if the linguistic transformation from Pundra to Pod or Punro
is taken into consideration, it may be presumed that the present Pods or
Punros are indeed the surviving remnants of the ancient Pundras. This is
also supported by ethnic and sociological considerations and also by the
present social status enjoyed by them in the Hindu society implying thereby
that these peoples originally belonged to an Anarya tribal community, and
that it is with the purpose of upgrading their social position that they are
now adVocatir^g the claim of their Kshatriya origin by calling themselves
Paundra-Kshatriyas. v

(yiii) Observation :
It may be observed that the ancient Paundras or Pundras were
perhaps originally Austric speakers belonging to the Australoid ethnic stock.
In ancient times, they were widely distributed over different parts of Bengal
enjoying a predominant position in all fields of activities. Subsequently,
they lost their position and became ; integrated into the Brahmanical fold,
but relegated to a low social position living as serfs. This continued for
 363

several centuries till the establishment of the Muslim hegemony in Bengal.

Risley in his Census Report of Bengal (1901) reported that the Namsudras
and the Paundra-Kshatriyas for making themselves free from the bondage
of servitude imposed by the Brahmanical society became converts to Islam
on a large scale. It is also reported that "the Namasudras aggregate about
18,61,000 and the Pods* nearly half a million : but large numbers have been
m
converted into Maharr^jsdanism and now call themselves Sheik. There are
ten and a half millions of Mcharrjpdans in the Dacca and Chittagong divisions,
and it has been shown that a great majority of them*are the descendants
of j converts from the ranks of these two castes". There might have been
also many such converts of the peoples of identical origins in the Southern
districts of the Presidency Division. It would be now safe to say that at
least 9 millions of the Maham^dans of Bengal proper belong to this stock.
In fact, many low caste Hindus like the Punros/Pundras with the purpose
of freeing themselves from the Brahmanical chain of servitude and bondage
became converts to Islam on a large scale and thereby proved to be the
most potential and foroeftfliT components of the Islamic Brotherhood. This
happened, however, in medieval period when the Muslim domiantion in Bengal
was fully established. In ancient times as well, the Pundras like other tribal
communities comingled with other peoples and integrated, themselves within
the Brahmanical fold. Despite their absorption like other cognate tribes,
the Pundras were relegated to a very low socio-economic position in the
Brahmanical hierarchy of Bengal as indicated by the present social status
of their modern representatives. It is, however, to be admitted that the
Pundras like other tribes by intermingling with any other peoples, high and
low, did certainly make veritable contributions in the ethnic and cultural
composition of the People of Bengal.

III. The SUHMAS AND The RADHAS

Like the Vangas and the Pundras, the Suhmas, another tribal
community of ancient Bengal, figure frequently in the early Indian literary
texts. It may be noted at the very outset that the country named after
the Suhmas is referred to in all its aspects, but not so much about the
peoples living therein and called as such. Accordingly, the present discussion
particularly centres round the country of the Suhmas rather than its peoples
about whom there are only a few side-references.
 364

Suhma is mentioned under various forms as Sumbha, Subbha,etc.,

in the Buddhist and Jaina texts. But in the Sanskrit texts, the name occurs
in the form of Suhma ( Sumabh + anak ) or Sauhma or Subhra. The common
name is, however, Suhma which is taken to be a Prakrita form, and in the
Vaidik Sanskrit, it is Suhma meaning fiercefui, aggressive, etc.

(i) Name :
The Suhma country was perhaps named after Suhma, the son
of Bali, as stated in the Mahabharata, and the Suhmas may be taken as
258
the descendants of Suhma or Bali . But it would be perhaps wrong to
presume that all peoples of the Suhma country were descendants of Suhma.
It may rather be said that the Suhmas were the peoples of the country
which was conquered by Suhma and thence named after him. This traditional
account of the naming of the country after Suhma is not, however, a very
ancient one because of the very fact that the word Suhma does not occur
either in the Early or Later Vedic texts. It may be accordingly presumed
that the Suhma country and its peoples came into prominence only when
Origins the people from upper India moved towards Bengal. That the
Suhmas were very important peoples of ancient Bengal is, however, borne
out by the references to Subharattha (Suhma+rashtra), Subhabhumi. etc.
Not only that, even a reference to the king of Suhma country has been
259
made in a work of the 7th century A.D. ( Harshacharitam ) . Dandin
260
refers to the story of the Suhmapati Tungadhanva

(ii) Early References :

The earliest reference to the Suhmas and their country is perhaps
to be found in the Acharanga-Sutra of the Jainas belonging to the 6th century
B.C. . Almost contemporaneous with this ancient Jaina work is the Samyutta-
262
Nikaya which also refers to the Suhmas . In the Jaina KalpasOtra, however,
Jaina and there occurs the expression Subhabhumi, i.e., the land of the
Buddhist Suhmas, which is said to have been visited by the great Jaina
saint Mahavlra^b . Sumbha of the Jataka story is of course the same as
Sumbhabhumi. The Jaina Bhagavatl-sutra, however, mentions Sumbhuttara,
i.e., Northern part of Sumbha (Suhma) as one of the sixteen Mahajanapadas
 365

Besides the 3aina and Buddhist works, frequent references to

the Suhmas and their country have been made in the Epic and the Puranic
texts. It is learnt from the Mahabharata that the Pandavas led their victorious
army in the Suhma country and defeated the Suhmas 265 . In the Adiparvan
of the Mahabharata it is stated that P&ndu defeated the Suhmas . The
Digvijaya section of the same Epic contains an account of the exploits
of Bhima who in course of his eastern campaigns defeated the Vahgas and
Epics then subjugated the Suhmas along with the Tamraliptas, Karvatas
and the peoples inhabiting the coastal region . (Suhmanam = adhipanchaiva
ye cha sagaranupavasinah, sarban Mlechchha-ganamschaivavijisye).
_ _ 268 Even
Karna is said to have defeated Suhma, Vanga and Pundra . Shafer thinks
that Karvata ( land of the Karvatas who have been identified with the Khar-
wars of Midnapur) lay between Vanga and Tamralipta on east and Suhma
on west or perhaps within the Suhma country. Nilakantha in his commentary
has, however, stated that the Suhmas and the Radhas are the same peoples
( Suhmah-Radhah
• • • ). In the Ramayana,• * r ^" the Suhmas have been mentioned
along with the Videhas, the Kosalas, the Magadhas, the Vahgas, etc.

Panim in his work perhaps refers to Suhma-riagara 271 . In the

Mahabhashya of Patanjali ( 2nd century B.C. ), a reference has been made
to the territory of the Suhmas along with the Pundras and the Vahgas,
(Vangah-Suhmah-Pundrah) . The Brihatsamhita simply places the Suhmas
’ 1 ' 1-1 "" 273 1 ■
in the Eastern Division . In this respect, Kalidasa in his Raghuvamsa
has, however, made a specific reference to the Suhma country by stating
that Raghu conquered the Suhmas on the seashore dark with palm trees.
( talivana-syamanupakanthammahodadheh) . Bana in his Harshacharita
has again made a pointed reference to a king of the Suhmas called Devasena
( Sauhmya) who was poisoned to death by his wife Devaki as she was in
love with his younger brother ( Vishamachurna-chumbita-makarandena cha
karnendivarena Devaki devar-anurakta Devasenam Sauhmyam
— ■ ■ "i ........... • ........... ■
). It would
................ . 1 .............. ............. . 1 ■■ .............. ................ d " ........

Other accoridngly follow that the Suhmas are to be associated with

texts the sea, and perhaps Tamraiipti was its southernmost region.
This is further supported by Dandin who in his Dasakumaracharita has described
276
Damalipti ( Tamraiipti ) as the city of the Suhmas . The indication is
that during the time of Dandin, Tamralipta might have been included within
theiSuhma country, though the MahSbharata separates it from the latter.
 366

Ol '• ’ I

In most of the Puranas. like the Vishnu, the Bhagavata, the Bhavishya,
the Matsya, the Kalki, the Vayu%etc., there are frequent references to the
Suhmas and their country which has been also included in the list of the
2 77
independent states . It would be evident from a perusal of all relevant
texts that the Suhmas were allied to the Angas, the Vangas, the Pundras,
etc. Dhoyi in his Pavanadutam refers to the building of an embankment
near the Gahga-Yamuna-Sarasvatf confluence in Suhma-des'a implying that
the whole region was within the Suhma country 278

(iii) Origins :
Regarding the origins of the Suhmas there are many traditional
and mythical stories recorded in the early texts. In the Mahabharata it
is stated that the Suhmas originated from Suhma, the son of Bali 279 . In
the Bhagavata-purana Suhma. is, however, said to have been born of Sudeshna
T 280
( Bali's wife ) by Dirghatama . In the same way, the2 _Vayu-purana
<
records
the Suhmas as a Balaya-Kshatra ( Brahma, a son of Bali ). The Mahabharata
relates again that the Suhmas along with the M lechchhas, the Pulindas,
the Khasas, the Yavanas, the Kambojas, the Savaras, etc,, sprang from the
282
body of Vena . This very story has been also repeated in many Puranas.

It would follow from the literary accounts about the origns of

the Suhmas that like all other peoples of foreign extractions or of indigenous
tribal origins the Suhmas have been also ascribed a mythical origin in a
subsequent period when they were' brought within thd fold of Brahmanism.
IiJ also appears that the Suhmas might have originated from intermixtures
with many other indigenous peoples of the land, and it is only in a later
period that their acceptance within the Hindu fold was mythologically traced.
The fact that emerges is that the Suhmas originally belonged to a non-Aryan
tribal community.

(iv) Settlements :
The Suhmas appear to have been one of the original tribal communi­
ties of ancient Bengal, and that they were generally confined within the
territory called after them, namely, Suhmades'a, the identification of which
 367

is indeed a difficult task nor it is possible to precisely determine its boundary-

limits which changed from time to time.

In the Jaina Acharangasutra and Kalpasutra, there are references

to Vajjabhumi and SubbabhGmi, the later denoting the Suhma coutnry. Subba­
bhumi or Svabhrabhumi simply means a country of ravines or ditches producing
corns, and Vajjabhumi denotes hard or rocky land. Both are, however, taken
283
to be the component parts of L3da or Radha . Accoridng to the Kalpasutra,
Subbabhumi, the pathless country of the Ladhas or Suhmas, was visited
by Mahavlra. Jacobi thinks that Vajjabhumi and Subbabhumi are identical.
284
He also identified the Suhmas with the Radhas . Besides these Jaina
Jaina and and Buddhist texts, there are other references to Subbabhumi
Buddhist ancj ajso tQ jts cjtjes ancj different parts. As for instance, the
texts
Jaina Bhagavati-sutra refers to Sambhuttara indicating perhaps
28.5
northern portion of the Suhma coutnry . In the Nikayas and the Jataka-stories
Desaka and Svetaka are mentioned as market-towns or cities of the Suhma
. 286
country

The Mahabharata in its different Parvas speaks of the Suhma

country in such a way as to create some confusions regarding its exact
287
location . From the account of Bhima's conquest in the Eastern region,
it would appear that the Suhma country was preceded by Tamralipta and
Vanga . The Sabhaparvan .of the Mahabharata, however, presents a clear
picture about the location of the Suhma country which appears to have
been bounded on west by Magadha, on north by Nepal, on east by the Lauhitya
and on south by the Bay of Bengal. The Mahabharata actually associates
the Suhma country with the Sea (Suhmanamadhipanchaiva ye cha ... sagaranu-
290
pavasinah ). Again, in the account of Bhima's Digvijaya it has been narrated
that from Videha he came to the country of the Kiratas, and from there,
"* & 291
he went to. the land of the Suhmas ( Kiratanam adhipatin^ayat sapta Pandavah
Here, it is interesting to note that in the Epic there is a reference to Prasuhma
which was invaded by Bhima. This Prasuhma was perhaps western Suhma
country. It is also stated that Bhima defeated all the peoples who lived
on the sea shore ( Suhmanam adhipanchaiva ye cha sagaranupa vasinah sarban
I t 292
M lechchha ganamschaiva virjjffye . Bhima is also said to have defeated
 368

the ruler of the Suhma country along with.those who lived on the sea shore
293
(Suhmanamadhipaftchaiva ye cha sagara-vasinah) . Thus Suhma was close
to the sea and Tam&lipta • And subsequently, Suhma included Tamralipta
294s
which became its capital ( Suhmeshu DSmalipta hvayasya ). This is
Epics further supported by the account of Digvijaya of Raghu given
and
by Kalidasa. Raghu's army marched like the Ganges to the Eastern
other
texts ocean and conquered the Suhmas on the sea-shore dark with
the palm trees ( t51ivana-sy5mam-upakantham mahSdadheh) . It would,
therefore, follow that the Suhma country definitely extended upto the sea,
and that Raghu came to the Vanga region after conquering* the Suhmas
who protected themselves against the invader like the cane plants protecting
against the sea waves ( atma-samrakshita Suhmair vrittir asr.tya vaitasim 296 ).
In the Markandeya-Purana, the Subhras ( Suhmas) have been also placed
* * 297
in the Eastern division

In this connection, a side-reference may be made to the account

of R-hien who visited Eastern India in the 5th century A.D. He has not
298
referred to the Suhma country nor did he pay any visit to it . Fa-hien
had to travel to Tamralipti bypassing the Suhma country. But unfortunately,
Fa-hien has made no reference to the ^uhma country. The natural presumption
would be that the Suhma country was perhaps at that' time integrated in
the Gupta empire, and it lost its separate existence. Instead, Tamralipta
came into prominence. It is further to be noted that even in the 7th century
aLd. Hiuen Tsang did not refer to the Suhma country, though he visited

Chinese Kie(ka)-lo-na-su-fa-la-ma (Karnasuvarna) and Tan-mo-li-ti (TSmra-

accounts liptaj^^. Therefore, the Suhma country by the time of Hiuen
Tsang appears to have been formed also into the Karnasuvarna kingdom.
The indication is that the Suhma country lost its importance as a separate
and independent entity by the time of Fa-hien and Hiuen Tsang.

It would be, however, wrong to suppose that the Suhma country

has not been referred to in any work anterior or posterior to the 7th century
A.D. In fact, even Dandin in his Dasakumaracharita (6th century A.D.)
speaks of the inclusion of Damalipta (Tamralipti) within Suhma country
 369

by stating : Suhmeshu Damaliptaly.fc-vasyasya nagarasya^^. Dandin, however,

has not failed to refer to Damalipta as a great centre of trade and commerce,
Existence apparently a port-city of the Suhma country . If this evidence
of Dandin is accepted, the inevitable conclusion would be that
country Tamralipta was not an independent country at that time, but
only a port-centre of the Suhma country. But with the establishment of
the Karnasuvarna kingdom, the Suhma country became perhaps compeltely
merged with it. This explains as to why Hiuen Tsang has not made any
reference to the Suhma country as such. It must not, however, be forgotten
that a contemporary work of Hiuen Tsang, i.e., Bana's Harashacharita refers
302
to the Suhma country . Subsequently, the Suhma country might have again
come into prominence. In the Brihatsamhita, Suhma is mentioned as an
Eastern country . In the Digvijayaprakasa there is, however, a specific
reference to the location of Suhma. It is stated : Gaudasya paschime bhage
viradesasya purva tah Damodarottare bh5ge Suhmadesah prakirtitah, i.e.,
Suhma lying on the northern part of the Dambdara, west of Gaudadesa
and east of Viradesa"^. Rajasekhara in his Kavyamlmamsa (10th century
305
A.D.) places the Suhma country in the Eastern part of the Aryavarta
Another work of the same century, namely, Karpuramanjari, uses the word
Radha instead of Suhma, implying thereby that Suhma and Radha became
interchangeable terms 306. This would be evident also from the Katha-sarit-
307
sagara (11th century A.D) wherein Radha instead of Suhma is mentioned
Similarly, in the Prabodha-Chandra-daya-nataka, Radha is mentioned instead
....... " " ' ' - 4 *

of Suhma.308 . .’ All these references certainly point to the fact that the name
Suhma was perhaps replaced by Radha or that teftn became interchangeable.
This would be further evident from a perusal of the later literary texts.
Dhoyl (12th - 13th century A.D.) in his Pavanaduta, however, refers to
the Suhma country lying along the valleys of the Bhaglrathr or Gahga
(GahRavIchi-plutaparisarah Saudhamala-vatamsp' yasyatuclfoaistayi ras5may5
visSmayam Suhmadesah^).

j
In this connection, it may be noted that the Matsya-purana refers
s— 210
to Brahm5ttara as one of the countries through which the Ganges flowed
 370

In the KavyamimSmsa both Suhma and BrahmSttara are mentioned as Eastern

311
countries . Alberuni also refers to .the Brahmottara country. It has been
also suggested that Brahma was the name of a Janapada in Radha, and
312
Brahmas and Suhmas formed one group of people . It is further stated
in the said text that after passing through Suhmadesa, Vijayapuri, (named
3d 3
Brahma after Vijayasena), the capital of the Suhma country was reached
J?nd But its identificationis as yet uncertain. It has been, however,
suggested that Vijayapura was not far away from the upper course
of the BhaglrathF, and it may be th/? same as Vijayanagar .pear .Deopara
314
where an inscription’ hai been found . Some have suggested that the city
is to be located in district, and others place it near Gaur in Maldah
315
Suhma district . Gradually, Suhma was replaced by Radha, a name
°nd, which became more popular. The Yoginl-Tantra (Purva-khanda)
Radha g ------ -------------------------------------------»-*-----
mentions only Radha. In the Tabaqat-i-Nasirr (13th century
317
A.D.) a reference has been also made to the Radha country only . In
other words Suhma-desa was replaced by Radha-desa as Suhma and Radha
became identical.

It would thus appear that the Suhmas were perhaps spread over
a large territory which included even in ancient tim^s -parts of the area
covered by the modern districts of Burdwan, Hfugli.^' Midnapur, Nadia,
pdrtions of Mursidabad and also of 24-Parganas,i.e.) extending upto the sea.

In other words, the land lying on west of the BhagirathT extending upto
the sea was included within the territorial jurisdiction of the Suhma country
wherein lived the Suhmas. From the account of Raghu's Digvijaya as given
by Kalidasa it appears that the Suhma people lived near the sea-coast or
318
perhaps on a great river with marshes full of canes . Raychaudhuri thinks
that TrivenI and Saptagrama area was the very nerve centre of the Suhma
31 9*
country . In the opinion of Sen, Kapisa actually formed the boundary
320
Extent and line between Suhma and Utkala . Here, a particular reference
theTsuhma may mac*e t0 t*ie Bhaturiya inscription wherein the Suhmas
country figure along with others who obeyed the command of the King
321
Rajyap&la . From this inscription it appears that the Suhma country corres­
ponded more particularly to West Bengal. In that case, the Suhmas were
perhaps the people par-excellence of West Bengal.
 371

Here, a particular reference may be made to Prasuhma and Brahma

or BrahmSttara mentioned along with Suhma. Even in the Aln-I-Akbarl,
322
Brahmottara is mentioned . Some suggest that it would be Suhmottara,
i.e.,North Suhma. Both Prasuhma and Suhmdttara can not be correctly located.
Both may be synonymous. It may be Vajjabhumi which is again mentioned
-r 323
as Brahmabhumi or Brahmottara in the Pavanaduta and Kavyamlmamsa .
Parasuhma That it was a part of Radha becomes evident from Dhoyi's Pavana-
^nd. .... duta wherein Suhma and Brahma are located on west of the Ganges.
Brahmottara ---------- °
Prasuhma of Mahabharata may be made equivalent to Brahmottara
or Brahma which in the Markandeya-purana is equivalent to Suhmottara.
i.e., Northern part of Suhma. This may be again equated with Brahma, Vajra
and Uttara-Radha of the inscriptions.

(v) The Radhas :

For a proper understanding of the Suhma peoples of West Bengal
and their country, it is necessary to deal with the R5dhas who became
once almost synonymous with the Suhmas. In fact, the name Suhma came
into disuse generally from the 12th century, and perhaps the last reference
to Suhmadesa is found in the Pavanaduta (13th century A.D) as : Gahgavrchi-
, ■ 324
plutaparisarah ... Suhma-desah

The Radhas are indeed the peoples of the Radha country which
is one of the four traditional territorial divisions of ancient Bengal correspon­
ding roughly to Western, Eastern, Northern and Southern Bengal, named
as Radha, Variga, Varendra and Bagdi respectively. All these four traditional
divisions are in vogue even today, and the peoples of these four regions
are also known accordingly.

Radha or Radha as a distinct territoriai unit of ancient Bengal

is frequently referred to in both literary and epigraphic records under various
forms which are indeed local or dialectical variations of a common ......
Prakrita
. -----
word. Diverse forms under which Radha appears are Radha, Rada, Ladha,
Lada, Lata, Lala, Rala, Radha, Radhi, Rarg, Rara, Ral .etc. Radha or IR-Srha
Forms of is no doubt a Sanskrit form of the Prakrita word Ladha. It is,
* " «

the name however, very significant to note that the Sanskritized Radha
and deri- °
vations or Radha does not occur either in the Epics or in any other Sanskrit
works earlier than the loth century A.D.325< It implies that the Sanskritization
 372

of the original Prakrita word was made in a later period because the earliest
reference to the -------
Prakrita
j----- form of Radha
, is to be found in a Jaina work
attributed to the 6th century B.C. The term RSdha means beautifying or
lustrous-\ Radha ( dha ) has also various other meanings such as crude,
aggressive, etc.

It is, however, in the Ayaranga-sutta, the earliest sacred book

of the Jainas, that the Prakrita form of Radha, i.e., Ladha is specifically
mentioned . According to this work the great Jaina master Mahavlra
travelled over the pathless countries of the Ladhas in Vajjabhumi and Subba­
bhumi wherein he was very badly treated by the wild and barbarous peoples
of the land who are stated to have struck the Jaina saint and set their
32 7
dogs after him . It is thus stated in the text : "Mahavira travelled in
the pathless countries of the Ladhas, in Vajjabhumi and Subbabhumi ...
many natives attacked him. Few people kept off the attacking and bitting
Ralphas dogs, striking the monk they cried Khukkhu ( = Chucchu ) and
Jaina*5 made the dogs bite him"^2^. The Jaina Kalpasutra relates also
texts the story of. the great Jaina Master's sojourn in Subbabhumi.
It has been stated by the commentator that Mahavlra spent sometimes
329
at, Panitabhumi in Vajjabhumi . A perusal of the Jaina .texts reveals that
J
Ladha comprised two distinct divisions, namely, Vajjabhumi-and SubbabhOmi 330
'

In the Tamil work Silappadhikaram, it is stated that the Chola king received
all sorts of presents from the conquered Northern territories, but the ruler
of Vajra maintained neutrality 331 . According to the commentator, this
/•_ 332
Vajra country was on the bank of the Son, near Magadha

As to the identification of the two parts of the Ladha country

as described in the Jaina texts, Jacobi is inclined to correlate Subbabhumi
with the land of the Suhmas who have been again equated with the Radhas 333
Regarding Vajjabhumi, it may be noted that the term appears to occur
in Asoka's edicts in the form of Vachabhumika and in the Hathigumpha
- 334
inscription, as Vajra which means hard or mighty or Vira . As such, the
term may be equated with Virabhuma, i.e., modern Birbhum or Barabhum.
But Barnett doubts the equation of Vajra with Vira. Vajjabhumi has been
again equated with Vijaya-bhumi identified with Sihghbhum and Manbhum.
 373

~ ' _ 335
Others have identified it with Vanjabhumi, i.e.,Mayurbhanj . But generally,
“ * 336
it is equated with Virabhumi.i.e., Birbhum . Raychaudhuri, however, connects
it with Mandaran in south-west Bengal as mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbarl,
337
i.e.> parts of Birbhum, Burdwan and H u gli districts . The word Vir has
Identity been supposed to be a Munda word meaning jungle, and Bhum
of two
denotes land. Thus Birbhum means jungle land. The names 3harkhand
parts of
Radha and 3angalmahal also denote jungle areas. In the Srichaitanya-
Charitamrita, there is a vivid account of the 3harkhanda areas infested
with wild animals, and this Oharkhanda territory includes Simbhum, Manbhum,
Mallabhum, Samantabhum and Varahabhum, i.e., the periphery areas of West
Bengal. In all these places live even today the most primitive peoples like
the Bhumijas and others. It has been further upheld by some that Subbabhumi
and Vajjabhumi might have corresponded with the southern, western and
338
northern parts of the Radha country

Besides, Ladha is also mentioned in the 3aina Upangas. In the

4th 4aina Upahga-Pannavana. i.e., Prajnapana, Ladha is mentioned as one
- r— • ’ 339
of the Arya-3anapadas with Kodivarisam as its principal city . The fifth
. 1 340
Upanga includes Ladha in the list of the sixteen Mahajanapadas . In this
connection, a particular . reference may bte also made to the commentary
of Nilakantha on the Mahabharata wherein occurs the -expression Suhmah-
Radhahti.e.,the two being made identical or synonymous"^. Radha is again
* •

the Sanskritized form of the Prakrita word Lata or Lala as mentioned

342'
in the 3aina and Buddhist texts . It is, however, evident from the 3aina
texts that Ladha or Radha country was in existence even by about the 6th
Lala and century B.C. with Kodivarisam as its city. Kodivarisam appears
^a^ha to be no other than Kotivarsha which has4been referred to as
343
aj Vishaya in the Bhukti of Pundravardhana . This Kotivarsha is again
to be identified with the modern Bangarh in the district of Dinajpur. It
implies!, that the Radha country included also a portion of Northern Bengal.

Another significant reference is to be found in the Ceylonese

chronicles Dvipavamsa and Mahavamsa wherein the story of the Aryan coloni-
344
sation of Ceylon by the prince Vijaya of Lala has been narrated . The
 374

345
reference is to Lalarattha, i.e.,Lala or Radharashtra . The identification
n , . 346
of this Lala has been a matter of controversy amongst the scholars
Some have identified Lala with Lata ( Greek form being Larike) in Gujrat
Identlfi- implying thereby that the colonisers; of Ceylon went from Western
Life™ °f This is attested to by the colonising party's adventure
in Suppara (Sopara) and Bharukachcha, i.e., Broach (Barygaza of Ptolemy
and the Periplus 348 ). Other scholars, however, identify Lala with Radha
or western Bengal 349 . In this connection, some related matters regarding
the Lala country as described in the Cdylonese chronicles may be noted.
In the Mahavamsa, it is stated that the land of Lala was covered with pathless
350
dense forests being the abode of the ferocious wild animals . It is further
stated in the same text that a branch of the royal family of Kalinga estab­
lished a kingdom in Lala with Simhapura as its capital. This Simhapura
, 351
has been identified with Singur in Burdwan . Again, the stories of Vijaya
and Bhaddakacchana as narrated in the Mahavamsa reveal that Lala was
very close to the ocean 352
I
All these facts justify the contention that Lala of the Ceylonese
chronicles may be identified on reasonable grounds with the Radha country,
i.e.j Western part of ancient Bengal. Lata appears to be a variation of Lala
which is undoubtedly a Prakrita form of Radha. The description of the landscape
of the Lala country as given in the Mahavamsa also agrees considerably
with that of the 3aina Acharangasutra. This contention of the identification
of Lala of the Ceylonese chronicles with Ladha or iRcidha is also supported
by all other references derived from the Sanskrit texts as well. Further,
from the Ceylonese chronicles it appears that Lala and Vanga were very
closely connected. It is also learnt that the Vanga King's daughter Susima
had connection .wVth Siho and had two sons, namely, Sihabahu and Sihaslvali
who founded Sihapura, the capital of Lala, and it was Sihabahu's son Vijaya
who colonised Ceylon. This gives further support to Lala's identification
with Radha (West Bengal). Again, Lala is the same as Ladha which is the
Prakrita form of Radha. Further, Lala's equivalent appears to be Radha
1 ' 353
or Rara which occurs in an old Mathura inscription . In the Brihatsamhita,
the Suhma country has been actually placed between Vanga and Magadha,
i.e.,the Western part of Bengal 354
 375

Now, if Suhma is taken to be synonymous with Radha, the Western

part of Bengal might have been the veritable Radha country. Further, in
the Prabodhachandradaya-nataka (Act.IV) of the 11th century A.D., a specific
reference has been made to Radha and Radhaka as countries of the Gauda
_ ' * 255 '

kingdom. (VarendrA-Gauda Radhakah-3yotist*attva) . It is further learnt

from the same text that the Radha country retained" its independence under
the kings of the Sura dynasty from the 9th to the 11th century A.D. This
is also confirmed by the Khajuraho inscription which mentions that Radha
Rldhs was conquered by Dhangadeva, the Chandella king of Oejakabhukti
(Bundelkhand^*’). The earliest epigraphic reference to Radha is, however,
to be found in the Mathura inscription as already referred to. It is stated
therein that a native of the Rara country installed a 3aina image at the
request of a 3ain saint 357 . The next reference is to be found in the Khajuraho
inscription wherein the queens of Kanchi, Andhra, Radha and Anga are
358
stated to have been imprisoned by Dhangadeva (10th century A.D. ).

It may be noted that during the Pala-Sena period, Radha was

divided into two distinct parts, namely, —-Uttara-Radha
----------------------j------
and —-------------*------------,------
Dakshina-Radha. J

i.e., Northern and Southern Radha. In the Tirumalai Rock inscription of

Two parts Rajendra Chola, the Dravidianized forms of' Uttara-Radha and
of Radha Dakshina-Radha are ------------------------------
--------------------- J----------------|--------
Uttira-Ladam
;----------
and ------------------------------------
Takkana-Ladam. 5------------
It has
been stated in the said inscription that the Chola invader dfefeated Ranasura,
the king of Dakshina-Radha and Mahipala, the king of,,Magadha and Uttira-
359 ’ ‘
Radha . Both Uttara-Radha and Dakshina-Radha as two distinct parts
—p— . ------------------------ «---------- ----------------*-----------*—
or the Radha country have been mentioned in other epigraphic records
as well. An earlier reference to Uttira-Ladam is also to be found in the
360
Indian Museum plates of the Ganga king belonging to the 9th century A.D.
From the account given in the epigraphic records, it would be possible to
361
indicate the geographical location of these two parts of the Radha country

In the Naihati Copper plate grant it is stated that Uttara-Radha-

mandala was an administrative unit of the Vardhamana -~bhukti. (Sri-
7-5 362
Vardhamana-bhukty=antahpatinya=Uttara-Radha mandate ; so also in
the Govindapur plate wherein it is stated : Sri-Vardhamanabhuktya=antahpati.
 376

But during, the time of Lakshmanasena Uttara-Radha appears to have formed

southern part of Kankagramabhukti . The Belava Copper plate refers
to a village named Siddhala in Uttara-Radha which was the birth-place
of Bhattabhavadeva. (Uttara-Radhayam-Siddhala-gramiya)'^. In the Bhuvanes’-

vara Temple inscription as well the same village has been mentioned as
Alamkara of Radhasriyah. i.e., an ornament of the goddess of the fortune
365 * ~
of Radha . From the same inscription it is learnt that some parts of
Uttara-Radha were forest areas ( Radha-yam-ajatasu jangalpatha) indicating
perjiaps the Jharkhand region . The Siddhala village has been identified
with Siddhangrama in the district of Birbhum, which even today resembles
366a
the aforesaid description . Besides, in the Naihati inscription of Vallalasena,
the villages like Valahittha, Jalosothi, Khandayilla, Ambayilla and Moladandi
have been included in Uttara-Radha. The village Valahittha in Svalpadakshina-
vithi of Uttara-Radha-mandala belonging to Vardhamana-bhukti has been
* V • 1

identified with Balutiya on the northern borders of the district of Burdwan,

f
and other villages are to be placed in the districts of Mursidabad and Burdwan^361 .
Further, the Saktipur grant of Lakshmanasena contians a reference to certain
villages^ of Uttara-Radha
# which are to be located in the Kandi subdivision
of Mursidabad district . The villages granted in the aforesaid record are
also associated with the river Mora. It shows’ that^-------—--
Uttara-Radha
,--- denoted
an area which at least partly included the MayurakshI valley flowing through
the Birbhum district. Further, the Naihati Copper plate refers to the ancestor
of Vallalasena adorning the Radha country, and the Deopara inscription
of Vijayasena contains the information that Samantasena, the founder of
the Sena dynasty, spent his last days in the hermitage on the bank of the
369 .
Ganges . In the Bhavishya-purana, there is a reference to Radha-khanda-
• - ♦ • *

Uttara- jangala contianing VaidyanSth ; Vakresvara, Birbhum, etc. and

Rat^fha also the river Aiay^®. From all these references it has been
and its ’

identity suggested that the Senas might have originally settled in Uttira-
Radha which included parts of the districts of Burdwan, Birbhum and Mursidabad.
The northernmost limit of Uttara-Radha appears to have included also parts
of Northern Bengal as Kotivarsha (Bangarh, Dinajpur district) which has
371
been described as a chief city of the Radha country . This is also partially
supported by the Chandraprabha which refers to a part of Radha lying on
the north of’ the Ganges (Uttara-Ganga Radham ). Besides, in the Digvija-
.yaprakasa, it has been specifically stated : 'Damodarottarabhage ... Radhadesa
prakirtitah'f^ This corresponds to the northern part of the Radha country
 377

which was also known as Vajjabhumi. It has been already stated that the
Tirumalai inscription makes a positive reference to Uttiraladham and Takkana-
374
ladham . In the 6th - 7th century A.D., Karnasuvarna became the capital
city of Northern Radha which became perhaps known also as Karnasuvarna
375
(Kie (ka)-lo-na-su-fa-la-na) kingdom as referred to by Hiuen Tsang

As to Dakshina-Radha, it has been suggested that the river Ajay

_r'r'*"" " •

formed the boundary between the northern and southern parts of the Radha
country. But Katwa subdivision of Burdwan district was included within
Uttara-Radha-mandala. Accordingly, it was not the river Ajay, but rather
the river Khari that actually formed the boundary between the Northern
376
and Southern Radha . Like Uttara-Radha, Dakshina-Radha is also mentioned
"" ...... * "" * r"" *

in both literary and epigraphid records of the later period. The Prabodhachan-
» ✓ - • ✓ -

dradayanataka of Krishnamisra and the Nyayakandali of Sridharacharya

refer to Dakshina-Radha. From the text of Krishnamisra (11th century A.D.),
* • * •

Dakshlna- it is learnt that a village named Bhurisreshthika was in Dakshina-

Ra^ha Radha country^7*7 (Asiddak&hrnaradhayam dvijanam bhurikarmanam

Bhurisrishtiriti gram5 Bhuri-sreshthijanasrayah). The Nyayakandali of Sridhara-

bhatta of the 10th century A.D. contains also a reference to the village
J ' , * 372
Bhurisreshthi which was indeed the very birth place of a great philosopher.
Bhurisreshthi is also mentioned along with Dakshina-Radha in certain other
inscriptions as well. The Naihati Copper plate refers also to the village
** 38 0 *
of! Bhurisreshthi. A reference to Dakshina-Radha has been already made
I " i ;
asjoccujfing in the Tirumalai inscription of Rajendrachola. In this inscription,
the Chola invader is said to have proceeded to Dakshina-Radha from Danda-
bhukti and from Northern R3dha the army moved to Vangaladesa. z According
identity to the Irda Copper plate, Dandabhukti was a Mandala of Vardhama-
3S 3 *• ^ ^ .
nabhukti. Other inscriptions also refer to Dakshina-Radha. Bhurisreshthi
or Bhuria-eshthika in . Dakshina-Radha has been identified with modern Bhursut
■. ■~ ' I.. . . . . . . . . . V- - - - - - - - 3- - -

and Navagrama in Howrah and Hugli districts and Damunya in Burdwan

385
district. In the Prabodhachandradaya-nataka, Bhursut is actually placed
* 386
on the Damodar in the Hugli district belonging to Dakshina-Radha.
The Chandi of Kavikankana-Mukundarama refers to Navagrama and Damunya
#* * 3S7
in Howrah and Hugli. districts. It would thus appear that Dakshina-Radha
embraced a considerable portion of West Bengal lying between the rivers
Ajay and the Damodar, and its southern boundary might have been extended
388
upto the Rupnarayana including the Arambagh region of Hugli district.
Radha comprising its both Northern and Southern parts is, however, more
 378

specifically referred to in the Digvijaya-prakas'a as : Damddaro-ttarebhage...

Radhadesah
j - ^:
praklrtitah,
*
i.e., Radhadesa was confined to the north of the
river Damddara.

(vi) Radha-varendri :
In this context, a particular reference may be made to the expre­
ssion Radha-VarendH in the records of the early mediaeval period. In the
Brahmana-sarvasva, Halayudha has frequently referred to the Radhiyas
• «

and the Varendras. The use ■ of this expression Radha-Varendrl also occurs
in the Kenduapatna Plates of Narasimhadeva II of the 13th century A.D.
The same expression is also to be found in the Tabagat-i-Nasirl wherein
it is stated that the territory of Lakhnauti had two wings on both sides
of the Ganges. 390 The western side has been mentioned as Ral, i.e., Rarh
or Radha to which the city Lakhnur belonged and the eastern side, as Barind
391
or Varendra to which belonged the city Deokot or Debikot or Diw-Kot.
Dakshina-Radha mostly tomprised the ancient Shuma country with Bhurisreshthi
i i 392 '
as its chief city and Tamralipti as its great port.

(vii) Radha-Ganganashtra : ''

Here, another expression Radha-Ganga-rashtra may be also referred

to. This Ganga-rashfra existing before the 5th century B.C. was indeed
the ancient Radha country. Radha has been very often equated or made
synonymous with Ganga-rashtra which is hardly to be found mentioned in
the Epics, Puranas and other works. But the abbreviated form of Ganga-rashfra
393
like Gahga, Ganga, Gange, etc., are to be found in the eipgraphic records.
It has been suggested that Ganga-rashtra which was in existence in the
394 1
5th century B.C. was a noman's land.

In the Karhad plate and Deoli plate inscriptions of Krishna III

» 7Q 5*
of the 10th century A.D., Gahga denoting Ganga-rashtra occurs. In those
inscriptions, it is stated that the command of Krishna II was obeyed by
Gangl the Angas, the Kalingas, the Gangas and the Magadhas. Here,
the Gahga-country of Ganga-rashtra has been placed between Kalihga and
396 ’ -,
Magadha. The Pithapuram pillar inscription of Prithvisvara of the 12th
century A.D. refers to the Gahga country which is also to be placed just
before Kalinga. Similarly, the Harihara Stone inscription of the 12th
 379

398
century A.D. refers to the mighty kings of Ganga, Kalinga, Vanga, etc.
These are also to be found mentioned in the Belur inscription of the 14th
century A.D. 399

It would appear that the Ganga country or Ganga-rashtra or

Ganga-radhi was quite well-known in the period from the 10th to the 14th
century A.D. Though not referred to in the early literary and epigraphic
documents, Ganga or Ganga-rashtra appears to have been in existence even
in the 1st century A.D. This would be evident from the account of the Periplus
of the Erythraean Sea wherein the 'country of the Ganges', i.e., Ganga or
identity Ganga-rashtra is mentioned.Again, the Ganga-radhis were
of Ganga- aiso j<nown as CaijnRae at the time of Megasthenes, i.e., 4th
rQsriwS ||^q
century B.C. Cunningham thinks that Gangaridae-Calingae
were one of the Tri-Kalihgas or three Kalihgas. Pliny, (1st century A.D.)
has, however, mentioned the Macco-Calingae (or middle Kalihgas) and the
Gangaridae-Calingae 402 as seperate peoples from Calingae. In this connection,
a reference may be also made to the legendary story narrated in the Ceylonese
chronicle Mahavamsa wherein the people of Kalinga are said to have esta­
blished a settlement in Lala with the capital city at Simhapura or Singur
in the Radha country. These peoples were actually known as Kalihgas of
Ganga-Radha or Gangaridae-Calingae. Varahamihira in' the Bf|hatsamhita
also equates Radha with Ganga-rashtra which is again placed between Vanga
403
and Magadha. Day rs of opinion that through six hundred years the delta
comprising Burdwan and H i.rgH- districts, and the delta thus formed was
. 40^
indeed the Ganga-rashtra which is identical with the ancient Radha country.
It appears that Ganga-rashtra or Gange are identical with the Radha country.

(viii) Prasii and Gangaridae :

This finding relating to Ganga-rashtra may be further elucidated
by making a particular reference to the accounts contained in the classical
writings wherein occur the mention of Prasii and Gangaridae, i.e., POrvadesa
Gangaridae and Gangetic valley. The Latin poet Ovid (1st century B.C.)
and referred to Gangetikus or Gangetia (Gangeya). Chatterji thinks
------ that Gangaridai is a Greek transcription of Gangal (Ganges).
The separate mention of Gangaridae from Prasii may point to the cultural
differences between the two peoples. 405 According to Plutarch Gangaridae
 389
and Prasii were under the rule of their respective kings, but the two might
have been united against the foreign invader. Curtius refers to Gangaridae
and Prassii as two nations. But he speaks of one king, namely, Agrammes
407
who has been identified with the Nanda king. It seems that the peoples
formed one nation under the Nanda ruler. Diodorus, however, refers to
Gangaridae as the. greatest, of all nations of India. It is quite likely that
the king Agrammes or Xandrames united both these peoples under his hegemony.
Here a reference may be also made to Pliny who uses the expression Gangaridum-
Calingarum implying thereby that there was perhaps an alliance between
the Gangaridae and Kalingas as well against the “rising power of Magadha.

Regarding fhe capital city of the Gangaridae. it has been already

pointed out that Simhapura was perhaps the earliest one. Subsequently,
during the^time of Megasthenes (4th century B.C.), Parthalis turned into
a capital^ . But according to Pliny Parthalis was the royal city of the
Caiingae, . Parthalis has been supposed to be a transcription or corruption
of Purvasthali on the Ganges in the district of Burdwan41^. The next capital
city was perhaps at Gange as described in the Periplus (1st century A.D.)
Capital and Ptolemy's geography (2nd century A.D.)411. According to
Parthalis Ptolemy, Gange was situated on the third mouth of the Ganges,
and Gange not far off from Purvasthali. Gange became a great emporium
of trade, through which were "brought malabathrum and Gangetic spikenard,
pearls and Muslins of the finest sort called Gangetic"412. It had trade connec­
tion with Mouziris (Craganore) and Nelkunda (Kottayam), and ail those
articles were exported to Egypt and Rome. It is specifically stated in the
Periplus : "There is a river near it called the Ganges. On its bank there
is a market-town which has the same name as the river413".

Many suggestions have been put forward regarding the identity

of Gange with such places as Chittagong, SonargSon, Jessore^etc., but none
of them appear to be convincing.414 Recently, it has been suggested that

Gange may be identified with Chandraketugarh (24 Parganas district) where

Identification excavations revealed the existence of an urban settlement'with
of Gange 415 n , .
a massive rampart. But no concrete record has yet been
unearthed at the site which would establish its identity with the Gange market-
totvn of the classical writers. On the .other hand, Purvasthali- or Saptagrama
(Satg&on in Hfv'gH■ ' district) which was situated on the confluence of the
Sarasvati, Yamuna and Ganga, appears to have been the ancient Gange port.^6
 381

Saptagrama maintained its giorious existence as a great trade centre even

up to the medieval period. It may be noted that the town Ganga (Gange)
was also called Ganga-Bandar, a name also applied to Saptagrama. It is
not unlikely that this Bandar still persists in its corrupted form in Bandel
which formed a part of Saptagrama along with Triveni, an early emporium.
Saptagrama declined as a port-town when the Sarasvatl deteriorated and
as such, the trade-centre was shifted to in 1632. 417

As to the composition of the term Gangaridae it may be suggested

here that it is perhaps the classical version of Ganga-radhi, i.e., a combination
of Radha and Ganga indicating the amalgamation of the two peoples or
countries. The region was known originally by Ganga in the 4th century B.C.
and subsequently, Radha was added. Significantly, Radhadesa comprised the
whole area on the western side of the Ganges. From both indigenous and
foreign sources it appears that there were several capital cities at different
times like Gange, Parthalis (Purvasthali), Simhapura (Singur), etc.

This discussion on the geographical extent of the Radha country

leads one to presume that almost the whole of West Bengal along with parts
of southern and northern Bengal as well were included within it. The Radha
country actually comprised the whole of the ancient Suhma region and other
neighbouring territories. The ancient Suhma-janapada included the whole
''

of Radha up to TSmralipti. But generally speaking, Suhmabhumi perhaps

corresponding more particularly to southern parts of Radha retains the name
Radha and of Suhma of ancient times. Naturally so, within this wide geogra-
itsamaiga- phicai compass there lived different peoples who from time
mation
to time established their political authority quite independent
of one another, and as such, there are references to various names singly
or conjointly, such as, Ganga-Radha, Ganga-Varendra, and Gangaridae of
the classical writers. In the later period, this Suhma or Radha country was
fully overwhelmed by the Gaudas who established the Gauda kingdom which
in the early medieval period comprised almost the whole of Bengal. It is
learnt from the Karika of Devivara-Ghataka that Radha formed a part of
- f
~ 418
the Gauda kingdom at the time of Adisura. During the rule of the Senas,
Radha was' made a province of the Gauda kingdom. It was Vijayasena who
 • 382

419
conquered Gauda, and thereby Gauda and Radha formed one single kingdom.
In the Vallalacharita, it is said that Vallalasena made Radha a province of
the Sena kingdom (Vallalasenahi Vangascha-Radha Varendravagdi).^^ Finally,
Radha was conquered by the Muslims in the 13th century A.D. But the ancient
names Ladha, L5dha and Radha still survive in such village names as Volada,
Vahulada, velada, Kulada, etc., in the district of Birbhum. Even today, Radha
is generally equated with the Western region of Bengal.

(ix) People and Culture :

It has been already observed that there are very little materials
available for describing the physical characteristics of the Suhmas and Radhas
from the early literary and eqigraphic records excepting certain references
to them by name. As to the cultural traits of these peoples, the available
materials are also meagre. Yet, an attempt may be made here to collate
all available facts to present a picture of the Suhmas and the Radhas.

As already stated that the Suhmas or Radhas occupied a tract

of land which was very hard, rocky and jungle-ridden and infested with many
wild animals. In the Bhuvanesvara-Prasasti, Radha is described as a waterless
421
and arid region. Yet, the region was perhaps full of natural resources,
Landscape a side reference to which has been also made in the Bhavishya-
purana wherein it is stated that there were iron and copper mines in this
region, and its people from hoary antiquity were acquainted with the tech-
niques of smelting those metals : Tribhagajahgalam tatra gramais'chaivai-
kabhagakah / Svalpa bhOmiru'rvara cha Vahula chosharamatah II Ran (dhl)
Khandajangale cha lauhadhatoh kkachit / Akaro bhavita tatra Kalikale viseshatah//
Even today in the district of Bankura and Birbhum, there are traces of metals,
and peoples are still engaged in smelting copper and iron by traditional method
and out of which are made domestic utensils. Jungle products were abundantly
available, and the people perhaps had to largely live on wild grains and gather­
ing of forest-products. There was hardly any regular roadway, and as such,
the country has been described as ’pathless1 in the Jaina text.

It is in these surroundings that the Suhmas or Radhas lived,

perhaps in a very primitive condition from indeterminable times. They became
 383

known to others only when in the early historical period the peoples from
upper India started infiltrating into the Eastern region and came into direct
contact with them. Then only, the Suhmas or Radhas started figuring in
the accounts of those so-called Aryan infiltrators.To those intruders, the
Peoples Suhmas or -Radhas were barbarians or uncivilized peoples living
in the jungle-ridden areas, in all subsequent literary texts, the Suhmas or
Radhas have been always mentioned along with the Pulindas, the Abhiras,
the yavanas, tfte Khasas, etc. In the Bhagavata-purana, these peoples have
been described as Papas, and in the Mahabharata, as Mlechchhas. In the
Aryamanjusrimulakalpa, the people of Eastern India spoke Asurabhasha. Even
in many medieval Bengali texts, the Radhas have been described as very
low, bad tempered, envious and untouchables. In the Kavikahkana-Chandi,
* j * ^2 ^

it is stated : Vyad go him$ak rad and Keha na paras kare loke bale rad.

From similar references, it is understandable that to the Aryan

colonisers of the Eastern region, the Suhmas or Radhas were very Low, barba­
rous or uncivilized peoples. It is, however, difficult to specifically identify
of affiliate the Suhmas or Radhas to any particular ethnic group because
of the non-availability of any materials regarding their physical characters.
But the Suhmas and the Radhas have been equated with such peoples whose
ethnic identity is partially known. Taking these factors into consideration,
it may be reasonably upheld that the Suhmas or Radhas were originally Austric
Language peoples belonging to the Australoid ethnic stock. This would
and
ethnic
be quite evident from an analysis of the detailed account of
affilia­ these peoples as given in the Acharangasutra of the dainas.
tion
It is stated that the people of Radha set dogs after the Jaina
saint by calling chu, chu, (khu, khu), etc. Even today, the people of Bengal
or .fcyi
while calling a dog use the expression chu-chu or tu-tu. In South-Asiatic
languages like Semang, Monkhmer, Sakai, etc, the dog is Chhke (Khemer),
ua 424
Chhuke, chho or achho, chhu, chhuy,chhu. chuo - chuo, etc. There is little
doubt that the Bengali workd Chu-chu or tu-tu are Austric words denoting
dog. It would apparently follow that the Radhas or Suhmas were speakers
of the Austric language, and as such, they might be affiliated to the Australoid
ethnic stock. This contention is further supported by a study of manners,
customs, etc., or in other words their general cultural patterns.
 384

From the Jaina Acharangasutra, it is learnt that the Radhas or Suhmas

used to take all sorts of forbidden food articles which were prohibited or disliked
by the Jaina imigrants. The implication is that the Radha peoples might have
Food been used to eat all kinds of wild products ir^pluding meat of hunted
games. Even the Jaina saints who traversed the land had to spend days together
' in V^jjabhumi by eating impure and bad food. In respect of manners and conduct
of the people of the region, the Jaina saints have tried to draw a vivid picture.
Behaviour It is stated that the Radhas attacked the Jaina saints, set dogs after
patterns t^em anc] beat them. This shows that the Radha people were very
crude, barbarous and cruel, and they did not know how to behave with other
peoples, more particularly the saints. This rude behaviour and bad manners of
the Suhma or Radha people have been also echoed in the later Bengali medieval
texts. In the work of Mukundaram . and Chandlmahgal-Kavya, the Radha people
425 ** ^ *
have been described as : Akshati himsak rad chaudike pasur had/Kritahjali
blr kahe hai go choyad/Loke na paras kare sabe bale Rad//.
• •

In the same fashion, Ghanaram has described the Radha people as :

3ate radh ami re/Karame radh tu//. 426 Even in the Prabodha-chandrodaya-nataka,
. ■ * ^27
the Radha people have been described as very proud and self-conceited. On
the other hand, in some other works there are all praises for the Radha country.
In the Chaitanya-Bhagavata, it is stated : Dhanya-radhadesa, i.e., glory to the
»

Radha country. Even Dhoyi in his Pavanaduta has described the Suhmadesa as
f Rasamaya.

It is thus evident that to the Jaina writers, the Suhmas or Radhas

were uncivilized peoples devoid of any good manners and customs. The picture
of the Radha people as drawn by the Jaina writers appears to be a motivated
one, the purpose being to present the Radhas as very crude and uncivilized peoples.
Observation A critical analysis of the Jaina accounts would reveal that the Jaina

saint Mahavlra along with his followers travelled through the pathless country
of the Radhas for the propagation of his religion. But unfortunately, the Jaina
preachers instead of being accorded a hearty welcome, received stuborn opposition.
The Radhas certainly did not favodr the idea of interfering into their life-patterns,
and anybody doing so were opposed and beaten back. This behaviour pattern of
the Radhas certainly enraged the Jaina saints, and as such, the Radhas have
 385

been labelled as rude, mannerless and uncivilized. It would be wrong to accept

the Jaina textual testimony as an impartial observation on the behviour patterns
of the Radha people as such. On the other hand, if the Radhas are recognised
as Austrics, it may be noted that they appear to have been harmless, peaceful
with surrendering tendency, sensuous, thoughtful, gifted with poetic thought,
cheerful, irresponsible, idle and uninitiative.

Regarding the degradation and low social position and occupation of

the Radhas as described in some medieval Bengali texts, it may be noted that
such observations might rebate to a particular group or groups of peoples who
were not fully brought within the fold of Brahmanism. It 'must not be forgotten
that j:he Radha country by that time was largely Brahmanized, and there were
even sections of pure Brahmins known as Rldhiya-Brahmins. The original inhabi-
*

tants who were brought within the Brahmanical fold were, however, placed in
a low social position, and they were indeed the peoples recognised as untouchables
pursuing unclean occupations.

In spite of the stubborn opposition given by the Radhas to the Jaina

preachers in the 6th century B.C., Jainism got a firm hold in the land and many
persons were actually converted into Jainism. It is from 'the Radha country
that Jainism spread to other parts of West Bengal. In the Brhatkatha-Kosha-
grantha, Bhadravahu, the Guru of Chandragupta Maurya, is said to have been
Religion : a native of Devikot of Pundravardhana. From the Chinese accounts
Jainism ancj ^ piyygvacjana IS learnt that Asoka killed many NIrgranthas
of Eastern India. The Bhagavatisutra refers to different Jaina Sakhas named
after Tamralipti, Pundravardhana, Kotivarsha, Karvata, etc. In the 2nd century
A.D., an inscription from Mathura contains information regarding a Jaina Bhikshu
from Radha who installed a Jaina image in a temple at Mathura. All these evidently
show that Jainism had spread from Radha country to other parts of Bengal.
Buddhism Even today there are Jaina pockets in Radhadesa, more particularly
in the districts of Burdwan' and Birbhum. In the neighbouring areas of West
Bengal as well, a large Jaina community, namely, Sarak still survives. Along
with Jainism, Buddhism also spread throughout the length and breadth of Radhades"a.
Traditionally speaking, as recorded in the Chinese Travel Accounts, the Buddha
himself visited Radhadesa, and Asoka is described to have built Stupas in all
places hallowed by the dust of the feet of the great Master. But unfortunately,
 386

as yet no remains of any Asokan Stupa could be discovered from any part of
West Bengal. With Brahmanization, Radha became a great centre of Brahmanism,
and its different sectarian beliefs and practices like those of Vaishnavism, Saktism,
Saivism, etc., flourished. It is however, to be noted that Radha was primarily
Brahmanism a centre 'of the Devi or mother cult. In fact, in the Devi-purana, the
«

worship of Vamacharidey? in Radha has been frequently referred to. Further,

it is in Radhadesa that a large number of Saktapithas are to be located, which
. ' 429
indeed speak of the original religious beliefs and practices of the peoples
Dhoyi in his Pavanaduta has also referred to the Devadasis in a temple erected
by the Sena king in Suhmades'a. Besides the popularity of Vaishnavism, Saivism
was also quite marked. The present country of the ancient Radhas still retains
Primitive some of its old or primitive religious beliefs and practices. In this
Cult connection, a particular reference may be made to the Dharma-puja
which is widely prevalent in the Radha country and which in its essence is primarily
a primitive non-Aryan cult. Along with the Dharma-puja there are many other
prevailing religious practices which also speak of their primitive origins or affilia­
tions. In fact, all extant popular beliefs and practices in Radha, if scientifically
examined, would reveal their Austro-Asiatic origins in all essential details.

(x) Identity and Ethnic Affiliations* *

Regarding the identity of the ancient Suhmas or Radhas certain observa­

tions may be made with reservations. As to the surviving remnants of the ancient
Suhmas, it has been suggested that the Bengali people bearing such surnames
as Som may be equated with the Suhmas 430 . But unfortunately, the equation
of Som with Suhma does not stand on any valid ground nor the Soms who now
form parts and parcels of the larger Hindu community belonging to a particular
caste or castes can be recognised- as the surviving remnants of the ancient Suhmas.
It has been also suggested that the people of Vajjabhumi who opposed the Jaina
Surviving saints were indeed the present Bhumijas (Bhumij) of Jharkhand, Birbhum,
remnants Rajmahal and Santal-Parganah. It is quite likely that the Bhumijas
who are even now one of the primitive tribes of this region might have been
the original inhabitants of Radhades'a. The Bhumijas are again closely allied
to the Mundas of Chhotanagpur . They are characterised by short stature,dark
to brown skin colour, broad nose, long head and strong build. All these features
 38?

are indeed the physical characteryof the Australoid ethnic stock as well. Accor­
dingly, if the Bhumijas are recognised as the surviving remnants of the ancient
peoples of Suhma or Radhades'a, it may be presumed that the Suhmas or Radhls
of ancient times may be affiliated to the Australoid ethnic stock.

In this connection, it may be further pointed out that one of the hill
tribes of Dhalbhum, Simbhum and Mayurbhanj is also known by the name Lodha.
I

The |ery name reminds one of the Lodhas/Radhas of ancient times. Again, an
important tribal community of Midnapur, Bankura and Birbhum is also called
Lodha branded as a criminal tribe of Midnapur. They are again said to be identical
with the Savaras in many respects 432 . The name Lodha might be a derivation
**

from Lddha (Lodha or La+da = Lodh or Loda or Lodha). If this derivation is

admitted, the present Lodhas might also be regarded as the surviving remnants
of the ancient Radhas or Suhmas. In respect of physical features and cultural
behaviour patterns, the Lodhas may be affiliated to the Munda group of people
or in other words to the Australoid ethnic stock. Allied with the Lodhas, another
cultivating low caste group of cultivators iryStrict of Midnapur is called Chuar
(Choyad), the members of which are endowed with rebellious spirit and about
Lodhis whom a somewhat detailed treatment has been already made. The
^d. term Chuar in the sense of robbers has been in use as a nickname
Chuars --------
of the Bhumij of Jangal-Mahal, and in fact, the ' name is also used
1/33
as a title of the Bhumij. Even in Bengali Language, the term Chuar (Choyad)
is used in the sense of a Dasyu or Chandala or low caste riffraff. It will not
be unreasonable to hold the view that the Chuars are in reality Bhumijas within
the Hindu caste fold. The Chandi-kaysya indicates that the Radha was regarded
as a very low-born man belonging to the Choad caste, unfit to be touched even
by the low caste peoples**^3. In the face of the above facts, it may be presumed
that the present Chuars (Choads) of Midnapur may be also recognised as surviving
remnants of the ancient Suhmas/Radhas. It will not be also unreasonable -To
hold the view that the Bengali word Chor might have been derived from Chuar
or Choad, perhaps a word of Austro-Asiatic origin.

(xi) Observation;

From the above discussions it may be contended that the Suhmas

and the Radhas were perhaps originally the Austro-Asiatic language speaking
peoples affiliated to the Australoid ethnic stock. It must be, however, noted
 388

that Suhmadesa or Radhadesa covered a wide geographical territory, and

naturally so, many other peoples might have also lived therein. It has been
already pointed out that the Radhas or Suhmas are often mentioned along
with many other primitive peoples like the Kiratas, the Pulindas, the Pukkusas,
the Abhiras, the Yavanas, the Khasas, etc. This shows that even peoples belonging
to other ethnic stocks also lived in Radhadesa. Subsequently with the infiltra­
tion of the people from upper India and their gradual settlements in the Radha
country there took place an amalgam of various peoples belonging to other
ethnic stocks as well. As such, the prsent people of Radhadesa consist of
diverse ethnic elements. Even today all peoples living in Radhadesa are called
Radhiyas or Radis, i.e., the old name of Radha still persists indicating the
people of the Western part of Bengal. But the surviving remnants of the ancient
Suhmas or Radhas are now to be found amongst the Bhumijas, Lodhas, etc.,
who may be regarded as the survivals of the most primitive and indigenous
peoples of Radhadesa. Most of the ancient Suhmas or Radhas were, however,
in course of centuries mingled with other peoples including those who came
from upper India and became largely absorbed within the Brahmanical fold.
They were not, however, given any higher social position in the Brahmanical
socio-economic structure. On the other hand, they were relegated to a very
low position pursuing also unclean occupations. Others have retained their
separate identity as the Bhumijas, Lodhas and others in spite of their adoption
of many traits of the Brahmanical culture. It is, however, to be admitted
that the ancient Suhmas or Radhas during the long process of their amalgam
made veritable contributions in the composition of the Bengali people and
culture.

IV. The GAUDAS

* AND The GAUDIYAS
•

Another well-known ancient tribal community which played an impor­

tant role in the composition of the Bengali people and culture is very commonly
referred to as Gauda-3ana or Gaudiya or Gaudaka or Gaura or Gaur, etc.;,
in both literary and epigraphic records. The geographical territory occupied
by these peoples was named after this tribal community,_ which in course of
centuries .encompassed the whole of Bengal, and in later period, Bengal and
her peoples became almost synonymous with the Gaudas and the Gaudiyas
or the Gaudajanas.
 389

(i) Derivation and Meanings :

j The term Gauda is derived variously. It has been stated that the
term Gauda along with Koi, Kui, Godu, Gortdu, Goandu, Gand, Koand, Kond
(Khand)}etc.,is derived from the root KB and Koorku (mountain or mountaineers).
and that its equivalents are Goda and Gonda. The substitution of the letters
f®* & ' '* 434
_r and 1 gives the forms of --------
Gaura and --------
Gaula . The terms --------
Gaula and ------;--
Gauda
may be again derived from Go (cow). But the term Gonda (Goda) has been
tj35
Deriva- taken to be a corruption of Gauda. It has been again suggested
tions that the Muslims transformed the term Gauda into Gonda. A variant
, --------- *— ------- sr*—
form of Gauda is Gor, and the aborigines of Central India call themselves
Gor and not Gond. On the other hand, neither in Northern India nor in Bengal,
the people called Gaud as claim to be known as Gond or Gor. The extant peoples
of Central India call themselves Koltur and Koitur or Kotur which is said
436
to be identical with the Maria-Gond

Further, the Sanskrit term Gauda has been derived from Go, i.e.,
cow. But to some, this derivation does not appear to be correct. In Oriya
language, Gauda means, however, a milkman and is described as Gokuta in
inscriptions. In Gann£ra, Gauda or Gavuda means a village headman. The corrupt
# •
form of Gauda is Gaur and in Muslim terminology, it is the same as Potail,
Meaning i.e., chief Ray at of the village, and that the office of Gauda is
a hereditary one. Again, Gauda is the name of a clan in Mysore, and the chief
of a village is called Gaudan bearing a tribal meaning. On the other hand,
43 7
Gauda has been taken to be a Sanskritized form of Gonda

Again, it is suggested that the term Gauda has been derived from
the Bengali word Gur (guda), i.e., molasses or sugar produced from sugarcane.
In that respect, Gauda appears to be intimately associated with Paundra (Pundra)
' 438
derived also from sugarcane. It appears that the country was so named because
of its notoriety for sugar-production. Gauda may be thus equated with Pundra.
But it is doubtful whether the term Gauda or Gaur was actually derived from
.4 39
other Gura . On the other hand, Gauda is supposed to have been trans-
deriva- /
formed into Gonda, which is to be located in Uttara-Kosala. The
tions
territorial extent of Gauda is proved by the old name of Balarampur
_ _ * 440
on the Rapti which was formerly Ramgarh Gauda . It has been stated that
(Gonda (Goda) is a large flourishing village ... Thirteen miles from Karwi ...
To the east of the village there is a pair of old temples ... known as Mandeli-
Mandar or the Chandeli temples as all the old buildings are designated throughout
Bundelkhand'. ^Tl
 330

In this context of the derivation of the term Gauda, a particular

reference may be made to the classical and other writings wherein there are
references to the people allied to Gouraios or Gauraians. It has been observed
- 442
that the name is derived from Ghori, a tribe of Panjkora . It is not quite
unlikely that the term Gauda may be synonymous with Goaraio or Ghori. The
term Gauda might have also been transformed into Goryaia. Further, the Gaudas
may be the same as the Gauri people who have been associated with the Suvastu
443
(Swat river; in the Mahabharata ). If it be so then the classical writers
might have transformed the term Gauri into Gouraios. Apparently, the later
Sanskrit term Gauda may be a derivation from Gouri as well.

The literal meaning of the Sanskrit term Gauda (Gud+a) [an] is

Gudjata „ i.e.t G uj-product or sugar-land or silvery. It seems, however, doubtful
whether the term Gauda bears- any relation with its derivative meaning sugar.
On the other hand, Gauda may be a Sanskritized form of the term Ganda,
i.e., Gandar (rhinoceros) and the Gond tribes might have been named after
this animal. Further, the term Gaur means bison, and the Gonds of Central
444
India use its horns as head-gear . Even the term Gauda does not appear
to be an original Sanskrit form. It is common even in popular dialects of both
Different North and South India. But Oppert takes the Gond people as a section
forms and Q| t^e Qaucjjans^ There are also references to the Gaudian tribes,
meanings
In fact, Oppert has referred to various divisions of the Gaudiyan
Gon^ia,
tribes, such as, Koi, Kodu, Godu, Konda, /Chanda, Chandal, Gauda, Gaudata,
• » ♦ * A • % •/,* » •
Khanda, Chandala,etc.,and the Gauda countries as Gauda, Khandava; the Gauda
mountains like Kunda, Kundoda and Gauda; the Gauda streams like Kundala;
the Gauda forests as Gandavana;, the Gauda plants as Kunda and the Gauda
’ ” ‘ 446 *'

towns as Gauda (Gonda), Gaura, Khandavaprastha, etc. . All these places

are to be located in different parts of North India and were perhaps named
after the rhinoceros.

The term Gauda is used in the sense of a country as well as of

its people. In other words, the word Gauda denotes primarily a territorial
area which was perhaps inhabited by the people called Gaudas. Whatever may
 391

be its derivation or derivative meanings, the fact remains that the term
Gauda is widely used in both literary and epigraphic records as a geographical
territory, and that there are only side-references to its peoples as the Gaudas
Country or the Gaudiyas. Again, the term Gauda had both narrower and
and wider geographical connotations. It would be evident from a perusal
PCUU ICO

of the source materials that in a narrow sense Gauda was perhaps

restricted to parts of Northern and Western Bengal. But in its wider sense,
Gauda meant the whole of Bengal including parts of some neighbouring
states as well, and its peoples, the Gaudas, in the later period, became
synonymous with the people of Bengal as a whole. It has been also stated
that the Gauda country was named after Gaud the grandson of Mandhata.

(ii) Early References:

Neither the Gaudas nor their country have been referred to in

the early or later Vedic texts. Even the early Jaina and the Buddhist texts
are more or less .silent about Gauda and its peoples. The earliest reference
to Gauda as an Eastern country is supposed to occur in the Ashtadhyayi
of Panini wherein it is stated : Arishta-Gaudapurve cha/Arishta-puram
Gaudapuram*^// Here are references to two cities, namely, Arishtapura

and Gaudapura. Scholars mostly identify Panini's Gaudapuri with Gauda

in Bengal. Sen has gone to the extent of pointing out that Panini's Gaudapura
may be Pundanagara 448 . Sircar, however, considers the identification of
Panini's Gaudapura with Gauda of Bengal as highly improbable because
of the very fact that the rule Purepracham immediately preceds. Gauda-purve
Panini and this suggests that both the cities were outside the Eastern
and
part of India and that both are to be located in a region which
Patanjali
was more or less Aryanized by the time of Panini (5th-4th century
B.C.). Arishtapura was the capital of the Sibi country, and it is to be placed
in the 3hang district of Pakistan. Besides, by the time of Panini Bengal
was not Aryanized to the extent as to be so much known to the great
gr^mmarian^^. Accordingly, Panini's Gaudapura may be placed in another
area, perhaps in the South-eastern part of the Aryavarta.
 392

Further, if Gauda of Bengal was known to Panini, it should have

been referred to in the Mahabhashya of Patahjali. Though not mentioned
in Patanjali's work, Gauda and the Gaudas are, however, frequently referred
Artha- to in the Arthasastra of Kautilya who of course belonged to a
------ later period. It appears from the relevant passages of the Arthasastra
that Kautilya was fully acquainted with the Gauda country and its products.
(Gaudikam Kambukarh Chakravalikam cha rupyam)^^. Kautilya mentions
Gauda along with Vang a and Pundra and their respective products. Gauda
was also well-known for its silver. The commentator Bhattasvamin explains
Gaudikam or Gaulikam as silver from Kamarupa (Kamarupiyam). But Gauda
' 451
can not be placed in Kamarupa, and apparently the commentator was wrong

From the 4th - 5th century A.D., the Gauda country and its peoples
are found more commonly referred to in the literary texts. In the Bnhatsamhita,
Varahamihira refers to Gaudaka instead of the Gaudas or Gaudiyas as peoples
in the Eastern Division 452 . Kern while translating the expression renders
the term Gaudaka as Gauras and adds a note stating that they are identical
with the whites living in Svetadvipa which according to the Katha-Sarit-
- a lay near Cocoa-island 453 . It may be, however, noted that Varahamihira
S agar
^454
includes another people named as Guras in the Madhyadesa . These Guras
Brihat- were no doubt Gaudas. But the people of Eastern India has been
3anahita named as Gaudakas. Parasara locates Gaudaka in the East' along
and other • " 455 -
texts with Utkala, Pundra, Karvata, Samatata and Udra^ . Alberuni
refers also to Gauda and makes it equivalent to Thanesvara. Vatsyayana
appears to have been more thoroughly acquainted with the Gauda men and
women, particularly in Respect of their love affairs and other cultural traits.
The expression Gaud ay ah has been explained in the commentary as Purvadesa-
^ r 456
bhavah, and thereby Gauda is to be placed in the Eastern region

The Harschacharita of Bana refers to Gauda as a kingdom whose

king was Sasanka who has been variously called Gaudesvara, GaudaJhama
Gaudabhujanga., etc., and which was subsequently conquered by Harshavardhana
of Thanes"vara. In this context, a particular reference may be made to the
words of promise made by Harsha as recorded by Bina : Nirgaudan na
 393

karomi medinlm tata stanunpati pitasprishi -ptanga iva pataki patyamyahmatmanrarn.

Bana has also referred to the characteristics of the language of the people
457
of Gauda. The Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang who visited Bengal in the same
century does not, however, mention Gauda. Instead, he refers to Karnasuvarna
whose king was Sasanka^^ It follows accordingly that Gauda and Karnasuvarna

may be taken to be identical in the 7th century A.D. Dandin in his Kavyadarsa..
- %' 459
(7the Century A.D.) also refers to the Gaudiya style of composition. Again,
*

Bharata in his Natyasastra (Chap. XXI. 48) has made a particular reference
to the style of the Gauda woman.Rajasekhara in his Kavyamlmarhsa refers
to Gaudanganasu.^- Vakaptiraja in his Gaudavaho has given a detailed description

of the defeat and killing of the king of the Gauda-lord by Yasovarman of Kanauj.
The king of Gauda was also the lord of Magadha (Magadhadhlpa) who was possibly
^ 462' • -
a Saila ruler. Kalhana in his Rajatarangini has also given a detailed account
of Gauda and the Gaudas of Bengal while describing the conquest of Lalitaditya
and his grandson 3ayaplda and the unparalled heroism displayed by the Gaudas
, t- 4£ 3
in Kasmir to avenge the treacherous murder of their king. Bilhana in his
Vikramahkadevacharitam has, however, grouped Gauda with Kamarupa.*^

Besides all these references, Gauda is also mentioned in a number

of Puranas like the Matsya (XII.30), the Kurma (1.29.19), the Linga (1.65)
465 * * * - -
and the Vayu (88.27) Puranas. In all these Puranas, it is. said that Sravasti
was founded by Sravasta of the solar dynasty in the Gaudadesa (Sravastir - iti...
nirmita yena Savastih Gaudadese mahapuri) which, according to the Ramayana
""""rnrn __ ''"""""H" T _ ■■r^miiirumrTT - -|j—^

Puranas and the Vayu-purana (88.27) was in Uttara-Kosala, i.e., Oudh.

Again in the Vayu, the Vishnu, the Bhagavata and other Puranas the
texts story of the foundation of Sravasti has been narrated, without mentioning
Gaudadese. Accordingly, it has been presumed that the passages in some Puranas
referring to Gauda might be taken as Sanskritization of the name Gonda.^'7
It is , therefore, upheld that Gonda has been Sanskritized in imitation of Gauda
in Bengal. Excepting the aforesaid Brahmanical texts, Gauda does not figure
in any earlier Buddhist texts. It is only in the Aryamahjusri-mulakalpa that
there is a positive reference to Gauda (Bhavita Gauda-desosmin Gahgatira Samash
l" 1
.ritah) This passage refers to the king of Gauda whose intial was _K_ and who
* * . ' 469
was of Prakataditya's family, i.e., of the imperial Gupta dynasty.
 334

Besides all these textual references. Gauda and the Gaudas are frequently
referred to in the epigraphic records from Bengal and outside. The earliest epigra-
phic reference to the Gaudas is perhaps to be found in the Haraha inscription
of the Maukhari king Isanavarman (554 A.D) who is described to have conquered
the Samudrasrayan Gaudan, i.e. the Gaudas living on the sea shore . Another
reference to the association of the Gaudas with the sea is to
.. _ ✓ 471 T, ■
be found in the inscription of Suryavarman of the Asvapati family . Inis
is further supported by the Aphsad inscription of Adityasena (7th century A.D)
Inscrip which refers to the haughty foes on the sea-shore who are to be identified
tions with the Gaudas. Further^ this inscription furnishes an interesting
evidence relating to the fact that the said record was actually engraved by
✓ / ^ ~J 2 .
a native of Gauda (Sukshma-Sivena Gaudena Prasastirvvikatakshara) . In another
*|T , , - - ............... « • •

inscription the Gauda-lord has been described as lying in the 'watery fort of
the sea'473. Some have interpreted all these expressions in the epigraphic records
as referring to the Gaudas having a place of refugee in the sea. Whatever may
be the interpretation^ the fact remains that the littoral region of Bengal was
also the land of the Gaudas.

In most of the Pala inscriptions, the Gaudas have been mentioned

along with the Malavas, the Khasas, the Hunas, the Kulikas, etc. (Gauda-Malava-
Khas'a-Huna-Kulika-Karnata-Lata-Sevakadin) as employees of the Palas, and
' 1 ’ • 474
perhaps all these peoples were employed in the Pala army as mercenary soldiers.
Pala and By the time of the Palas, Gauda as a centre of political gravity
Sena inscrlp- . , .
t[ons came into prominence, and in fact, the Pala monarchs assumed
such titles as Gaudendra, Gaudadhipa, Gaudesvara, etc. Following
the Palas, the Senas also adopted similar titles. Even the Pavanaduta refers
etc.
to Gaudendra, Gaudaraia/ It is quite likely that the Palas and the Senas assumed
« • A
all these titles when they succeeded in accomplishing the political integration
of Bengal called thence under the generic name Gauda. In fact, by the time
of the Senas or during the early Muslim period the term Gauda came to be
applied to denote the whole of Bengal over which the Palas and the Senas
ruled.

This contention is clearly borne out even by the Muslim writers and
also by the authors of the early and late medieval Bengali works. In the Muslim
accounts, Gauda has been transformed into Gaura which was later on modified
into Gaur. In the Tabaqat-i Nasirii t Minhaj-ud-din has given an account of
 385

the areas covered by Gauda. According to the chronicle, 'the parts round about
the state of Laksl^navati were 3ajnagar, the countries of Bang, Kamrud and
Tirhut and the whole of that territory' appear to have been named Gaur.
Muslim Therefore, it may be said, that Gauda in the time of Minhaj-ud-din
accounts inciu<jed Tirhut, Bengal, Assam, Utkala and Orissa. Lakhnauti of the
mj.
Muslim writer was not doubt Laksh^iavati, the capital city of the Gauda kingdom,
named after the Sena king Lakshmanasena. This Gaur of the Muslim writer
previously associated with the Palas and the Senas is to be now located in
the present Maldah district where ruins are still visible all around being reminis­
cence of the ancient capital city of Gauda. It is upon the ruins of this ancient
476
Gauda that the early Muslims built their own political city known as Gaur.

In this context, it may be noted that the Maladas after whom the
modren place Maldaha (Maldah) was named perhaps came into prominence by
about the 4th and 5th centuries A.D. The Maladas are actually mentioned in
Maladas the Mahabharata and the Puranas, and the term Malada appears to
be synonymous with the name Molindal as referred to in the account of Mega-
sthenes and Arrian as an Eastern Tribe. 477 It may be accordingly assumed
that the Maladas were the indigenous peoples of the present Maldah region,
and subsequently, the Gaudas overwhelmed them and established their supremacy.

The ancient Gauda region peopled by the Gaudas arid others is today
represented by the jungle and swampy areas of the present Maldah with the
Ganges flowing on its western side. But the river Ganges at present has retreated
Ancient several miles. It may not be, however, farfaced to assume that the
G sudds
ancient Gaudas made their early settlements in those very areas
and subsequently made extensive inroads over other parts of Bengal in such
a way that they became fully integrated with all other peoples, and all these
peoples thus mingled came to be known as the Gaudas. Even as late as the
19th 'Century both the terms Gauda and Gaudajana continued to be used to
denote the whole country of Bengal and her peoples.

(iiU Movements and Settlements :

The people of Bengal are generally known by the common appellation
of Gauda. The primary question of consideration is to decide as to whether
the Gaudas were indigenous to the soil of Bengal or that they came from outside
and got settled in Bengal and gradually merged themselves with other peoples.
 While considering this question of great ethnological import, it is
to be noted that the Gaudas are not mentioned in any early Brahmanical, Buddhist
Non-occuj' or Jaina texts as an indigenous people of Eastern region along with
rence of other peoples. Secondly, all references to the Gaudas of Eastern
Gaudas in
early India or of Bengal are only to be found in the works of the post-
texts Christian period, more particularly from the time when perhaps
Eastern India including Bengal was being gradually Aryanized by the people
from upper India. This very point furnishes an indirect clue as to the possibility
of the movement of the Gaudas from the Middle or Upper India to Bengal.

In support of this hypothesis of the coming of the Gaudas into Bengal

from outside, a particular reference may be made to the Gaudas who were
once widespread over different parts of Northern India including the North­
western region. The.oldest positive reference in this respect is to be found
in the classical writings. Arrian has stated in his account that Alexander in
in Class!- course of his campaigns in India entered Assakenoi in the Punjab
ngsGaur" a*ter crossing Gauraios flowing • in the country of the Gauraians.^7^
aian The name Gauraian might have been derived from Ghori, a tribe
of Panjkora on the sides of the Kabul river. Further, Ptolemy also speaks of
479
a territory called Goryaia traversed by the river Gouraios, i.e:, modern Ghor.
If the Gauraian or Goryai is taken as a transformed version of Gauda, it may
be held that the Gaudas were also settled in North-western India and beyond
even by the 4th century B.C.

The Gaudas were and are to be found also widespread over various
parts of Northern India. It has been observed by Cunningham long ago that
the ancient Gauda was simply a sub-division of Uttara-Kosala.^^ It is said
that the chief town in Uttar a-K osala is Gonda which was corrupted into Gauda
Gauda by the Muslims. The presence of the Gaudas and of Gauda in upper
in
India is also supported by Alberuni who has equated Thanes'vara with
upper
India Gauda. Further, Gonda and Gauda have been made synonymous, and
the district in Kosala is Gonda or Gauda. This view of the presence of the
Gaudas in Northern India finds corroboration in some epigraphic records as
well. A reference has been made to an inscription of the Rashtrakuta king
Krishna II who is described as : Gaudanam vinaya-vratarappan-guru. 481 Jackson
 397

thinks that this reference to Gauda

•
must have been to Gauda
«
in Oudh. He also
pointed out that the Gaudas humbled by Krishna II were the worthy rulers
of Hindustan.

Besides,7 there are also references to ---------------------------------------------j--------------------------------------------------------------

Pancha-Gauda or Pancha-Gaudiya j—<

community, the members of which are to be found well distributed over different
parts jjf Northern India. Pancha-Gauda is mentioned not only in the Rajatarangini
Paflcha- (C. 1150), but an early reference to it is to be found in an inscription
G-u?—• dated 926 A.D.^ Here, a reference may be also made to the Pancha-

Gaudas or five classes of North-Indian Brahmanas, such as, Sarasvata, i.e.,

--------------J--------- *

associated with the Sarasvati valley of Eastern Panjab, Kanyakubja, Gauda,

Maithila and Utkala (Sarasvatah Kanykubjah Ga.uda-Maithila-Utkalah Pancha-
Gaudah iti-khyatah Vidyasyotarvasinah)*^ Thus Gauda mentioned here separately
is indeed the one to be placed in Bengal.

Again, the well-known Gaudiya-Brahmanas are said to be the avowed

colonists from Kanauj. They are said to have come from West. According
to a legendary tale, Janamejaya removed all Brahmanas from Gaur near Delhi
or Agra which was their original habitat and settled them on West of the
485
Ganges beyond Hastinapur where their descendants are still extant. Wilson
has given a detailed account of the Gaudiya Brahmanas. He refers to "the Brahma-
Gaucjiya- gas of the Gaur tribe or caste, one of the five Gaurs, but located
Brahmanas t[iem jn tbe Upper provinces throughout the Subah of Delhi to the

hills. There are many sub-divisions of these Gaur-Brahmanas of Hindustan.

These sub-divisions like Adh-Gaur, Sidh-Gaur, etc., amounting in all to 42 are
4.86
unknown in Bengal. Wilson has also referred to Gaur-Rajputs who are numerous
in North-Western province, Gaur-taga (of Brahmanical descent in North-west)
and Gaur-Thakur, (a Rajput tribe settled in Farakkabad district).

In support of the contention of Gauda denoting Northern India, a

reference may be made to a tradition recorded in the Bh5ja-pravandha where-
Gsuda and in the Paramara king Bhoja of the 11th c.entury A.D. is described
North India <tQ ruiecj over both Gauda and Dakshinapatha for 55 years.
Here, Gauda appears to refer to Northern India. Sircar, however, contends
that this is merely a conventional way of saying that Bhoja was a Chakravartin,
 338
i

and the passage refers to the Chakravartikshetra encompassing the whole of

488
India, North and South.

The existence of Gaudades'a in Northern India has been also referred

to in the Matsya, the Kurma and the Linga Puranas wherein Sravasti is said
' 488s. *
to have been founded in Gaudadesa. In this connection, it may be noted
that some scholars have even made a pointed reference to the Gonda district
Gaudadesa of Uttar-pradesh containing the city of Sravasti which was Gaudadesa.
and North BesjdeSj Kusamba, son of Kus'a, is said to be the founder of the city
India
of Kausambi. The Hitopadesa places Kausambi in Gaudades~a (Asti
Gaudavishaya Kausambi nama nagari). This very Gaudavishaya can not be placed
in Bengal. Even the Gond peoples of Central India have been made synonymous
with the Gaudas, because Gauda is taken to be a Sanskritized form of Gonda.
From all these references it has been contended that the Gaudas were not
only peoples of Bengal, but also of Northern India as a whole. It has been also
* — 489
urged that Sravasti was the cradle of the Gauda people.

This view has been, however, contradicted by Chakladar.^9^ In the

first place, he upholds the view that the reference in the Rashtrakuta record
might have been made to Devapala who was no doubt a king par-excellence
of Bengal and net of the Gonda district or of Thanesvara. It is true that in
the Rashtrakuta grant Gauriendra and Vangapati have been separately mentioned,
but this does not mean that Gauda is to be located outside Bengal. On the
other hand, the said expressions were used to refer to the lords of the two
neighbouring kingdoms, namely, Gauda and Vanga. Secondly, the view that
Gauda is to be located in Bengal is clearly borne out by the Haraha inscription
of the 6th century A.D. wherein the Gaudas have been described as living
in the sea shore, and as such, they could not have certainly lived in the hills
of the Gonda district. Thirdly, this contention is also supported by numerous
literary references from the 7th century A.D. onwards. In the Harshacharita
of Bana, it has been clearly stated that the king of Thanesvara (Rajyavardhana)
was killed by the Gauda king who has been described by the Chinese pilgrim
Hiuen-Tsang as Sasanka, the ruler of Karnasuvarna which'’ was identical with
the Gauda kingdom of the 7th century A.D. This Karnasuvarna is to be located
1 , _ _ 49i * ' ,
in the Mursidabad district of West Bengal. It implies that the Mursidabad
region was also included within the Gauda Kingdom in the 7th century A.D.
This is further supported by Varahamihira who in his Brhatsamhita places Gauda
 399

(Gaudaka) not in Madhyadesa, but in Purvadesa and in the neighbourhood of

Pundrl, Vanga and Kalinga.492 Parasara similarly places Gauda or Gaudaka
as 'one of the countries in the East.493 Further, Kautilya's reference to Gauda
can not be interpreted by any stress of imagination as denoting a place in
Chakladar's Central India. There may be doubts regarding Panini's reference
contentions tQ Gau<japura as lying in the East; but from the post-Christian period,

Gauda is to be placed in Eastern region and in Bengal. Vatsyayana in his Kama-

* ✓ 494 .
■sutra
-—- refers to Gauda
• and Kosala as two distinct countries. . This will be
vividly clear from the graphic account given by Kalhana in his Rajataranginl
regarding Lalitaditya, Jayapida and Oayanta and also from its reference to
valour and heroism exhibited by the Gauda soldiers in Kasmir .493 Lastly,
a reference may be made to the Puranas. It has been already pointed out that
in some Puranas, Sravasti is said to have been founded by jfravatsa in the
Gaudadesa implying that it is to be placed in Gonda district. But Chakladar
has made a pointed reference to the corresponding passages of the Vayu, the
Vishnu and the Bhagavata Puranas wherein Gaudadesa is not mentioned.49^
------*— „ —_--------------- «
Accordingly, Sravasti can not be unmistakably placed in Gaudadesa and Gauda
in Gonda district. Besides, in a large number of literary texts like the Kavyadarsa
of Bharata and the Kavyamimamsa of Rajas'ekhara there are references to
Gaudiya style which has been more specifically described as Paurastya. 497
The Gaudariti which was prevalent in countries like Aiiga, Vanga, Pundra, Suhma,
# *

etc., certainly refers to the one existing in Bengal. As to Pancha-G'auda, it «

may be noted that the expression is very late (12th century) and probably,
it is a reminiscence of the Gauda empire of Dharmapala and Devapala and
can not be equated with the ancient Gauda. 498

On the basis of the aforesaid evidences and arguments, Chakladar

holds the opinion that Gauda denoting a country/people as mentioned and described
in the Indian literary documents refer to Bengal alone. It is true that from
the post-Christian period onwards-Gauda and the Gaudas as a country and peoples
figure more particularly as a land and people par-excellance of Bengal. But
this does not necessarily prove that the Gaudas were all indigenous to the soil
of Bengal. On the other hand, attention has already been drawn to some almost
analogous peoples living in the North-western region and also in the Madhyadesa
or in Northern India. A particular reference may be made here to the classical
 400

writers who have mentioned them as peoples of North-west. In that case,

it may be presumed that the Gaudas of later times might have originally
penetrated into ..the interior of India from North-west and gradually moved
downwards and became prominent in the Aryaj/arta itself. It has been already
stated that the Gaudas are to be found even today in different parts of
Northern India. These very peoples might have gradually moved towards
East and became settled in Bengal. It is quite likely that the movements
of the Gaudas into Bengal might be closely associated with the Aryanization
of Bengal. Most significantly, the Gaudas as a community establishing political
Observa- authority became more and more prominent with the acceleration
tions and t^e process 0f tj->e Aryanization in Bengal. In fact, in the Epics
movements
of the and the Puranas there are references to many peoples and countries
Gaudas Qentraj[ India described as Madhyama or Madhyades'a, and this
list of peoples includes a community called Guda 499 . Even Varaha-
mihira includes the Gudas in Madhyades'a and not PurvadesV^. There is,
in fact, a place called Guda which was perhaps Thanesvara and not Oudh,
- 501
if Alberuni is to be relied upon . It may be accordingly presumed that
these Gudas came to be known in Bengal as Gaudas. Further, it has been
already explained that the term Gauda might be a transformed version
of Gonda. In that case, the Gudas, the Gaudas and the Gondas become synony­
mous denoting the same people. The Gonds of today are to be found widespread
in Central India, Orissa and neighbouring areas. If Gauda and Gonda are
taken to be synonymous, it may be contended that those very Gonda peoples
Gonda might have migrated into Bengal and carved out a principality
Gauda' ‘ t^eir own. Not only that, in course of time they got mixed
| up with other peoples and succeeded in raising their social position.
These Gaudas coming from West subsequently played such an important
role in political and socio-economic affairs of Bengal that the principality
carved out by them became branded after their name, i.e., Gauda, which
in later period came to be applied to denote whole of Bengal.

It has been already stated that Gauda as the name of a country

or principality has a narrower and wider denotation. Originally, the Gaudas
might have settled in the southernmost areas of Maldah district including
the present district of Mursidabad.' This is corroborated by the accounts
 431

of Bana and Hiuen Tsang. According to the former, Rajyavardhana, the

king of Thanesvara, was killed by the lord of Gauda who has been variously
described as Gaudadhama, Gaudabhujanga, etc. The Chinese traveller, however,
location does not mention the name of the Gauda kingdom, and instead,
of Gau^a refers to Karnasuvarna whose king was Sasahka. It may be
in • •
Benqal— thus assumed that Karnasuvarna and Gauda were identical, and
extent at that time( Karnasuvarna was perhaps the capital city of the
Gauda kingdom. Though the Chinese pilgrim refers to Karnasuvarna as the
name of both the kingdom and its capital city, it is generally held that
Gauda was the general name of the kingdom of Karnasuvarna as referred
to by the Chinese Pilgrim. The city of Karnasuvarna is now to be located
in Mursidabad district, and its great monastery, namely, Raktamrittika-
vihara is to be identified with the recently excavated site in the village
of Jadupur, six miles south of Berhampur 502 . It is, therefore, clear that
Mursidabad was included within the Gauda principality in the 7th century
A.D. Not only that, even Nadia, Burdwan and Birbhum districts were also
included .within the Karnasuvarna kingdom 503

This extent of Gauda is also supported by a late Puranic tradition

contained in the Bhavishya-purana which locates Gaudadesa inhabited by
the deity Gaudes'a or Gaudesi in the land betwen the Padma and Vardhamana
(Burdwan). The same --------
Purana «—
also refers to Gauda
•
as one of the seven --------------------
De^as
forming Pundradesa. Further, the localities included within the Gauda country
have been also specifically stated as : Navadvipa (Nadia district), Santipura
Extent (Nadia district), Mauiapattana (Mollai in Hugli.' district) and Kantaka-
°f Gau-a pattana, i.e.,Katwa in Burdwan district. Again, it may be noted
that the principal towns of Gauda have been mentioned as Gaures' and Rama-
keli to the north of the Ganges^It follows accordingly that the Gauda
territory comprised the present Mursidabad district and parts of Nadia,
Burdwan and Hugh’." districts. Thus, generally speaking, the ancient Radha
country comprised the^ Gauda kingdom. The Digvijaya-prakasa no doubt
places Radhadesa to the west of Gauda, and the Managoli inscription distingui-
shes Lala from Gaula (Gauda) . But in the Prabodha-Chandrodaya, Gauda-
rashtra is clearly stated to have included Radhapuriand Bhurisreshthika
(Bhursut in Hugh.' district ). In this context, a very interesting reference
to the inclusion of the modern Burdwan city within the Gauda country may
 402

be made. In the Vetalapanchavimsati, there is a reference to Gaudanagata

by the name of Vardhamana and its king Gunasekhara. The Bhavishya-Purana
also contains the same story : Gaudadese
—
Maharaja Vardhanam
■ “ “ 11
nama
_r
............
vai " " '.....................

puram/Gunasekhara akhyato Bhupalastatra Dharmavan// (2/10/1-2).

Not only Burdwan, even the whole of Radha was included within
the Gauda countrv. This would be clear from the statement of the commen-
isfdifi) .
tator of the Kamasutra^: Kalinga Gaudavishayad dakshinena, i.e.,Kalinga
on the south of Gauda. This is a clear indication that Gauda included the
whole of Radha up to Kalinga. In support of this, a reference may be also
* (If. ftct)
Gauda and made to Pravodha-chandrodaya-nataka : Gaudam rashtramanuttamam
Rldt^a ----------------------------------- 1---------=------ A --------=---------------»---------------------------
a< 8 nirupamatatrapi Radha tat5. This is, however, in contradiction
of the statement made in the Bqhatsamhita wherein Vardhamana, Tamralipta,
Suhma and Utkala have been made separate from Gauda. The Digvijayaprakasa
also differentiates Gauda from Radha. It appears that with the rise and
expansion of the Gauda kingdom, Radha and all other regions became integra­
ted within it.

This also happened in the case of Pundra and Varendra as well.

North Bengal, i.e.j Pundra or Pundradesa or Varendra was also sometimes
included within the realm of Gauda as evidenced by the Trikandasesha-passage
_ 507 *~I
(Pundrah syur-Varendri, Gauda-nivriti ). The Kolagallu and Kudatini inscrip­
tions refer to the installation of the god Skanda-Karttikeya by Gadadhara
who has been described as the crest-jewell of the Gauda people and illuminator
of the Varendri country . Gadadhara was a native of Tada-grama (village
near Dinajpur) in VarendrT which was formed a part of Gauda. Here, a
reference may be also made to Kuiluka's commentary on the Manusamhita
wherein the commentator is said to have been a native of a locality in
Varendri within Gauda (Gaude Nandanavasi-namni suj^nair = Vandye Varendryam
kule Srimad = Bhatta Divakarasya tanayah kulluka-bhatto-bhavat^09). This
is a clear testimony that Varendri also formed a part of Gauda country.
Further it has been also suggested that Pundra, Gauda and Varendri were
once synonymous, and that at one time, Gaudapuri or Lakshmanavatl was
once its capital, the extensive ruins of which are to be found on the Chhota-
Bhaglrathl, a few miles below Maldah5 i0. The Jaina writers of the 13th
 403

and 14th century A.D. state that Lakshmanavati was included within Gauda
and during the Muslim times, Lakshmanavati became synonymous with
Gauda^^. In this connection, a reference may be made to the Hitopadesa
wherein it is stated : Asti Gaudadese Kausambi namanagari. This Kausambi
is not, however, to be identified with modern Kosam in U.P. The author
Gauda of the Hitopadesa is said to have hailed from Bengal, and as such,
and it is quite likely that he might have referred to a place in Bengal 512
Varendra
Accordingly, it is suggested that Kausambi as referred to is to
be identified with the modern Kusumba in Raj^ahi district or Kusumbi in
Bogra district. This shows that Rajsahi and Bogra districts formed parts
CIO

of Gauda^
/ . . Besides,J Purushottamadeva's -------- Trikandasesha n---------- cleariy includes
the whole of Varendri within Gauda (Varendrl Gaudedesah). Further, it is
*---------------------------------------------- ------------------- j-----

learnt from an inscription dated 967 A.D. that one named Gadadhara, the
crest jewell of the Gauda country, was born at Tada which is to be identified
with modern Tara ( Dinajpur). According to the Purana-sarvasva, Varendra
was included within Gaudadesa.

As to the inclusion of Southern and Eastern Bengal within Gauda,

it has been already stated that Vanga has been very often differentiated
from Gauda in many writings. Again, in ancient times, Bengal was also
known as Gauda-Vanga, i.e., both being linked together. This would be evident
. ; 6 6 6 ...
from Saktisamgama-tantra wherein it is stated : Vangadesam Samarabhya
/■ A- ^
Bhuvanes'antagam Sive/ Gaudadesah Samakhyatah sarvavidyavi=saradah//.
" ' * ' '''a"" H a

From the time of the Pala kings who generally called themselves Gaudesvara,
the whole of Vanga appears to have been integrated within the Gauda empire.
This continued even during the rule of the Senas who had another capital
city of their Gauda kingdom at Vikramapura-bhaga. Even the successors
Gauda of Lakshmanasena, Visvarupasena and Kesavasena who concentrated
Va^iga their power in the Vanga country, never gave up their claim to
the title of Gaudesvara,
,
and
„
as such, the whole of Bengal came
to be known as Gauda. Again, in the Sakti-Samgamatantra, a passage describes
the Gauda country as lying between Vanga and Bhuvanesvara,i.e., Bhuvanesvara
in Puri district of Orissa, and the Vanga country has been described as
extending from the sea to the Brahmaputra. It follows accordingly that
the eastern half of Bengal was called Vanga, and the western half along
with some parts of Orissa might have been designated as Gauda. This broad
 4:4

division of Bengal, i.e.,East and West represented by Vahga and Gauda occurs
also in the Muslim accounts which refer to Gaur-Vangala.

During the Muslim rule Lakshmanavati was primarily called Gauda,

and all other parts of Bengal were known as Vahgala or Suba-Vangala which
occurs in many Muslim records. It does not, however, mean that the name
Gauda was totally given up because in some records the name of Gauda
denoting the whole of Bengal does occur. As for instance, during Aurangzeb's
5 14
time, a record refers to Bengal as 'Gauda-mandala . The Portuguese
and the English traders adopted the name Vahgala or Vangla from the Muslims.
Accordingly, the English started using the name Bengal. The people of Bengal
did, however, gradually give up the name Gauda for Bengal. Yet, even in
Gauda the 19th century the name of Gauda in the sense of Bengal continued
IInd . to be used in literary records. Rammohan Roy entitled his book
Bengal 1 _
on Grammar of the Bengali language as 'Gaudiya-Vyakarana' (1833). It is
« •

also found that the designation Vangla soon replaced Gauda to denote Bengal.
But even today the traditional name of Gauda for Bengal is very often
remembered and used to denote the whole of Bengal.

The term Gauda has been also used in many writings as a generic
name denoting the countries of Eastern India. Dandin in' the 7th c entury
A.D. used Gauda-style in the sense of Prachya or Eastern distinguishing
it from the Southern style. Even the East Indian alphabet was named after
Gauda. Alberuni has also referred to the Gaudi-alphabet used in Purvadesa^
Gauda Besides, the Gaudi-alphabet, there was also a Gauda-language
denoting which was current in the Eastern countries. * From all these, it
Eastern
region may be reasonably presumed that the term Gauda was also used
in Purvadesa . Besides, the Gaudi-alphabet, there was also a Gauda-
language which was current in the Eastern countries. From all these, it
may be reasonably presumed that the term Gauda was also used in a compre­
hensive sense encompassing the Eastern region as a whole. In a work of
the 8th century A.D., namely, Anargharaghavanataka, Champa is mentioned
as the capital of Gauda. Some have identified this Champa with Champanagari
in north-west of Burdwan, and others with Champa in Bhagalpur district
of Bihar. If the latter view is accepted, there is no doubt that Bihar was
also included within the Gauda kingdom . This does not, however, necessarily
refer to the actual geographical extent of the Gauda territory. It may simply
 prove the great cultural attainments of the Gauda peoples of Bengal or
rather of the Bengali people, which produced great impact over all the
neighbouring regions of Eastern India.

In the same way, even the term Gauda was applied in a still wider
sense as to include Aryavarta or Northern India. In this respect, a particular
reference may be made to the five classes of the Gaudas or North Indian
Brahmins, to which attention has been already drawn. It may be noted that
even in the inscriptions of the 10th and 11th century, references to the
„ wide application of the term Gauda to denote North India have also been
Gauda made. Then again, a reference to Pancha-Gauda and Pancha-
and * * *
Aryavarta
tGaudesvara may' be made. It has been, however,contended that
-----—-----------
the title PaRcha-Gaudesvara is indeed a reminiscence of the Gauda
* 517
empire of Dharmapala and Devapala . From all these information, it
may at least be presumed that during the early medieval period, the Gaudas
became so prominent and influential that the people of Northern India could
perhaps boast of being called Gaudas, but not actually applying the name
Gauda to their own lands of habitation. This has got, however, nothing to
do with the actual territorial extent of the Gauda country of Bengal.

Geographical boundaries of Gauda differed from age to age and

from • author to author .• It has been already observed that Mursidabad
district was at the outset included within the Gauda kingdom in the 7Cth
century A.D. In the same century after the death of Sasanka, Jayanaga
became the king of Karnasuvarna. It is learnt from his Vappaghoshavata
inscription that Audambara-Vishaya (Rajmahal and the region on west of
- - - 518
the Bhagirathi including parts of Birbhum) was included within his kingdom
In the Bhavishya-purana (3/4/6/61), Gauda is said to have been situated
on the bank of the Ganges (Bhagirathi) (Gaudadese Gangayah kule). Again,
it has been stated that Gauda-bhumi lay on the south of the Padma, which
varying may be then taken as its northern boundary. Further, North Bengal
limits was included within Gauda. Ram£pali. founded fhe city of Ramavati
of * ____ _
Gaujda on the north of the Ganges (Ramauti in the Ain-i-Akbari), and
so also Lakshmanasena founded Lakshamanavati on the north of the Ganges,
not far from Ramavati (Laknauti in the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri). Both were capital
cities of the Gauda kingdom. It is perhaps because of this that Pundra or
North Bengal is said to have been included within Gauda. It can not be,
however, doubted that originally Gauda lay on the south , of the Ganga or
the Padma and on the bank of the Ganges. On the south, Gauda was perhaps
extended upto the sea as would be evident from the Haraha and Gurgi inscrip-
tions 519 . A reference has been already made to Saptagrama (H u gli ) and
the mouth of the SarasvatF, which was perhaps considered as wide as the
sea. In that case, Burdwan and H u gli. districts were also included within
Gauda. This is also supported by the Bjjhatsamhita and the Markandeya-
purana. Thus Gauda had a very wide territorial extent including not only
the whole of Bengal, but also her neighbouring regions.

(iv) Capital Cities of Gauda ;

For the determination of the spatial limits of Gauda, it would

be necessary to refer also to the different capital cities of the Gauda kingdom.
The first capital city of Gauda was perhaps at Karnasuvarna founded by
Saslmka, a detailed account of which has been given by the Chinese pilgrim
in the 7th century A.D. 520 , and the identification of which has been recently
made on unimpeachable archaeological records unearthed at Rajbadidanga
c? t l,
Kama- in the district of 'Mursidabad- . After the death of Sas&nka
suvarna Karnasuvarna was conquered by Bhaskaravarman of Kamarupa'522.
Thereafter,Oayanaga appears to have ruled over Karnasuvarna. Afterwards,
very little is known about Karnasuvarna. The last reference to Karnasuvarna
is to be found in Rajasekhara's Karpuramanjan z . No information is, however,
available as to how the grand old city of Karnasuvarna came to an end.

Next to Karnasuvarna, Champa has been mentioned as the capital

of Gauda in the Anargharaghava of the poet Murari (8th century A.D).
By that time, the Pala empire was established, and the Pala kings might
have founded the capital city of Champa which is to be identified with
Chimpa in Bhagalpur (same as Champanagari in the Ain-i-Akbari) in ancient

Anga-Magadha country, over which ruled Dharmapala and Devapala who

assumed the title of Gaudesvara. The Pala king Ram^pal founded another
Gauda capital on the north of the Ganges and named it after him as Ramavatl
(mentioned as Ramauti in the Ain-i-Akbari). Further, the water-fortress
 43?
4

(3aladurga) mentioned in the Gurgi inscription might have been another

Gauda-capital. This 3aladurga has been identified with the modern Samudragarh
near Navadvipa. In fact, Navadvlpa or Nadia ( Nudia) was indeed the capital
t524
city of Lakshmanasena as stated in the Tabaqat-i-Nasin . Again, Dhoyi
in his Pavanaduta (36) has given a wonderful description of Vijayapura on
Champl, the bank of the Ganges as : Skandhavaram Vijayapuram ityunnatanr-
, , a
JQiQuUrQS
rajadhanlm/ ~T''Drishtva
^~ • '
tavat --bhuvanajayinastasya
----- - - -n- ni ■
rajnohadhigachchheb//
~ f ~ ■> " ' V

and This city was founded by Vijayasena of the Sena dynasty, and
Vfjayapura
yj,jayapura may not be different from Navadvipa or its neighbourhood
as contended by Sen523 . It has been further suggested that Vijayapura might
have been founded on the very site of the present Samudragarh where was
perhaps built the previous capital 3aladurga. In that case, Vijayapura does
not appear to have been far away from the present Navadvipa. Besides
Vijayapura, Lakshmanasena founded another capital city and named it after
him as Lakshmanavatl which became identical with Gauda.

The twin capital cities of Ramavatl and Lakshmanavatl lay on

the Ganges; the former was on the north of the Ganges and the latter,
on its south, and both of them were in the neighbourhood of modern Maldah.
It has been, however, contended that Lakshmanavati was actually founded
near Ramavau. Though Ramavatl considerably lost its prestige and glory
on the foundation of Lakshmanavatl yet it was neither forgotten nor deserted
altogether. This is proved by the very fact that Ramavati is also mentioned
Ramavatf iby Abul Fazal in the 16th century A.D. At the time of the Muslim
and conquest, Lakshmanavati was at the height of its glory, and towards
Uakshma-
navatf the close of the 16th century A.D., a great epidemic brought
about the catastrophic oblivion of the grand city of the Senas.

In this connection, it may be also noted that of the several Bhuktis

of the Sena kingdom one was Kankagrama-bhukti, on the south of which
lay Vardhamana-bhukti (Burdwan). This Kankagrama-bhukti included Northern
ka/ika* Radha (Brahma), and its centre was at Kahkagrama, the identity
grama of which is as yet uncertain. Some have placed it in the Rajmahal
and others at modern Kagram in the district of Mur^idabad . This Kagram
is not again far away ‘from the ancient site of Karnasuvarna (Rangamati-
ChandpSra), and as such, it may be said that the former retained to a limited
 4oa

extent the political gravity of the latter by being transformed into a Bhukti
in the Gauda kingdom of the Senas.

Besides, another political centre of Lakshmanasena is also referred

to. The Rajavadi ( Bhawal) plate was issued from Dharyyagrama where
Lakshmanasena is supposed to have shifted his capital after he lost West
Dharyya ggnggj to t^e ^usiim invaders. Bhattasali identifies this place
With* the region round about Rajavadi which lies at a distance of 972 miles
north-east of 3aydevpur Railway station on the Dacca—Mymensingh Railway
526
line

It would follow that the Gaudas under the PSlas and the Senas
had severed capital cities, of which some attained great celebrity like Karnasu-
varna, Ramavati, Nudia and Lakshmanavati. Of these many political centres,
only a few could be properly identified. It is only in recent years that Karna-
suvarna, the oldest capital city of the Gaudas, has been located in the district
of Mursidabad on the basis of archaeological finds. Here also, only its neigh-
527
bouring monastery, namely, Raktamrttikavihara has been firmly located
Following the account of Hiuen Tsang, it has been most logically upheld
that the ancient site of Karnasuvarna must be located near about the present
location of the ancient monastery. But as yet, no unimpeachable record
of Karnasuvarna's exact identity has been found. So also is the case of
Nudia which is generally identified with the present Navadvlpa (Nadia)
on the western bank of the Ganges. On th^s^stern side of the Ganges there
is a mound called Vallaladhipi which is traditionally supposed to have been
Identifl- the palace of the Sena king Vallalasena. But unfortunately, the
catipn of nature ancj character of this small mound and its contents do
Karna­
suvarna not give any indication to that extent. This mound has been recently
Nadia excavated and the mystry of the Vallaladhipi has been unveiled.
Scrappy press reports of finds unearthed at the site reveal remains of a
Buddhist monastery complex. Even at Navadvipa proper no unimpeachable
archaeological record of any kind has been found to prove its identity with
Nudia of the Muslim writers. Lakshmanasena had his palaces, etc., at Nadia
(Nudia), but no remains of any sort have been traced as yet. There are
two alternatives : either the Sena capital described by the Muslim historians
as Nudia which was captured by the Muslim invaders might be located at
 409

another place on the bank of the Ganges or the capital city of Nudia might
have been completely engulfed by the Ganges. The latter alternative is
not beyond any tinge of probability. Yet, it is very difficult to explain the
absence of any record whatsoever at the present Navadvlpa regarding the
once flourishing capital city of the Senas. It is a cogent argument, and
this naturally questions the credibility of the identification of Nudia of
the Muslim writers with the modern Navadvlpa.

Similar doubts may be expressed in respect of the identification

of Ramavati and Lakshmanavati. The capital Ramavati (Ramauti of the
Muslim writers) named after the Pala king Ran^pSl or Ramavatl-nagara
is said to have been situated in the vicinity of the present Gaud (Gaur)
on the Ganges. Here also, there is no cognigible record by which the identity
of Ramavati can be established with certainty. There are, however, some
Identlfi- places bearing reminiscences of the ancient Ramavati. In Bihar,
cation erf t^ere js one Ramagiri or Ramtek and Ramasiddhi-pataka of the
Ramavati ° ---------------------- —»--------
and Laksh- Navya region of the Variga country'’ . Even these places have
manavati **
• not produced any concrete evidences of their identity with Ramavati.
The same is the case with Lakshmanavati (Laknauti of the Muslim writers).
From the Muslim and other accounts it is evident that Lakshmanavati was
situated near the present region of Gaud, and it has been most cogently
upheld that it was on the ruins of the old city of Lakshmanavati that the
Muslim city of Gaur was founded. Yet, it must be said that no authentic
records of the former existence of Lakshmanavati at the place have been
detected excepting the recovery of several positive Pala-Sena sculptural
specimens which abound the place. It is, however, to be admitted that the
Muslims while constructing the palaces and mosques at Gaur and Pandua
made abundant use of the old building materials which have been most
reasonably supposed to- have belonged to the old city of Lakshmanavati
dispoiled/destroyed by the Muslim invaders.

It is really a strange phenomenon that all'' concrete evidences

regarding the aforesaid ancient cities of only 800-1000 years old have been
completely effaced beyond any recognition of their former existences. This
 410

might have been due to the activities of both natural and human agencies.
The river is the creator as well as destroyer of cities and civilizations.
Reasons All these cities were actually built on the banks of the Ganges
uncertain w^ich very often played great havoc carrying away or rather
ldentifi- engulfing all that was created on its bank. This might have happened
cation cases of both Ramavatl and Lakshmanavati. Besides, all these
establishments were subjected to complete destruction or ruination by the
Muslim invaders who utilized old materials of these dispoiled old cities
for their new constructions. This is what happened also in the case of the
ancient Gauda and the Muslim city of Gaur.

(v) Rise and Fall of Gauda and the Gaud as ;

It has been already stated that Gauda might have been originally
a region in the neighbourhood of the present Maldah, and that this very
region was perhaps peopled by the Gaudas coming from upper India. They
might have infiltrated through the Rajmahal hills following the traditional
route and named the place where they first settled after their own tribal
name. In course of time, they carved out a principality of their own and
succeeded even in extending their political supremacy far and wide. The
Gaudas
*1
appear to have come into prominence from the 6th century A.D.
onwards. The Haraha inscription refers to the conflict between the Gaudas
and the Maukhari ruler Is'anavarman, which might have taken place in the
529
southern part of the Vanga kingdom, perhaps of Gopachandra . Previous
to this war, Gauda was under the hegemony of the Guptas. It was only
after the decline of the Guptas that the Maukharis forcibly established
their hold over the Gaudas who might have made attempts to become free
Rise of from the yoke of servitude of the Guptas. The conquest of Mahasena-
the J3§udas_ gUpta an<j ifs^navarman made the Gaudas confused and disintegrated

Sasaftka for the time being. But soon, the Gaudas integrated themselves
under the magnetic personality of one named Sasahka who was perhaps
first a Mahasamanta under the Later Guptas of Magadha and later on succeeded
to establish his overlordship over the Gaudas. In the 7th century A.D., the
Gauda kingdom under the leadership of Sasahka received unquestioned
acknowledgement all over Northern India. At that time, the capital city
of the Gauda kingdom was perhaps at Karnasuvarna as mentioned by Hiuen
Tsang.

Disintegrations followed the death of Sasanka, and it has been

clearly stated in the Arya-manjusri-mula-kalpa that 'after the death of
Soma, the Gauda political system (Gauda-tantra) was reduced to mutual
distrust, raised weapons and mutual jealousy-one king for a week; another
530 1
for a month.... . Internal dissensions- in the Gauda kingdom were further
Anarchy aggravated by invasions from outside. After the death of Sasanka,
Karnasuvarna was conquered by Bhaskaravarman of Kamarupa.
j asanKB
Even these outsiders got hold over Gauda, and one of its rulers
was defeated and killed by Yas'ovarman of Kanauj as narrated in the Gauda- «

vaho. Besides, references to inroads made by the kings of Kasmlr may be

also made. Taking the advantage of the prevailing anarchy and confusions,
the Palas succeeded in establishing their absolute control over the Gaudas.

With the rise of the Palas, the political picture of Gauda changed
altogether, and they had probably first established their capital city in
the present region of Maldah where the Gaudas originally settled. The Palas
were perhaps responsible for transferring the capital city from Karnasuvarna
to Gauda. In fact, all the 3ayaskandhavaras (temporary military resorts
or capitals) of the Pala rulers were founded on the Ganges. Even the city
Under the of RamavatF named1 after the Pala king Ram^pal (11 th-12th
Palas century A.D) was perhaps situated in or near the present Gaur.
and Senas
This Ramavatl has been actually referred to by the Muslim writers as Ramauti.
When the Senas came to power they established their capital city at Lakshma-
navati named after Lakshmanasena ( 1189-1206 A.D ) in the present region
of baur. This city has been referred to in the Muslim accounts as Lakhnauti.

On the conquest of Bengal by the Muslims, Gauda came to hold

a marked position. It was perhaps on the ruins of Ramavati and Lakshmanavati
that the Muslim conquerors established their own city of Gaur which became
 412

the residence of several Muslim rulers of Bengal for centuries. Thus long
before the establishment of the Muslim capital at Gaur, Gauda flourished
Under the as a great centre, and the muslim conquerors founded their own
Muslims cities on its despoiled ruins or in their vicinity and named the
same after the old one, i.e., Gauda. Even during Chaitanya's time Gaudlya
meant all Bengalis.

It may be noted here that the ancient Gaudas played a significant

role not only in the annals., of Bengal, but also of Northern India. Within
its spatial area, there lay five capitals, such as, Lakshmanavati,i.e.,Lakshnauti
or Gaur of the Muslim times, Pandua, i.e., Firozabad, Tanda, Rajmahal, i.e.,
Agmahal or Akbarnagar and Mursidabad, i.e., Makhsushabad. Lakshmanavati
lying on the northern part of Gaur continued to be the capital city even
.during the Muslim period. The Muslim conquerors adored the city with palaces,
Capitals mosques etc. There are also references to the fortress of Basan-kot
under the
and an embankment of Diw-kot. Lakshmanavati with its fort was
Muslims
captured by the Muslims in 1227 A.D. and by 1338 A.D. the capital was
transferred to Fkndua ( Firozabad), perhaps because of the changes in the
river courses causing the older city unhealthy and uninhabitable. But the
capital city was again transferred to Gaur or Lakshmanavati promoted by
the landscape changes. Then again by 1564 A.D. Sulaiman transferred the
capital from Gaur to Tanda. In Todarmal's rent-roll, Gauda appears to have
comprised 2 Sarkars, namely, Lakshmanavati and Audumbara (Tanda). During
the Mughal rule, the political centre was transferred to Dacca and then
again to Mursidabad which no doubt formed an integral part of Gauda.
Henceforth, ancient and medieval Gauda as a centre of political and cultural
gravity passed into oblivion.

The glory of Gaur or of ancient Gauda did not last for a long
time. It was actually from the 16th century that the decline of Gaur began.
A traveller of the 16th century gives a glowing account of the city of Gaur
by stating : "It is situated on the banks of the Ganges, and it is said to
be 3 of our leagues in length and to contain 2 lakhs inhabitants. On the
one side, it has the river for its defence and on the landward faces a wall
 413
of great height ... streets are thronged with concourse and traffic of people
... that they can not force their way past ... a great part of the houses
Decline of this city are stately and well-wrought .buildings De Barros
of Gauda cajjs tjie cjty Qf Gaur after the name of the country. It appears

that the old name of Lakhnauti disappeared. Another traveller in 1683,

however, could observe the old city in ruins. He says : "We spent three
hours in seeing the ruins specially of the palace which has been in my judge­
ment considerably bigger and more beautiful than the Grand Seignor's Seraglio
:«53i
at Constantinople or any other place that I have seen in Europe
I?

The ruins of the Muslim city of Gaur are to be found scattered

over a wide area in and around the modern town of Maldah, more particularly
at Gaur and Pandua. But unfortunately, as yet no distinct traces of ancient
Gauda or of Lakshmanavati could be detected in the Muslim palaces. There
is, however, hardly any doubt that the Muslim palaces and mosques were
actually founded on the ruins of the ancient city of Lakshmanavati and
its neighbouring temples. It may be’ also reasonably upheld that the palaces,
Ruins of buildings and temples of Lakshmanavati were ravaged and demolished
Gau<=la by the Muslim conquerors, and those very materials were used
for the construction of the Muslim mosques and palaces. There are still
extant traces or indications of the wide use of those old despoiled materials
in the construction of the Muslim buildings at Gaur and Pandua.

It would be thus evident from the above survey that Gauda was
originally an insignificant place where the Gaudas first settled, and that
it gradually came into prominence and ^merged as a great principality having
its territorial extent as to cover the whole of western part of Bengal and
later on the whole of Bengal. It so happened that the original Gauda people
got themselves integrated into the general milieu of the Bengali people
and culture in such a way that they emerged so prominently as
Conclusion

to be identified with the Bengali people and their country. Accordingly,

Bengal came to be known as Gauda and the Bengali people as the Gaudas
or Gauda-janas. Even as late as the 19th century, the expression Gauda-jana
continued to be used in literature as denoting the Bengali people, and till
recently the term Gauda-jana is being used in the same sense.
 414
(vi) Cultural Patterns:

Even if the Gaudas were of any tribal affiliation, they after their
settlement in Bengal and amalgam with many other peoples of the region
did develop their cultural patterns in such a way as to be reckoned as quite
well-marked and distinct in all aspects of their life and activities. A pointed
reference to the living of the Gaudas on the sea-shore has been already
made, and it implies that the Gaudas, though they might have come from
middle and upper India^ became perhaps great experts in navigation because
of their close association with the sea. In fact, it has been also suggested
that the Gaudas might have their refuge in the seas. Besides, in the Gurgi
inscription of the 11th century A.D. it is said that the Gauda kings had
Associa- their Jaladurga where they used to take resort or had their residence.
sea Wlth (^^Hidhijaladurgam Gauda-rajohadhisete)^^. This is the same

as the Samudrasraya of the Haraha inscription of the 6th century

A.D. As to the identity of the Samudrasraya or sea-resort it may be noted
that even during Abul Fazal's time, the Ganges fell into the sea near Sapta-
grama, and in fact, Fredarik in the 16th century saw many ships at Betad
(Howrah) 5 33 . Accordingly, Raychaudhuri rightly observed that the wide
mouth of the river Sarasvati was at that time recognised as the Sea. Sen
thinks that this sea-resort may be located, as already stated, at modern
r 534
Samudragad, near Navadvipa

That the Gaudas excelled in various arts and crafts becomes evident
from the Arthasastra of Kautilya who describes a variety of silver called
Gaudeka which was undoubtedly a product of the Gauda country 535 . Kautilya
Crafts says : Gaudikamrupyam. From this, it appears that Gauda's silver
was famous in countries outside Bengal. Kautilya also makes a particular
reference to other products of different parts of Bengal including Gauda.
This shows that the Gauda people showed excellence in the manufacture
of various crafts. !

A detailed account of the dress, customs, etc., of the Gaudas is

to be found in the Kamasutra of Vatsyayana. A particular reference has
been made by Vatsyayana to love intrigues in the king's harems of Vahga
and Gauda. While referring to .the Gaudas he says that love intrigues were
carried out with the help of the Brahamana relatives and servants who had
5 36 _
easy access to the harem . In other passages, Vatsyayana has made a parti­
cular reference to the beauty of men and softness and delicacy of the women
of Gauda. Again, while discussing the fashion of dressing nails by men in different
parts of India, Vatsyayana says : 'Large nails which give grace to the hand
and attract the heart of women from their appearance are possessed by the
Gaudas' (Dlrghani hastasobhinyalokecha ;noshitam chittagraliini cha Gaudanam
* • 537 * *

Dress and nakhani syuh /. Further, while describing the characteristics of

»

charm of the women Qf various parts of India, Vatsyayana speaks of [the Gauda
the Gaudas
ladies as soft and sweet in their speech, full of love and tender in their body
^ 5 38
(Mridubh&shinyohanuragavatyo mridvangyas’jxha Gaudyan ;. From the account
• • * * •
of Vatsyayana, it is also evident that in respect of dress, speech, and general
behaviour patterns the Gauda men and women were not inferior to the peoples
of .'other parts of India, and that in many respects, they were far superior.
In this connection, a reference may be also made to Rajasekhara's Kavyamimamsa
• — 5 39
which makes a particular mention of Gaudanganasu, i.e., Gauda lady . Bharata
in his Natyas'astra (23/64) has also made a special reference to hairdressing
of the Gauda women by stating : Gaudinamalakaprayam Saiikhapas'avenikam,
i.e., the Gauda ladies had curly and a braid or tail of hair hanging like a tuff
of hair on the crown of the head as tonsure. As to the dress of the Gauda
T - _
ladies, the Kavyamimamsa furnishes a detailed account : Ardrardrachandanakuch-
arpitasutraharah/ Simantachumbisichayah sphutabahumulah // Durvaprakaguruchi-
• ......... " • ............... ...........ir* — • ..........

rasvagurupabhogad/ Gaudanganasu chiramesha chakastuveshah//

It thus follows that the Gauda ladies used to we^r necklace of thread
and fyead-cloth up to the hair-periphery, and that they had their arms uncovered,
breast bearing sandal-paste and the limbs having Agurucharcha and that their
body being durvakaguruchi, i.e., dark-blue or Syama-varna'^0.

Here, a particular reference may be also made to the language,

linguistic style, alphabet, etc., that developed amongst the Gaudas and frequently
referred to in some of the early literary texts. Bana in an introductory verse
of the Harshacharita (1/7-8) speaks of the fondness for Vakshara-dambarah
amongst the people of Gauda (Gaudes'a), i.e., display of sonorous words is said
 416
to be the characteristic of the Gauda people. This is a literary quality which
is called Vikataksha-ravandha, i.e., not distorted or deformed. It refers at
*
least to an independent growth of Sanskrit poetry. Dandin and Bhamaha who
flourished in the 7th/8th century A.D. speak of two styles, Dakshinatya and
Paurastva. According to Dandin, Paurastya is represented by the Gaudiya style
"which favoured alliteration and harsh sound effects, recondite etymologizing
phraseology and strength of ten resulting in bombast and affectation". It has
Language, been pointed out by Jacobi that the Sanskrit poetry in the East deve-
alphabet • j0pecj tjne evii effect 0f age before the'art became current"*^,
and style °
The Gaudiya-style is characterised by Arthalamkaradambarau which
is its distinctive feature. Dandin, however, was in favour of Vaidarbha-style.
Bhamaha, however, regarded Gaudi as superior to others . But in the Natya-
sasatra, Bharata (earlier than Dandin's Kavyadaria) speaks of four styles, i.e.,
Ayanti, Panchala, Madhyama, Dakshinatya and Qdra-Magadhi. Of these again,
- - -543
the last two correspond to V aidarbhi and Gaudi-styles of Dandi . That Ardha-
magadhi is identical with Gaudi has been made clear by Rajasekhara who says
that in Ariga, Vahga, Suhma, Brahma, Pundra, etc., Odra-Magadhi-pravritti
and Gaudiyarlti were prevalent. It has been, however, pointed out by Keith
»

that this is a strong suggestion that in the time of the Natyasastra there had
not developed the characteristics of the Gauda-style, and that this emerged
' 544
gradually with the development of poetry at the courts of the princes of Bengal
Here, the princes of Bengal were no doubt t,he kings of Gauda who flourished
in the 7th century A.D. and that the Gaudiyafctyle came to the whole of Eastern
India. <

• Besides, Rajasekhara in his Kavyamimamsa (X) has also rieferred

to Sanskrit language and its cultivation in Gauda by saying : Gaudadyah Saiiskrita-
sthah parichitaruchayah prakrite Latadesyah. From this statement, it is clear
* *****

that Sanskrit language was more cultivated in Gauda than Prakrita. Not only
that, even the pronunciation of the Sanskrit words ^n^Jie, Gauda land \j/as
_ , (KN, y
quite up to the mark or good. Thus Rajasekhara says : Ftat^ianti Samskritam
A. •
Sushthu KunthaliPrakrita Vachi tel Vanarasltah purvena ye kechin Magadhadayah//
T~ " '• _” " " *T 1 " ' " "" —""" " * TI 0 ' ' " ' " .... r0

Thus the Gaudas earned great reputation in pronunciation of Sanskrit words.

But their Prakrita pronunciation was distasteful. It is further stated in the
Kavyamimamsa (vii) that the Goddess Sarasvati being disgusted with the Prakrita-
 417
pronunciation went to Brahma and said : Brahman WnapaCVami tvam Svadhikara-
jiha^a/ Gaudastyajatu va gathSmanya vahastu Sarasvati// Thus Sarasvati said
to Brahma that either the Gaudas give up Prakrita or tjke resort to another
Sarasvati. Hereafter, Rajasekhara describes the style of reading of the Gaudas
i

Prakrita
’ " »"
by saying : Natispashto na chaslishto na ruksho natikomalah/ Na
—- — nn^ - -n-r - - ... TriTi, • ' ' ... ' •

T . ..
Sanskrit
mandro natitarscha pathi Gaudeshu Vadavah//. It follows that the
----------------------------------- c—;----------- 1----------------«------;
reading of the Gaudiya-Brahmanas was neither very distinct nor
indistinct, neither hat$h‘ nor soft and neither grave nor sharp; such pronunciations
can neither be adored nor reproached. In other words, the Gaudiya-style of
Sanskrit-reading was quite up to the mark and commendable. All these show
that Gauda was also a great centre of the cultivation of Sanskrit learning.
It is also evident that the original language of the Gaudas, i.e., Prakrita was
given up in favour of Sanskrit. This has been all due to the impact of Brahmaniza-
tion and Sanskritization.

Like the Gaudfya-literary style, the Eastern Indian alphabet was

»

also named after Gauda. In this respect, a particular reference may be made
to the observation of Buhler : "Towards the end of the ilth century A.D.,
the Nagari inscriptions of Eastern India show such distinct traces of changes
leading up to the modern Bengali writing, and this change became so numerous
in the 12 th century that it is possible to class this alphabet as proto-Bengali"545
Bendall and Buhler could also find out the impact of this script on the alphabet
used in the Nepalese manuscripts belonging to the period between the 12th
and 15th centuries . It is, however, to be noted that as early as the first
half of the 11th century, the East Indian script was actually named after
Gauda. Alberuni (1030 A.D) has referred to eleven kinds of alphabet current
in different parts of India and this list includes Gaudi-alphabet I?eing used
- , 547 r~
in Purvadesa . Accordingly, the proto-Bengali script of Buhler was perhaps
Alphabet known at that time as -------Gauda.
1--
Besides, in the ---------------------
Lalitavistara there
is a list of 64 alphabets, which includes the mention of Ahga-lipi, Vanga-lipi,
Magadha-lipi, Dravida-lipi T etc. 548 . This suggests that there was a tendency
also towards the development of local characteristics in alphabet even in earlier
times. But the fact remains that like the literary style there developed a
Gaudiya-style of writing which was once prevalent all over Eastern India,
and which is perhaps to be reckoned as proto-Bengali script.
 418

Like1 literary style and alphabet there developed in Gauda a language

with its own characteristics and peculiarities which were also prevalent all
over Eastern India. In this connection, a particular reference may be made
to the Charyyapadas or Charyya-songs attributed to the 10th and 12th centuries
A.D. There is little doubt that this is the language of the Charyya-songs ,
the earliest stage of the East Indian dialect emerging from the Apabhramsa.
As to the closeness of the Charyya-songs to the respective Languages of Eastern
India, Bengali, Assamese, Oriya, Maithili and Eastern hindi, scholars have
expressed diverse opinions. Claims have been put forward to affiliate each
one of the modern languages of Eastern India to the Charyya-songs. Naturally,
language, it follows that the languages of Eastern India have a common origin,
style and
and it is also quite likely that when the Charyya-songs were composed,
alphabet
the differences amongst the languages were not so marked as they
are! at present. Accordingly, Sircar suggests that the language of the Charyyapajdas

should be called Gaudi or East Indian and not purely old Bengali or Assamese
549
or Maithili, etc.

It would thus follow that the Gaudas had developed a distinct alphabet,
language and literary style which were once current all over Eastern India.
All these, however, relate to the development of local alphabets, dialects
or languages from the Apabhramsas of the Indo-Aryan language, and that
Gauda was the centre papexcellence in the development of this language including
its style and alphabet, and the same was named after Gauda, i.e., Gaudi. The
Gaudas also made great contributions in different branches of knowledge.
The Gaudapada-karika whose author is referred to as Gaudacharya, i.e., a native
j_. 550
scholar of Gauda, is a great philosophical work . Besides, a reference may
be made to Gaudorvisa-Kulaprasasti perhaps dealing with Vijayasena's career.
The people of Gauda are also said to be great devotees of learning, and they
were always engaged in the pursuit of knowledge. It has been thus said :
Gaudadesah Sarvavidyavisaradah.

It is, however, to be borne in mind that the Eastern peoples have

been described as Asurabhashi, i.e., speakers of _Asura-language. Rajasekhara
thus says Gaudastcyajatu va gathamcanya v^stu Sarasvatj (Let the GaudaS
 419

- n IS I
give up composing Gathers or let them change their Yarn). This^an indica-
Sanskri- tion that by the time of RSjasekhara, the Gaudas were not expert
tization -n comp0sing Gathas. But subsequently, they might have acquired
great proficiency in Sanskrit learning and showed excellence in literary style
and language- This has been all due to the impact of Sanskritization.

The Gaudas also showed great excellence in the fields of politics

and art of warfare. It is to be borne in mind that Gauda was originally a small
principality which was gradually transformed into a large kingdom. The Gaudas
lived near the sea and had their sea-resorts as narrated in the Haraha and
Gurgi inscriptions, the implications of which have been discussed in the foregoing
Naval pages. It is stated in the 13th sloka of the said Haraha inscription:
warfare
Gaudan samudrasrayandhySsishta etakshitisacharanah ...,i.e.,by defeating
the Gaudas who had taken refuge in the sea, the Maukhari king ascended on
the throne : Sinhasanamadhyasishta . The natural deduction is that the Gaudas
were great experts in naval warfare like the Vangas. Not only in naval warfare,
even in respect of land-fighting the Gaudas excelled in their skill, manoeuvre
and bravery. The political supremacy of the Gaudas can be traced from the
6th century A.D. onwards, and in the 7th century A.D. under the leadership
of Sasahka they created a great stir in the political arena of Northern India.
By the middle of the 8th century A.D., the Gaudas were the overlord of Magadha
as indicated by the Gaudavaho of Vakpatiraja^2. Not only that, even after
Political the fall of Sasahka, the Palas and the Senas who became jthe rulers
supremacy QaU(-|a couid successfully exhibit the valour and heroism of the
Gaudas in Northern India. The mighty prowess of the Gaudas in their fight
against the foreign invaders bears clear testimony to the nature and character
of the Gauda soldiers. A glowing tribute to the valour and heroism of the
by
Gaudas has been givenA Kaihana in his Rajatarangim. Kaihana narrates the
Heroism story of the assasination of the Gauda king who sought refuge
in Kashmir., and the Gaudas in order to avenge the treacherous killing of their
master went over to Kashmir and showed wonderful bravery and heroism-^.
Kaihana says that 'even the creator can not achieve what the Gaudas did
on that occasion, and to this day the world is filled with the fame of the
Gauda heroes (Vidhaturpyasadhyam tadyad Gaudairvihitam tada/ BrahmSndam
Gauda Viranam > YasasyapunalT^//. This compliment given by Kaihana speaks
 4"0

highly of the bravery and heroism of the Gaudas.

It would be evident from various military raids and campaigns conducted
by the Gaudas under the leadership of their masters over different parts of
Northern India extendinig up to Kasmir that some of those Gaudas who went
to far off countries in course of their military campaigns or other activities
might not have returned to their homeland in Bengal. Some of them
Conclusion
were perhaps left behind, as a result of which many communities all over
Northern India as well in the northern hilly tracts became named after Gauda
or Gaudiya. It is not at all. improbable that till these peoples named as such
may be affiliated to the ancient Gaudas of Bengal who might have traversed
those lands in different periods of history.

The Gaudas did also maintain and nourish social differentiations.

The Brahmanas who came from Kolancha (Kanyakubja) and settled in Bengal
at the invitation of Adisura are recognised as the ancestors of the present
Radhiya and Varendra Brahmins of Bengal'5'^. Similarly, the present noj>le

Kayasthas of Bengal claim to be descendants of those very Kayasthas who

accompanied the aforesaid Brahmanas coming from Kanauj. Again, the Sun3ja-
nacharita’s author who perhaps belonged to the 16th century was a Gauda-
Ambashtha, i.e., the Vaidyas of Bengal-*-^. In fact, the upper caste peoples
of Bengal trace their descent from those very peoples who came to Bengal
Social from West. If they were of Gauda affiliations, it may be contended
tiatbns” t^iat t^l0se verV Gaudas preserved their separate identity, and their
descendants also retained the hierarchy. In religious matters, the
Gaudas of Bengal were upholders of Brahmanical rites and practices and were
f

perhaps affiliated to different sects. Some of them were devotees of Siva.

One Siva-acharya, Visvesvara, is described as a native of Purvagrama in the
Radha division of Gauda. The Pontiff is also called Gauda-chudamani , i.e.,
. t -----------------4 ................ § »----- >

Religion head-jeweil of Gauda-5^. Besides their original primitive religious

ideas, the Gaudas of Bengal in general were devout followers and propagators
of Brahmanism. In social affairs, the Gaudas appear to have conceived the
idea of social discriminations which were given effect to by Vallalasena who
introduced Kulinism in the society of Bengal.
(vii) Identity:

•; It is very difficult to detect or identify the true descendants of

the ancient Gaudas of Bengal. The primary reason for not finding out any
trace of the direct descendants of the ancient Gaudas bearing the same name
appear to lie in the very fact that the Gaudas intermingled with all other
peoples of Bengal in such a way as not to leave any trace whatsoever of their.
distinct identity. In reality, the Gaudas in subsequent periods become synonymous
with the Bengali people as a whole. Yet, the name Gaura or Gauriya persists,
Descendants and many communities among different castes of Bengal are named
as such. Thus there is a Gauda sub-caste of the Kayastha and the Goalas of
Bengal. Besides, a reference has been already made to the Gaudiya-Brahmins.
It .'may be, however, noted that all these designations might have been made
after territory, i.e., named after the Gauda-land. Besides, a reference has been
already made to the Gauda-Brahmana, Gaur-Kayastha, Gaur-Rajput, Gaur-taga,
etc., in upper India. It follows that the names of such communities ending
or preceding with the appellation of Gaur might be a sort of recognition of
their descent from the ancient Gaudas or their close. association with them.
Gaur-Tagi The Gaur-Brahmanas of upper India relate also that they came from
Bengal. The Gar Brahmanas of Delhi-Subha have 22 subdivisions, such as, Adh,
dugad, Kaithal, Gujar, Sidh-Gaur etc. Of all these Gaur-Brahmanas, the most
;

important community is, however, the Gaur-Taga which may be identical with
Ta-Gauria as mentioned by Polybius. This Brahmanical community is traditionally
said to have been invited by . the king danamejaya of the Epic story for extermi­
nating snakes by performing the great Snake-sacrifice-^The same tradition
has been also preserved in Bengal as reported by Buchanan'^. This story
of the performance of the Snake-sacrifice is stated to have been referred
to in a Copper plate inscription from Bednor*^. It is further said that danamejaya
performed the Snake-sacrifice for the destruction of all serpents at the confluence
of Tungabhadra and Haridra"^. This story appears to be a reminiscence of
the destruction of the Naga-peoples (Takshakas) who were so-called because
they had perhaps serpent as their totem or symbol. These Takshakas have
Takshakas macje identical with the Scythians who swept over the whole
and Nagas
of Northern India and established their political hegemony. There is no dearth
of the Naga ruling families and also of names of kings ending in Naga who
 422
established political authority in different parts of Northern India. The original
name of the Scythian tribe might have been Takshaka, from which perhaps
descended the Takkas who appear to have been again associated with the grand
old city of Taksha&la. In other words, it appears that the Takkas occupied
originally the land between the Indus and the Jhelam. Even the name Attock
( obstacle ) recalls the name of the Takkas. There was perhaps a conflict
between the Takshakas who had spread over North-western region and became
the founder of the Naga royal families and the Pan^iavas, and the story of
Snake-sacrifice might have originated from this conflict.

As to the origins of the prefix Tag a to the Brahmana, there are

also many legends current in different parts of Northern India. According
to one legend, Tak and Khattri were two brothers, the former took to drinking
and the latter expelled him who became a TySgi. It is jirom Tyagl that the
term., Taga appears to have been derived. The king danamejaya is also said
I

to have invited the Brahmanas from Gaur to officiate at the great Snake-sacrifice,
Taga : and that after the sacrifice, those BrShmanas were offered land
legends
and remuneration. Some of the Br&hmanas refused this offer. As
these Brahmanas consented to Tyaga, they were called Togas, and they continued
to live in places near Hastinapur •

It is, however, very difficult to explain as to how this legend of

bringing the Brahmanas from Gaur in Bengal originated. There appears to
be hardly any relationship between these Brahmanas of upper India with those
of Bengal. In Bengal, the tradition is otherwise. From the Kulaji-texts, it
is learnt that the king Adisura invited the Brahmanas from Kanauj to perform
the Vedic sacrifices in Bengal^-*. Therefore, the story of the invitation of
the Brahmanas from Bengal to perform the Snake-sacrifice in upper India
Gaur- appears to bear a little credibility. This is attested to by the claim
of those very Brahmanas that they came from Hariana (Hariyana)
of upper
India : an and not from Gaur (Bengal). In other words, they were perhaps originally
explanation settjecj jn j-jarjanj[ ancj not jn Gauda. These Tagas are also to be
found in the upper Doab and in Delhi region, and the so-called Gaur-Brahmanas
and the Tagas intermarry. It has been already stated that the so-called Gaur-
BrShmanas in Bengal were in all probability imported from West, and that
they did not move from East to West. There is another possibility. It is learnt
from the Kulaji-texts that when these Brahmanas who came to Bengal at
 423
the invitation of Adisura for performing sacrifices returned to their native
places, their kins refused to accept them in their society as they visited an
impure country. At this, some of them came back and settled down in Bengal.
But those who did not come back to Bengal and stayed on at their respective
native places became perhaps known as Gaur-Brahmanas as they came from
the impure country of Bengal which was thence known as Gauda.

Besides the Gaur-Brahmanas of upper India, there are also Gaur-

Kayasthas. There are again two primary divisions of the Gaur-Kayeths, r^amely5
— * '
Kharri and Nizamabadi, the latter are now mostly Sikhs. Even in Western
India, there are many Gaur-Kayeths who are stated to have been transported
there about 800 years before to work as Kanungas (revenue officer or record-
keeper). This is not a very old tradition and can be taken as an explanatbn
for their presence in upper India. On the other hand, it is learnt from the
Gauj- Kulaji-texts that along with the Brahmanas came the Kayasthas
Kayeths from Kanauj to Bengal at the invitation of the king Adisura, and
in upper
India they all might have settled in Bengal. It is not also unlikely that
these Kayasthas from Bengal also went to upper India in search of jobs. But
all these happened only in a very late period. Originally, these Kayeths of
upper India appear to have little to do with the Gaudas in Bengal. There may
be also another possibility. Along with the Brahmanas some Kayeths also might
have returned to their respective native places in upper India after performing
sacrifices in Bengal, and those very peoples who were socially degraded by
their kins came to be known as the Gaur-Kayeth since they returned from
the Gauda country.

Further, there are also Gaur-Rajputs spread over different parts

of Northern India. There are Chhattiskula or 36 Kulas (clans) of the Rajputs.
According to Tod, the ancient kings of Bengal belong to one of these communi­
ties-^. Many of these peoples are to be found as Zamindars at Gorakpur,
Badaon, Shajahanpur and Moradabad. In Oudh, a considerable number of these
peoples are found. They are divided into three groups : Bhat-Gaur, Baman-Gaur
and Chamar-Gaur. All these groups appear to have originated from intermixtures
with the Bhats, Brahmanas and Chamars. Then again, Kayeth, -Gaur, another
community, is said to be an occupational group (carpentry). The Chamar-Gaurs
are again divided into Rajas and Rais. It is said that one of their ladies took
refuge in a Chamar-house, and her child came to be called by that name.
Gaur-Rajputs They occupy a low social position, and in order to heighten their
Gaur_ThSkur* deSracled position, they now claim that they originated from one
etc^jf Chauhan king. They also call themselves Chiman-Gaur.i.e. originating
upper India from chiman-muni (Saint), and they now disdain all relationship
with the Chamar565* The Gaur-Rajputs, Gaur-Kshatriyas and Gaur-Brahmanas
are to be found in many parts of UttargQrades and Bihar. Besides, there are
also peoples called Gaurs and Gaur-Thakurs in Mathura and Kanpur. Even
amongst the Ahirs, there is a community called Gaura®^.

In fact, several communities of upper India bearing the appellation

Gaur are to be found widespread. It may be reasonably presumed that all
these peoples having appellation of Gaur may be recognised as the direct
descendants of the ancient Gaudas or their close associates. Taking into considera­
tion their wide distribution all over upper India and their numerous divisions
Obser- and subdivisions, it would be preposterous to uphold the view that
vation ^ these peoples migrated from Gauda in Bengal or that they were
all originally Gaudas of Bengal. On the other hand, the inevitable! deduction
would be that the ancient Gaudas of Bengal were those very peoples bearing
the same name who came to Bengal from upper India.

As to how, why and when these Gaudas infiltrated into Bengal, many
legendary tales have been recorded in Kulajl-texts of Bengal-^* Though the
historicity of the contents of the Kulaji-texts has been questioned on valid
grounds, it can not be denied at the same time that there is a grain of truth
in those legends. It is said that the king Adisura of Gauda brought Brahmanas
who were also accompanied by the Kayasthas from Ranauj for the performance
Coming of of the Vedic rites in Bengal which was thence considered as an
the Gaudas . _
in Bengal impure land not to be trodden by the Aryas of the Aryavarta or
and Adisura Madhyadesa. At first, the king of Kanauj refused - to comply with
legend - .
tne request of Adisura to send the Brahmanas to Bengal. At this,
Adisura declared war against the king of Kanauj and sent 700 Brahmanas of
Bengal riding on the bulls in the battle field. The king, failing to kill those
Brahmanas as that would mean killing of the bulls made arap.proachment and
agre’fed to send the Brahmanas to Bengal as desired by Adisura. After theperfor-
 V

425
mance of the religious rites in Bengal, those very Brahmanas returned to their
respective native places, but their kins refused to accept them because thjey
visited an impure country and performed the Vedic sacrifices there. At this,
many of those peoples might have to come back to Bengal and informed the
king of their helpless condition. The king treated them kindly and made liberal
grants of lands for their settlements in Bengal. This is how the Brahmanas
came and settled in Bengal permanently, and this is how the Brahmanas had
established their firm foothold in Bengal. It would be, however, unreasonable
to uphold that all the Brahmanas and their followers returned to Bengal en
masse. Some of them might have stayed on at their respective native places
and they became socially degraded.

Adisura might or might not have been a historical person. But the
existence of the Sura dynasty ruling in some parts of Bengal bears historical
credence-’*’'7. If there was a king of the name of Adisura belonging to that
Date of ruling dynasty, he might have flourished before the 8th century A.D.
Adisura • ^ ^ about 1030 A.D.^^^- There was in fact a king named Adisura.
Kcq
who was a petty cheiftain in North Bihar in the 9th-10th century A.D. .
All these legends might have centered round this very king or the one bearing
the same name at a little earlier period.

Whatever may be the historicity of ' Adisura, the legendary tales

relate that all the noble Brahmanas of Bengal are the descendants of the five
Brahmanas coming from Kanauj, and that the king of Bengal also sent Brahmanas
Observation to fight against the king of Kanauj. Now, the possibilities are that

the Gaur-Brahmanas in upper India might be also the descendants of those

very Brahmanas who were sent by AdisQra to fight against the king of Kanauj
or they might be regarded as natives of those places. The latter supposition
appears to bear historical credence, and as such, those native Brahmanas bearing
the name Gauda might have actually migrated to Bengal subsequently and
became the progenitors of the Brahmanas of Bengal. Not only that, even the
Kayasthas who accompanied those Brahmanas to Bengal became the progenitors
of the noble Kayasthas of Bengal.

V
(viii) Ethnic Affiliations;

As to the ethnic affiliation of the Brahmanas of upper India, Risley

has referred to his Indo-Aryan racial group characterised by tail stature, fair
complexion, dark eyes, long head, narrow and prominent nos^5^a. While speaking
about the ethnic composition of the people of Bengal, he also refers to the
infiltration of Indo-Aryan element into Bengal. In this connection, he made
a particular reference to the Brahmanas and Kayasthas coming from Kanauj
at the invitation of the king Adisura. He has, however, admitted that even
among the descendants of these Indo-Aryan migrants indications "are not wanting
Brahmanas of occasional intermixture with Dravidians". Risley has also referred
?nd
to their physical degeneration caused by environs'*'7®. This view
Kayasthas
of upper of Risley has been challenged by Chanda who from his study of
India and
the genealogical tables of the Kayasthas and Brahmanas and also
Bengal
from their anthropometric measurements has arrived at the conclusion
that the Brahmanas and Kayasthas of Bengal have little kinship with those
of upper India-*^. (This problem has been discussed in the following Chapters).

Further, it has been.found out that the Gaur communities of upper

India belonging to various caste categories and social positions having intermixed
with other peoples lost their original ethnic features. If the hypothesis of
the existence of the Gaudas in North-west is accepted and if their affiliation
with the Turks and their infiltration into India are admitted, it may be presumed
Gaur-commu- that they were originally Monjgoloid peoples who in inner India
upper °ndia became inextricably mixed up with other existing peoples belonging
—mixed to the Australoid and Mediterranean ethnic stocks. If therefore
peoples the Gaudas of Bengal came from West, they were already mixed
peoples. This was so in the case of both the Gauda-Brahmanas and other peoples
infiltrating from West into Bengal wherein they further intermingled with
other diverse peoples and became totally lost in the milieu of the Bengali
people as a whole. Again, there is no extant community in Bengal, the members
of which may be identified as direct descendants of the ancient Gaudas, and
as such, it is hardly possible to determine the ethnic identity of the Gaudas
of ancient Bengal.
 Despite this indetermination of the ethnic identity of the ancient
Gaudas of Bengal as would follow from the above, some early Indian texts
contain some references to their physical characters. Bharata in his Natyasastra
has referred to the skin-colour of the, various peoples of India including those
Physical of Bengal. But Bharata has not made any specific mention of thje
features skin-colour of the Gaudas in particular, but of the Angas, Vahgas,
Gaudas Kalihgas, etc. It is stated : Ahga-Vahga-Kalingastu syamah karyastu
varnatah syama, i.e., dark-blue skin-colour of the Angas, Vangas and Kalingas.
It may usually be contended that the skin-colour of the Gaudas was not perhaps
different from those peoples whose complexion has been specifically mentioned
by Bharata. Rajasekhara in his Kavyamlmamsa has become more specific in
this regard. While speaking about the eastern peoples, it has been stated :
r ■70

Paurastyanam syamd varnah, i.e., dark blue colour of the easterners. Again,
while dealing with Paurastyat, .-syamata Rajasekhara has referred to Gaurangana
as z Syameshvangeshu Gaudlnarh/^ Further, he refers to the Gauda ladies
Skin- as Durvakaguruchi, i.e., their bodies being s yama-varna. In another
coour place, Rijasekhara s£*s : Viseshastu Purvad5se rljaputryadinam
Gaurah pandurva varnah. It means that the persons of royal blood or of the
nobles had their skin-colour pale or yellowish white. These references to the
skin-colour of the Gauda people are very significant. The implication is that
the general Gauda peoples were perhaps dark blue, but the complexion of
the nobles or persons of royal blood was plausibly pale or yellowish white.
It may be accordingly presumed that the Gauda nobles were perhaps those
who came from upper India, and their complexion was pale or yellowish white,
but the general mass of the Gauda peoples were perhaps dark-blue. Here,.a
particular, reference may be also made to the Bengali word Gaur which also
means Gaur-varna , i.e., fair or yellowish. In that case, it may be also contended
that the Gaudas were so-called because of their complexion or skin colouration.

This discussion on the skin-colour of the Gaudas does not lead us

to any firm conclusion regarding their ethnic identity excepting an indication
Mongoloid regarding the presence of the Mongoloid element which is characterised
skin-colour ^ yellow or yellowish skin-colour. The contention of the Mongoloid
affinity will be borne out to a certain extent by other considerations as well.
 430
The Gaudas of all these categories bearing diverse ethnic elements .infiltrated
into Bengal in various waves and at different times under varied capacities
or pretexts.

(ixl Observations :
Most significantly, the Gaudas might have come to Bengal even
as mercenery soldiers of the then ruling monarchs along with other foreign
peoples. A poignant reference to this extent has been made in the Nalanda
Plate of Dharmapala, the Pala king of Bengal, which speaks of the Gaudas
as mercenaries along with the Malavas, the Khasas. the Kulikas and the Hunas. 583
Movement The Gaudas also came to Bengal as torch-benrers of the Brahmanical
to and
culture as well. This is attested to by the Adisura legend of the
settlement
of the Kulaji-texts. That the Brahmanas came from West and settled in
Gaudas In
•
Bengal is also clearly borne out by an epigraphic record. The Chin-
Bengal
chani plates refer to an endowment for offering Naivedya to the
Goddess Dasami (Durga) and the feeding of Pancha-Gaudiya-Mahapaas&ad of
Samyana. This refers to the community of Gaudiya-Brahmana at Samyana. ^
These Brahmanas from upper India were again accompanied by the Kayasthas
who might have been originally scribes. All immigrant Brahmanas and Kayasthas
are considered even today as the proginators of the noble Brahmanas and
Kay^has of Bengal. It has been already stated .‘that the Gaudas could also
establish their political supremacy to such an extent that they could seize
political authority as well like the Karnatakas of South India. This was no
mean achievement on their part, and this is how the Gaudas coming from West
got hold of Bengal, and became parts and parcels of the Bengali people and
culture as a whole.

The Gaudas were very ancient peoples. They perhaps came from
outside and got themselves firmly settled in different parts and many places
where they settled became also named after them. Even amongst the Brahmana,
Rajput, Kayastha and Gauda-taga societies, many members of the Gauda commu-
Gaudas of nity had entered and formed different sections within these castes.
Bengal jt however, to be borne in mind that of all the settlers of this
Gauda tribal community, the Gaudas of Beng.. outshone all of them in view
of their great attainments and excellence, and as such, many Gaudas of other
parts of India tried to establish some sorts of connection or identity with
 431

the Gaudas of Bengal. Accordingly, any claim of any kind of connection with
the Gaudas of Bengal by the peoples of other parts of India does not necessarily
imply that those very peoples came from the Gauda community of Bengal.

On the other hand, if the Gaudas are taken to be a tribal community

allied or identical with the Gonds (Gondas), it is to be admitted that though
originally belonging to a tribal community, many of the Gaudas could elevate
themselves by assimilating the Indo-Aryan language and culture to the extent
Gonds and of becoming the very torch- bearers of the Brahmanical religion
Gaudas — and cuiture> Others have been, however, continuing as they were
contribu-
tions in the past residing in the hills and forests and leading even today
the same old tribal life-patterns. The Gonds who are allied to the Gaudas
have assimilated both Dravidian and Brahmanical culture, and in Bengal, they
made no less contributions in the development of the Bengali culture. Ethnically
also, these Gaudas contributed Mediterranean, Mongoloid and Indo-Aryan speaking
Alpinoid racial elements in the composition of the Bengali people.

In Bengal, the Gaudas, next to the Vangas, made basic contributions

in respect of heightening the fundamental norms of the Bengali culture in
the fields of writing and language and also in general behaviour patterns
including setting the social hierarchy in the caste groups of Bengal. In this
respect, the contributions of the Gaudas stand: unparalled . Their contributions
to the totality of the Bengali people and culture was so fundamental that
both the Bengali people and culture came to be designated by the very name
Gauda. Not only that, even the very name of the country became apparented
to Gauda. Thus Vanga denoting once the whole of Bengal became Gauda in
geographical, political and cultural sense. In reality, the Gaudas became so
inextricably mixed up and attained so much celebrity in all fields that the
Bengali people and culture as a whole came to be earmarked as Gauda-3ana
and Gauda-Sarhskriti.

V. GENERAL OBSERVATION

The discourse made in the preceding pages on the 'Ancient Peoples'

of Bengal as referred to and described in the early literary and epigraphic
records reveals certain fundamental issues and their possible solutions relating
 432

to diverse ethnic and culture components of the Bengali people as a whole.

Altogether five communities of the 'Ancient peoples of Bengal', namely,
the Vangas, the Suhmas, the Radhas, the Pundras and the Gaudas have been
delineated with all available and relevant details in regard to the derivations
of their respective names, origins, original locii, movements, cultural features,
racial characteristics, identity, etc. A resume of all that has been already
setforth may be made here for proper appreciation and evaluation.

Most interestingly, these communities of the ancient peoples represen­

ted the four well-marked quarters of ancient Bengal, namely, eastern and
southern, western, northern plus western parts. All these quarters of ancient
Bengal were named after those very ancient peoples as V anga,Radha, Pundra
and Gauda. But the spatial horizon of the political and cultural impact of
Bengal and these peoples very often surpassed the traditional or original geogra-
ent "^artT” P^ca* boundary limits of their respective territorial regions named
named afterafter them. Of the five communities of the ancient peoples at
least two, namely, the Vangas and the Gaudas, played the most significant
roles in the historical, ethnic and cultural settings of ancient Bengal in such
a way that the whole country of Bengal came to be called after them. It
has been shown that the anglicised nomenclature, Bengal, has been actually
derived from the ancient word Vanga meaning the people and the land occupied
by them. The original term Vanga denoting a particular region has been, however,
retained through its various transformations and transliterations made by
the foreigners at different times.

In course of time, the name Vanga came to be applied to denote

the whole of Bengal. Similarly, the term Gauda, the original land of the Gaudas
in Bengal, was also used to connote the whole territorial region that came
to be called Bengal later on. In a wider sense, both Vanga and Gauda denote
the whole of Bengal in certain periods of her history, and it is only in their
narrower senses that these two appellations were used to denote only the
southern plus eastern and northern plus western parts of the present Bengal.
Of these two peoples again, the Vangas were the oldest settlers in Bengal
and they yielded such a power and influence that the whole region as such
came to be known after them. It is only in a later period that the Gaudas
came into such a prominence that the whole country including its peoples
with their cultural attainments came to be earmarked after them as Gaudades'a,
"" 4------------------------
 433 .

gradually
Gaudajana and Gauda-samskriti, and the Vangas passed Ainto ^significance
and became confined to the present territorial regions of East and South
Bengal. But the name Vartga retained its currency and the foreigners who
came into contact with them transformed the name into its diverse forms,
and ultimately the anglicised one prevailed as the name par-excellence of
the geographical horizon of the present Bengal.

Two other names, Radha and Pundra, though sometimes included

territories beyond their respective limits, were generally confined to western
and northern parts of Bengal, and these two regions came to be known also
after their original inhabitants, namely, the Radhas and the Pundras. These
two geographical regions, Radha and Pundra, are still current in Bengal. Of
these two again, Radha was the first region in Bengal that faced the infiltrating
Aryans heralding Jaina, Buddhist and Brahmanical culture from upper India.
Radha In a subsequent period, the land of the ' Rindras, i.e., North Bengal,
and * came to be known as Varendra. But the name of Western Bengal
Pundra
as Radha continued. Even the high class Brahmanas and others coming
from upper India and settling in these two regions came to be designated
after the ancient names of Radha and Varendra, such as, the Radhi-Brahmanas
and the Varendra-Brahmanas. When the Brahmanical influence got hold of
Gauda, the Brahmanas settling there came to be called after it as Gaudiya-
Brahmanas. Similarly, the people bearing the Brahmanical culture and settling
in Eastern and Southern Bengal came to be knowrjbs Vangajas. These territo­
rial divisions named after the ancient peoples became sq distinct that even
the people claiming descent from those stocks formed into distinct territorial
endogamous groups with their respective regional cultural characteristics.

Another interesting point that emerges from the discourse on the

ancient peoples of Bengal is that all of them belonged originally to the primitive
tribal communities, and that it is only after their coming and settlement
in Bengal that they had succeeded in raising their cultural status by their
own attainments. Attempts have been made to show that all these ancient
peoples of Bengal may be affiliated to one or other of the primitive tribal
communities extant at present in various parts of the Northern, Central and
Southern India. As for instance, the Gaudas may be affiliated to the Gond
tribal community and the Suhmas and the Radhas to the primitive tribal commu­
nities of Chhotanagpur like the Mundas, the Bhumijas,etc. Similarly, the Pundras
 434

may be affiliated to the tirbal communities of Chhotanagpur. As to the Vangas,

the most ancient peoples of Bengal as referred to in the Vedic texts, no definite
clues could be, however, traced regarding their affiliation to any extant primitive
tribal communities. It is not also wholly possible to ascertain the identity
of the ancient Vangas with any known extant community of Bengal today.
There is, however, little doubt that the Vangas were the oldest people of
the land. That the Vangas like other ancient peoples did originally belong
to a non-Aryan tribal community becomes evident from the account given
in the Vddic and other texts. It appears that their speech was perhaps unintelligi­
ble to the Aryans, and that they seem to have belonged to a totemistic primitive
Tribal community. This contention is also partly supported by the derivation
affill_ of the word Vanga as discussed in the preceding pages. This naturally
raised an issue as to how the Vangas lost their complete identity.
Since the Vangas were the oldest people known to the early Indian texts,
it was quite but natural that they were the first people to become inextricably
'mixed up with all other peoples who subsequently came to Bengal. The inter­
mingling of the Vangas with other peoples took place in such a way that
they lost their own identity completely and formed themselves into different
groups or sections of the Bengali people bearing varied names. Further, the
process of intermingling of the Vangas with other peoples was largely accelerated
with the infiltration of the people from upper India and Brahmanization. In
spite of the mingling of the Vangas with other peoples on a large scale, th-
name Vanga has been most zealosuly retained all throughout history, and
the appellations Vanga and Vangali became generic names for the country
and its people as a whole.

Most unfortunately, both the early and later literary records hardly
furnish any positive information regarding the physical characters of the ancient
peoples of Bengal, and accordingly, their ethnic affiliation can not be also
firmly determined. But with the help of the available data regarding the
Ethnic physical characters of their surviving remnants or their supposed
aff ilia—
tions ancestors, it may be possible to partially ascertain their racial
origins. As for instance, the modern Pods and the Pundras of Bengal
are recognised as the descendants of the ancient Pundras. The ethnic characters
of the Pods and the Pundras portray certain features which may be affiliated
to the Australoid ethnic stock. As to the R&dhSs and the Suhmas it may be
said that their supposed ancestors may be traced amongst the Bhumijas and
 435

other cognate tribes. The Bhumijas and their allied peoples possess physical
features which also largely indicate their affiliation with the Australoid ethnic
stock. Despite the absence of any surviving remnants of the ancient Vangas,
a study of their other characteristic features reveals that this most ancient
people of Bengali might have also belonged to the Australoid racial group.
Like the Vangas, the Gaudas also appear to have belonged to a heterogeneous
ethnic group. But if the Gaudas are supposed to have come to Bengal from
upper India and if they are to be allied with the Gonds of Central India,
their affiliation to the Australoid ethnic stock ap pears to bear credibility.
On the whole, all the aforesaid four or five groups of the ancient peoples
of Bengal figuring in the early documents may be admitted to have originally
belonged to the Australoid ethnic stock.

The above contention is also borne out by a study of the cultural

set.ip and behaviour patterns of the 'Ancient Peoples' of Bengal. It has been
pointed out that the Vangas belonged perhaps to a totemistic community
as is evidenced by the very fact that they have been branded as Pakshis or
birds in the Vedic and other texts. Besides, the Vangas appear to have used
Cultural a language which was unintelligible to the people of the Madhyade^a.
a, la~ Not only that, it has been also stated in the Arvamaftiusn-mulakalpa
the that they spoke in Asura language. Accordingly, it may be urged
Vangas tftat the Vangas used to speak a non-Aryan tongue which again appears
to have belonged to the Austro-Asiatic linguistic family. Like the Austric
people, the Vangas excelled in agriculture, arts and crafts and also in navigation.
Further, the Austric religious beliefs and practices like totemism, animism,
magic,* etc., were all well-marked amongst the Vangas. From the available
information it may be said that the cultural and religious framework of the
Vangas appears to have been largely derived from the Austoro-Asiatic source.
Since it has not yet been possible to estamish the identity of the ancieni
Vangas with any presently known community of Bengal, the ancient Vangas
appear to have intermingled with many other peoples and constituted different
social groups or communities, high and low, under varied names in the socio­
economic hierarchy of Bengal. All these groups or sections gradually became
integral parts of the Brahmanical social fabric. The process of integration
of the|/angas was completed under the direct and deeply penetrating Brahmanism
in such a way that a very little trace of their identity was left. It, however,
appears that both the ethnic and cultural setting of the Vangas was of Australoid
and Austro-Asiatic origins.
 436

Like the Vahgas, the cultural and religious behaviour patterns of

the , Pundras may be also affiliated to the Austro-Asiatic source. It has been
expounded that the Pundras were also primarily agricultural people. But they ex­
celled in various arts and crafts as well which were highly acclaimed as excellent
Tt is quite likely that the Pundras were also totemistic peoples as their very
name may be taken to be a derivation from the word Punri or Pudi, i.e.,
Pundras sugarcane. Most significantly, the Pundra tribe was perhaps named
after its totem, i.e., sugarcane. Their other feligious beliefs and practices
also centered round animism and magic which are of Austric derivations.
The surviving remnants of the ancient Pundras are plausibly to be found
amongst some low caste peoples of Bengal like the Pods or Pundras or Pundra-
rikas who occupy the lowerst stratum of the present Hindu society of Bengal.
In the very beginning, the Pundras were not given any social recognition in
the Brahmanical society, and they were simply recognised as the Sudras.
But the Pundras after their direct and intimate contact with the Brahmanical
culture succeeded in ■ raising their social position and due recognition was
accorded to them as integral segments of the Brahmanical society by tracing
their origins from mythological figures or from the Pratiloma-unions. T :
Pundras no doubt mingled largely with many other peoples, and several of
them achieved great excellence in both political and cultural attainments.
Some Pundras carved out a separate principality of their own and actively
participated in all-India affairs. Not only that, some of them also raised their
social and economic status to a great excellence by the dint of their achieve­
ments in diverse fields. All others have, however, continued through centuries
as socially and economically backward peoples who are no doubt the Pods
or Pundras of today. The Pods or Paundrakas are today included within the
scheduled caste category and placed at the bottom of the Brahmanical society.
But now they have also started claiming a higher social position by calling
themselves Pundra-Kshatriyas. The conclusion that may be drawn is that
the Pundras like the Vahgas were also originally Austric peoples in respect
of their both ethnic and cultural setting.

Similarly, the Radhas and the Suhmas appear to have belonged to

the Austric ethnic and cultural group. It has been setforth that the linguistic
and cultural behaviour patterns of the Radhas as reflected in the early 3aina
works reveal their association with the Austro-Asiatic peoples. Not only that,
attempts have been also made to trace their surviving remnants amongst
 437

the Bhumij and other allied tribes in Bengal and Chhotanagpur. Most signif icanth,
the aboriginal peoples who may be counted as their ancestors are also to be
affiliated to the Australoid and Austric stock in respect of their both ethnic
and cultural framework. To the people of u pper India, the Radhas and the Suhmas
appear to have been barbarous and uncivilized peoples as indicated by their
language,' food-articles and other behaviour patterns. Not only that, even the
Radhas have not been favourably treated in the medieval Bengali texts. But
Radhas this branding of the Radhas as barbarous or uncivilized peoples by
„ the Jaina and the Brahmanical writers might have been directed against
Suhmas 6 °
those very sections of the Radhas who failed to elevate their cultural
status by dint of their cultural attainments and continued to live in their original
primitive ways of life. The implication is that some of the original Radhas and
Suhmas continued to retain their primitive position while others made considerable
advancements in such a way as to be wholly integrated into the Brahmanical
social fabric. Further, the account in the Jaina work might have been prompted
by the dislike and contempt towards the Radhas who were the sustainers of
another culture which was inconsistent or contrary to the one borne by the
propagators of Jainism. Moreover, the original affiliation of the Radhas and
the Suhmas to the Austro-Asiatic stock is also largely supported by a consideration
of their religious behabiour patterns as well. Even today in West Bengal, the
land par excellence of the Radhas, survivals of the Austric religious beliefs
✓
and practices like the worship of the mother goddes or Sakti, Dharmapuja, etc.,
are most glaring and wide spiread amongst all sections of the people. A consider­
ation of other cultural aspects would also indicate the affiliation of the Radhas
or Suhmas with the Austro-Asiatic language and culture. It is, however, to be
noted that the Radhas had experienced the first thrust and impact of the infil­
tration of the people from upper India, particularly those bearing the Brahmanical
culture. Accordingly, both Brahmanism and other religions like Buddhism and
Jainism had swept over the entire area peopled by the ancient Radhas or Suhmas.
As a result, the Radhas or Suhmas were perhaps the first people in Bengal to
be brought within the fold of Jainism, Buddhism and Brahmanism, though the
latter had an upper hand. This resulted in an integration of the Radhas/Suhmas
on a large scale within the Brahmanical Society. Consequently, the Radhas/Suhmas
could elevate their position to such an extent that they could be highly placed
in' the Brahmanical social hierarchy. Some of them, however, continued to persist
in their original primitive condition in the hills and forests, and the remnants
of others are to be found amongst several scheduled castes of Bengal.
 438

In the same way, the Gaudas also appear to have originally belonged
to a primitive tribal community. The exposition on the Gaudas in the preceding
pages shows that they might have come either from North-west or Central
India. Attempts have been also made to equate the Gaudas with the Gc Js
on the basis of linguistic and other considerations. If it be so, this contention
of the original tribal affiliation of the Gaudas becomes credible. In that case
the Gaudas appear also to have been originally totemistic like the Gonds as
the very name is equivalent to the words denoting bison and rhinoceros. Further,
if the word Gauda is derived from Gud, a product from sugarcane-juice, totemis­
tic relationship with the sugarcane becomes evident. Besides, there are references
to mountains, streams, forests, plants, etc., named after Gauda. It is, however,
to be stated that the Gaudas, though of tribal origins, elevated themselves
to a higher cultural position even before their coming to Bengal. This would
be evident from all sorts of accounts regarding their crafts, dress and ornaments,
behaviour patterns, languages and style, alphabet, etc. Originally, they were
perhaps speakers of the Asura speech, i.e., a non-Aryan language which appears
Gaudas to have been of Austro-Asiatic affiliation. In Bengal, the Gaudas
were largely assimilated within the Brahmanical socio-religious framework.
Accordingly, the integrated Gaudas occupied a higher social and cultural position
in the Brahmanical fold. The surviving elements of the ancient Gaudas may
be found in certain modern caste names. Not only that, because of the magnifi­
cent achievements of the Gaudas in different fields of activities, the word
Gauda was prefixed to the names of a number of high and low caste groups
like the BrShmana, Kayastha, Vaidya, etc. In all such castes, the addition
of the prefix Gauda is an indication of the honour and the prestige associated
with the name Gauda. The Gaudas no doubt possessed certain physical characters
which may speak of the presence of the Mongoloid element, but basically they
appear to have belonged to the Australoid ethnic stock. So also, in their original
cultural settings the Gaudas might be associated with the Austo-Asiatic culture.

From the discussion made in the foregoing pages it appears that

the communities described as 'Ancient Peoples' of Bengal, though originally
Australoid and Austro-Asiatic in their ethnic and cultural framework, became
in course of time the most heterogeneous peoples because ox their intermingling
with many other incoming peoples from outside into Bengal. Both culturally
 439

and ethnically, the contributions of these ancient peoples in the making and
moulding of the Bengali people and culture as a whole have been most substantial
and lasting. It may be said that the ethnic and cultural base of the Bengali
people was laid by the 'Aborigines' and the 'Indigenes' as expounded in the
immediately preceding two Chapters, and that it-is on this very base the 'Ancient
Peoples' as discussed above built up a grand and monumental cultural edifice
Conciu- in Bengal. The integral components of this cultural structure are
slons
even today well-marked amongst all sections of the Bengali people.
Ethnically the Australoid racial elements preponderate among all caste groups,
more particularly amongst those who now form the bulk of the lower strata
of the Brahmanical Society. Culturally as well, the Austric elements in modern
Bengali language, manners and customs, thoughts, beliefs and practices are
found quite glaring. This is so, more particularly amongst the lower sections
of the Bengali people. In fact, the popular Hinduism and the general cultural
patterns of the Bengali people have been found to be largely impregnated
with the Austric cultural elements. Along with the 'Aborigines' and the 'Indigenes'
the 'Ancient peoples' were largely responsible for building up the ethnic and
cultural super structure of Bengal in such a way as to heighten and brighten
the cultural accomplishes of Bengal to the extent of not only giving their
respective names to the different quarters of Bengal originally occupied d>
them, but also to the entire geographical and cultural entity of Bengal as
is known today. Both ethnic and cultural complexes and patterns as formed
and brought into being by these peoples were so inconsistent and contrary
to those prevailing in the Madhyadesa/ Aryavarta. that Bengal came to be
branded as an unholy/impure land by the Dharmasutra-writers who imposed
an injunction to the effect that anybody traversing the land would have to
be purified by the performance of purificatory rites. This injunction was, however,
subsequently vacated with the gradual Brahmanization of Bengal. The impact
of Brahmanization was so deep and firm that those ancient peoples of Austric
origins became gradually integral organs of the Brahmanical society.

The grand cultural edifice built up by the ancient peoples of Bengal

was further replenished and augmented by a host of other peoples of diverse
ethnic and cultural origins who infiltrated and settled in Bengal at different
periods of her history. This would be eviedent from the discourse made in
the following pages on the 'Extra-Indian' and 'Intra-Indian' tribal and non-tribal
communities coming and settling down in Bengal from both determinable and
indeterminable times.
 440

REFERENCES

CHAPTER SIX

1. Sircar, SGAMI, p. 131 ; JHQ. Vol. XVI, pp. 227- 235, Keith, AA, pp. 100-102
1a. _MR, (Sept), 1934 p. 275.
2 Sen, Vbh, p. 9.
3. JarretfcAIA, Vol. II, p. 1 2CL
4 JHQ, 1934 PP- 522-24
5. Jarrett,AIA, Vol. II, p. 1 2(1
4 Sircar, SGAMI, p. 140; Sircar, GFL, p. 33.
7. Ibid, p. 139.
8. AA, II. 1, 1, Keith, AA, p. 2f)0 ; Macdonell 4 Keith, VINS, Vol.ll, p. 237.
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1G AB,Vll, 18 ; Macdonell 4 Keith, VINS, Vol. I, p. 534
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Kjaith, VINS, Vol. II, p. 237.
12 J33S, I, I, 29 ; SBE, XIV, 1,013, p. 148 ; Sen, SHAIB, p. 21.
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14 BPS, I, I, 25-31 ;Sirear, 5SAAMI, p. 3. ■
15. Jbid, I, I, 14;JC, Vol. I, 1934-35, p. 5a
16 JA, VoLXX, pp. 373-375 ; Raychaudhuri, SIA, p. 265 ; JASB, 1908, p. 290 ; Chaudhuri, ESAI^p.179.
17. JA, Vol. XX, p. 375, Majumdar, HBL, pp. 3B-41.
1a Chaudhuri, ESA I, p. 31.
19. _ANj I, XIV, 3 ; Morjs, PTS, Vol. I, p. 213 ; Vol. IV,pp. 252; 25 4 260
2Q Sen, SHAIB, p. 79;Chaudhuri, E5AI, pp. 30-31.
21. MVG, Pt. Ill, 7 4 17 0; Mo?is, PTS, Pt. I.
22 SBE, Vol. X, Pt. II, pp. 57- 60 ; Paul, EHB, p.v.
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24 Ojha, BRj, p. 17, note 3 ; Sircar,SGAMI, p. 127.
25. DPV, IX ; JASB, 1838, p. 932 ;Sen,SHAIB, p. 46
26 Ibid.
27. Ram, BK.II,Chap. X, 36-37.
2a Jbid, X, 36-37.
29. Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol. I, Sabhaparvan, Chap. XXX, 7, 23-30 pp.241-242
30. Ibid.
31. MBH, Verse 6607 ; Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol. I, Sabhaparvan, Chap. XIV, 13-20 pp.
230-32
32 Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol. II, Kamaparyan, Chap. Vllj^19, p. 1171.
33. MBH, VII,159. 3 ; Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol. II, Drunaparvan Chap. X, 15, p. 1002 Ed.
Majumdar, HB, Vol. I, pp. 38-39.
34 PaflchSnan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol. I, Bhlshmaparvan, Chap. IX, 44 p. 822, Law, SKTAI, p. 147.
35. Panchanan Tarkaratna MBH, Vol. I, Sabhaparvan, Chap. XXXXIV, 9, p. 253.
36 Panchanan Tarkaratna MBH, Vol. I, Sabhaparavan Chap. XXX, 23-25, p. 242
37. Patanjall, MB, IV, 1, 4 ; Kielhorn's edn. II. p. 282 ; Shamasastry, _AS, Bk II, Chap. II., pp.82-83.
30 Parglter, MP, p. 325.
39. MSP, Chap. 114 43-45.
4Q RVM, canto, IV. 35-36
41. Majumdar, HB, Vol. I, p. 15.
42 Dasqupta, TLBS, pp. 101-102
43. Malty 4 Mukherjee, CB1, p. 40 El, XXI, pp. 85 ff.
44 Sen, SHAIB, p. 81.
 441

45. Sircar, Si, p. 225 ff ; El, Vol. XX, pp. 22-23L

46 Sircar, SL, pp. 275- 277 ; JA, XLVIII, pp. '9B-101 ; JC, Voi. I, 1934-35, p.6Q
47. Bom.Gaz, Vol. I, pt.ii, pp. 345-46 ; Ed, Majumdar, HCIP, Vol. Ill, (The Classical Age) pp.232-3^
S Ircar ; SGAMl, pp. 1 65- 66
4a El, Vol. IX, p. 231 ;JC, Vol. I, 1934-35, p. 61.
49. El, Vol. XII, pp. 37-43 $Sen, SHAIB, p. 86; Malty & Mukherjee, CBI, p. 351 ff.
5 tt El, XX, pp. 22-23 ; Hultzch, JJII, Vol. I, p. 141.
51. El. Vol. 11, p. 355 ff ; Malty 4 Mukherjee, CBI, p. 351 ff ; Majumdar, JB p. 133 ff ; pp. 1-9;
El, Vol. XII, p. 136; Majumdar, JB, p. 119 ff ; p. 141 ff.
52 PanchSnan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol. I,ftdiparvan, Chap. 1 04, 34-56 p. 114; VP, Chap. 99, 26-34,
47- 97 ; BVP, III, Chap. 74, 25-34, 47-1 00 ; MSP, Chap. 4a 23- 29, 45-89 ; J3P, IX, Chap. 23,5.
53. JA, XX, 1891, pp. 375-7 6
54. Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.l, Adiparvan, Chap. 53, p. 114 ; Bhishmaparvan, Chap. IX, 46
51-55, p. 822
55. Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol. II, Dropaparvan, Chap. X, 15, p. 1002
56 MBH, Adiparvan, Chap. 215, 9 ; Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol. I, Vanaparavan, Chap. 253,
8, p. 513.
57. Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol. I, Bhishmaparvan, Chap. IX, 46 p. 822, Law, SKTAI, p. 147.
58; Ram, Klsh.K, xiii.
59. PaHchinan Tarkaratna, KMS, p. 30^ p.295; AS, Chap. II, XI, Thomas, BAS, p. 21 ; ABORI, XII,
PP.100-116
6Q Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol. I. Sabhaparvan, Chap. XIV, 2Q p. 230 ; Chap. 52,1 a p. 262;
MBH, Dlgvljayaparypn, Chap. XXIX, XXX, 15-3R pp. 241-242 ; Dronaparvan, Chap. X, 15, p.1002
61. Jbld; JHQ, Vol. XXII, 1946 p. 279.
62 Vatsylyana's KMS, pp. 294-95 ; Paychaudhuri, S1A, p. 265; PanchSnan Tarkaratna, KMS (Beng.),
Chap. VI, p. 309.
63. Chakladar, 5LAI, p. 66
64 RVM, Canto IV, 34-35.
65. JC, Vol. I, p. 8CL
66 RVM, Canto IV, 33-36
67. Paul, EHB, p. III.
68. RVM, canto IV, 34-35.
&. El, Vol. XXVI, pp. 313-316; Majumdar, JB, pp. 1-8 ; Sircar, SGA Ml, p. 156
7CL Takakusu, RBRTI, p. XIVl; Paul, EHB, pp. Ill- IV.
71. J3S, XIV, 8 ; misc. V. 72, 73, 79 ; De, GDAMI, p. 211 ; Dasgupta, TLBS, pp. 103-04
72 Sen, SHAft Bj^p. 85 ; Majumdar, HB, Vol. I, p. 15.
73. Mltra, YGKfyp? '
74 Raychaudhurl, SIA, p. 264
75. Sen, SHAIB, p. 85.
76 Sircar, S^ pp. 225 ff.
77. Ed.Majumdar, JJB, Vol. I, p. 16
78. El, Vol. II, pp. 349- 355 ;,Maitreya. GLM, p. 14Q
79. Majumdar, JB, pp. 132ff, 118ff.
8Q Majumdar, JB, p. 140ff;JHQ, IV ^ p. 637.
81. Jbid.
82 JHQ, Vol. IV, p. 637 ; ChaudhurL, ESA I, p. 17 3.
83. Sircar, SGAMl, p. 133. Voj ^
84 Majumdar, JB, p. Iff ; El, Vol. XXI, p. 141 ; Mltra YOKI, °p'- 140 ; IRAS, 189 6 p. 130 ; JASB,
1873, p. 226 A
85. Majumdar, JB, p. 14CFf.
86 Sahitya (Asvina, 1321 BS) ; Sen, SHAIB, p. 102
87. Majumdar, JB, p. 132 ff.; JASB (L) XX, No. 2p. 2W ff ; Chaudhurj, ESA I, p.183.
8.8. Majumdar, JB, p. 140ff.
 442
89. Majumdar, JB, pp. 1-9 ; El, Vol. XII, p. 141 ; Mitra, YQKI, p. 140 ; JRAS 189$ p. 130 ; JA5B,
1873 , p. 226
901 Mukerjee CFB, pp. 1 24-1 25.
91. Sen, SHAIB, pp. 1-2, 86
92 JASB (L), XXU, 1956 pp. 133 - 34.
91 El, Vol. IX, pp. 229-231
94. El, Vol. XI, pp. 139 ff ;JC, Vol. I, p. 57.
95. MOM.,1335-36 (BS), pp. 56Sf.
96 IHQ, 1934 Vol. XII, p. 77.
97. EC, V. cn, 179 , Eng, p. 202 ; JA, XI. p. 333 ff.
9a Sircar, SGAMl, p. 132 ; IHQ. Vol. XVI. p. 237.
99. Jarrett, A1A, Vol. II, p. 1 201
10a Sircar, SGA Ml, pp. 132 , 14Q
101. IHQ,Vol. XVI, p. 226
102. IHQ, Vol. XII, pp. 77-7a
101 El, Vol. V, p. 257; Sen, S_H A_I B. , p.86; Sircar, _S _G A M _I_, p . 1 3 2 .
104. JHQ, 1934 Vol. Xllf"p. 7a
105. SridharadSsa, SKM, V, 31-32.
106 JBOPS, XXII, p. 81ff.
107. Raverty, TIN, Vol. I, 590 ; JRAS, 1895, p. 529.
10a Yule, B5M, Vol. II, <pp. 98, 99, 104 114.
109. JASB, 1873, p. 233 ; Raychaudhuri, SIA, p. 26a
114 JHQ, XVI, pp. 227-35.
111. Sircar, SGA Ml, p. 137.
llla. Ibid, pp. 137-13a
lllb. Sridharadas, SKM, Verse, 31 — 32.
112 Baneijee, CMB, Vol. II, p. 7 65 ; Dasqupta, BOCG, p. 122 (Saharpad : Variqe Jaya nilesi ; Vusukpad,
49-Vanqale kies ludiu aji bhusu Vangali bhallT).
111 JC, VII, p. 408 ff.
114. Sircar, 5SAAMI, p. 2
115. JBORS, Vol. XXII, p. 81 ; Sircar, SGA Ml, ,p. 135, (Vangala-bahula bala).
116 JBORS, XXII, p. 81 ; Raverty, TIN, Vol. I, p. 59Q
117. Hemachandra, ACM, IV, 23 ; Paul, EHB, p. V ; Sircar, SGA Ml, p. 132 ; F-aychaudhuri, PHAI, p.189.
11a JC, VoL I, p. 57.
119.. SAM5JV, -Vol. Ill, p. 423 ; Mukerjee;, CFB, pp. 124-1 25.
12Q Sastri, AMMK, pp. 232-31
121. ACM, IV, 23 ; JC, Vol. I, 1934-35, p. 57.
1 22 Sircar, SGA Ml, p. 1 27.
1 21 Ghosh, BNS, Vol. I, p. 241
124. Shamasastry, AS, p. 83; Basak, KAS, pp. 52-53, 31
125. Mukundarama CM, p. 655 ; Sircar, SGA Ml, p. 135.
126 Sircar, SGA Ml, pp. 220-21.
127. Sen , Vbh, p. 16 128. El, VolJX, p.229 ff.
129. AB, Vll, 18 ; Macdonell 4 Keith, VINS, Vol. I, p. 536 ; Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol. II, Drona-
parvan, Chap. IV, 4 P- 997 ; Asvamedhaparvan, Chap. 29, 15-16 p. 2053 ; Vol. I, Sabhaparvan,
Chap. 52, 1 4 p. 262 ; MS, X 44 ; Law, AIT Vol. II, p. 1 6
130. RV, X, 142, 8 ;_TB? 1.8, 2, / SB, V 5.5.6 ;_BU, II, 3, 10 ; CPU, 1, <47 ; AA, iii, 24 ; _PB, XVIII,
9.6; AV, X, 4 43, CPU, Viii, 1.1 ; Macdonell 4 Keith, VINS, Vol. I p. 536
131. _TS, i, 4 14 1 ; _TB, I, 4 2, 1 ; Macdonell 4 Keith, Cp .cit, Vol. I p. 536
132 SPP, 1340 (BS), p. 59 ; JASB, 1873, p. 187 ; JA, Vol. Ill, p. 17a
131 JVK, ii, 4, 161
134. Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH,Vol. I, Vanaparvan, Chap. 51,22 P- 333 ; Sabhiparvan, Chap. 52
14 14 P* 262 ; MBH, Vol. II, Dronaparvan, Chap. IV, 4 P*997; Asvamedhaparvan, Chap. 29,
15-1 6 ; p. 2053 ; Chaudhinf , ESA I, pp. 191-92
134a. Ram, ' Kishkindhyakanda, 44 43 ; 41, 12; (Pundra) ; Shamasastry, AS, BK, II, XI, p. 81 (Paundra).i
AP, Chap.104 ; MS. X. 43-44 (Paundra).
 443

135. Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol. I Sabhaparvan, Chap. XIV, 20, p. 230 ; Chap. 52, 16 p. 262,
Chap. XII, 18, 2Q p. 230 ; MBH, Vol. II, Drapaparvan, Chap.IV, 8, p. 997 ; V15P, 5, 18, MSP,
73 ; IHQ, Vol. X, pp. 7 27-28 ; Shamasastry, AS, pp. 83-84
136 JASB, 1897, p. 85.
137. Law, AIT,Vol. II, p. 1 6
138. Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol. I, Adlparvan, Chap. 104, 50-56 P< 114; Bagchi, PAAPDI,
p. 85 ; JHQ, Vol. IX, p. 7 27.
139. Keith, AB, VII, 13-18, p. 307 ; Macdonell & Keith, VINS, Vol. I, p. 536
14Q Macdoneif & Keith, VINS, Vol.l, p.536
141. _AB, 33.6
142 SSS, XV, 26 ; BPS, 1.2 ; Kane.JJD, Vol.ll, pt.l, Chap.ll, p.47.
143. Ibid.
144 Kane, HD, Vol.ll, pt.l, Chap.ll, p.47. 1
145. Panchanan Tarkaratna','jMBH, V'bl.l)• fiQijpa^faPl^lC-fta^-.l04, 52-55, p.114.
146 SBE, XII, p.288; JASB, 1908, pt.l, p.27Q JHQ, Vol.lX, 1933, p.7 28.
1 47. ABORI, XII, pp.1 04-1 07.
14a SBE, ‘.XII, p.2Bfo JRA5, 1904, p.83 ff.
149. Mltra, NBL, p.11 ; Cowell and Neil,J3V_, Chap.XXIII, p.427.
150. Sastri, AMMK, p.275; Chaudhur;, ESAl, p.191.
151. JASB, 1882, pt.l., p.119.
152. vlsp> BK, IV, Chap.1 Et BKJl, 0hap.Hl, 15.
j 153. JHQ, Vol.lX, 1933, p.7 2a
154 Panchlnan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.ll, Dropaparvan, ChapJt, 15-16 p.100% MBH, Vol.l, Sabhaparvan,
Chap.XXX, 18-3Q p.242.
155. MBH, Sabhaparvan, Chap.3Q 22, HV, Chap.1 60 Ed. Chandra, HV (Beng.tr.),Chap.1 60 Vishnuparva,
pp.250-5% MSP, 46 27.
156 HV, Chap.11 6 Ed. Chandra, HV (Beng.tr.), Chap.116 Vishpuparva, pp.143-45. ^
157. MBH, Sabhaparvam Dlgvllayaparvan,Chap.ll, 30 r 23-3Q Karnaparvan, Chap.Vlll,19; Santiparvan,
ChapAXX, (Cal.edn.), Basu, MBH, p.113 Paul, EHBp.Z
15a AB, VII.18.
159. Kane, op.clt, Void, Pt.l, Chap.ll, p.47.
1 60. SSS, XV, 26 Pargiter, AIHT, p.235; Law, AIT, Vol.ll, p.15.
161. AB, 33.6 Paffchlnan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.ll, Santiparvan, Chap.65, 13, 14, 15, p.1441.
162. Paffchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.l, Adlparvan, Chap.167; MBH, Vbl.ll, Dronaparvan, Chap.91, 42,
43, 44, p.1 054
163. Panchanan Tarkaratna, Vol.l, MBH, Adlparvan, Chap.175, 3637,38, p.1©.
164 Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.ll, Asvamedhaparvan) ChapJtXIX, 15-16 p.2053; Anusasanaparvan,
Chap.XXXV, 17-1B, p.1903.
1 65. JvB, X.44
1 66 Jbld, X.45.
167. Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.ll, Dronaparvan, Chap.91, 42-44, p.105^ Asvamedhika, Chap.29,
15-16 MBH, Vol.l, Adlparvan, Chap.113, XXIX, p.119.
168. Panchinan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.l, Adlparvan, Chap.1 04, 34-56 p.114 Law, AIT, Vol.ll, p.15.
1©. Ibid; Bagchi, PAAPDI, p.85; Pargiter, AIHT, p.158; Sen, SHAIB, p.& 170. Pargiter, op.cit.,p.158;
MSP- > Chap.^e,*’ Law, JUT, VolJI, p.15. 171. VISP.IV.Chap.ie.l^aw.AIT.Vol.l^.l 5.
172 _MS, X, 43-45.
173. Jbid, Kane, JJD, Vol.ll, PtJ, Chap.ll, p.80
174 Mltra,_TCWB (Census, 1951), p.33.
175. Karan, PKKP, pp.6^65; BPS, 1.1.2; 13-15.
176 DV, IX, 2.6 ; Sen, SHAIB, p.1 2a
177. Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.l, Dronaparvan, ChapJC, 14-15, p.1 00^ Bhishmaparvan, Chap.IX,
51,68, p.822.

i
 444

17a Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.l, Sabhaparvan, Digvijaya Section (II), Chap.XXX, 21-3Q p.242
Majumdar, HAB, pp.1 2-13.
179. Majumdar, HAB, pp. 12—13^ Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.l, Adiparvan, Chap.CIV, 53, p.114
180. Ibid, Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Sabhaparvan, Chap.XXX, 15-25, p.242 Basu, MBH, p.11 2, JASB,
LXXXV, 1908, Pt.I., p.269. *
181. Panchlnan Tarkaratna, MBH, Bhlshmaparvan, Chap.lX, 35, ■ p.822 Vanaparvan, LXXXV, 3; JASB,
1908, PtJ., p.269.
182 Panchinan_ Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.ll, Dronaparvan, Chap.X., 15; p.1 002 Vol.l, Sabhiparvan, Chap.30,
p.141 ; Bhismaparvanr-Chap. IX, p.82ZI - n
183. Stjamasastry, AS, p.84 Chaudhuri, ESA1, p.191; IHQ; Vol.lX, p.475.
184. cjiaudhuri , Ibid.
185. Pargiter,' MP, p.329; Sen, SHAIB, pp.129-3R Chaudhur i, ESAI, p.191.
186 Law, AIT, Vol.ll, p.1 6
187. Wilson (trans.), VISP, p.15(S; JA, Vol.lll, p.17&
18a Ghosh, BNS, VblJ, ChapJCIV, p.243.
188a. Ram, Kishklndhylkinda, XL I, 12 Law, op.clt, p.15.
189. Law, Ibid, KM, Chap.17.
19Q Cowell, DV, pp.1 21, 12% AKL, Chap.93, verse 1Q
191. Ram, Kishklndhyakanda, XU, 12 f
192 Panchlnan Tarkaratna, VISP, (Vangavasl edition) Chap.ll, Adhylya, 3, SI-15, p.1 05.
193. Pargiter, MP, p.327; Saletore, WTIH, p.119.
194. Paffchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.ll, Santlparvan, Chap.65, 14, p.1441; Vol.l, Adiparvan, Chap.,175,
3$ 37, 38, p.1 69, Sabhaparvan, Chap. 27, 30, 31, pp.240-242.
194a. Kern, _BS, XVI, 3, pp.88-1 0Q
195. MAR, 1921, p.21.
196 Sircar, SI, p.B2 Maity & Mukherjee, CBl, p.39.
197. jbld.
19a KSS, XIX, 16-21; XVI11, 25^Borootih, AGI, p.66 ,.
199. Panchlnan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.l, ' Sabhaparvan, ^Chap .XXX (Digvijaya section), p,242
200. Borooah, AGI, p.65. ^
201. jbid.
202 JASB, 1895, pp.1-24
203. Martin, Elnd, Vol.lll, p.15.
204. Watters, OYCTI, VbIJi, p.184
205. jbld, p.185.
206 jbid, pp.185-87.
207. jbld, p.191.
208. Sircar, Sj, p.82 ; Maity & Mukherjee, _CBI, p.39.
209. jHQ, VolJX, 1933, pp.7 22-23; E], Voiaill, p. 29Off.
209a. Ed. Majumdar & et al, RC, Kavipra^asti, V. 1., p.153
21 Q IHQ, V Q-I.I.X , 1 9 33,p. 7 29.
211. MBH, III, ~51.2% H- 5214 H.521 8; Vll.4$ Chaudhuri, ESAI, p.191; VISP, IV, 28,1 a
212 Rim, IV., 4Q22 IV, 41.12 Chaudhuri , ESAI, p.191.
213. Law, Ajlj VolJI, pp.1 6-17; jHQ; XII, pp.349-353.
214 Pargiter, jvjP, p.327.
215. jHQ, VolJX, 1933, p.73Q
215a. Ed. Majumdar, et al, RC, p.153 (Kaviprasasti).
215b. Ed. Majumdar, VDI, Madhyayug, p.3; Ed.Majumdar, HCIP, Vol.V, p.43.
216 IHQ,Vol.lX, 1933, pp.730-31.
217. IHQ,Vol.lX. pp.731-32 Watters, OYCTI, Vol.ll, pp.184-85.
2ia Sircar, SGAMI, pp.121-22
219. JASB, 190a PtJ, p.272
22Q jA, vol.lll, p.62j‘ Sen, SHAIB, p. 135; JRAS, 1896, p. 122.
 445
221. _MS, X, 43-44.
222 Baqchi, PAAPQ1 pp.7 3-74
223. Watters, op.cit, p.184
224. Maity 4 MukherjeCBl, pp.39-4Q Dasgupta, TLBS, p.8Q
225. BVC (of Ratnandi), Chap.l, stokas, 22— 29; Sen, CV, p.19.
226 Shamasastry, AS, p.B3;SPrP'J 1340 (BS), p.64
227. J3S, XXX, p.7; XIV, a
-22a ^P, XVIII, pp.17-1 a
229. JASB, 1908, Pt.l, p.27 0
23Q Elj Viol, II. pp.10a 38CL
231. SPP, 1340 (BS), p.59.
232 Watters, JDg^ciU, p.184.
233. Ibid.
234. El, XXI, p. 61.
235. IHQ, XIX, p. 22.
236 El, XXI, p.85ff.
237.&LMa|umdar, HB, VoU., p.29.
23a JRAS, 1904, p.83; Jacobi, SBE, XXII, p.2Ba
239. Watters, Op.cit, V olJI., p.184.
240 Ibid, pp.184-185.
241. Pargiter, MP, p.329.
241a. Sastri, AMM<, VoIJI, p. 63^ Stein, FUTN, IV, p.421.
242 Chaudhur i', ESA I, p.18a
241 &).Majumdar,^Basak 4 others, RC, p.153 (Kavi Pra/asti).
(Vasudha-Siro Virendri-magijala cudamanaih Kulasthanam /
Sri Pundravardhanapura-pratibaddha-punyabhuh brihadbatuh //)
244. Sen, SHAJB, p.13Q
245. CRi, (B) 1901, pp.425-426
246 CRI (BS), 1931, Pt. I, p.461
247. Risley, TCB, Vol.ll, p.179.
24a CR1(B), 1901, p.425.
249. CRI(B), 1901, pp.425-26
250 Mitra, TCWB, (Census, 1951), p.3% CRI(BS), 1931, Pt.l, p.481
251. CRi(B) 187 2, p.18$ Risley, TCB, VoIJI, p.17 6
252 CR1,(B) 187 2; p.1885 Risley, TCB, Vbl.ll, p.17 6
251 Risley, PI, p.4Q1.
254 Ibid.
255. Mitra, TCWB, (Census, 1951) p.4
256 ibid, p.31
257. Jbid
25a CRI(B), 1901, p.39 6 V,
Vo|.
258a. Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Adiparvan (1), Chap.104, 55, p.114
259. HC,Chap.Vl; Sen, SHAIB, p.45 ; Chaudhuri, ESA I, p.1 50
26Q Jivananda Vidyasagar, DKC, (Uchchhavisa), VI.,p.24^ Sen, SHAIB, p.39.,
261. Jacobi, ARS, BKJ, Chap.8, Sec.3j Buhler, SBE, XXII, pp.84-85; Buhler, ISJ^ JPASB(NS), 1910,
P.602
262 Cowell, Jat., 1, p.23% PTS, V. pp.89, 168-7Q verse 89.
261 SBE, XXII, 84-85; Jacobi, ARS, BK, I, Chap.a Sec.3 ; Chaudhuri, ESA I, p.150
264 Chaudhuri, ESA I, p.150
265. ParfchSnan Tarkaratna, MBH, VblJ, Sabhaparvan, Chap.XXX, 14p.24^ Law, AIT, Vol.il, p.O
266 Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, VblJ, Adiparvan, Chap.113, 29, p.11% Law, Opxit, p.O
267. Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.l^abhaparvan, Chap.XXX, 14 23-27.,p.242; Sen,SHAlB, p.30
260 Ibid.
269. Wierbaden, EAI, p.9Q
27Q Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.l, Sabhaparvan, Chap.XXX,16-3Q p.242 (foot note) ; Law,
AIT, VoIJI, p.9; JPASB(NS),191 Qp.601.
 446

271. JASB, 1908, p.2B5; Sen, SHAIB, p.37.

27Z Patanjali, _MB, iV. Z 52 ; JA_, Vol.l. pp.299- 30} Belvalkar, SSG, p.3} Sen, SHAIB, p.37.
27 3. BS, XIV.5.
27 4 kVM, Canto, IV. 35 ; Sen, SHAIB, p.39.
275. powell & Thomas, HC, p.194, Sen, SHAIB, p.1 6Z
27 & Jlvananda Vidyasaqara, DKC, VI., pp.149, 244.
277. Wilson, VISP, (Eng.tr), p.154 VISP, 5. 1$ Vinodblharl, BP, IX, Chap.23, p.298; Dikshitar, PNI,
-VolJII., p.67Et BSP, XLVI. 49 5 MSP, Chap.113; KP, Pt.ill, Chap.14.VP, 99, 33-34.
27a Ray, _Vlj p.257; _PD, Verse 27; JASB, 1905, pp.45, 57; Chaudhuri, E5AI, p.15a
279. Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH. Vol.l, Adlparvan, Chap.1 04, 55, p.114
28a _BP, IX. 23. 5 ; Dikshitar, _PNI, VolJII, p.670
281. _VP, 99.2a
282 PaTichanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.II, Xll., (Santlparvan) Chap.59, 94.97, p.1434 ; Chanda, IAP,
p.103.
283. Jacobi, ARS, BkJ., Chap.Vlll, Sec.} JA_, XX,p.375.
284. Ibid.
285. Chaudhuri, ESA I, p.15a
286 Cowell, TJ, Vol.l. p.23} Sen, JDOj.XX, p.43; Chaudhuri, ESAl, p.15a
287. Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.l, Adlparvan, Chap., CIV, 53, 55, p.114; Sabhiparvan, ChapJCXVIl,
21, p.24'Q BhTma's conquest Chap.XXX, 1 £* 25, p.24} Arjuna's conquest; MBH, Vol.ll, Karnaparvan,
Chap.Vlll, 19, p.1171; JASB, 190a PtJ, p.284
28a Panchlnan Tarkaratna, MBH, VolJI, Karnaparvan, Chap.Vlll, 19, p.1171.
289. Panchanan' Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.l, Sabhaparvan, Chap.XXX; p.24} Sen, SHAIB, pp.33-3a
.290 MBH, Sabhiparvan, Chap.XXX, 25-27, p.242 ; Sen, op.cit, p.3a
291. Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.l, Sabhaparvan, Chap.XXX. 15-Z7, p.24Z Sen, Ibid.
29Z MBH, VolJ, Sabhaparvan, Chap.XXX, 25, p.242 ; SBn, Ibid.
293. Jbid ; Chaudhuri, ESAl, p.159.
294. DKC, Chap.VI.
295. R.VM, Canto., IV. 36, 32, 34-35; SBn, SHAIB, p.39.
296 RVM, Canto. IV. 35 ; Upadhyaya,_jj£, p.51.
297. _MP, Canto. LVIII, 12 ; Sen, SHAIB, p.39.
298. Legge, FRBK, Chap. 37 ; JPASB (NS), 191 Q, p.605.
299. Beal, BRWW, Vol.ll, p.20D ; Watters, OYCTI, Vol.ll, pp.189-93.
300 Kale, DKC, Chap.VI, p'-.149; Jivananda Vidyasaqara, DKC, p.244
301. Ibid.
30Z _HC, Chap.VI ; JASB, 1905, pp.45-57 ; Chaudhuri, ESAl, p.158.
303. _BS, X, 37 ; XV. 5 ; XVI, 1 ; Dasgupta, TLBS, p.91.
304. Vasumati, 1340 (BS), p.610
305. KM, Chap.17 ; Law, AIT, Vol.ll, p.B.
306 Sen, SHAIB, p.39; Chaudhuri, ESAl, p.1 6Q
307. Tawney, KSS, I, pp.216 228.
30& JPASB(NS), 1910, p.1 06
309. _PDj Verses, 27 - 28, 32 ; JASB, 19 05, pp.45, 57 5 Sen, SHAIB, p.45.
310 MSP, CXXl, 50-51.
311. Lsw.AIT, Vol.ll, p.9.
311a. Sachau, jAlj Vol.ll, p.262
31 Z IHQ, Vol.VIll, pp.524-27.
313. _PD, verse 36 ; JASB, 1905, pp.45-58; 1908, PtJ. p.285.
314 Sen, SHAIB, p.118.
315. Ray, DHNl, Vol.l., p.362
316 JASB, Vol.Vl, 191 Q p.605.
317. Raverty, TIN, Vol.l, pp.584-585.
318. JASB, 1908, p.284 E<A-
319. Chaudhuri, ESAl, p.159; Majumdar, _HB> Vol.l, p.10 ; Chakravarti, _PD, Introduction, p.25.
320 Sen, SHAIB, p.43.
 447

321. Majumdar, HAB, pp.1 27-2a

322 Jarrett,AJA, Voi.II, p.154
323. Chakravartl, PD, p.11.
324 Jbid, Verse 27; Sen, SHAIB, p.45.
325. JHQ, Vol.VllI, 1932, p.521.
326 JHQ, Vol.VllI, 1932, p.521; JHQ, 1928, p.47;Muke'rjee, CFB, p.1 24
327. Sen, SHAIB, p.5J% Das, FRB, p.2
32a Jacobi, SBE, XXII, p.04
329. Jacobi, SBE, XXII, p.264, n-4 Sen, SHAIB, p.53.
33Q Jacobi, SBE, XXII, 10, 3, pp.84-85.
331. Sen, SHAIB, pp.48-49.
332 Jbid, pp.50-52
333w Jacobi, ARS, Bk.l, Chap.0, Sec.3 ;Bbhler, JSJ; JPASB(NS), 191 Q p.602
334 Monier-Wiliams, SD, (New Edition), p.913.
335. JHQ, Vol.VllI, p.5 27.
336 Sen, SHAIB, pp.449-50
337. 64. Majumdar, HB, Vol.l, p.9.
33a JPASB(NS), 1910, p. 602
339. JASB, 1908, p.286
34Q Ibid.
341. Panchanan Tarkaratna, MBH, Vol.l, Sabhaparvan, Chap.XXX, 25, p.242
342 JASB, 1908, p.284
343. Jbid, p. 207.
344 JHQ, Vol.VllI, 1932, p.521.
345. Cowell, DV, IX, pp.54-55, 1 60-1 65 JASB, 1838, p.932
346 JHQ, Vol.VllI, 1932 p.521.
347. Jbid ; McCrindle, AIDP, pp.153, 37 2 t>»2f StsCri)
34a Schoff, PES, pp.30-48, 179-18CL 197; Sen^HAlB, p.47.
349. Sen, SHAIB, p.47.
35CL JHQ, 1928, p.5Q
351. Jbid, p.51.
352 JJV, Chap.VI, VII, VIII ; JHQ, 1928, p.47.
353. JASB (NS), Vol.V, p.239.
354 BS, Chap. XVI, versed.
355. Krishnamisra, PCN, Act.Il & IV.
35 6 Khajuraho InsJ'loJV ; El. Void, pp.138-14^ V.46; JHQ, 1928, p.24Q
357. JASB, Vol.V^ p.239.
35a El, Void., p.13a
359. Majumdar, JB, pp.7 0-71; JHQ, Vol.VllI, 1932, p.522
36Q .El, XIII, p.7 4
361. Maity & Mukherjee, CBI, pp.234-45 ( Belava CP of Bhojavarman); pp.258-71; Majumdar,! B,
pp.68-71 (NaiKStl CP of Vallilasena); Indian Museum Plates,etc.
362 Majumdar, JB, p.7 4 ; Sen, SHAIB, p.69.
363. Majumdar, HAB, pp.13-^4, 320 ; Majumdar, JB, p.96
364 Majumdar, JB, pp.1 4- 24,Majumdar, HB, Vol.l, p.22
365. Majumdar, IB, p.19.
366 Jbid, p.35.
366. £4.Majumdar, HB, Vol.l, p.22 ; HAB, p.14
367. Majumdar, JB, pp.68-8C( (Naihlt! CP of Vallalasena); Majumdar, HAB, p.14 VSPP, XVII, p.232ff
& Map facing, p. 231.
36a El, XXI, pp.221-29; Majumdar, HAB, p.1 4
369. Majumdar, JB, pp. 68-71, 43.
37 Q Ray, VI, pp.1 28, 155-.
371. Majumdar, HAB, p.1 4
37 2 ibid.
 448

373 Majumdar, HAB, p. 13 ; VST, 1340 (BS), Mlgha, p.610

374. Majumdar,JB; pp.70-71 ; JHQ, Vol.Vlll, 1932, p.522
373. Watters, OYCTI, VolJI, p.191.
37 6 Ma)umdar, HAB, p.14
377. 1HQ, 193^ p.522 ; Ray, V], p.156
378. JHQ, Vol.Vlll, 1932, p.523 Majumdar, JB, p.7 Q
379. Majumdar, HAB, p.13 ; El; XXIII, p.1 05.
38 Q Majumdar, JB; p.7 a
381. Ibid, pp.70-71; JHQ, Vol.Vlll, 193£ p.52^ El, VoUX, p.232
38 2 SlIjVolJ^ p.9 6 ; Vol.II., pp.106-1 07.
383. Sen, SHAIB, p.5a
384. El; XXIII, p.105; JASB, 1912, p.341; Hiralal, Ins. in CP and Berar, p.72 ; JC, Vol.l, p.502
385. Majumdar, HAB, p.1 3.
386 Krishnamlsra, PCN, Canto U, 52, 5a 59; IHQ, 192a P-239; Bhlratavarsha, 1938 (BS), Srivana,
p.239.
387. Sarkar, KKC, pp.163-7R Bandyopadhyaya, KKC, p.31 ; Das, KKC; pp.1 0 13 (for Damunyanagara)
38a Majumdar, HAB, p.13.
389. Majumdar, HAB, p.13 ; VST, 1340 (BS), Magha, p.61 a
39Q Raverty, TIN, VblJ, pp.584-85.
391. IHQ, 1932; pp.523-524 ; Blochmann, CGHB, p.3 ; Raverty, TIN, Vol.l, 584-85.
392. Ed, kale, DKC, VI, p.149.
393. IHQ, 192a pp.49-5Q
394 JASB, 191Q p.611.
395. IHQ, 192a P-52.
396 Ibid.
397. Ibid.
39a Ibid.
399. Ibid.
4oa Schoff, PES, p.47, 17$ 188 ;JHQ, 192a p.52
40Q Schoff, PES, p.47, 17$ 188 ;JHQ, 192a p.52
401. McCrindle, A1DMA, p.135.
402 Ibid, p.519.
403. BS, Chap. 1 $ verse i.
404 IHQ, 192a pp.44-5 6
405. Sircar, SSAAMl, p.2
406 McCrindle, AIDMA, p.31 a
407. Raychaudhuri, PHAI, pp.309-1 a
4oa McCrindle, AIDMA, p.1 35.
409. JA, 1884, pp.338-365.
41 a IHQ, 192a pp.53-54
411. McCrindle, AIDP, I, Vll-XVIll; Schoff, jPES, p.63.
412 Scoff, _FES, p.47.
413. Ibid, p.63.
414 Ed. Majumdar Sastrl, MAIDP, pp.174-75; JA, 1884, p.365.
415. IAAR, 1956-57, p.22
41 6 IHQ, 192a pp.234-24^ Rennell, MMH p.57 ; CR, VoUXXI, p.181 ; Vol.VI., pp.402-03.
417. IHQ, 192a P-23a
41 a JASB, 191R p.606
419. El, VolJ, p.306
42a Anandabhatta, VCh, verse* 7.
421. Majumdar, JB; p.35.
422 Ray, _VI, pp.184-185.
423. Ibid, p.13a
424 Bagchi, PAAPDI, pp.XXV-Vl.
425. Ray, _VI2 p.13a
 449

426, Ibid, p.13a

427. Krishnamlsra, PCN, Act. II ; Ray, V], p.13a
42a Ray, p.139.
429. Sircar, SP, pp.32-34
429a. PD, verse 2B ; Ma|umdar, HAB, p.4 65.
43 Q Borooah, AGI, p.7 Z
431. Risley, TCB, ,YolJ>> p-117.,
Mitra, TCWB^p.^8
43 Z
433. Risley, T CB, Void., pp.118-207.
433a. IHQ, 1932, pp.521-34
434. Oppert, _0I1, pp.114-115.
435. RASi, Vol.I, pp.327- 2a
436 Oppert, Oil, p.145.
437. Ed, Majumdar, HB, Vol.I, p.1 2 ; JHQ, VoLXXVIll, p.129.
43a Saletore, WTIH, p.118 ; SPP, 1340 (BS), p.59.
439. RASI, Vol.XV, p, '39.
44G Ibid, Vol.I, pp.'327-32a '.
441. RASI, VoLXXl, p.1 3.
44Z McCrlndle, AIDMA, p.66
443. Sen, SHAIB, p.1 2Q
444 Hutton, _Clj p. 23. •
445. Oppert, Oil, p.11 6
446 Oppert, Qil,pp.11 2-13.
447. AD Plninl, VI, !l, 10Q
44a Sen, Vbh, pp.9-11.
449. IHQ, XXVII, p.127? Sircar, SGAMI, p.119; Sen, _VSI_, Vol.I, p.4
45 a Shamasastry, AS, BK.II, ChapDClIl, p.92^ Basak, KAS, Vol.I, 31 Prakarana, pp.5$ 1 27.
451. Chakladar, SLA1, p.57.
45 Z BS, XIV, 7.
453. Dasgupta, TLBS, p.39; Kern, BS, p.32, 123;JA, 1893, p.17a
454 1 Dasgupta, TUBS, pp.6-7.
455. Divedi,_B5, Vol.I, p.287.
456 KM5, II, IV, Sutra, 9 ; II, V, Sutra 33 ; Chakladar, SLAI, p.53.
457. Cowell and Thomas, HC, p.187.
45a Watters, OYCTI, VolJI,PAl91-93.
459. Chakladar, Op.cit, p.5a
46Q Bharata's NS, Chap.XXl., 48.
461. Chakladar, Op.c'it, p.58.
46Z Ray, DHNI, Vol.I, pp.27 6-77. iv.
463. Stein, RJTN, Vol.I, pp.35, 1C 148-49, 323- 38.
A
464 JA, Vol.V, p.319.
465. MSP, XII.30 KUP, 1.29,19; LP, 1.65 ; _VP, 88, 27.
466 RASI, Vol p.327.
467. Chakladar, SLAI, p.58.
46a Sastri, AMMK, p. 631, V.9a (p.232, V.11; p.275) IV.8a, pp.631-3Z
469. IHQ, 193$ p.71.
47 Q El, XIV. p.117 ; SPP, (1323 BS), pp.281-295.
471. JAHRS, ,Vll, pp.148-49.
47 Z Hultzsch,CII, VoU, p.205.
47 3. El, XXII, p.135, V.35.
474 Malty and Mukherj^CBI, pp.1 68, 182 (Bhagalpur CP. Ins. of Narayanapala), pp.202 (Bangad
CP Ins. of Mahlplla I, 988-1023 A.D), p.215 (Manahali CP. Grant of Madanapala).
475. Raverty, TIN, Vol.I, pp.587-88.
47 6 Majumdar, HAB, p.321.
477. McCrlndle, AIDMA, p.137.
47 a McCrindle, AIDMA, pp.66
 450

479. Ed. Majumdar Sastri, MAIDP, pp.110-112

48Q RASI, Vfcl.l, p.327.
481. Elj, VolJV, p.283.
482 JRAS, 1905, pp.1 63-64
483. Elj VoLXXXII, p.4a
484 Anandabhatta, VCh, p.85.
485. Buchanan, HATSEl, Vol.l, p.102
48 & Sircar, SGAMI, p.1 29.
487. Ray, PHNI VoIJI, p.85a
48a Sircar, SGAMI, p.13Q
488a. VBP, (1353 BS), p.73,
489. Raychaudhuri, PHAl’, p.632
49 a Chakladar, SLA1, pp.52-5a
491. Das, Rajbiijidanga, pp.4, 43 ; Watters, OYCT1, Vol.ll, pp.191-93.
492 Kern,_BS,XJV, 5.7 ; Sircar, SGAMI, p.1 23.
493. Chakladar, SLAl, p.5Q
494 Raychaudhuri, PHAl, p.633.
495. Chakladar, SLAl, pp.57-5a
496 Ibid, pp.58-59.
497. Chakladar, 5LAI, pp.58-59.
49a Raychaudhuri, PHAl, p.633.
499. Parglter, MP, LVII.15; LVili.9.
50Q Kern, Varahamihlra's BS, XIV.2,3,4
501. 1G1, Central provinces, p.158.
502 Das, Rjjbacjldingi; pp.5 6-59.
503. Ray, DHNI, Void., p.274
504 Khan,MGP, 'p.88ff; JASB, 1909, p.214
505. Elj Vol.V,, p.29 ; VST, (1340 BS), p.610
506 JHQj 1928, p.39 ; BHV, (1338 BS), p.239.
506a. VBP (1353 BS), p.7 2
5 07. Sircar, SGAlvfl, p.1 22
508. EL, VoUXI, p.264
509. Sircar, SSAAMI, VoU, p.17.
51 CL Hunter, SAB, Vol.VIl; Borooah, AGl, p.66
511. JASB, 19 08, p.281.
512 Keith, HSL, p.263.
513. Majumdar, HB, VoU, pp.25, 158.
514 Majumdar, Ibid, p.14
515. Sachau, A_l, Vol.l, p.173.
516 Majumdar, HB, Vol.l, p.8.
517. IHQ, 1937, pp.1 62-67.
51a Et, XVIII, p.63 ; XIX, p.286
519. El, VoUlV, p.117 ; XXII, p.132
520. Beal.syK, (BRWW>, Vol.ll4)p.201-20^ Watters, OYCT1, VoIJI, pp.191-93.
521. Das, Rajbadldangl, p.43.
522 Bhattacharya, KSV, p.11.
523. Ghosh, KPM, p.5 ; Konow, KPM, p.9.
524 Raverty, TIN, Vol.l, pp.584-85.
525. VBP (1353 BS), pp.251-54
526 JASB, 1942, VIII, pp.1, 14, 20, 34 ; Chaudhurf , ESA I, p.176
5 27. Das, RTajbadldanga, p. 43.
52a Sircar, SGAMI, p.134
5 29. IA, XXXIX, pp.193-21 (s, Majumdar, HAB, pp.42-43,- Et, Xl^., p.||0 ff .
 451

530 Majumdar, HAB, pp.7 2-73.

531. Sircar, SGAMi, p.1ia
532 EJ, XXli, p.132
533w fcj. Majumdar, HB, Vol.lpp .1 2>28 ; Bandyopadhyay, _Bl, Vol.l., p.347.
534. VBP, (1353 BS), p.6a
535. Shamasastry, AS, (8th adn) Bk,ll, Chap.Xl, p.86
536 Burton, KMS, V, VI, Sutra, 3a pp.225. 294
537. Burton, KMS, pp.252-53..
53a Burton, KMS, II, V, Sutra, 33, p.1 27.
539. Dalai, KM, p.a Ibioi .
54Q Ibid (l!I)',va£, P,77.
541. Sircar, SGAMI, p.1 25.
542 Keith, H5L, pp.375-7 6
543. Ed.Grosset, Bharatas NS, VI.26, KM; i.4a
544 Keith,HSL, p.6G
545. jA, VoLXXXIH, p.5a
546 Ibid, p.6G
547. Sachau, _AJ, Void, p.173.
54a Ojha, BFL, p.17.
549. Sircar, SGAMI, p.1 2a
55a Majumdar, HAB, pp.362-63.
551. SPP, (1323 BS), pp. 283-96
552 Ed. Majumdar, HB, VoU, p.94
553. Stein, RJTN, IV, pp.323-33a
554 Ibid.
555. Ed. Majumdar, HB, VoU, pp.625-2^;JRA5B, V0I.XVII, pp.30-31.
556 Ray,DHNl, Vol.ll, p.1 061.
557. Sircar, SRLAMI, p.157.
55a Elliot, MRNWPl, Vol.l, pp.106-7; Crooke, RFNI, pp.102-114
559. Buchanan, Elnd, Vol.lll, pp.42-154
56a AR, VolJX, p.447; Crooke, RFNI, p.39a
5 61. Elliot, MRNWPl, Vol.l, pp.106-07.
562 Ibid, pp.110-12
5 63. Majumdar, HAB, pp.471-72
564 Tod, AAR, VoU, p.11 5.
5 65. Elliot, MRNWPl, VoU, pp.1 04- 05.
566 Ibid., pp.10£ 175, 285-8a 312
566a. Majumdar, HAB, pp.469-71.
567. Ed. Majumdar,HB, Vol.l, pp.210-11.
56a Sen, 5HAIB, pp.392-94; Majumdar, VKS, pp.29ff.
5 69. Sircar, SSAAMI, p.27.
57 0 Risley, Jjl, pp.56-57.
571. Chanda, lAR, pp.87-106
57 2 _KM, XVIII.
57 3. jbid.
574 Risley, TCB, Vol.l, pp.292-94
575. Hutton, CPI, 1931, Pt.l, Vol.l, p.349.
57 6 jbid, p.22
577. jbid, p.386
578. Risley, TCB, VoU, p.294
579. Hutton, _CI, p.25.
 452

Hutton, _CFMj 1931, Vol.I, Pt.l, p.446 •

Risley, TCB, VoU, pp.293-94.
Majumdar, RC1, p.41.
Sircar, S5AAMI, pp.136-37. EI^Vol.XXIII,p.291
IHQ, XXVIII, p.13* Sircar. SSAAMI, p.75;