New Towns in India - 1 PDF
New Towns in India - 1 PDF
BY
K.C. SIVARAMAKRISHNAN
1976-77
C O N T E N T S
Page
1. PREFACE … … (i)
1.1 Map on Class I and New Towns in India.
1.2 Annexure to Map
***
P R E F A C E
I.I.M.C.
Calcutta
30th June, 1977 (K.C. Sivaramakrishnan)
Annexure to the Map on Class-I and New
Towns in India.
Part I : List of towns with population one lakh and above
Jammu and Kashmir
1. Jammu
Punjab
1. Amritsar
2. Jullundur
3. Ludhiana
4. Patiala
5. Ambala Cantt.
U.P.
1. Dehra Dun 11. Allahabad
2. Saharanpur 12. Varanasi
3. Moradabad 13. Mirzapur
4. Rampur 14. Jhansi
5. Bareilly 15. Meerut
6. Aligarh 16. Shahjahanpur
7. Mathura 17. Ferozabad
8. Agra 18. Ghaziabad
9. Gorakhpur 19. Muzaffarnagar
10. Kanpur 20. Fategarh-Farukhabad
21. Faizabad
Rajasthan
1. Bikaner 4. Kota
2. Jodhpur 5. Udaipur
3. Ajmer 6. Alwar
Madhya Pradesh
1. Gwalior 6. Raipur
2. Sagar 7. Bilaspur
3. Ujjain 8. Burhampur
4. Jabalpur 9. Ratlam
5. Indore
(ii)
Gujarat
1. Jamnagar 5. Surat
2. Rajkot 6. Nadiad
3. Baroda 7. Porbandar
4. Bhavnagar
Bihar
1. Muzaffarpur 5. Ranchi
2. Darbhanga 6. Monghyr
3. Bhagalpur
4. Gaya
Assam
1. Gauhati
Orissa
1. Cuttack
2. Sambalpur
3. Berhampur
Maharashtra
1. Nagpur 10. Ulhasnagar
2. Amaravati 11. Thana
3. Akola 12. Sangli
4. Malegaon 13. Aurangabad
5. Nasik 14. Dhulia
6. Ahmednagar 15. Nanded
7. Poona 16. Jalgaon
8. Sholapur 17. Bhusawal
9. Kolhapur
Andhra Pradesh
1. Warangal 7. Guntur
2. Vishakhapatnam 8. Machilipatnam
3. Rajahmundhry 9. Nellore
4. Kakinada 10. Nizamabad
5. Eluru 11. Tenali
6. Vijayawada
(iii)
Karnataka
1. Belgaum 6. Gulbarga
2. Hubli 7. Bellary
3. Kolar 8. Davangere
4. Mangalore 9. Bijapur
5. Mysore 10. Shimoga
Tamilnadu
1. Vellore 9. Tirunelveli
2. Salem 10. Erode
3. Coimbatore 11. Tiruppur
4. Tiruchirapalli 12. Dindigul
5. Thanjavur 13. Kanchipuram
6. Madurai 14. Kumbakonam
7. Tuticorin 15. Cuddalore
8. Nagercoil
Kerala
1. Calicut
2. Alleppey
3. Quilon
West Bengal
1. Asansol
2. Kharagpur
3. Burdwan
(iv)
Part II - List of Urban Agglomerations comprising New
Towns.
1. Bangalore Urban Agglomeration -
a) H.A.L. Sanitary Board
b) Devarajeevanhalli
c) H.A.L. Township
d) Jalahalli
e) H.M.T. Township
f) I.T.I. N.A.C. (Dooravaninagar)
g) B.E.L. Township
h) Kadugodanahalli
2. Dhanbad U.A. —
a) Bhuli
b) Kerkend
c) Sindri
d) Jorupokhara
e) Tisra
f) Loyabad
g) Bhagatdih
h) Sijua
i) Pathardih
3. Jamshedpur U.A. —
a) Adityapur
b) Bagbera
c) Kalimati
d) Railway Colony
4. Madras U.A. -
a) Avadi (Caruthipatti)
b) Ambattur
CHAPTER I : INTRODUCTION
What are New Towns ?
1.1. It is necessary to define at the outset what is
meant by a New Town. In the usage of the census the
definition adopted for an urban area is as follows:-1
(a) All places with a municipality, corporation,
cantonment or notified town area;
(b) All other places which satisfy the following
criteria :
(i) a minimum population of 5000;
(ii) at least 75% of the male working population
being non-agricultural and
(iii) a density of population of at least 400 per
sq. km., i.e. 1000 per sq. mile.
In the parlance of the census, New Towns is a label
conferred on an area when it fulfils for the first time
these criteria and can be identified as urban.
Similarly, when an area which earlier had satisfied the
criteria for being classified as urban, changes its
characteristics the census de-classifies such an area as
well. Thus in 1971 census 593 New Towns were added and
110 areas were de-classified as urban.2
1.2: For the purpose of this study, however, a New
Town is taken as a town newly built. While in most
cases this would mean a town constructed on a green
field site or on a site practically uninhabited
before, in some cases this would also include New
Towns built in places of small village settlements. In
this sense of the term New Towns are not an unknown
feature in this country. The seven different capital
cities built in Delhi including the New Delhi of Edwin
Lutyons are perhaps the oldest and continuous exercise
in New Towns building. Fatehpur Sikri of Akbar and
Jaipur of Sawai Mansingh are some of the historical
examples. These cities, however, were all designed
: 2 :
and built for the privileged - the rulers or the army.
In each the layout and the pattern of settlement were
exclusive and not for copy. Today they are built mainly
to serve as bases for industry, homes for displaced
persons, campuses for learning and seats of government.
2. The origins of India's New Towns:
2.1: The Railway towns of British India can be regarded
as the beginning of India's New Towns as the term is
usually understood, "There are two Indias" Digby had
observed in 1901 "the Anglosthan of the Presidency and
chief provincial cities, of the land where investments
have been made, the land within fifty miles of the
railway lines and the rest of the country is Hindostan".3
Within the Anglosthan and the fifty mile belt grew the
railway colonies. In some cases they were only a
collection of employees quarters and station buildings
but several of them became sizeable settlements with
bazaars, temples, churches, schools, playgrounds,
cinemas, clubs and all other paraphernalia. In many
parts of the country then railway settlements formed the
nuclei of urbanization though the Railway companies were
themselves not aware of it. Kharagpur or Asansol in
eastern India, Tundla or Itarsi in the north, Manmad or
Bhusaval in the west and Arkonam or Waltair in the south
are now familiar names of cities which originated as
railway towns. By 1941, there were over thirty such
settlements with population well above 10,000 in each
(see table in Appendix). Though one might have wished
the contrary these Railway Towns have been the
precursors of New Town development in India after
independence. The form and sustenance of many post-
independent New Towns are much the same as the railway
towns built several decades earlier. Jamshedpur and
Bhadravati, the two steel towns founded in 1908 and 1921
respectively have in some ways been the exception.
: 3 :
2.2: The partition of the country followed by the influx
of refugees and their resettlement marked the beginning
of New Towns in post-independent India. Faridabad near
Delhi, Nilokheri in Punjab, Gandhidham in Gujerat and
Asokenagar in West Bengal are some of these refugee
resettlement towns. There were also a dozen or so "model
towns" mainly in the Punjab area that came up in the
forties, as planned extensions to existing cities. Most
of these were suburbs which were incorporated into the
main city in due course and in that sense cannot be
regarded as New Towns of significance. Chandigarh,
Bhubaneswar and much later Gandhinagar are the capital
cities built after independence. The building of New
Towns as a major urban phenomenon in India, however,
commences with the construction of several industrial
townships all over the country. The setting up of the
Damodar Valley Corporation and the construction of a
series of power stations provided a generous stimulus
for new industrial centres in the valley. Similar
multipurpose projects like Bhakra Nangal, Tungabhadra
and Hirakud were launched elsewhere in the country,
which offered new locations for industry. It was also
part of the Plan strategy to locate new industries away
from large cities. The Third Five Year Plan, in
particular, emphasized the preference for backward areas
in the location of public sector projects. It was felt
the lack of facilities in such places was not
irremediable. There was also a latent hope that the
effects of such berge projects would trickle down to the
surrounding areas.4 This was the general background in
which over a hundred New Towns were set up in the
country after independence. A list of these with
population changes where data is available may be seen
in the appendix.
3. Types of New Towns :
3.1: The categorisation of these towns is not
easy. A functionwise classification will need to
note that the functional objectives thought of
earlier have changed considerably in later
: 4 :
years. For instance, Faridabad built for refugee
resettlement is now regarded mainly as an industrial
area. Chandigarh built as a State capital is now a major
focus of industry and higher education. Towns built for
specific industry are also showing significant
occupational changes as in Rourkela or Durgapur. Golany5
offers an exhaustive classification of New Towns
dividing them broadly as
(a) settlements with economic self-containment and
(b) settlements without economic self-containment.
Company towns, development towns and regional growth
centres which are free standing and with an economic
base of their own would be in the first category.
Company towns, in turn, might be of many types, such as,
natural resources town, single product town,project
construction town, military town, resort town, etc. In
the second category, i.e., settlements without economic
self-containment would be satellite towns, metro towns
or suburbs, or New Town in town (usually large renewal
areas within an established city). The difficulty with
such a classification is to determine what is economic
self-containment. Jalahalli near Bangalore where the
Hindustan Machine Tools have an industrial complex has
an economic base of its own but for several city level
services is a part of the Bangalore metropolitan area.
So is Kalyani within the Calcutta metropolitan area.
3.2: In the circumstances, a size-cum-location based
classification has been adopted for the purpose of
this study. Accordingly the New Towns have been
classified into three categories. In the first category
are the New Towns which have more than 100,000 people
and as per Census ranks as Class I cities. In some
cases, these New Towns have encompassed some of the
adjuncts which existed before and are now treated as
urban agglomerations. For example, the Durg-Bhilainagar
urban agglomeration covers the Bhilai New Town as
also Drug. Bokaro Steel City, Chandigarh and Rourkela
are the other cases where the New Towns between 1961 and
: 5 :
1971 have emerged as urban agglomerations. Durgapur and
Bhilai are Class I towns though they are not treated as
urban agglomerations as such. In all we have 5 New Towns
in the first category built up after independence. In
the second category are 52 New Towns which form part of
other larger cities. In such cases, the New Towns have
come up as a suburb, adjunct or other type of extension
to the existing city. The townships like Bhuli or Sindri
within Dhanbad urban agglomeration, Jagannathnagar
within Ranchi, the Hindustan Aeronautics, H.M.T., Bharat
Earth Movers, or Indian Telephone Industry's townships
within Bangalore, Khadak-vasla or Pimpri in the case of
Poona or Kalyani and New Barrackpore in the case of
Calcutta are some examples in this category. In the
third category may be placed another 50 New Towns which
have less than 100,000 people and which also do not form
part of any other city or urban agglomeration. These are
more or less free standing New Towns. Some examples are
Chittaranjan in West Bengal, Neyveli in Tamil Nadu,
Nangal in Punjab, Paradip in Orissa, etc. The list in
the appendix identifies the New Towns in the different
categories along with particulars of their location,
area, population, etc. It may be noted these New Towns
have come up in all parts of the country. If settlements
above 5000 people alone are considered Bihar has 22 of
them, Karnataka 14, Madhya Pradesh 11, Gujerat 10, and
Orissa has 9 while Maharashtra, Tamilnadu and West
Bengal have 7 each and so on. It will also be seen that
most of the industrial townships are company towns
(about 60 of the 100).
4. Scope of the Study:
4.1: Within the time and resources available for the
study it has not been possible to undertake any
comprehensive review of all the New Towns. Such a
review, a broad-brush one at that perforce, is unlikely
to serve any purpose. It was, therefore, felt that it
would be more useful to select a few towns which
: 6 :
because of their size, pattern of growth, functional
mix, socio-economic characteristics, etc., would enable
a more focussed study and analysis of some important
issues of policy significance. The coverage in this
study is, therefore, limited to 5 major New Towns, viz.,
Rourkela, Bhilai, Durgapur, Bokaro Steel City and
Bhubaneswar. For certain points of comparison, the town
of Jamshedpur, though built mainly before independence
has been included since it is the longest and possibly
the most significant experience the country has in the
setting up and running of an industrial New Town.
Chandigarh, though falling within the category of New
Town agglomerations and Class-I cities that have been
identified, has been excluded mainly because it has been
extensively studied and a number of monographs and
publications have been brought out on different aspects
of Chandigarh's planning and development. Furthermore,
the New Towns covered in the study are all located in
the eastern region sharing some physical and socio-
economic characteristics as also some political and
administrative traditions. These, it was hoped, would
make a comparative assessment more realistic. Some other
points that weighed in the choice of these towns are as
follows:
4.2: Though set up only after independence, these towns
have grown considerably in their sizes. Their rate of
growth is very much above the State average. Rourkela
has nearly doubled from about 90,000 people in 1961 to
1,73,000 in 1971. The Bhilai agglomeration has expanded
from 1,33,000 to 2,45,000. Durgapur has grown nearly 5
times from about 42,000 in 1961 to 2,07,000 in 1971.
Bhubaneswar has increased from about 38,000 to 1,05,000.
Such a rapid expansion indicates a significant volume of
economic activity and movement of people which permits
useful study.
: 7 :
4.3: Whatever their initial objectives the functional
mix of these towns has also undergone some significant
change. About 60% of the employment in Rourkela for
instance, about 41% in Bhilai and about 32% in Durgapur
are in the tertiary sector. The change in the functional
mix contain important implications for the pattern of
growth in these towns and merit careful study.
4.4: Of the 6 towns covered in the study, barring
Bhubaneswar, the others are mainly based on steel
industry. The question may then be asked whether it is
valid to restrict a New Towns study to the steel towns
only. While steel is a basic industry a town based on
that need not be any different from another based on,
let us say, heavy engineering. The size of investment,
the number employed and the time span of course
determine several aspects of a New Town. For precisely
the same reason there is merit in focussing the study on
these towns because they have commanded physical and
financial resources as also considerable political and
executive attention to a degree not witnessed in other
New Towns. In that sense the so-called steel towns are
the largest and more determined efforts in the
establishment of New Towns. The experience here has
directly influenced the formulation and subsequent
modifications of the norms and standards adopted by the
Government for public sector industrial townships. Since
the majority of India's New Towns fall in this category
it is appropriate to study the largest among these.
5. Why this study ?
5.1: In undertaking the study the main purpose has
been to identify and highlight issues of policy-
significance in the planning, building and running of
New Towns. With over 100 settlements to-date, New Towns
of India are a major Indian experience. Though the
initial planning for a few, such as Chandigarh or
Bhubaneswar were inspired by foreigners by and large the
design, construction and upkeep of India's New Towns
: 8 :
has involved a whole generation of Indian Planners and
Architects, Indian Engineers and Indian Administrators.
As in other fields the experience has been characterised
by many hopes and fears, weaknesses, successes and
failures, but together the experience is of sufficient
importance to merit study and documentation. However,
the subject has received little attention so far. Apart
from reports of some committees like the Committee on
Plan Projects and some working groups of officials, the
author has come across only one comparative assessment
of India's New Towns (Ved Prakash) limited to physical
aspects and constructional costs as surveyed in 1963-64.
5.2: Several points emerge from even a preliminary
assessment about the New Towns. One is that the premises
or basic objectives for their creation do not seem very
clear. In most cases the building of an industry has
been taken to be the main objective and the settlement
itself has been treated as an adjunct rather than as
a core activity. Search for the basic premises which
would determine the size and nature of the town
building effort has been little. Where some goals
were indicated these appear to have emerged from
the highly personalized views of the handful of
persons in charge of building the plant or the
township at the time. Density, house types and location
of community facilities were often determined in
this manner. Neither the physical nor the socio-economic
issues of raising and nurturing a town seem to have
been recognised. The confusions resulting from this
serious lack of comprehension have persisted. The
setting up of vast labour campus carefully removed
from the township sites on the facile hope that being
temporary they would vanish on a designated date is
one such confusion. In town after town the so-called
temporary camps have endured and expanded. Large
sums of money invested by the construction agencies
have gone to waste and failed to elicit investment
response from the dwellers in the absence of
: 9 :
tenure and prospect for the future. Attempts to view a
townscape in artificially segregated portions like
employees and non-employees, insiders and outsiders,
project town and civil town etc. persist. For instance,
the plans for a forthcoming steel city Vijaynagar have
been drawn in three fragments - the labour colonies
close to the plant, the so-called steel town and then a
civil town in another location.
5.3: The norms and standards adopted for the New Towns
have emerged through a halting pattern rather than a
conscious evolutionary process. Initially the standards
adopted for physical and social facilities were just
lifted from the planning manuals of western countries.
For instance, in determining the sizes of a
neighbourhood and the facilities to be provided there,
there was very little attempt to assess the actual
requirements of an Indian community. In the case of
utilities, the standards adopted had no relation to the
affordability of the services by the citizens. Since the
initial costs were treated as part of the industry's
capital cost there was no compulsion either to
critically review the norms and standards from an
economic point of view. Much later the high capital and
consequently high running costs prompted enquiries, such
as, the one by the Committee on Plan Projects and then
at successive stages by the Bureau of Public
Enterprises. Arising from these exercises ceiling costs
were fixed for several items which, in turn, led to some
rigidity. While the first costs were sizeably reduced
there was still no attempt to match them with resources
to be raised from the citizens for the upkeep of the
services. The maintenance of these Towns has thus become
very expensive, and the subsidies on this account are
increasing. While finances of most cities in the
developing countries are in a bad way, the position in a
New Town despite the newness seems worse.
: 10 :
5.4: Despite the scale of effort and investment that
went into the building of the New Towns they are
regarded as dull and unexciting places. There is nothing
in the New Town of the hum and excitement that an older
though unplanned town in India possesses. The poor
comprehension of the social issues in an urban community
have been further complicated by the rapid growth of the
New Towns and the inability to cope with the
heterogeneity brought in by migration from different
parts of the country. The hand of the industry continues
to be dominant and omnipresent often to the detriment of
the industry itself. The Indian New Town is often
described as an "employee town" rather than a "citizen
town". One should add, the question has also been asked
whether the employees want to be citizens at all.
5.5: Most New Towns have been built on greenfield
situations where little existed before. The land-scale
and the environment have been reshaped almost totally.
Streams of migrants have come into the town from within
as also outside the state. Patterns of livelihood have
changed and major shifts have been occasioned in the
life of the people in the surrounding areas. All these
changes have also brought in their wake, major problems
of administration as well. One would expect that these
are matters which would have merited some consistent
attention from the respective State Governments.
Unfortunately, the evidence available indicates more of
an ambivalence than a genuine appreciation of the
problems involved on the part of the state governments.
In many issues the interest of the central and the state
governments have been shown quite wrongly to be at
variance. In the process the New Town managements
are quite often caught between the people and the
governments. To illustrate, a major fear, that
has characterised the New Towns managements stems
from a lack of confidence in local self-government
institutions. A false sense of property or
ownership on the part of the project often held
: 11 :
up by the Centre has led industrial managements to
confuse their roles in building the industry which is
its basic responsibility and nurturing the human
settlement that the plant has occasioned. Though an
opportunity was available in the New Town to cut free of
past prejudices and archaic forms of urban
administration the opportunity was not seized.
These among others are some of the issues considered in
this report. It is our belief that in each, valuable
lessons are to be learnt from the past and alternative
options exist for the future. As yet, all of India's New
Towns account for a population of about 3.6 million
which is about 8% of the increase in the country's urban
population from 62 million in 1961 to 109 in 1971. The
bulk of this increase has come from metropolitan and
other large cities. Anguish about city size has been a
recurring feature in many societies and ours is no
exception. New Towns for old, has been one of the
desires professed in establishing India's new
settlements. The performance of these settlements in the
past decade is the major concern of this report.
6. Methodology and Arrangement of the Report:
6.1: The study is based mainly on secondary data, such
as, planning and project reports prepared at the
commencement of the townships and various official and
other subsequent documents. To assess the role of
voluntary organizations in the New Town communities a
limited survey of social/cultural organizations
numbering about 180 in Jamshedpur and about 140 in
Durgapur has been done. Apart from the study of the
documents the study team consisting of a Sociologist,
an Economist, a Geographer and an Architect also
visited the towns for discussions with the planners,
engineers and officials concerned with the
development and maintenance of these New Towns.
The Project Director has also had extensive
discussions with the managements of the major
: 12 :
industries located in these New Towns, the officials in
the HSL, SAIL and TISCO, the officials in the Ministries
and organizations of the Government of India and
Departments of the State Governments concerned as also
the municipal authorities. The issues identified during
the study were outlined in an Issues Paper which was
discussed at a meeting in April 1977 in which a wide
cross-section of New Town planners, administrators,
economists, representatives of national planning and
development organizations, etc., participated. A full
list of the participants is given in the annexure. The
issues presented in the paper were refined to a
considerable extent during the discussions and the
present report incorporates their outcome.
6.2: The issues considered in this report are presented
in three major parts, viz., physical, social and
administrative. Certain issues have been left out, such
as, the economic impact of the New Towns on the
surrounding regions. Though it was intended to include
this aspect in the study a number of methodological and
organizational difficulties were encountered such as,
identification of an impact region, types of economic
activities to be studied, indices to be developed for
measuring impact, requirements of large-scale field
surveys, etc. Some earlier studies undertaken in this
regard, such as, the study by the A.N. Sinha Institute
of Economics in the Patna University, for Rourkela
revealed highly diffused impact patterns in a much wider
area beyond what is contiguous to the New Town. Within
the limitations of time and resources it was not found
possible to consider this aspect within the present
study.
6.3: The origin and growth of the six major towns
considered in the study i.e. Rourkela, Bhilai, Durgapur,
Bokaro, Bhubaneswar and Jamshedpur are described in the
next chapter in that order. Chapter III deals with the
physical issues, Chapter IV with the social issues and
Chapter V with the administrative aspects. The
conclusions of the study and possible options for the
future are presented within each chapter. Chapter VI
contains a general summary of the report.
CHAPTER - II : THE SIX TOWNS
1. Rourkela :
1.1: In the grand design for economic growth and
modernization of India the steel industry was a major
element. The establishment of a steel plant in the
public sector was a favoured item with the late Prime
Minister, Nehru. In 1948 Sir Padamsee Ginwala reported
that a base seven years hence, the country's steel
demand would be close to 3 million tons.
T.T. Krishnamachari, then Industry Minister forecast in
1954 that by 1960 the demand would exceed 6 million
tons. An urgent search for steel plant locations and the
technical support for building them followed.
Two German firms renowned for iron and steel technology,
M/s. Fried Krupp of Essen and M/s. Demag A.G. of
Duisburg, came forward to assist. Following an agreement
signed with the two firms, a new company, M/s. Indien
Gemeinschaft Krupp Demag GmbH was floated as consultants
for the design and construction of India's first steel
plant after independence. In 1955, the consultants
submitted a report identifying Rourkela, a small hamlet
by the side of the Brahmani river below the confluence
of Koel and Sanko as suitable for setting up of a plant
that could make a million tons of steel.
1.2: Located 480 km. west of Calcutta on the railway
line to Bombay, Rourkela was one of the ideal
locations in Chhotanagpur for a major steel industry.
Iron, coal, manganese, and limestone were all to be
found in close vicinity, and access by rail was assured.
The consulting firm, IGKD was also designated to
plan the township. Commencing with the premise that
the township should provide 15,000 dwellings for the
workers of the steel plant plus space for the shelter of
others who would come to serve this city, the
Consultants estimated its size at about 100,000.
Claiming the application of the latest standards in
: 14 :
township planning and practice, the consultants observed
"It is demanded that the families be given exclusively
detached one family houses each, with at least two
dwelling rooms and the requisite courtyard". An area of
about 20 sq. miles was earmarked for building the town
north of a series of hills that would separate the steel
plant from the township and thus provide some protection
against the smoke and soot. Through two cuttings in the
hill range, a ringroad was to be laid connecting the
steel-works and the township. Another premise that
guided the layout was that people "Who have grown up
under rural conditions have the understandable desire to
live in a kind of community which helps them to avoid a
feeling of forlornness and uprootedness. This and the
wish to obtain a clear organic arrangement of the town
as well as a necessity to de-centralize certain cultural
and other public facilities makes it advisable to sub-
divide the township into separate quarters or
satellites." Later these came to be known as sectors,
each intended for 5,000 to 6,000 people with one or two
schools, a public hall, a number of shops and some
handicraft workshops. In all 20 sectors were planned,
each connected to the ringroad, which was to be the main
artery "With the capacity to assimilate the whole of the
traffic even with increased modernization. At the same
time, its course was such as to compel all traffic to
use it". A great part of the population was expected to
use bicycles or move on foot; hence pedestrian and
bicycle paths were to be provided alongside the ringroad
and also in the sectors. The conception of a city centre
was unclear. The Consultants had considered three
alternative plans - one for a city with a geographic
focus on the ringroad, another for a twin-city with the
ringroad for bilateral communications and the third for
a linear city based on the ringroad itself. It was the
third alternative that came to be chosen and, as such,
: 15 :
a city centre was not given much prominence in the
initial plans. There was, however, a general
identification of the site where the road to the old
Hamirpur mission intersected the ringroad where such a
centre could come up. Subsequent experience indicated
that such a centre would indeed be a compelling
requirement, though it has been slow in taking shape.
1.3: As town plans went, the efforts of the Consultants
seemed good. The object of their planning work had been
"to consider all the factors, technical, economical and
sociological, which determined the layout of a modern
town, to define the importance of each of these factors
with a view to providing the most economical and most
suitable pattern of a township. The present plan should
not be altered in its fundamentals as otherwise an
inorganic and amorphous structure might result". A few
detailed plans of different scales and elevations were
also provided by the Consultants to facilitate detailed
planning in the sectors. Hindustan Steel, which had been
set up in 1954 by the Government of India as the public
sector undertaking to build and run the steel plant
decided to commence development on 11 out of the 20
sectors. Unfortunately, in the desire to expedite matter
the detailed planning for these sectors were farmed out
to as many as 5 different Architectural Firms in the
country. The HSL Design Office also participated in the
planning exercises. Leaving aside the disparities that
cropped up inevitably in matters like density,
neighbourhood layout, housing standards, etc., since
many parties were involved, HSL's decisions also caused
two important deviations from the basic plan of the
consultants. The first related to the location of a
township for the fertilizer plant. While the fertilizer
unit was conceived during the project stage itself, as a
needed facility to utilise the by-products, the decision
to locate a separate township for it, south of the
factory, was against the basic concept of locating
: 16 :
the residential settlements only north of the steel
plant and the hills, on environmental considerations.
Though the township for the fertilizer factory is a
small one its location has prompted some reflexes of
growth which it has not been possible to integrate in
the main townscape. The second major deviation has been
in respect of the crucial landspace located between the
railway line and the hills. In the plan of the
Consultants this area was to be utilised for setting
light industries, small trades, handicrafts, supply
services, etc., as are concomitant of the contemplated
township. Unfortunately again, neither the IGKD nor the
other consulting firms engaged, paid any attention to
the detailing of the plans for developing this
landspace. Given its proximity to the steel plant itself
the site was prone to the pressures of growths and, in
fact, when the work on the steel plant commenced in 1955
it is this area which came to be occupied by
contractors, their labour as also other service
populations. In six years the area was packed with more
than 35,000 people and squatter settlements of all kinds
were completed. A few years later an elaborate planning
exercise had to be initiated to somehow prevent the area
from getting worse, but more of this later.
1.4: The construction of the township commenced in
1956. Out of about 50 sq. miles proposed for acquisition
for both the plant and the township nearly half
was for the township alone. Acquisition was initiated
under Orissa (Development of Industries, Irrigation,
Agricultural, Capital Construction and the Resettlement
of Displaced Persons) Act, 1948. This itself was a
major departure from the usual practice of acquiring
land under the time-honoured though slow provisions
of the 1894 Land Acquisition Act. The Orissa Act had
been tried earlier in Bhubaneswar as also for the
Hirakud Dam construction. But upon being applied
: 17 :
in Rourkela several complications arose, such as, the
rights of subsequent disposal by the HSL, the
compensation payable, etc. Later the acquisition had to
be substantially revalidated under the 1894 Act. Still
the complications and the resistance to acquisition were
such as to prompt the State Government to decide against
all further acquisition of land after 1959. By then
about 3,000 out of the proposed 7,500 houses had been
built. The beginnings of a hospital, four schools, the
water-supply system, a waste disposal plant and the
network of roads had also come into existence. While the
first immigrants had been a wayside restaurant operator,
a carpenter to make benches, tables and bedsteads and a
milkman with a herd of buffalos, the flow picked up
rapidly. By 1961, the steel township alone had a
population of 37,830. With the surrounding areas,
Rourkela's overall population was 90,287. One more Class
I city was going to be added shortly in the census list.
1.5: The 1-million-ton stage was reached in 1962. By
then plans had been initiated for an expansion of the
plant's capacity. By 1969, the enlarged capacity of 1.8
million was available and with that had come a sizeable
increase in the employees. The township witnessed
further investments and by 1971 the figure had come
close to Rs. 20 crores which still was less than 10% of
the investment of the plant. The details of the houses
constructed and the cost of various components of the
township at the 1-million-ton stage and beyond may be
seen in the appendix.
1.6: Part of the original idea had been to set up an
elected body like a municipality for each of the township
sectors which could administer the neighbourhood
amenities like the health centre, the school or the
market. This was "to give the steel worker an interest
outside his own field of work". Yet subsequent
: 18 :
events were far different. In 1955, a Notified Area
Authority was set up for all of Rourkela covering an
area of about 37 sq. miles under the Orissa Municipal
Act (Act XXIII of 1950). But by 1961, the contradictions
between steel town and the rest of Rourkela, that is,
between the 'pucca' and 'not so pucca' of the emerging
city had begun to build up. The steel plant management
in its keenness to preserve the exclusiveness of its
township as also to avoid the pressures coming from
other parts to extend to them the township services
proposed a bifurcation of the Notified area. After some
debate the state government agreed to this. The axe fell
in 1963 and the Notified Area was bifurcated into two
parts : one being the steel township comprising that as
also the steel plant, the fertiliser plant and the
fertiliser colony. The Civil Townships 7 sq. miles are
enveloped on all sides by the steel townships 30 odd sq.
miles. The Civil Township has all the problem areas, the
congested strip bazaar, the squatter settlements, the
bustees on the southern slope of the hills and other
badly organized developments. As of 1971, the Civil
Townships population was 47,076 compared to 125,426 in
the Steel Township. Obviously, at the services provided
for the two areas there is sharp contrast. In the steel
township most services are provided by the management
under a Town Administrator, and the employee
resident there, bears an annual tax burden of about 39
paise only since most services are provided by
the steel management. If a steel employee is not
so fortunate and happens to live in the Civil
Township area his tax incidence would be Rs. 4.39. In
composition the two N.A.C.'s are quite different. The
steel N.A.C. has the company Town Administrator
as the Chairman with eight other H.S.L. officials
as members. The Civil N.A.C. has the Additional
District Magistrate of Rourkela as Chairman, 5 state
: 19 :
officials, 8 non-officials and oddly, 3 officials from
HSL.
Quite often the two NAC's have shared a health officer,
an engineer and occasionally an executive officer as
well but never a common chairman. A Special Planning
Authority created in 1961 under the Orissa Town Planning
and Improvement Trust Act (1956) commenced a master plan
exercise confined to the Civil Township area only
without any of the advantages of the land space and
openness available in the steel township. The I.I.T.
Kharagpur published in 1964 a master plan for the
limited area which the N.A.C. is struggling along to
implement in stages. In the meantime the strange
phenomenon of two cities in one, continues.
2. Bhilai:
2.1: Heralded "as a significant symbol of a new age in
India embedded in the national consciousness" Bhilai is
the second of the three public sector steel plants to be
launched by the Government after independence. In view
of its proximity to iron ore resources Bhilai has been
considered as a possible location even before the Indo-
Soviet Agreement in 1955 confirmed the site. Located
about 1100 km. from Bombay and 866 km from Howrah,
Bhilai is in the Chattisgarh region of Madhya Pradesh
comprising the districts of Raigarh, Bilaspur, Raipur,
Durg and northern Bastar. Despite its claim as the rice
bowl of the state the region was characterised by its
low agricultural yield due to poor irrigation, poor
cultivation and inadequacy of market and transport. But
the region had also a vast reserve in minerals. With
coal at Korba, Anuppur and Bargaon, limestone at
Nandini and iron ore at northern Bastar, the proposed
steel plant at Bhilai was conceived as the catalyst
that would change the region. In fact, M.P. Government
had wanted a steel plant to be located here
: 20 :
for long and in its eagerness had notified nearly 8000
acres comprised in 11 villages as early as 1949 to be
acquired for the proposed steel plant. When the decision
to locate the plant did come, these 8000 acres were
transferred free of cost by the State Government and
became the nucleus for commencing construction.
2.2: Unlike Rourkela, the Soviet collaboration was
limited to the plant while the design of the township
was left to Hindustan Steel. D.S. Bajpai and Piloo Mody
of Bombay were engaged as consultants. The plan that
emerged was a kind of rectilinear grid, strung between
Durg on the west and the steel plant to the east. Three
roads running east to west in parallel were to be the
main arteries of the township. These arteries were
broken by north-south roads at intervals and in all, the
town plan provided for 12 sectors out of which 10 were
to be residential, one was for the hospital and one for
the city centre which was located at a mid-point at the
southern extreme of the township. Unlike Rourkela,
Bhilai had a medium-sized town in Durg in its proximity.
By 1951, Durg was a municipal town and district
headquarters of over 20,000 people. The so-called civil
lines constituted the more open part of the town which
also adjoined the site chosen for the township. In fact,
the first residential support for the steel complex was
the Durg Circuit House and the tents pitched in its
compound, when according to the chronicles of the time,
a firm basis for Indo-Soviet collaboration was forged
amidst scorpions, centipedes and storms that regularly
uprooted the tents. Later a Bhilai House as a large
dormitory and 32 bungalows took shape nearby. Still,
despite beginnings in such close proximity, the plan for
the Bhilai township did not provide for
: 21 :
any strong links with the Durg town. Such undeveloped
space as available to the east of the Durg town was not
incorporated in the plans for Bhilainagar.
2.3: Bhilainagar was planned to be built on the south of
the Howrah-Bombay railway line. This was obviously
dictated by the location of the steel plant itself being
on the southern side. Yet in actual event, sizeable
developments were commenced, by the steel plant
construction agencies and others on the northern side of
the railway line. Several labour camps were set up
adjoining the railway line and the highway to Raipur for
the construction labour. In fact, Bhilaigaon from which
the name is derived is itself located on the north of
the line. Between 1956 and 1959, 5 large camps were set
up in Khursipar, Supela and Bhilaigaon. By 1960-61, 6300
quarters had been constructed in these camps by the
steel plant, its contractors had built another 10,000
and for 5000 more the steel authorities had helped with
construction materials. Compared to this, on the south
of the railway line, in Bhilainagar proper, there were
12,500 quarters. The 1961 census noted that the
population in these camps was about 25,000. By 1971,
this had increased to 67,000. In fact, as of 1971 out of
about 174,000 population in the Bhilainagar part of the
agglomeration, the people living north of the railway
line and in the semi-pucca or squatter settlements
abatting the earlier camps are more in number than those
living in the township as such.
2.4. The major reason for the rapid growth of the area
north of the railway line has been its proximity to
the steel plant and the railways marshalling yard
which are major work centres. The civic and commercial
centres planned for the township was also at
: 22 :
its southern extreme and was quite slow in developing.
Retail commercial activities and later on some wholesale
support for them started first in Kursipar/Supela and
have steadily grown in area and volume of business. The
road to Nandini limestone quarries as also the ACC
Cement Plant at Jamul has been a further impetus to this
area. A host of cinemas also sprang up in the vicinity
and at one time Kursipar was known as the Hollywood of
Bhilai. Even now with 12 permanent cinema halls in the
area it can still claim that distinction. As a result of
all these the commercial focus of Bhilainagar has come
to be north of the railway line and not south of it as
envisaged by the planners.
2.5: As for the construction of the plant and the
township, in addition to the 8000 acres acquired and
transferred by the State Government another 20,000 acres
were acquired afresh. About Rs. 1.5 crores were paid as
compensation and a number of villages which fell within
acquisition were shifted in masses to the townships
periphery. The initial plan for the township had been
for 7500 houses; with supporting facilities in keeping
with plans drawn up for the million-tons stage as in
other plants. By 1961, all the units in the one-million-
tons stage were completed. The expenditure incurred on
the township till this stage as also the various
components of the township construction may be seen in
the appendix. By then plans for expansion of the steel
plant to 2.5 million capacity had been initiated which
was achieved by 1967. A further expansion to 4 million
tons is now under way. At the time of this report Bhilai
remains the largest of the steel plants in operation in
the country.
: 23 :
2.6: Though excluded lay design, in the plans for the
township, Durg and other surrounding areas have drawn
much support from the townships growth. From a mere
20,000 in 1951, Durg's population rose rapidly to 47,000
in 1961 and to about 68,000 in 1971. Trade and commerce,
transport and other services accounts for 13,000 jobs in
1971 compared to about 9,000, 10 years earlier. New
residential areas have come up and the bazaar in Durg
has become the principal focus for the whole
agglomeration despite earlier hopes that the Bhilainagar
civic centre would assume this function. The municipal
limits of Durg were enlarged from 5.3 sq. miles to 8 sq.
miles in 1971. A polytechnic and a Government's Arts and
Science College have been added in which nearly half the
students are from Bhilai. North of the railway line
apart from the labour camps and the ever-spreading
squatter settlements new residential areas have come up,
such as, Rajendranagar while on the road to Jamul the
space between the cement works and Bhilai is being
filled by light industry. East of the steel plant at
Kumhari a major foundry has given rise to a small
industrial complex. Taking the outgrowths of Durg as
also Bhilai into account the urban agglomeration today
accounts for nearly 55 sq. miles and 2,45,124 people
compared to 1,33,230 in 1961.
2.7: Despite this vast change in the landscape, on the
administrative side matters have remained still. Apart
from the marginal enlargement of Durg municipal limits
the major part of the agglomeration, i.e., the
Bhilainagar township itself as also its outgrowths have
not been incorporated into any municipality. Within
Bhilainagar the Chief Town Administrator of the Steel
Plant is responsible for the township's maintenance
: 24 :
as also most of its construction aspects. In 1966, the
IIT, Kharagpur, at the instance of the Steel Plant
prepared a master plan for the urban area as a whole for
the first time. The plan conceded that development had
become disparate already and felt the railway line had
been a major barrier to the integration of the city.
Proposing a circulation system using four over bridges
to connect Bhilainagar with the north and recognising
the Kursipar area had already acquired the
characteristics of a Central Business District, the IIT
plan called for a Development Corporation to be set up
preferably by the state government with participation of
the Centre, the steel plant and local interests which
could implement an integrated programme of control and
development. The time, however, was not ripe for such a
body seven years later.
2.8: In 1973, the Madhya Pradesh Government, under
the M.P. Nagar Tatha Gram Nibesh Adhiniyam (Act XXV of
1973) constituted a Special Area Development Authority
(SADA) for Bhilai-Durg, with the Commissioner, Raipur
Division, as Chairman and representatives of Bhilai
Steel Plant, private industry, Durg Municipality, etc.,
as members. The SADA has jurisdiction over the entire
urban agglomeration. Its mandate covers plan
preparation and enforcement, formulation and
execution of development schemes as also the usual
municipal functions of upkeep of city facilities and
taxation thereof. A general development plan under the
provision of the M.P. Town Planning Act is under
preparation. Pending this SADA has taken the
initiative of developing some housing and commercial
areas in Durg. Negotiations have also progressed with
the steel plant for the surrender of some land north of
the railway line to SADA where similar housing and
: 25 :
commercial activities are proposed. As yet SADA has no
direct responsibility for any of the municipal type
functions within Bhilainagar though in law SADA's writ
covers the township as well. In the absence of an
overall plan of action for the urban agglomeration there
is a tendency to divide responsibilities between the
SADA and the steel plant management on the basis of
north and south of the railway line respectively. The
steel authorities also intend to add four more sectors
to the township to support the plant's expansion and
make additions to its civic centre. SADA has its own
plans for renewing and enlarging Kursipar and Supela. As
yet, there are opportunities to achieve a functional
balance between the different parts of the Durg-Bhilai
urban agglomeration. But it is an open question whether
the instrumentalities for bringing about these changes
would be settled first between SADA and the Steel Plant.
If not, Bhilai's future would continue to be undermined
in the conflicts between the fragments of the city.
3. Durgapur:
3.1: People are usually not aware that Durgapur is more
than a steel plant and its township. With an investment
exceeding Rs. 600 crores Durgapur is the home of a dozen
large and medium industries and nearly a hundred small
industries. It is probably the largest concentration of
heavy industry to be set up anew in the country. With a
population of about 2,06,000 Durgapur is also a new town
in the Class I category.
3.2: Durgapur was opened up when the plans for the
Damodar Valley region took shape. The taming of the
Damodar river and its tributaries and the creation of
large capacities of thermal
: 26 :
power gave a generous stimulus to the region. As part of
the project a 2,271 ft, barrage across the Damodar river
was commenced at Durgapur in 1952 and completed in 1955.
The main purpose of the barrage was to divert the water
received from the Panchet and Mython dams upstream and
divert the flow to Bankura, Burdwan and Hooghly
districts for irrigation purposes. The left bank
irrigation canal was also to serve as a navigation
facility down to the river Hooghly. Located as it was at
the fringe of the famed Ranigunj coalfields Durgapur was
also one of the good locations for a steel plant. The
Eric Coates Mission in August 1955, after seeing two
sites at Bokaro and two at Sindri, finally chose
Durgapur as the location for the third steel plant in
the public sector which was to be built on a turn-key
basis by a consortium of British steel-making and
engineering firm. The high capacity transport facility
available through a four-track railway line, the Grand
Trunk Road as also the navigation canal, the
availability of land close to coal but not coal-bearing
itself and the proximity to Calcutta as a major point of
consumption for the plant's products, were the reasons
which prompted the decision. A package deal with the
British was concluded by the Government of India in
October 1956 and construction on the steel plant at a
site between the Grand Trunk Road and the eastern
railway line was commenced soon thereafter.
3.3: By then, some other major investment decisions
had been taken for Durgapur. One was the Damodar
Valley Corporation's own plans to locate a thermal power
plant. Another was Dr. B.C. Roy's long-cherished design
for an industrial complex comprising a thermal power
plant, a coke oven plant to supply the much needed
metallurgical coke for Bengal's engineering industry,
: 27 :
a chemicals plant to utilise the by-products from the
coke oven and a gas-grid that would feed 5 million cft.
of gas to Calcutta. Dr. B.C. Roy's plans went far beyond
just industrial investments. To accomplish his dream he
established a Durgapur Industries Board as a semi-
autonomous unit of the State Government and charged it
with the task of setting up the coke oven and thermal
power plants as also acquiring and developing land on a
large scale to attract more industries. The Durgapur
Industries Board is probably the first multi-purpose
industrial promotion venture in the country, launched by
a State Government when industrial development
corporations or similar promotional bodies were unknown
in the state sector. By 1959, decisions had also been
taken to locate an Alloy Steels Plant, a large plant for
manufacturing of coal mining machinery (subsequently
Mining and Allied Machinery Corporation) and an
ophthalmic glass plant in the public sector of the
Government of India. The Associated Cement Companies in
collaboration with some British firms also decided to
set up another heavy engineering plant in the private
sector for manufacturing pressure vessels and equipment
for thermal power plants, and cement manufacture. Other
engineering units to produce automobile wheels,
electrical wire, heavy castings, etc., followed. By
1961, nearly 50 large, medium and small industries had
made Durgapur their home. The Central Mechanical
Engineering Research Institute and the Regional
Engineering College were two other major institutions
were also to be located in Durgapur.
3.4: Despite such an encouraging start the dream of an
integrated industrial city did not materialise. A major
reason for this was the decision of the larger
industries in locating their respective plants and
townships. Having chosen a 10 sq. mile
: 28 :
chunk of land on an east-west axis for the plant,
between the Eastern Railway line and the G.T. Road,
authorities had considered two alternative locations for
the township. One was to set it up south of the river
Damodar with a bridge to connect and the other was a
site north of the G.T. Road. Eventually, a 17 sq. mile
site north of the Grand Trunk Road between mileposts 113
and 117 was chosen because of "the high ground, east of
drainage, good soil and absence of any serious
rehabilitation problems". Since the steel township is by
far the largest in the Durgapur settlement we may
consider briefly the salient features of its plant. As
in Bhilai the responsibility for planning and designing,
the township was assumed by the Hindustan Steel and
farmed out to the consulting firm of Stein, Polk and
Chatterjee. In preparing the plan, the consultants
stated they took special care "to avoid certain
omissions present in some town plans, such as, (i) urban
monotony and unimaginative rows of housing, (ii) low
standards of environment that tend to depress and limit
personnel and family life, (iii) the omission of
community facilities which would be simple in character
in the form of space designed for multiple purposes and
(iv) the provision for health and recreation
facilities". In planning for the township the
consultants also took note of "the joys of a modest
family garden or the pleasant evening stroll". "The new
population they felt would largely be composed of young
people who usually are idealistic and flexible and who
seek better ways and often have the disposition and
energy to pursue them". The marked contrast between
these professed intentions and what actually emerged as
the township would be considered in detail later, but at
this stage we may point out briefly some important
developments that took place.
: 29 :
The layout initially prepared by the planners covered
about 9,000 of the 10,000 acres leaving the rest as a
green along the G.T. Road. The road system was based on
a north-south Central Avenue to collect traffic and
bring it nearer the eastern entrance of the steel plant
but the main works gate came to be located in the
western corner 6 miles away. Housing for higher-income
employees not depending on public transport came to be
built first and, therefore, nearer the plant while the
bulk of the employees depending on public transport had
to be housed farther away. The average travel distance
between the steel plant and the township was about 8 to
9 miles and so from the beginning the steel plant
authorities had to make arrangements to transport its
workers in all three shifts in its own fleet of buses,
an arrangement that has proved to be most vulnerable as
subsequent experience has shown.
3.5: Adjoining the steel plant township the Mining and
Allied Machinery Corporation decided to set up another
self-contained township. Neither the steel nor the
MAMC township plans provided for any linkages
between the two and, though next to each other, did not
even consider the possibility of some common services.
The colony of the private undertaking ACC-Vickers-
Babcock which was located farther east of the MAMC
township, by far the most pleasing of the other
townships, again became an exercise in isolation
and containment. While these townships had come up
in the north of the G.T. Road, to its south the
Durgapur Industries Board took over the construction
camp of the DVC which had been put up for the barrage,
expanded it and made it into another so-called self-
contained township. For its thermal power plant the DVC
added one more township. The Durgapur Development
Authority which had been set up in 1958 itself to
: 30 :
ensure the planned and co-ordinated development of the
Durgapur complex did not regard these disparate
developments as serious. On the contrary it confirmed
the trend by deciding to set up another township of its
own, farther east of AVB to provide residential support
to medium and small industries. Thus by 1961, Durgapur
had already begun to sprawl for a length of some 11
miles along the G.T. Road from mileposts 110 to 120 with
a mixture of industry and residential settlements to the
south and some large townships to the north each
separated from the other by a buffer zone, usually a
stretch of Sal forest that succumbed to predatory wood-
cutting in later years. While the 1961 census identified
two distinct settlements, viz., the steel town and the
coke oven colony each 9 miles from the other and
returned for both a population of 41,696 in 1971, the
Census took note of the whole connurbation since
constituted into a Notified Area with a population of
2,06,638. Still, one common notified area
notwithstanding, Durgapur has remained, as so aptly
described, a collection of half-a-dozen townships in
search of a city.
3.6: A major reason for this sprawling pattern of growth
has been the absence of an overall plan to begin with.
Though the State Government had set up the Durgapur
Development Authority under a special Act, i.e. the
Durgapur Development and Control and Building Operations
Act, 1958 with the avowed purposes of promoting planned
development, either due to the reluctance of major
projects to submit to any coordination of the Authority
or due to the failure of the Authority itself to
perceive clearly its statutory obligations, the first
exercise in evolving a development plan for the complex
began only in 1961. By then the more important
locational decisions had been taken. With an
: 31 :
increasing number of job-seekers coming into Durgapur
everyday the problem of finding shelter for them became
more urgent and planning with all its time-consuming
implications was kept in abeyance. Each undertaking
proceeded to build its housing in haste and on poorly
prepared layout plans. Each of the township layout was
planned on a mandate that it would be self-contained
though in reality it could not be so. The most severe
consequences of this isolated planning has been on
traffic and transportation within the complex. In the
absence of alternate road systems linking the different
townships and industries the burden of local traffic
also was thrown on the G.T. Road which was a national
highway and which deteriorated rapidly in the process.
The conflicts .between local and regional traffic also
the nature of the local traffic having to cross the G.T.
Road frequently rendered the stretch of this highway
passing through Durgapur one of the most accident-prone
spots with deaths averaging one every month between 1962
and 1965. The scattered location of the residential and
workers' settlements also increased the non-paying or
"dead" distance for transport and other services and
rendered them more expensive. In the buffer zones left
between the townships squatter settlements and
commercial slums were established quickly since none of
the project townships would accept the service
population or non-employees. The most striking example
of this is Benachiti which has mushroomed into
Durgapur's largest commercial centre, thanks to its
location midway between the steel plant and the
township. The growth and its pattern in Benachiti
contain a printed lesson in the dynamics of trading
support for a New Town. This will be examined in detail
later.
3.7: The region around Durgapur has also witnessed
considerable change. Ranigunge and Asansol 12 and 20
miles west of Durgapur were earlier regarded as mining
and commercial centres. Initially much of Durgapur's
commercial needs especially wholesale, were
: 32 :
made by these two centres. Durgapur's general
administration was also conducted from Asansol. As
facilities have expanded in Durgapur some of the
reliance has been reduced though Ranigunge continues to
maintain its traditional position as a supply basis
especially for food items. To the east of Durgapur the
group of villages adjoining each other, i.e., Panagarh,
Debipur and Kanksa have grown sizeably from about 7400
people in 1951 to about 14,600 in 1971. Immediately west
of Durgapur one of Asia's largest marshalling yards has
come up in Ondal which in turn has prompted some linear
developments alongside the G.T. Road, such as, Dignala
with over 6000 people. South of Durgapur and the river
Damodar, Bankura has continued to maintain its
predominantly rural character.
3.8: The belated start the D.D.A. made in planning
commenced with an exercise for the region. As in
Rourkela and Bhilai, here again IIT Kharagpur was
invited to make a plan in 1960 and three years later the
Institute presented the Durgapur Regional Master Plan.
The plan dealt with a large region of 1214 sq. miles
comprising 10 thanas in the three districts of Burdwan,
Bankura and Birbhum with 7 lakhs population. The plan
envisaged a regional structure with Durgapur as the
principal centre. It sought to identify the types of
industries that should come up in Durgapur and what its
linkages would be. Control of development in the entire
region was advocated to encourage and stimulate urban
support activities. The D.D.A. was advised to convert
itself into a regional planning authority. In 1964 the
Institute came up with first detailed component of the
Regional Plan i.e. the Durgapur urban plan. Since the
different townships had taken shape by then, the plan
merely confirmed their existence and
: 33 :
suggested a further northward expansion of the
residential zone. Obviously the DDA was in no position
to implement any of these proposals. Though conceived as
a statutory body in practice it functioned only as an
adjunct to the Durgapur Industries Board, in practice.
When that Board was converted into a company i.e.
Durgapur Projects Limited, DDA's dependence on the DPL
for all its planning and engineering services continued.
In 1966 the DDA and the Asansol Planning Organization
collaborated to publish an Interim Development Plan for
Durgapur. Projecting a population of 5.18 lakhs by 1981
the plan's main feature was a system of arterial and
link roads to tie up the desperate elements of the
complex. The plan recognised and confirmed the broad
zoning of the complex into predominantly industrial area
south of the G.T. Road and predominantly residential
area north of it. To provide focus for the complex
through city level facilities the plan suggested limited
enlargement and renewal of Benachiti for commercial
activities and the setting up of a new civic centre for
administrative functions in the DDA township on the
eastern extreme. In April 1968, this interim plan was
revised through a Perspective Structure document. This
envisaged the community of one million in Durgapur by
the turn of the century, and suggested the phasing of
the road system which would provide the needed
integration. Instead of two centres, the 1968 plan also
advocated the establishment of a major City Centre which
would integrate Government and business offices with
commercial, recreational and other city level facilities
in a planned manner. Thanks to a change of attitude on
the part of the steel plant authorities to make
available the requisite land, it was possible to
commence work on the city centre in the central portion
of Durgapur by 1970.
: 34 :
3.9: Apart from this major development and the
construction of some of the roads to link up the
different townships, efforts to shape Durgapur into a
city have not progressed much. The recession of 1966 hit
the industries in Durgapur hard. New industries did not
come in and extension plans for the existing ones did
not fructify. The most serious among these was the
decision not to expand the Durgapur Steel Plant.
Employment in the registered factories which had risen
rapidly to about 34,000, by 1961, has remained there
since then. In 1960, the idea of setting up some kind of
local self-government institution for Durgapur was
mooted. Initially, it was felt that the DDA itself could
be suitably expanded and modified to perform municipal
functions but this idea was later given up. In 1961, the
West Bengal Government declared its intention to
constitute a Notified Area Authority. The major
industrial projects in the area, especially Durgapur
Steel objected to the proposal initially and suggested
that if a Notified Area Authority was at all necessary
the steel plant and its township could be constituted
into a separate Notified Area. The West Bengal
Government did not agree to this suggestion and
proceeded to establish the Notified Area Authority early
in 1962 for a jurisdiction of about 60 sq. miles
comprising all the industrial projects and their
townships. The major industries of the townships were
identified as separate holdings e.g. steel plant as
one holding, the steel township as another holding,
etc. The projects were made liable to the holding tax
only but not to other rates, such as, water rate,
conservancy rate and lighting, since the
townships were providing such services themselves. This
decision to sustain a single Notified Area
Authority for the entire industrial complex is
: 35 :
in marked contrast to the decision in Rourkela to
bifurcate one Notified Area into two and the decision in
Bhilai not to set up any such authority. After a
hesitant start and some retrogade decisions on taxation,
the Notified Area Authority now operates an annual
budget of Rs. 35 lakhs and is one of the more important
urban local bodies in the State.
3.10: In 1969, Durgapur and its surrounding areas were
also constituted into a separate sub-division. Several
other State and Central Government offices were also set
up in the city. A Government college and a State
Hospital were added. By 1975, some of these offices had
begun to move into the newly-constructed city centre.
The 1971 census returned a population of 206,638 for the
Notified Area as a whole out of which the Steel township
accounts for 76,921, the various other industrial
townships for 44,432 and the non-township areas 85,285.
Here again, as in other towns, the 'kutcha' is more
numerous than the 'pucca'.
4. Bokaro Steel City:
4.1. We now move to Bokaro, the home of the fourth and
the largest steel complex in the country under creation.
While coal mining in the region of Bokaro i.e., Jharia
has been a major activity for over 100 years, Bokaro
itself began to acquire industrial importance since the
DVC began its work. A thermal power plant was set up by
the DVC at Bokaro on the northern banks of the Damodar
river in 1956. Chandrapura, another major thermal power
plant, followed a few years later in the vicinity.
Bokaro had been a favoured location for establishing
a steel plant for a long time and, as mentioned
earlier, when the Erik Coates Mission was
considering alternative locations for the third steel
plant to be set up with British assistance Bokaro also
: 36 :
had been one of the sites considered. In 1959, the
Government of India decided to locate the fourth steel
plant at Bokaro. Initially American assistance was
sought for the project, but the request got mixed up
with the shifting stance of aid politics in USA. The
request was then withdrawn and the project lay in cold
storage for a while. On 25th January, 1965, an agreement
was concluded with the USSR Government for establishing
a steel plant of 1.7 million tons capacity in the first
stage. The earlier project report prepared by the Indian
consultants, Messrs Dastur & Company, was revised by
Gipromez in its detailed project report of 1966.
Construction commenced in 1968, and as the work
progressed, in February 1970, another agreement was
signed with the Soviet Union for expanding the plant to
4 million tons. When this capacity is achieved Bokaro
will be the largest steel complex in India and one of
the largest in Asia. The massive Soviet assistance
notwithstanding Bokaro is also claimed to be a
"swadeshi" steel plant with nearly 60% of the machinery
and components made from indigenous sources.
4.2: The site chosen for the steel complex is about 44
km. south-west of Dhanbad town and is close to the
National Highway No. 32 linking Dhanbad and Tatanagar.
The plant and the city are bounded by river Damodar in
the north and one of its tributaries, the Ganga to the
east and the south and the Muri-Chandrapura Gomoh
broadgauge line on the west. The State highway known as
Ramgarh-Chas Road connects the steel city with the
National Highway No. 33 to the east and National Highway
No. 33 to the west which joins Delhi-Calcutta National
Highway No. 2.
4.3: In the case of Bokaro the planning for the steel
city had been a thoughtful exercise right from the
beginning. Pending details of the plant's dimensions a
general sketch plan for the steel city had been prepared
in 1962 which was scrutinised and endorsed by an all-
India panel of 4 distinguished planners.
: 37 :
After the detailed project report was received from
Gipromez the city's plans were finalised in 1966. The
objective again was a single industry-based town but to
be built on the neighbourhood and sector pattern which
could facilitate suitable staging. Neighbourhood and
sector sizes were identified on the basis of community
facilities and access to them rather than the number of
dwelling units or the extent of the area. Thus, a
primary school to be supported by 3500/4000 population
was taken as the focus of a neighbourhood and a
secondary school required by a population of 8000 to
10,000 was identified as the sector focus. The housing
standards were taken from the Bureau of Public
Enterprises categorised in six types. The sector density
was fixed at 30 to 40 dwelling units per acre way above
the other steel towns. Shopping and recreation
facilities were also conceived at the neighbourhood and
sector levels. A city centre on a linear form was
proposed to be developed east-west along the central
avenue to accommodate uses, such as, commercial, light
industry, trading, business office, cinemas, theatres,
etc. The plan also envisaged housing to be constructed
by co-operative societies and private developers and
earmarked some sites at the periphery of the town for
such development. In the first stage the township was
expected to provide about 15,000 dwelling units in 5/6
out of a total of 12 sectors planned. In many respects,
the plan for Bokaro Steel City sets it apart from new
town plans made earlier, and it could be regarded as a
MARK-II or second generation planning exercise in the
country.
4.4: An area of nearly 33,000 acres had been proposed
for acquisition for the steel complex and ancillary
facilities out of which about 27,000 acres have been
acquired and transferred so far. Out of this, the
township including the airstrip accounts for 10,200
acres. So far about 16,750 houses have
: 38 :
been constructed in 5 sectors of the steel city. In
addition, about 4,200 semi-permanent dwelling units have
been constructed for the plant's employees in its
vicinity. A few large labour camps have also come up
close to the plant, such as, Azadnagar Bustee,
Duggalnagar, etc., each of which accommodates 7 to 10
thousand people. In some of these camps the construction
agencies have provided some basic amenities like water
supply, roads, street lighting, etc. In another site the
steel authorities have themselves provided sites and
services where its employees could put up about a
thousand huts. About 300 huts, mostly in mud, have
actually been constructed by the employees. Outwardly
this little settlement has the pleasant features of an
urban village but unfortunately the site itself is
affected by the proposed 2nd stage plant expansion.
4.5: The thoughtfulness and attention given to the
townships' planning is in sharp contrast to the lack of
awareness or effort in the region to deal with what the
steel plant planners have described as 'growth
reflexes'. One such reflex backed by a lot of financial
muscle is Chas which until recently was a wayside
village on N.H. 32. In 1971, its population was 13,000
while current estimates places it at over 15,000.
Functionally Chas has transformed its character from
agriculture to trade and commerce. It provides most of
the daily supplies and other consumer goods for the
Bokaro steel city. Its area is less than 12 sq. km. It
is packed with shops of every kind selling a variety of
products and the whole market scene appears full of
vigour and money. As it happened in other towns the city
centre in the township has been slow to come up and it
is now considered that Chas is well on its way to
consolidating its position as the unplanned
: 39 :
commercial centre for the planned township. In the
absence of a municipal institutions like a Notified Area
Committee the rich tax base available in Chas is not
being exploited either.
4.6: Another major reflex growth in the township's
vicinity is derived from the so-called rehabilitation
villages. In the process of acquisition 43 villages
comprising about 5800 families were affected. Out of
these, rehabilitation was provided in 19 villages for
about 23,000 families. Unlike Durgapur where a number of
families were rehabilitated in clusters, in the case of
Bokaro the State Government, which handled the job,
decided to provide rehabilitation plots in several
scattered locations usually adjoining existing villages.
None of these villages were large enough to be developed
into a viable unit nor was the location guided by any
economic considerations. Together these rehabilitation
villages account for about 13,000 people.
4.7: A third major development in the vicinity has been
the industrial estate developed for ancillary industries
by the Bihar Industrial Area Development Authority.
Located on the west of the steel plant boundary at a
distance of more than 10 km. from the township the BIADA
area of 640 acres has been parcelled out to over 200
small scale units so far, employing about 4000 people.
When fully developed this ancillary industry area is
expected to offer about 16,000 jobs. About 80,000 people
will need to live in its vicinity but at this point of
time there are hardly any plans for their shelter. The
Bihar State Housing Board has built a small estate of
about 800 flats. Close to this industrial area is the
Bokaro Steel City railway settlement which has another
2000 people.
: 40 :
4.8: Taken together as of 1971 the Bokaro Steel City
urban agglomeration which includes Chas and the
outgrowths described above has about 1,07,000 people. A
1975 estimate places the figure at 1,25,000. Given the
plans for Bokaro Steel's expansion and the progress and
the pattern of growth observed in the vicinity Bokaro
Steel City is likely to emerge as the largest new town
in eastern India. The Steel Plants planners estimate by
1981, the complex will have 3.6 lakhs and by 1991 twice
that many people. The present administrative apparatus,
however, seems primitive compared to the requirement.
The steel township is administered directly by the steel
plant through a Chief Town Administrator. A Chief Town
Planner and his office provide planning and
architectural services. Chas continues to be a Panchayat
and so are the other semi-urban parts of the complex.
Proposals to set up a Notified Area Authority as in
certain other parts of Bihar like Adityapur, Jamshedpur,
etc., have not materialised. Bihar has a statute
providing for establishment of a Regional Planning and
Development Authority in such areas, but no such body
has been set up so far. Recently some moves were made to
constitute municipal corporations in large industrial
areas, such as, Jamshedpur and Ranchi. Unfortunately, in
all such attempts some adverse comparisons are drawn
from the experience of the Patna Corporation and the
moves are resisted. So far as administration is
concerned the structure in and around Bokaro continues
to be the same as it was 100 years ago.
: 41 :
5. Bhubaneswar:
5.1. Heralded as the cathedral city of India with over
hundred medieval temples dating from the third to
sixteenth century and famed for the battle of Kalinga
that Emperor Ashoka fought nearby, it is difficult to
picture Bhubaneswar as a New Town. It is only the
extension that befits the label and is the subject of
our study. The idea of a new capital city for Orissa had
been mooted soon after Orissa had become a separate
state in 1936. Cuttack was already a congested town by
then, helmed in by the Mahanadi and the Khuakhai lacking
any scope for expansion. The idea at that time was at
least some other major educational institutions should
be shifted or established anew in the vast tracts of
Government-owned khas mahal upland near the Lingaraj
temple of Bhubaneswar. Slowly the concept of a new
capital gathered shape, but the Second World War
precluded any major investments. In 1947, Otto
Koneigsberger was invited to prepare the initial plan.
Koneigsberger envisaged a limited settlement of about
15,000 to 20,000 people with the State Government's
headquarters as the only major activity. He envisaged a
simple layout of about 10 sq. km. formed by three
arterial roads dividing the city into office, commercial
and residential blocks. It was expected the town would
grow as an extension to the older parts of the city.
Construction began in 1948.
5.2: Within three or four years, however, some major
locational decisions were taken which considerably
altered, and affected the earlier objectives. In the
earlier plan, the capital city was located close to the
Bhubaneswar railway station, and mostly south of the
proposed alignment of the National Highway No. 5 to
Madras. In 1951, a decision was taken to set up the Utkal
: 42 :
University in a large campus north of the National
Highway alignment. Decisions to locate other big
institutions like the Regional Research Laboratory,
Sainik School, a major printing press, an Agricultural
University and a Regional College of Education followed.
Many of these were sited north of the National Highway
alignment. The employment was not confined to the State
Government either. By 1961, the capital city accounted
for nearly 15,000 jobs. Taking into account the older
settlement the total population increased from about
16,500 in 1951 to 38,000 in 1961. Some small-scale
industrial activity was also seeking a place in the
city.
5.3: All these circumstances prompted the initiation of
a master plan exercise for Bhubaneswar. The Orissa Town
Planning and Improvement Trust Act of 1956 provided the
basis for such an exercise. A master plan area of about
81 sq. km. comprising the capital city as also the areas
developing north of the National Highway was identified.
This exercise, commenced in 1964 was completed in 1968
when the master plan for Bhubaneswar was published. The
plan gave an evaluation of the requirements of the
urban area in a 25-year span. The population for the
master plan area was projected from about 24,000
in 1961 to about 2,00,000 by 1986. Employment was
projected to about 60,000 jobs of which the
tertiary sector would account for about 64% though
the secondary sector including construction was to
increase from 12% to 29%. The master plan
identified a circulation system which was mainly an
extension of the arterial roads outlined earlier in the
Koneigsberger plan. The system consisted of four
: 43 :
categories of roads, viz., 200 ft. wide arterial roads,
such, as, Rajpath, Janpath, Gandhi Marg, etc., on which
the State Secretariat, Assembly, High Court and other
buildings are located, the 150 ft. wide major unit
roads, the 100 ft. wide major housing streets to collect
internal traffic and fourthly, minor housing streets of
30 to 40 ft. The capital market complex identified in
the first plan was retained.
5.4: As with a capital city, the focus in Bhubaneswar
development has been on government office buildings. The
Secretariat, Raj Bhawan, Legislative Assembly, State
Government offices, etc., were completed in the first
ten years. A museum, the Rabindra Mandap and other
facilities were added later on. While no firm estimates
were prepared for all the components of the capital
city, expenditure incurred till the end of the IVth
Five-Year Plan amounted to Rs. 10.14 crores. Another 4
crores were spent till 1973-74. A significant feature of
Bhubaneswar has been that the government had not wished
to be the sole landlord in the city. Private housing and
commercial construction had been encouraged right from
the beginning and developed plots were made available,
initially on application and later through auction.
Residential plots range from 1/8th to 1/25th of an acre
for a price of Rs. 25,000 per acre for economically
weaker sections and Rs. 50,000 for others. Till 1973-74
over 4000 residential plots had been given as compared
to about 6400 dwelling units constructed by the
government itself. About 400 shopping units or plots
have also been made available. This private ownership of
residence or shop sets the Bhubaneswar town well apart
from the company towns.
5.5: A Notified Area Council was set up in
Bhubaneswar covering initially about 50 sq.
km. which, in 1971, was enlarged to about
: 44 :
65 sq. km., the same as the area of Bhubaneswar city
identified in the census. The Council's jurisdiction
covers both old and new Bhubaneswar. In the composition
of the Council the Orissa Government have introduced a
very innovative feature by providing for both elected
and nominated members. The old town elects its members
while the new capital area has nominated members. The
nominees, in turn, are chosen by the Government to
represent a cross-section of its employees with
residence in the capital area. Another major feature of
the NAC is that the properties of the Government are not
exempt from taxation. For instance, out of about Rs. 16
lakhs which is the annual tax income of the Council
nearly 60% is derived from Government properties. This
arrangement is in sharp contrast to the position
obtaining in many other states where properties of the
State Government are carefully/ substantially kept out
of local taxation by various means. The master plan area
goes beyond the MAC limits (about 81 sq. km.) and is co-
terminus with the Bhubaneswar standard urban area
identified in 1971 census. As of 1971 this master plan
area had about 135,000 people of which 1,05,491 were in
the NAC limits.
5.6: Recently a greater Bhubaneswar Improvement Trust
has been established under the Orissa Town Planning and
Improvement Trust Act, 1956. The jurisdiction of the
Trust, extends to the whole of the master plan area. The
capital project construction, however, has continued to
remain under the Estates department of the State
Government. The Town Planning Directorate of the State
provides planning services to both the Estates
Department and the Improvement Trust. As yet, the
allocation of functions between the two bodies have not
been settled. The Trust has recently taken up some
housing schemes in the fringes of the capital project
area.
: 45 :
6. Jamshedpur:
6.1. The origins of Jamshedpur, by far the most
important experience in the country in industrial towns
were humble indeed. The 1910 Gazetteer of Singhbhum
District refers to village "Kalimati where 25 pucca
houses were being built for the proposed factory of the
Tatas which, when completed, was expected to give
employment to about 3,000 labourers". The struggle for
India's first steel industry, however, had begun several
years earlier in the travels of Jamshedji Nasserwanji
Tata in Europe and America and his plea with the
Secretary of State for India over 20 years to give a
fair deal to those prospecting for iron ore in the
country. The investigations which Tata organised were
initially confined to Central Provinces until his
attention was drawn to the iron ore concentrations at
Gorumahisani in Mayurbhanj, 40 miles south of
Jamshedpur's location. Finally by 1907, the site was
determined and a company floated to set up an iron and
steel plant. Three years earlier Jamshedji had passed
away, but not without admonishing his son, Dorabji Tata
"to be sure to lay wide streets planted with shady
trees, every other of a quick growing variety. Be sure
that there is plenty of space for lawns and gardens.
Reserve large areas for football, hockey and parks.
Earmark areas for Hindu temples, Mohammedan mosques and
Christian churches".
6.2: Equipped with this commanding message of
vision the Tatas proceeded to erect the steel
works and "build a city, not just rows of workmen's
huts". M/s. Julian Kennedy Sahlin of Pittsburgh,
U.S.A., were appointed the consulting
: 46 :
engineers for planning the site and erecting the works.
The site which was then known as Sakchi was originally
laid out to accommodate about 8,000 to 10,000 employees.
Communication with the rest of the world was through the
small wayside station on the railway line to Calcutta,
i.e., Kalimati, three miles away. Initially, an area of
about 3600 acres was acquired. The plant was completed
in 1911 and proved its usefulness during the First World
War through the supply of steel in the eastern theatre.
Recognition came in 1919 when Lord Chelmsford, the
Viceroy, visited the iron and steel works and renamed
Sakchi as Jamshedpur "in honour of the Founder to whose
prescience, imagination and genius the great enterprise
was due". Soon after, the Kalimati station was renamed
Tatanagar. By 1921, Jamshedpur needed more than mere
official recognition. Compared to 5700 in 1911 its
population was recorded in the 1921 census as 57,360.
Shelter had already become scarce and developments had
become irregular and haphazard. Additional land of about
12,220 acres was urgently needed, but that apart the
Tatas had also initiated efforts to formulate a policy
for the welfare and benefits of workers. "And so it came
about in 1916, when much of industrial England was a
slum that Sydney Webb was writing a memorandum on
'Medical Service in the welfare work at Sakchi',
while his wife Beatrice contributed another on
"Cooperative Stores, Benefit Funds and
Thrift Agencies". Many amenities that are
taken for granted today were introduced in Jamshedpur,
far ahead of legislation in this country as also
: 47 :
elsewhere in the world. As 8-hour day was introduced as
far back as 1912 long before it had been accepted in
Europe and America. Leave with pay was introduced in
1920, 25 years ahead of legislation in this country.
Following up on the report of the Webbs, Dr. Harold Mann
and A.V. Thakkar (later known as Thakkar Baba) submitted
a comprehensive report on the needs of Jamshedpur and
the amenities required like water supply, drainage,
housing, etc.
6.3: In 1919, Mr. F.C. Temple, Sanitary Engineer to the
Government of Bihar and Orissa and himself a Town
Planner, was appointed as Chief Town Engineer. The
Temple plan followed in six months which broadly
demarcated the residential, business and open areas of
the city, identified the road alignments and proposed
the removal and re-planning of bustees within the first
acquired area. Temple's plan held good for nearly 20
years. During that time the eastern part of Jamshedpur
began to grow. Other factories like the Indian Cable
Company, the Tinplate Company of India, Indian Steel and
Wire Products commenced their activities. In 1938, when
population had crossed 100,000 the company invited Mr.
P.G.W. Stopes, fresh from his success in reconstructing
Quetta after the earthquake, to advise on further steps.
Stopes advised that a detailed stocktaking was essential
as "the complex had grown out of its clothes". It was in
this background that in 1944 Dr. Otto Koneigsberger, the
then State Architect of Mysore, was commissioned by the
Tatas to prepare the first master plan.
: 48 :
6.4: Dr. Koneigsberger diagnosed overcrowding and lack
of housing on the one hand and the jumble of houses and
industries compressed between road and rail on the other
as the two basic maladies in Jamshedpur. Envisaging a
plan "which leaves scope for theoretically unlimited
growth but which at the same time is not dependent on
the attainment of any given size and provides a suitable
town organization at any moment", Koneigsberger's plan
clearly separated areas for industries, housing,
recreation, education and marketing. Incorporating the
existing developments the plan proposed that lands to
the north of the factory area should be reserved for
housing to be developed on neighbourhood unit basis. An
arterial road system was outlined running east to west
along the northern half of the city providing salients
southwest towards the factories. Koneigsberger preferred
medium density lowrise buildings to vertical
construction. He also advocated a TISCO Housing Agency
to be set up by the steel company with loan capital and
subsidised interest, a Jamshedpur Public Services
Administration to look after the utilities and a
Regional Planning Board to deal with the outgrowths in
Jamshedpur's environment. While many of the
organizational recommendations of Koneigsberger have not
been accepted the basic physical layout provided by him
has been set in position and remains so till today.
6.5: In 1941, Jamshedpur's population was 1.65 lakhs
which increased by 1951 to 2.18 lakhs. In 1955, the
Tatas set upon a major expansion of the steel plant, the
third to be launched, in collaboration with Kaiser of
the United States.
: 49 :
This expansion brought the plant's capacity in 1958 to 2
million tons. Several of the other factories in the
Jamshedpur area had also began to expand by then. The
most important was the Tata Engineering & Locomotive
Company (TELCO), which had been set up in 1945 after
taking over the old Peninsular Railway Workshop. By
1961, TELCO was turning out more than 100 locomotives
and 10,000 commercial trucks per year. With 6000 houses,
TELCO added the second largest company town to
Jamshedpur.
6.6: When the population of Jamshedpur had crossed
300,000 around 1955, there was a scramble both for
working and living space. The pressures were first felt
in Jugsalai south of the railway line and Mango to the
north across the Subarnarekha river. The highlands of
Adityapur across the Kharkai river were then proposed
for development. Earlier the State Government had mooted
the idea of having a small township as part of its
low-income group housing schemes. A bridge across
Kharkai was constructed in 1960 which enabled access
to this housing estate. The TISCO decided to locate a
major maintenance shop for the steel works as also
a new subsidiary company, i.e., Tata Yadagowa in
Adityapur. A Regional Institute of Technology
followed. By 1962, Adityapur was recognised as an
important extension of Jamshedpur and three
years later an industrial development authority
was established under executive instructions
(later to become a statutory body in 1972) to provide
the infrastructure for Adityapur. A large area of
about 2,700 acres has been taken over by the Government
where facilities for industry and residence have been
: 50 :
provided. A still larger area of about 53 sq. miles has
been brought under development control. As of 1974-75,
in Adityapur Industrial Area Development Authority
reported 182 medium and small units under production and
another 144 under construction.
The 1971 census notes the population of Adityapur to be
28,226.
6.7: The Jamshedpur Urban Agglomeration now comprises
three distinct administrative entities, i.e., Jamshedpur
town, Jugsalai, and Adityapur, covering an area of about
145 sq. kms. and a population of 4.56 lakhs. With about
132,000 of workers of whom 74,046 are in manufacture,
16,323 in trade and commerce and 28,661 in transport and
other services Jamshedpur has a significant occupational
variety. It also has, by far, the largest range of
community facilities among Indian New Towns. There are 6
hospitals (5 of TISCO and 1 of State Government), 4
colleges (including one for women and another for
workers), a medical college, an engineering college, 44
higher secondary schools and about 230 primary and
middle schools. The number apart, the fact that many of
these institutions have been founded by the Jamshedpur
community itself, of course aided by TISCO and other
industries, distinguishes the Jamshedpur experience.
This aspect will be discussed in greater detail in the
chapter on Social Issues.
6.8: In its governance Jamshedpur tried some experiments
and showed much concern in the initial years but later
on the situation lapsed into conventionality. Initially
the town was managed entirely as a department of the Steel
Plant under the control of the General Manager. There
: 51 :
was a small Town Office under an Assistant Engineer,
later called the Town Superintendent. In March 1919, the
then Government of Bihar and Orissa appointed a
committee under the chairmanship of Mr. W. Maude, Member
of Viceroy's Executive Council to examine and suggest
the future administration of the town, Mr. Maude
favoured a municipal form but the report was not acted
upon on the plea of lack of funds. In 1923 the steel
company and the other companies that had come into the
area entered into an agreement for the formation of a
body to administer the town. This body was to consist of
a committee of companies and a Board of Works. The
revenue of the Board was to be derived from taxes,
license fees, income from bazaars, etc. As a first
effort in the administration of an industrial town
through a voluntary body, the attempt was unique but
shortlived. In 1924 the provincial Government under the
Bihar and Orissa Municipal Act, 1922, constituted.
Jamshedpur into a 'Notified Area' covering about 22 sq.
miles i.e., mainly the acquired area and appointed a
committee of 11 members.
In 1945, the jurisdiction was enlarged to about 31 sq.
miles to cover Mango and areas north of the river and the
jurisdiction remains so until now. The present membership
of the committee is 22 with the chairman continuing to be
the Executive of the town division of TISCO i.e. the
Director of Town Services, with seven other members from
TISCO, four from other companies and ten from the
public. The income of the NAC has remained around Rs. 7
lakhs for many years, mainly derived from cycle tax,
animal tax and cart registration fees and government
grants. The Town Division under the Director of Services
: 52 :
continues to perform all important functions in the town
with an annual expenditure of about Rs. 2 crores on town
maintenance alone excluding capital charges. In effect
the Jamshedpur NAC is a department of the Town Division
with the officers of the Division exercising certain
statutory powers under the Municipal Act regarding food
adulteration, cattle licensing, etc.
6.9: This pattern of a weak and dependent NAC was
repeated for Jugsalai, the thickly built up area south
of the railway line and adjoining Jamshedpur. Created in
1924, the Jugsalai NAC does not include the Railway
colony but covers mainly the shopping area and the slums
of Nayabasti and Puranabasti. The Jugsalai NAC operates
a budget of about Rs. 4 lakhs supported mainly through
rates and taxes. In 1964, another NAC was created for
Adityapur and the adjoining villages. Thus, the
Jamshedpur Urban Agglomeration consists of 3 separate
NACs, each as weak as the other, existing more in name
than in effect, with the real responsibilities for the
running of the town left in the hands of the company.
6.10: Attempts to provide a stronger and participative
structure for Jamshedpur's governance have not
succeeded. In 1954, the Nayak Committee under the
chairmanship of a Municipal Commissioner of Bombay,
examined the Town Division's work. Commending the
level of services but concerned at the high cost,
the committee urged the formation of a Jamshedpur
Corporation with adequate powers of taxation which could
provide the services on payment. The proposal did not
find favour with TISCO. In 1966-68 Bihar Town Planning
: 53 :
Organization formulated a master plan for the Jamshedpur
region. Here again it was proposed to retain the 3
different NACs with some adjustment of boundaries, with
a Metropolitan Authority ensuring planning, coordination
and development control for the complex. In 1974 the
Bihar Regional Development Authority Ordinance was
promulgated under which a regional body could have been
set up for the Jamshedpur-Adityapur region but this has
not happened so far.
6.11. In all efforts to reorganize Jamshedpur's
administration the rights of TISCO to the lands in
Jamshedpur has been a vexed issue. Between 1966 and 1973
in a series of developments, TISCO's position came to be
regarded as an intermediary in respect of the lands,
which, would therefore vest in the State Government. An
injunction obtained in 1973 by TISCO has frozen the
situation since then but neither the State nor the TISCO
have been able to take any decisions on the planning,
development or disposal of the lands. The situation has
been slowly drifting towards a non-governance so far as
lands are concerned. The pattern of the city growth has
been significantly affected in the process, in many
cases adversely. These aspects are discussed in detail,
later on.
Chapter III : THE PHYSICAL ISSUES
3.1: The Concepts
3.1.1: In any search for the basic premises that guided
the planning and building of India's New Towns two
concepts appear to stand out - one is self-containment
and the other, particularly for industrial townships, is
the image of a model employer. For all its widespread
use in town plans self-containment is a concept vaguely
defined and rarely understood. Ebenezer Howrard,
regarded world-wide as the father of the New Town
philosophy, never used the term himself though he wanted
most of the employment and other facilities to be
located within the town. Britain has been witness to an
extended debate on self-containment in the New Towns.
Quite often the terms 'self-sufficient' and 'self-
contained' have been employed to convey the notion that
New Towns should not be dependent on some other city.
The English New Towns Committee in its final report in
1946 urged "where possible..... business and industries
established in a New Town should include not only
factories and shops but businesses and services meeting
local needs as well.. ...it is most desirable that
proprietors, directors, executives and other leading
workers in the local industries and business should live
in the town and take part in its life". Reviewing
British New Towns policy Ogilvy observed "from the
start self-containment had a dual meaning. The first
meaning refers simply to the facilities that exists in a
town. A self-contained area can be defined as one which
has a complete range of urban facilities, i.e.,
sufficient employment, shopping, health, education
and other facilities adequate for the number of
residents; but in general usage this definition has been
: 55 :
overlaid by the second meaning, i.e. a social purpose. A
self-contained town is seen as one in which the town's
people can live full lives satisfying all their daily
needs within the boundaries. The town provides the
environment for the life of a complete community: it is
an experiment in social living". While most of the
British New Towns have achieved reasonable self-
sufficiency in the sense they contained relatively even
number of jobs and working people, the debate on their
social purpose and successes continues.
3.1.2: When New Towns came to be built in India we had
gone through much the same debate. While the industrial
employers stressed self-sufficiency in respect of
employment and facilities there were several
distinguished voices among the community of town
planners who felt that "a New Town was 'new' not on
account of its location, size or form but because of its
new approach to urban planning and architectural design.
A new town is not merely an exercise in building houses,
factories, schools and shops; it is a deliberate and
planned effort to create the best possible physical and
human environment conducive to a healthy and satisfying
life for the individual, the family and the community
and its successes should be assessed in terms of
improved life and living" (Vagale). Nehru expressed much
the same thought in different terms when he wanted
Chandigarh to become "a symbol of a free country,
unfettered by the past".
3.1.3: The industrial managements which built most of
India's New Towns were no doubt influenced by these
sentiments.
: 56 :
Since many new town locations were on greenfield sites
and quite distant from existing towns they felt self-
containment was an essential prerequisite in the plans
for the New Town. As things happened even in employment
commuting could not be avoided while in facilities New
Town residents always found a gap that could be
satisfied only in some other town. Self-containment has
often been carried to extremes as an exercise in
isolation. The most severe example in this regard is
perhaps Durgapur. As mentioned earlier, a number of
industries came to be located in Durgapur at about the
sometime and their townships also had adjoining sites.
Nevertheless, the standards adopted varied considerably
from one to the other. Oddly, even the two leading
public sector industries under the. Centre i.e., the
Steel and the Mining Machinery Plant which were
headquartered in Ranchi did not consider it necessary to
integrate or relate each other town plans though they
were to be built next to each other.
3.1.4: The notion of self-containment also precluded any
serious attempt to link the New Towns with the
adjoining settlements. Mention has been made of Durg-
Bhilai and Chas-Bokaro in this regard already. Of
course, it is to be recognised that the scale of
requirements in the New Towns was so vast that they
could not have depended at all on the Durg or Chas.
It has been urged that Bhilai would not have come up
even in 20 years if one had depended on Durg. For
instance, while Bhilai's most urgent need was
housing, rents went up enormously in Durg for what
little housing it possessed or was able to build. There
was, therefore, no option for Bhilai but to go ahead and
build its own housing on a massive scale. Yet, a New
Town is not just housing. There is a variety of other
: 57 :
needs like retail shopping, wholesale commercial,
private office space, recreation and so on. No town,
much less a new one could hope to be self-sufficient in
all these respects. In fact, these activities thrive in
proportion to the linkages developed within and beyond
the New Town. The point urged here is, that self-
containment somehow came to be interpreted as
exclusiveness. It was not necessary then, for the
planner in Bhilai or Bokaro to look beyond the limits of
the so-called township, such limits determined more
often by the extent of land acquired, rather than
through any conscious search to establish the perimeters
of growth or the feasible reach of activities and
services.
3.1.5: A major reason for this exclusiveness is to be
sought in the colonial traditions of the country.
Cantonments and railway towns have been a major
influence in layout planning. Townscape, in British
India and even now, is viewed mainly in three segments,
the Civil Lines or the Cantonment, with detached
bungalows, wide roads, rows of trees with their trunks
whitewashed, with Courts and some government offices
nearby, is the first or the premier segment. The bazaar
with its crooked lanes and bye-lanes and the honky-tonk
of assorted vehicles is the second and the third
segment is the native quarter, a congested motley
of houses and hovels, narrow winding streets, street
taps and open drains. The numerous railway colonies
built in the country repeated this pattern. Even
latter day extensions to some of the cities in the
1920s and 1930s the so-called model towns, as in
Punjab or in the south, were closer to this seggregated
: 58 :
style of planning. Even Jamshedpur, despite all the
exhortations of the founder and the concern of his
successors, has its pucca and kutcha parts, its northern
town for the chosen and Sonari for others. Whatever be
the inspiration of the Indian planners and engineers
drew from the 'garden city' concepts of Britain, the
practice they had known was different. In Chittaranjan,
where a locomotive plant and a township were set up by
the Railways soon after independence, the gardens were
there alright, as also the houses, neatly set in income-
based rows, all held safe and secure within a vast
compound wall and sentry posts encircling the township.
Many of the senior managers and engineers in the steel
industry had been drawn from the Railways or the State
Governments. Railway towns and Civil Lines were the only
settlements they had built before and thus Rourkela or
Durgapur also came to be cast in that mould.
3.1.6: Yet there was another strong influence, a
constant overtone, that characterised the planning and
building of these new towns. This was the concept of a
model employer, valid especially for the public sector.
Given the liberal and socialistic traditions of the
leadership that guided India's struggle for
independence, the public sector was regarded not only as
the dominant segment of industry but also the catalyst
to achieve socio-economic change. To be an ideal
employer was thus a cardinal point in their creation.
The colonial, elitist background in physical planning,
interacting with idealism in the sphere of labour
welfare and amenities, tended to cause several
distortions.
: 59 :
3.1.7: The planning process adopted in the New Towns
tended to reinforce the contradictions, because there
was no scope in it to assess critically the validity and
feasibility of the concepts of self-containment and
model employer. Usually the procedure was for the
industrial management to engage a consulting firm, and
give them a brief, limited to informations on likely
working force, landspace and money available, housing
types, quantum of services to be provided etc. In some
of the items like density, floor area, etc., quite often
the parameters given in the form of the "clients
instructions" were quite arbitrary. For instance, in
Rourkela, the consultants, i.e. IGKD noted "the demand
for exclusively detached, one family house, each with at
least two dwelling rooms and their requisite courtyard".
Similarly in Durgapur "the joys of a modest family
garden possible in a detached house" were assumed to
indicate the right choice. There was no effort to
ascertain whether such a dwelling unit was indeed the
most suitable choice from the dweller's or the town's
point of view. The personal views of the projects bosses
also appear to have weighed considerably in matters like
housing type, density, location of facilities, etc.
While there was some conscious experimentation in
determining house types especially for the low income
categories, the choice of housing for senior managers
seemed to be quite arbitrary. That there was a measure
of extravagance has been admitted before the Lok
Sabha's Committee on Public Undertakings (8th Report,
May 1965). A special review of township construction
in Rourkela, Bhilai and Durgapur made by HSL in
1971 indicated that even at the 1 million ton
stage when for each of the 3 towns, the target was
: 60 :
7500 houses, there had been considerable imbalance in
the types of housing chosen, their costs as also the
scale and expenditure in providing the related
facilities.
3.1.8: Urban planning in India has relied heavily on the
concepts and techniques of planning evolved in the 19th
and 20th centuries in North America and notably Britain.
Standards as developed historically have been
transplants rather than adaptations, reflecting the
interest or preferences of the professionals rather than
what could be sustained by socio-economic criteria and
evaluation. Yet the magnitude of the urban problem is
such that within the scant resources maximum spread of
the facilities has to be achieved. Standards have,
therefore, to be reviewed constantly and curtailed if
need be though it defies everything that planners have
hitherto been taught to believe as the absolute minimum.
The process needs consistent interaction between the
industrial management and the planner, between the
planner and the builder and among the community of
planner itself. Unfortunately the dialogue in this
regard has been scanty. Fred Adams of M.I.T., invited by
HSL in 1958 to review its towns felt constrained to
advise "planners should not be ignored or smothered".
: 61 :
3.2. Norms and Standards :
In determining the norms and standards, for the use of
land, for housing, for utilities and for the provision
of community facilities the image of the model employer
has been the most important determining factor. As
observed earlier, the process of planning and building
has also caused some distortion or imbalances within the
same township as also one township to another. The
capital costs involved have been quite high. In the
absence of any pricing exercise to assess whether the
residents could afford to pay for the proposed services
the cost of maintaining them could not be foreseen
ahead. Inevitably the running charges have risen and
these are a major item of deficit for the industrial
managements. In many cases, it is also seen that the
technology adopted has not been appropriate.
3.2.1: While there is no virtue in uniformity, the
degree of variance in standards encountered
indicates, prima facie, poor planning and poorer
coordination during implementation. As regards use of
land in Rourkela residential use accounts for 42%
of the landspace circulation is 16% and open space
29%. In Bhilai residence takes 33%, circulation 20%
and open space 17%. In Durgapur about 48% of the
land is assigned to residential use while circulation
and open space take 20% and 14% respectively.
Extravagant use of land, especially in the initial
stage, when land acquisition did not seem too difficult
or expensive has resulted in very low densities. The
density has been around 2 to 5 dwellings or even less
per acre in Durgapur, Bhilai and Rourkela. Though some
: 62 :
efforts were made to increase density by subsequent
construction on an average these three towns have a
gross density of 25 to 30 persons per acre compared to
nearly ten times more in metropolitan cities like
Calcutta or Bombay or 2 to 4 times in other medium-sized
cities of the country. Even within the same township
housing norms are varied. For instance, within Bhilai
residential density ranges from 2 to 12 dwelling units
per acre in different sectors. Similar is the case of
Rourkela. One reason for this is that detailed planning
for different parts of a township were often farmed out
to several consultants. As mentioned in the previous
chapter, in Rourkela as many as eight different
Consulting Firms worked on the layout and housing plan
for the different residential sectors. In Bhilai and
Durgapur individual house-types and plans were often
determined by the steel plant's own design office.
Inevitably there has been a variance in approach which
has produced in turn, a variance at the site.
3.2.2: The degree of variance stands out in rather sharp
contrast when townships adjoin each other, as in
Durgapur. Minimum floor areas have varied from 200 to
500 sq. ft. and maximum from 2000 to 3000 sq. ft. in the
different public sector townships of Durgapur. As for
amenities steel town provides 80 gallons of water per
capita per day, in the adjoining Mining and Allied
Machinery town it is 40, in the AVB town it is 100 and
in the Coke Oven township it is even more. Since water
is not paid for wastage is recurrent and actual
consumption far exceeds intended supply.
3.2.3: A wide variety of housing types exist. In Durgapur
and Rourkela there were 9 different basic types while
Bhilai had 6. Several permutations of the basic types were
: 63 :
then worked out leading to a bewildering variety of
house types linked to income-groups. Despite so many
house types utilisation of land for housing has been
generally low. There was considerable hesitation towards
double-storied construction. In a discussion at the HSL
Board in 1959, bungalows were still being favoured and
double-storied dwellings were left to be considered for
lower-income types only at future stages of expansion.
In 1963, the Committee on Plan Projects laid down a
sector density of 14 to 20 dwelling units (65/95 persons
per acre) and a township density of 9 to 12 dwelling
units (45/55 persons per acre). The Bureau of Public
Enterprises thereafter began to standardise housing
types and density norms. Currently 4 basic housing types
ranging from 385 to 1700 sq. ft. of plinth area have
been evolved with densities going up to 30/35 dwelling
units (150/170 persons per acre). Four and five-storeyed
walkups is the preferred norm at present. However, there
has been very little experimentation in achieving medium
densities with low rise dwelling units.
3.2.4: Considerable disparity exists in the norms and
standards adopted for the New Towns compared to those
prevailing in other cities. The point regarding
residential density has been mentioned already. In the
provision of amenities the disparity is pronounced. For
example, water supply standards are extremely high with
70 gallons per capita per day in Bhilai, and 80 in
Rourkela (specially mentioning a break-up of 30
G.P.C.P.D for domestic consumption and 45 for
gardening). Jamshedpur provides 80% in the northern town
but less than 20 in the bustee layouts. It
: 64 :
may be argued that in a town planned and built anew,
standards should not be related only to the past. But if
they are excessively high the cost will go beyond the
city's and the country's fiscal ability as indeed has
happened.
3.2.5: It may be argued that these disparities are not
very serious and at any rate, in building India's first
New Towns after independence some experimentation was
not only inevitable but also welcome. This is a valid
point and as mentioned earlier the norms and standards
need not be faulted merely because there is no
uniformity. But whatever the variance, the price element
of the services to be provided and their affordability
by the citizens were not examined at all. The township
was regarded only as an adjunct to the industry and so
long as the investment on the township was kept within a
given percentage of the overall project cost, it was not
subjected to any separate financial justification. In
1963 the Lok Sabha Committee on Public Projects reviewed
the norms and standards in industrial townships for the
first time. Undoubtedly this was a major event in
history of India's New Towns planning. But the
concern was on physical and landuse aspects. "The
excessive capital outlay on the townships and its
adverse effect on the cost of production" was a
major item of study by the committee but its report
does not refer to what the costs have been : or what
should be the criteria for investment planning in
municipal services: or what should be the method of
financing the initial improvements and the maintenance
and operating costs in the long run. Of course,
: 65 :
there is a chapter in the Report on "Avenues of Cost
Reduction" but this deals with 'specifications',
'prefabrication', 'payment to contractors' etc. The
standards suggested in the Report are little different
from those recommended in planning textbooks in the U.S.
or U.K. (Ved Prakash).
3.2.6: A subsequent Lok Sabha Committee on Public
Undertakings (1965) referred in greater detail to the
cost aspects of the township. Analysing the capital cost
figures for townships put up by 42 public sector
undertakings, the Committee observed "a majority of
public sector projects are located in out of the way
places and it may be necessary to provide housing and
other facilities on a somewhat larger scale. It is also
desirable that public undertakings should aim at being
model employers. Nevertheless the Committee are equally
anxious that public undertakings follow a balanced
approach in incurring expenditure on productive and non-
productive activities….. Our examination has revealed
that much avoidable expenditure has been incurred…….
utility services and other facilities have been lavish...
Layouts are sprawling resulting in high expenditure on
water, power, sewerage, roads and maintenance…………. The
Committee are constrained to observe that the public
undertakings have not been adequately cost conscious".
In a major recommendation the Committee also
observed "the present practice of meeting the
entire cost of townships from out of the capital
of the project is neither sound nor in consonance
with prudent commercial practice... the outlay on
the townships should normally be met from loans,
: 66 :
internal resources and subsidies". Noting that the
entire cost of maintaining the township was being borne
by the undertaking, the Committee heard during evidence
of "a proposal to set up a separate body to look after
the townships of public undertakings. The Committee
trust that Government would examine the matter in all
its aspects and arrive at a suitable decision at an
early date".
3.2.7: Unfortunately such an examination never
progressed. Since 1966 the Bureau of Public Enterprises,
has studied several aspects in the construction of
public sector projects and townships. A few hundred
guidelines have been issued on project planning, site
investigations, consultancy assignments, tenders,
contracts, progress reports, and of course norms and
standards for civil works and economy in the cost of
construction. But there is not a single guideline or
even an investigative study on the possible ways in
which the services in a township can be priced or paid
for by the users. This is because the financial
viability of a township has never been an issue for
decision. Right from the beginning it has been assumed
that services like water, power, sewerage, etc., are in
the nature of amenities provided to labour and need not
be charged for, separately. House rents are the only
revenue of some significance but here again the rents
are highly subsidised under one or other of the
government regulations or wage agreements. Service
charges for water and electricity are nominal, if any.
The 1965 Committee on Public Undertakings noted, in most
townships, subsidy ranged from Rs. 25 to Rs. 124 and
often in excess of the ceiling limits prescribed.
: 67 :
3.2.8: To give an idea of the capital and running costs
in the townships, on land development and services only,
such as, water supply, drainage, sewerage and roads per
capita expenditure is about Rs. 990/- in the case of
Bhilai, Rs. 1190/- in the case of Rourkela and Rs.
1470/- in the case of Durgapur. If the cost of
residential and other buildings for community facilities
are included per capita cost works out to Rs. 3119/- in
Rourkela, Rs. 3810/- in Bhilai and Rs. 3912/- in
Durgapur (Ved Prakash). This is more than twice as high
as the per capita cost for suburban developments that
have come up in metropolitan cities. Arising from the
high capital costs per capita running costs have also
been very high. According to 1971-72 figures, per capita
annual expenditure on maintenance of the townships
excluding expenditure on buildings as also items like
education and health is, Rs. 138/- in Bhilai, Rs. 129/-
in Rourkela and Rs. 82/- in Durgapur steel town compared
to Rs. 60/- in a reasonably well-maintained city like
Bombay. It is not so much the quality or scale of
service that has determined the high cost as the wage
component. The Nayak Committee which examined the
position in Jamshedpur in detail indicated that wages
alone constituted more than 60% of the maintenance
cost. Since wage levels are usually very high in the
steel industry the wages of persons engaged in the
township activities also tend to be higher than those
engaged for identical work in other cities. Subsequent
wage agreements have tended to increase these
: 68 :
costs further. The rising trend of township expenditure,
can be gauged from the table below. The figures exclude
expenditure on Education, Health, Social and Cultural
activities, staff welfare and transport.
Table
(Figures in lakhs of
rupees)
Town/Item 68-69 69-70 73-74 74-75
1. Rourkela
Expenditure
(including
depreciation and
interest) 94.11 188.91 205.87 268.59
Income 73.99 77.67 91.43 94.19
Net Deficit 20.12 111.24 114.44 174.40
2. Bhilai
Expenditure
(including
depreciation and
interest) 249.66 254.08 246.66 303.90
Income 91.75 97.03 128.30 136.16
Net Deficit 157.91 157.05 118.36 167.74
3. Durgapur
Expenditure
(including
depreciation and
interest) 35.53 38.13 93.53 118.41
Income 3.37 3.74 3.08 3.35
Net Deficit 32.16 34.39 90.45 115.06
3.2.9. The technology adopted has also been high cost
and inappropriate. Sewage treatment can be cited
as an example. In Bhilai after considerable debate
it was decided to set up an oxidization pond which
has been functioning efficiently and cheaply. The
soil and weather conditions in Rourkela and Durgapur
are not very different but here expensive sewage
treatment plans have been set up. The Mining and
: 69 :
Allied Machinery township, in Durgapur, however,
preferred the oxidization method. It should, therefore,
be apparent then, that investments have been made not so
much on considerations of cost or technology but on
individual and ad-hoc preferences. The very elaborate
rights of way adopted in the circulation system, based
more on heavy automobile use is another instance. If
pedestrian and bicycle use had been accepted as the
principal mode of travel, as subsequent experience
showed, the space for circulation and the pattern itself
could have been rendered less expensive and providing
easier access.
3.3. Land and shelter:
3.3.1: Though the townships in all cases had the
advantage of publicly-owned land, policies with regard
to land ownership and utilization of land for shelter
have not been clear. Initially the managements had the
desire to provide housing to most of their employees. In
fact, this was to be an important component of the so-
called self-contained township. There was also the
feeling, though not openly expressed, that provision of
housing within the industry's own township would lead to
better industrial relations and hopefully, better control
of the workforce. In effect, however, this has not been
possible due to the increasing cost of housing and its
increasing proportion to the total township costs
(53% to 55%). The following table indicates the 1974
: 70 :
position of housing:
Town Staff Houses % % in
strength available 1966
Rourkela 33,528 22,721 67.76 69
Bhilai 52,347 26,659 50.92 40
Durgapur 39,258 18,944 48.25 64
(including
Alloy
Steel)
Bokaro 30,815 19,706 63.94 -
Jamshedpur 36,000 17,500 48.61 43
(TISCO)
3.3.2: The managements now recognise it will not be
possible to give full housing satisfaction. The Bureau
of Public Enterprises has laid down that in the case of
projects located within 10 miles of large towns housing
should be provided only for about 40% of the employees.
Where medium-sized towns and a number of villages are
nearby housing may be provided for 55% and only in
difficult and remote locations can housing be provided
for 70% of the employees. While the norm has been set
forth mainly because of resource constraints the policy
has not been matched by adequate thought and action to
promote non-company or private housing. The quantum of
housing provided by state government organizations like
Housing Boards under schemes such as low-income and
middle-income group housing, housing for industrial
workers and economically weaker sections, etc.,
continues to be small. For the entire Durgapur area it
is less than 4000 while in Bhilai, Rourkela and Bokaro
it is less than 1000. Even in Jamshedpur, over several
years the number of units put up by the Housing Board is
about 5000 only.
: 71 :
3.3.3: The policies with regard to land-ownership and
the measures to be taken to promote non-company housing
have been a matter of much trauma for the HSL. At a
Board meeting in 1958 when the item was discussed, one
of the General Managers suggested positive steps to
provide developed land for both the steel plant's
employees and others. A second General Manager felt that
only those "outsiders who would be useful to the plant
or the development of the township" should be offered
plots. Preference was to be given to employees and ex-
employees. A third General Manager suggested creation of
separate sectors in the township where non-company
housing could be set up. Six months later a Sub-
Committee of the Board came to the conclusion that
allotment of sites for non-company and private housing
was premature at that time but plots could be reserved
to facilitate future development. Eight years later, the
same issue of 'insiders and outsiders' was still being
debated by the project management before the Nakhra
Committee, another sub-committee set up by HSL to
consider "the increasing shortage of accommodation and
the prospects of selling land and houses in the township
so that the fund realised could be used for additional
houses and the capital investment on townships is
reduced". For the first time in the history of HSL the
Nakhra Committee clearly set forth the bounds of realism
in the statement below:
: 72 :
"Fundamentally, our committee is of the view
that if our objective of generating resources for the
planned and healthy (i.e. slumless) expansion of our
townships and of minimising our subsidy on provision of
houses is to be achieved, the following basic principles
of policy must be accepted :-
1) that our employees by themselves do not and
cannot constitute the total civic life of our
townships - no group of society, howsoever
privileged, can be completely self-contained -
and therefore, those working for the townships,
viz., traders, taxi drivers, rickshaw pullers,
barbers, cobblers and others no less than the
local representatives and agents of large and
small commercial and manufacturing firms - must
be recognised as an integral part of our civic
life - and made to feel that they are not
unwanted elements allowed to exist on
sufference.
2) that although it is possible to maintain the
identity and special character of our townships
their complete exclusiveness will have to be
given up in the interests of their integrated
growth and development.
3) that the terms of lease of land to our
employees and to private parties and
institutions will have to be suitably
liberalised so as to make them definitely
attractive. . "
: 73 :
3.3.4: But acceptance of these views were slow to come.
One of the General Managers, in the words of the
committee, "was of the emphatic view that the exclusive
character of our townships should not be disturbed by
induction into them of packets of private housing". Nor
was he in favour of sale of houses.
However, other general managers seemed to agree and the
HSL management accepted the committee's views in
principle, but wanted implications for each project to
be separately worked out. Five years later when thinking
finally veered round in each of the townships and
schemes were prepared to develop and allot land for
private housing, the state governments threw a spanner
in the works. Since land had been acquired for setting
up a steel plant and its township, they stated, it was
not open to a steel plant management to alienate the
acquired land to an outsider. The issue is still
unsolved and debate continues on who is an insider and
who is an outsider, and who should be his protector and
benefactor.
3.3.5: There has been some limited success in Bokaro in
private housing where an Employees' Cooperative Society
has been formed whose numbers have put up about 1200
dwelling units in 500 plots, laid out in one of sectors
of the township. In Jamshedpur the TISCO management
appears to have recognised the impracticability of
providing housing for all categories of its employees as
also the services population, in the beginning itself.
Hence, a system of providing housing to employees and
non-employees on a monthly tenancy system that came to
be known subsequently as bustee layouts, was developed.
About 6500 such plots have been made available by TISCO
in 21 locations and so far about 9000 dwelling units
: 74 :
have come up here. This example has been picked up in
Bokaro as well, where for construction labour as also
the steel plant employees a 'sites and services'
programme has been launched in a few locations. In these
sites the people themselves are encouraged to put up
their own housing, which is usually semi-pucca. Minimum
amenities have also been extended to labour camps and
bustees which have come up near the steel plant where a
number of employees or construction labour reside.
However, both in Jamshedpur and Bokaro the tenure of the
site given for such purposes is limited. In Jamshedpur
the management now concede that monthly tenancy is an
anachronism in the bustee layouts which have existed for
several years. A more enduring arrangement of 30 years'
lease used to be available in Jamshedpur for middle and
upper income housing under which about 1500 plots were
given by TISCO in which about 2500 dwelling units have
been constructed. The scheme has not been pursued since
the land dispute and the court injunction referred to
earlier.
3.4. Slums and Marginal Settlements:
3.4.1: Though the new towns under this study have been
in existence for just about 20 years the growth of slums
in and around them has been a pronounced feature. These
marginal settlements constitute a significant portion of
the New Towns population as will be evident from the
figures below:
Town Population People in Percentage
(1971) Marginal
Settlements
Rourkela 1,72,502 53,363 31
Bhilai 2,45,124 64,685 29
Durgapur 2,06,638 40,004 20
Bokaro 1,07,159 17,565 17
: 75 :
3.4.2: These marginal settlements consist not only of
slums and squatter settlements that have come up afresh
but they also cover the villages, howsoever small,
existing in the vicinity of the New Town which over a
period of time have degenerated into slums. To a large
extent this phenomenon has been due to ignorance of the
urbanisation process and defective land and development
policies.
3.4.3: As mentioned earlier, in the planning of the
townships the industry itself has been taken as the
dominant force. But this has not been the position
throughout the history of the town. In terms of
employment, tertiary sector activities has accounted for
an increasing share of total employment in the towns.
While it is conceded that the dominant industry has been
the main force and instrument in creating the township,
it has also to be recognized, in course of time, as
other economic activities are generated in the area,
this dominance becomes less and less. The 1971 census
figures on occupational pattern brings out the change,
as indicated below:
Name of Town with total Percentage in Percentage in
number of workers in manufacturing tertiary sector
brackets
1. Rourkela
51,327 (1961) 34.09 50.89
57,849 (1971) 34.00 60.97
2. Bhilai
48,772 (1961) 51.19 26.35
50,346 (1971) 59.41 40.64
3. Durgapur
26,051 (1961) 58.98 16.87
63,870 (1971) 56.01 31.30
4. Bokaro
45,812 (1971) 24.86 20.79
5. Jamshedpur
99,584 (1961) 54.38 35.39
1,31,599 (1971) 57.43 34.18
6. Bhubaneswar
14,386 (1961) 3.20 80.29
33,818 (1971) 6.78 72.93
: 76 :
It may be noted in the case of Jamshedpur the
expansion in manufacturing has been due mainly to an
increasing number of medium and small industries. In
Bhubaneswar tertiary sector is dominant because it
includes employment in government as well. But here
again there is increase in manufacturing activity. The
main point sought to be emphasized is, that
diversification of employment structure is increasingly
noticeable in the New Towns. The concept of single
industry or dominant industry is, therefore, not valid
in assessing a town's picture requirements of housing
and other urban facilities. Nevertheless, in the context
of the policies discussed earlier, persons engaged in
tertiary activities were regarded as 'outsiders' by the
township management who had to fend for themselves for
residence and working space. The employees who were not
fortunate to be housed in the company's quarters were
also in a similar position. The only accommodation they
could find was either in the villages which were pockets
in the township area left out of acquisition or located
at the periphery or alternatively, in the huts of paper
and board, tin or straw which mushroomed on the towns
fringes.
3.4.4. The village pockets which were the only 'neutral'
cushion so to say, to absorb the migrant industrial
or other worker, rapidly lost their earlier identity
and character. Limited facilities like the village
pond or well that existed before were quickly overrun
by increasing population. Demand for rented
accommodation prompted new construction but usually
in a haphazard way. Improvements like electricity,
drainage, paved roads, etc., were not extended
to these villages as they were outside the
township. Still, people denied of space in the
township proper, continued to move into these villages
: 77 :
which became in the process the semi-pucca or kutcha
components of the New Town's growth. This is
particularly evident in Durgapur where the villages
which accounted for 75% of the Notified Areas population
of 41,700 in 1961 degenerated into slums ten years
later. The position in the other towns is not very
different. Sagarbhanga and Mamra in Durgapur, Bisra or
Mahulpali in Rourkela, Chaoni or Bhilaigaon in Bhilai
and the villages around Bokaro city are pointers to the
phenomenon.
3.4.5: The failure to grasp the position and dynamics of
villages existing in the vicinity and incorporate their
future in the town plan is not understandable. Given the
restrictive land policies followed by the township
managements, these villages provided the only cushion
for absorbing people who could not be housed in the
township. It was apparent that in due course, the
character of these villages would change substantially.
It was also clear that if the minimum facilities like
water and drainage were not extended to these villages
their environment would rapidly deteriorate. Yet,
while preparing the plans for developing the township
these villages were left out as pockets. Lack of
expertise does not seem to be the reason since some
techniques for dealing with such villages had
been devised by the industrial managements
themselves, in other circumstances. In the
case of villages acquired while setting up the
plants or the townships, elaborate arrangements
were made for rehabilitation of the displaced families.
Fresh layout plans were made, plots were earmarked
and facilities like water supply, roads, lighting,
: 78 :
etc., were also extended to the rehabilitation sites.
Though the State Governments participated in such
rehabilitation arrangements, undeniably the initiative
and much of the expertise came from the project
authorities. Gopalmath in Durgapur is a good example
where over 1200 families, shifted from several villages
at the Steel Plant site, were brought together in one
location. A system of roads, water-supply and
electricity was extended. Primary and Secondary Schools
as also a Health Centre were constructed under the State
Government programmes with assistance from the Steel
Projects. Today Gopalmath with a population of 8000 is
regarded as one of the more homogenous and reasonably
serviced components of Durgapur, Luakera, Jhirpani and
Jalda in Rourkela witnessed similar rehabilitation
efforts. Of course, the advantage of designing a layout
afresh was there in Gopalmath but the concept of
providing services and amenities to villages, thereby
enhancing their livability could have been followed in
the case of other existing villages as well, though
these were not covered under acquisition. The financial
outlay would not have been much. The only reason why
this has not happened appears to be the lack of a
decision as to who should pay for these services and
whose responsibility it would be to look after their
maintenance. Models were not wanting either. By 1958,
TISCO had launched a Community Development Programme in
the bustees of Jamshedpur. TELCO followed suit with an
enlarged programme seven years later. Some ten years
thereafter the Steel Authority of India also declared
its faith in community development and social
: 79 :
responsibility of industry. Some modest efforts have
commenced in some villages near Rourkela and Bokaro
since then. It is not that the township managements have
had nothing to do with the unacquired village pockets.
Since then villages are also the homes for many of their
employees, the managements have had to fork out, willy
nilly, grants of one kind or another to secure some
improvements. Timely recognition of the role of these
villages and the potential they had for shelter would
have helped prevent much of the decay that has set in
the New Town. The Committee on Public Undertakings
(1965) had much the same view when it commended the
proposal of satellite villages for industrial townships.
3.4.4: The labour camps set up at the time of the
projects construction have been the surest progenitors
of slums in the New Towns. There has always been an
assumption, facile though, that these labour camps would
be temporary. The norms and standards for amenities in
these camps were, therefore, markedly different from
what were adopted for the township proper. The type and
scale of accommodation was also much less. On an
average, each camp accommodated 3000 to 5000 workers and
their families. Invariably the location of these camps
was the most attractive due to there proximity to the
main work centre. A considerable amount was invested by
the construction agencies in developing the land and
providing the minimum amenities. Usually construction
ranged over a period of 5 to 7 years. In Bokaro, for
instance about 14,000 construction workers have stayed
on for nearly ten years and many are absorbed in the
plant itself, though in slow stages. A substantial part
: 80 :
of the labour in the camps was thus not of the
fluctuating variety and most stayed on to take jobs in
the running of the plant. Some private settlements also
grew alongside the labour colonies mainly to service
them and by the time the plant itself was ready for
production the labour camps with their outgrowths had
emerged into sizeable settlements. The industrial
managements, however, continued to treat them rather
obdurately as temporary settlement to be removed at some
future date. That date has never arrived and these
settlements in the absence of amenities and prone to
further influx, degenerated into large slums. In town
after town, the temporary labour colonies have endured.
Kursipar and Supela in Bhilai and the Waria camps in
Durgapur are eloquent testimony to this phenomenon. Yet
the fallacy and arbitrariness in setting up these labour
camps persist. In Vijaynagar, for instance, where a new
steel plant is proposed to be built near Bellary in
Karnataka, the consultants have been asked to develop
the plan for the town in three segments - one for a
labour colony close to the plant, another as a pucca and
proper 'steel town' for the plants' employees and the
third as a 'Civil town'. Only a total lack of
understanding about the dynamics of urban growth could
lead to such an illogical view of the town as steel
and civil. Besides, far from being tucked away
somewhere behind a factory's chimneys as something
unsightly, the labour camps, by the sheer weight
of their population and the advantage in time gained
from an early start, tend to pull subsequent growth
towards them. In town after town, the 'semi-pucca' or
: 81 :
the 'kutchha' has endured and also prevailed over the
'pucca'. It is also not realised that by failing to
incorporate these camps in the townscape, there is also
a failure to capitalise on the incomes derived by the
construction workers, usually much better than what they
had before, and their propensity and willingness to
invest part of it in finding, building and improving
their own shelter. That New Towns, in less than a decade
have sprouted slums, is not a tragedy : nor is slum
growth on affliction. It may be unsightly but all the
same it is a manifestation of private initiative in
finding shelter. It is the failure of the organizations
and the policymakers to comprehend this investment
potential that is a matter for concern.
3.5 : Shopping:
The city begins at its centre, among the multitudes of
people, meeting and trading, buying and selling,
creating and relating. The centre in a city is often
its expression, the place where people can be people.
Yet, India's New Towns have sadly lacked such a centre.
Most plans have marked a spot on the drawings for a town
or a civic centre, but these have rarely come up.
Somehow, in the reckoning of the new town builders
trading has been viewed as not terribly important in a
city's existence : certainly not as much as the plant
or the houses for the workers to live in. There were
plans no doubt, for shops in the neighbourhood, in the
sector and the so-called town centre: but these
were just a part of the check-list of items that a
planning textbook provided. There was little or no study
to assess the scale of commerce likely to be transacted
in the city or its needs of space and functional
location. In the result shopping in the New Town
: 82 :
is split in two parts : one consists of the
neighbourhood and sector shops, very pucca, few and far
between, built and let out by the township management.
The other is the bazaar, by the fringe of the township,
bustling with shops and merchandise of every variety,
where the pucca and the kutcha, the wholesale and
retail, the vegetable markets, the textile emporia, the
bookshops and the sweet meat vendors, the buses, cycle
rickshaws and scooters all mix and mingle in merry
confusion. For the planned townships this unplanned
bazaar is the true meeting ground where ties of
employment are shed, where the general manager and the
lowly workmen are just people buying their needs.
Benachity in Durgapur, Chas in Bokaro, Supela in Bhilai
and the Station Bazaar in Rourkela are the great
levellers.
3.5.1: In the design for shopping at the neighbourhood
and sector levels, the New Town plans have focussed more
on the architectural than the functional aspect. The
rents for the built-up shops have been quite high and
the locations unattractive. The number of shops built in
a sector market have also been somewhat inadequate. In
almost all cases, the design has been somewhat
inflexible and sufficient regard was not given to the
native characteristics of shopping. In most Indian
cities daily supplies like vegetables, eggs, etc., are
sold by hawkers and petty stall keepers who operate on
very low overheads and cannot afford built-up shops. The
profile of retail trading for daily supplies in the
Indian city is not upper income oriented : by and large
it is an activity of low margins sustained by low
overheads. These type of activities have invariably been
'priced out' of the pucca sector market : Nevertheless
the need for this trading was there and so instead
: 83 :
of pucca shops, the activity moved into wayside shacks
and lean-to sheds put up in the vicinity of the pucca
market. Depending on the township managements' mood and
disposition, these "unauthorised commercial
encroachments" as they are called have stayed on or have
been pulled down, only to be re-erected, from time to
time. None of the sector markets in any of the towns
under the study is free of this phenomenon. In Bokaro,
there is a refreshing exception. A bi-weekly 'hat' is
held in a specious ground of the township, where all the
trading is done in the open air or in partly covered
stalls. Vegetables and some daily supplies find their
way into this 'hat' from the nearly villages. A measure
of wholesale trading too goes on. A smaller hat is
operated in one of the sectors as well. No detailed
study has been made to contrast these 'hats' with the
sector markets but it is generally conceded that prices
are cheaper in the hats and the variety is more.
3.5.2: At the city level, the town plans did not reflect
adequate understanding of the volume of trading activity
and the interactions between wholesale and retail
business. Usually a town plan provided for a City or a
Civic Centre, which was mainly a complex of office
buildings with some provision for banks and shops. The
plans did not include residential support for the
trading activity nor were they integrated with
recreation and other city level activities that needed a
central location. Commenting on this, the Committee on
Plan Projects (1963) observed "the trends in shoppers'
behaviour show that they combine shopping with
entertainment, recreation and other leisure time parsuits.
: 84 :
The Town Centre should therefore be planned as a single
complex" incorporating functions like business and
commercial, cinemas, theatres, libraries, museum, town
hall, central post office, central fire station and so
on. There has been increasing awareness of this
integrated nature of a town centre among the planners
but the problem in the New Towns have been one of
phasing and finding the investment for building the
centre. Restrictive land policies have not helped
mobilise private investment in this regard. It is
generally assumed that commercial users can pay very
high rents or premium for space. This may well be true,
but in a New Town demand and business pick up slowly and
there is a distinct need to begin with to help
commercial activities promotionally. Unfortunately, any
facility or concession in this regard is not favoured,
on the assumption mentioned above that business can pay
and pay well. HSL's efforts in this regard will
illustrate the point.
3.5.3: In a meeting in August 1959, the HSL Board had
proposed that for Banks and similar commercial use, land
be allotted on a 30-year lease, the annual rent being
calculated as a function of the land cost divided by 15
years, plus a 6¼% in addition as economic rent. After 15
years the economic rent could go upto 25%. Land cost
including development having been fixed at Rs. 50,000
per acre, the annual rent under this formula works out
to 50,000 ÷ 15 = 3,333 + 3125 being 6¼% i.e. Rs. 6,458/-
per year. The formula would have given the township
management a steady income and also recover the
investment in a limited period. The Government of India,
however, did not agree to HSL's proposal and wanted, quite
: 85 :
unrealistically, for the Delhi practice of Auction and
premium to be adopted. In 1966 the Nakhra Committee,
departing very much from the high sensitivity it showed
in allotment of land for residential use, suggested
commercial plots should fetch a premium of Rs. 1 to 2
lakhs per acre plus a ground rent of 2%. Since 1975, for
allotment of commercial plots, land cost has been taken
at about Rs. 50,000 and apart from the premium a ground
rent of 8% is charged. In Bokaro the premium is even
higher at Rs. 60 per sq. yard or about Rs. 3 lakhs an
acre. Out of about 300 plots in the city centre and
sector markets, it is reported over 200 commercial plots
have been allotted. Undoubtedly there is a market for
commercial property at even these prices. It is also
obvious that there is a consumer base in the New Town
which can sustain such commerce. The real issue is
whether the entire commercial requirements of the
community are met or can indeed be met by this trading
segment. That this is not the case is amply borne out by
the large volume of trading activity that takes place
outside the markets organised by the township
administration.
3.5.4: An extensive 'Commercial Establishment Survey'
was undertaken in Durgapur in 1966. About 1670
commercial establishments were surveyed. Out of these
842 were located in Bhiringee-Benachiti, about 400 in
the ten sector and other markets of the different
townships and the rest in the remaining bazaar of the
city outside the townships i.e. Durgapur station bazaar,
Mamra bazaar, etc. About all of the shops in Bhiringee-
Benachity were found to be kutcha or semi-pucca.
Yet out of the total sales of about Rs. 70 lakhs in
: 86 :
the city, per month, Benachity's share was Rs. 41 lakhs
or about 60%. The other semi-pucca bazaar near the
railway station accounted for about 17%. The survey
further revealed that Bhiringee-Benachity accounted for
47% of the total sales in the city of food supplies, 53%
of cloth and apparel and 80% of all other retail sales.
An interesting feature of the study related to rents and
sales per sq. foot of shopping space, which is indicated
in the table below:
Item Rent in Rs. per sq. ft. Sales in Rs. per sq. ft.
In Benachity Elsewhere In Benachity Elsewhere
Food 0.21 0.23 16 8
Perishable 0.19 0.22 30 20
food
Restaurant 0.23 0.14 7 3
Cloth & 0.29 0.24 16 19
Apparel
General 0.24 0.16 26 9
Merchandise
Automotive & 0.20 0.18 11 3
Repair
It will be seen that though the rents in many items are
on par between the two locations the sale per sq. foot
is very much more in Bhiringee-Benachity than in the
other markets for almost all the items. This clearly
indicates that rent apart, location and the scale
achieved by in a market centre by the clustering of a
large number of shops are the critical factors that
determine commercial development. The locational
advantage is also to be viewed in a time span. As
mentioned earlier, most New Town plans contain the
provision for a City Centre. In theory these were
perhaps the ideal location in terms of centrality and
access. Yet, as these centres did not come up in time
and there was no decisive action to promote them the
commercial developments outside the township
: 87 :
rapidly grew and gathered a size and momentum that
became increasingly difficult to match as time passed.
Benachity itself is a classical illustration of this.
3.5.5: Mention had been made earlier of the steel
township plan being based on a central avenue which
would collect traffic from the township and direct it to
the eastern gate of the steel plant. Since the western
gate, located 9 miles away on the G.T. Road, became the
main access point for the plant and as the plant
administration building was also located nearby, the
land-space between its main entrance and the township
became most crucial. An old village road ran through
this space which also marked the shortest distance
between the steel plant and the township. This was
Benachity. Predictably it resisted all early attempts
for land acquisition though part of it was eventually
acquired. For no particular reason it was decided to
settle in this acquired land a lot of persons displaced
by land acquisition who could not be accommodated in
Gopalmath. Though leases for these rehabilitation plots
were granted on the strict understanding that they would
be used for residence only, its strategic location,
enhanced by the siting of a sector market in the steel
township close to its northern tip, clearly focussed
Benachity's commercial potential. By 1961 i.e. less than
four years about 600 establishments came up
Most of the so-called residential rehabilitation plot
converted into non-residential use. Faced
a massive flouting of the lease conditions
tration could, do little. Benachity's grow
have been set forth in the results of
1970, the Durgapur Development Authority
: 88 :
of a city centre in a more central location of the
complex. With the sub-divisional courts and other
government offices, the City Centre is now emerging as
an important focus. But it is doubtful whether it would
ever be able to wrest from Benachity the premier
commercial role. The position in Bokaro, where a town
centre is slowly taking shape, appears to be much the
same vis-a-vis Chas. Compared to this, the commercial
areas in Jamshedpur like Bistupur and in Bhubaneswar
like the Capital Market have become established centres
mainly because of their early start timed with the
beginnings of the town itself.
3.6. Transport:
Transport, rather lack of it, is perhaps the most severe
problem in the New Towns. It is also perhaps the most
significant factor causing friction and a lack of
community feeling.
3.6.1: In the preparation of the Township plans
transportation was viewed mainly in terms of circulation
space rather than modes of transport. It was generally
assumed that the bus and the motor car would be the
principal means of transport and this is reflected in
the very large rights of way, the high standards of
construction and several types of roads provided in the
town plan. The Committee on Plan Projects had occasion
comment adversely on this. The sight of a 100 ft. or 120
ft. brilliantly lit, going nowhere in
particular and
traffic, is a familiar feature of the New Town.
lot of attention was given to organizing
in the New Town plan, this was not matched
of activity locations and their traffic--
For instance, in the Durgapur plant the
: 89 :
main centre of activity, i.e., the steel plant is at a
distance of more than 9 miles from the township. The
first lot of residences allotted to people with their
own private means of transport, came to be located
nearer the plant and those depending on bus transport
were located farther away. In the case of Rourkela, the
sectoral layouts were so devised that everybody would
have an access to the ringroad within 500 metres, but
the ringroad itself was designed with a bus system in
view as to principal means of communication. In both
these cases the steel plant managements have had to
raise and maintain at considerable subsidy their own
fleets of transport buses. Durgapur's fleet of 93 buses
(55 on the road) perform 420 trips a day for about
14,000 pass holders, at a loss of about Rs. 1.7 crores
annually. But even this fleet serves mainly the movement
from residence to factory and back. Facilities for
transport within the township are very limited.
3.6.3: The position is the same in the case of Bhilai as
well. Even in Jamshedpur where the different industrial
and other activities are not too far removed from each
other public transport continues to be a major
deficiency. The same is the position in Bhubaneswar. To
some extent, the comparatively higher density
development adopted in Bokaro slightly reduces the
effects of this deficiency but if the Bokaro urban area
as such is taken transport continues to be a major
problem.
3.6.4: The highly disparate nature of the townscape and
the location and nature of functioning of its principal
work centres also create peculiar difficulties in
transportation. Peakload characteristics are
pronounced. A traffic survey carried out by the
Durgapur State Transport Corporation in
: 90 :
February 1977 revealed that of the 7000 odd passengers
carried by its buses in a day within Durgapur, 2400 were
carried between 8 and 11 A.M. and another 2000 between 4
and 7 P.M. Similar peakload features have been observed
by the Bihar State Road Transport Corporation in
Jamshedpur and Bokaro. The fleet needed to carry the
peakload is not utilised at other times. Because of the
sprawl in the city dead mileage i.e. mileage without
load also increases. As a result, transport operators,
including state undertakings find it very difficult to
sustain operations in the city and prefer the more
economical long distances routes private operators
allotted routes in Durgapur withdrew after all. The
D.S.T.C. deploys about 30 buses within Durgapur compared
to 46 on long distance routes to Calcutta, Ranchi or
Jamshedpur. The Bihar State R.T.C. apart from plying 5
buses carrying 1400 passengers on the Bokaro plant
service, has leased out its route rights to 10 minibuses
there carrying 3200 in a day. In Jamshedpur the 160 odd
mini buses are the principal means of transport used by
about 108,000 people daily
3.7. Aesthetics and Environment:
3.7.1: To the world outside, the symbol of India's New
Towns is Chandigarh. Whatever be the controversy on this
score, none can deny Chandigarh's distinct architectural
style. Over the years, its valley of leisure has also
taken a shape - with its rose garden, the museum and the
capital plaza. A whole generation of Indian planners
and architects went through the Chandigarh school.
Many of them had a role in India's other New Towns.
Yet, there is little to commend Rourkela or
Durgapur, Bhilai or Bokaro for aesthetic strength
: 91 :
in form or design. Even Bhubaneswar has been able to
overcome, in some measure, the limitations of the PWD.
Public buildings have been generally few in the New
Towns, but even these few cannot claim any artistic or
architectural merit. As for housing, despite the very
large number of type designs evolved these have been
generally monotonous and, in many cases, ugly. The
design has also precluded possibilities of the dweller
embellishing the structure through his own creativity.
3.7.2: The manner in which open space has been provided
is another point. While the scale has been very liberal
the organization has been rather poor. A lot of open
space has been left between rows of housing in Rourkela,
Bhilai and Durgapur. While families have tried to raise
small fences around their individual premises the spaces
adjoining the streets have become 'no man's' land,
unattended and usually covered by scrubgrowth. Again,
though a number of parks and playgrounds have been set
up the spaces have not been very well-defined or they
have become too ornate. Usually these parks are not
frequented and used as much as small well-defined spaces
close to residences where children can play within sight
and earshot of their elders.
3.7.3: The concern for the environment and awareness of
ecological issues have also not been very high in the
planning of New Towns. In the plan for steel towns the
hazard most clearly understood appears to be smoke from
the plant. Wind directions were carefully studied in
citing the townships to avoid the smoke nuisance. A
tree-cover was also developed, as in Durgapur, as an
additional precaution though the natural forests all-
around were destroyed systematically through private
vandalism and public apathy.
: 92 :
The problem posed by effluents from factories appear to
have been understood, but only to the extent of
safeguarding the township or the factory's own interest.
For instance, in Durgapur a channel for receiving the
effluents from the steel plant and other neighbouring
factories was carefully diverted to prevent flow into
the Durgapur barrage pond but was allowed to proceed
down-stream of the barrage where it slowly destroyed
aquatic life. The land form in the existing physical
characteristics were not taken much note of while
preparing the township layout. Felling of trees and
bulldozing of the ground, as was done in the case of
Durgapur, was a common approach. Save an exception or
two, in a small part, these towns wear a drab look.
3.8. Summary:
The conclusions and possible approaches discussed in
this chapter may be summarised as follows:
3.8.1: No town can be truly self-contained. The single
or dominant industry based company town is an
anachronism. The exclusiveness inherent in such an
approach is a hangover from the colonial past. The
economic and social diversification that takes place in
a New Town is a part of its growth and its impact rules
out any single industry based approach to town building
and maintenance.
3.8.2: The norms and standards should be closely
related to and evolved out of the living habits and
actual requirements of the people and above all,
their affordability. Subsidies and high
capital costs only chase each other in a vicious
cycle. As another effect, heavily subsidised services
: 93 :
increase the disparity between groups of citizens in the
same city, and also render company based towns into
enclaves, sustained artificially at the expense of the
larger society. The technology and the level of services
adopted should be appropriate and reflect an adequate
awareness not only the capital but also the operating
costs.
3.8.3: Land and landuse policies are tools and not ends
in themselves. Given the past and current experience it
will never be possible for any industry to provide
housing to all its employees. Nor is it desirable to mix
up residence and employment to that degree. Policies for
land disposal and shelter should actively favour and
encourage private housing. Industry need not and should
not be the sole landlord in the town. A mixture of
employers or employee built rental housing, and
ownership housing with an accompanying programme to
offer developed plots appear quite feasible. In towns
like Bokaro and Bhilai, where the steel plants are
expanding there are distinct opportunities for achieving
this, now rather than later.
3.8.4: Given the current and possibly the future
patterns of income distribution, the spread of poverty
and the characteristics of migration, marginal
settlements are inevitable in the New Town. But these
need not be unsightly or insanitary slums. If the kind
of urban life that we seek is realistic, 'pucca' need
not be inherently superior to the 'kutcha' or 'semi-
pucca'. It is in this context that the dynamics of
existing villages in the ambit of a New Town should be
understood. In most New Towns such villages have
undergone extensive economic and social changes. Some
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basic statistical material on these villages, as derived
from the Census are given in the Appendix in respect of
some of the towns. Equity demands that attention be
given to the impacted village. Besides, in the New Town
more than anywhere else, there is a real opportunity to
devise and apply intermediate technologies in
integrating the marginal settlements to the main
cityscape.
3.8.5. Space for recreation has to be devised in the
functional sense. The location of the space, its
accessibility and its safe use by children are far more
important than the town planners' stipulation of a given
percentage of open space as a landuse. Ornamental
gardens bound by carefully pruned hedges and fences
designed to prevent entry are a waste of funds and an
affront to nature. Space is for people and it is their
presence that makes the space alive. The Indira Park in
Rourkela and Maitri Bag in Bhilai are latter day
additions, not included in the townplan: yet these are
the places that draw the people, not the "MAJOR PARK" in
Durgapur steel town, still sporting the label from the
townplanners textbook.
3.8.6: Forms for shopping space and the pricing for such
space should be realistic. Native styles of retail
trade which permit variety in merchandise and enable the
spread of self-employment should be encouraged. Where
city centres are planned, their construction should
not be delayed. They should come up early enough.
Such city centres should not be confined to
any one activity but integrate retail trade with
some wholesale support, professional offices, other
commercial uses, government offices, business offices,
recreation facilities, etc. Excepting offices that are
: 95 :
required to be located strictly within factories, others
should be located in the City Centre.
3.8.7: Transport is not a matter of just circulation
space. Modes and costs of transport are important.
Pedestrian and Bicycle scales are more appropriate in
planning transportation in the New Town.
3.8.8: Aesthetics or Imageability are a vital issue in
New Town planning. Nor are environment and ecology,
issues to be byepassed. Any special concern here does
not call for high investments. On the contrary natural
features, such as, treecover, water fronts, ground
undulations etc., can be used to the best advantage. The
layout of a small private sector company town built by
A.V.B. in Durgapur illustrates this point.
CHAPTER - IV : SOCIAL AND COMMUNITY ISSUES
4.1. The Welfare Approach:
4.1.1: The concept of 'model employers' and welfare
approach has been more pronounced in this regard and has
prompted a wide range of facilities. In all the
industrial townships the managements provide a variety
of services, such as, subsidised transport, medical
care, education, recreation, cultural facilities, etc.,
apart from the usual range of statutory welfare
activities in the plant. Here at least there is not much
distinction between public and private sector
managements. The welfare and model employer approaches
were in fact evolved in Jamshedpur where the range of
services, even today, are much wider. But the cost of
providing these services have been quite high. During
1974-75, the expenditure incurred on these welfare
services amounted to nearly Rs. 6 crores for Durgapur
Steel Project, Rs. 4 crores in Bhilai, Rs. 2 crores in
Rourkela and Bokaro and about Rs. 2.5 crores in
Jamshedpur. Since the income derived from the delivery
of these services is very little (school fees, hospital
fees, etc.) the expenditure is mainly a subsidy. The
norms and standards in the provision of services
have also been usually ad-hoc and bear very little
relation to those prevailing in other urban areas or in
the country as a whole. Such differences are
particularly sharp in the case of education and health
services. The BOPE have examined these norms and
standards and have suggested revisions from time to
time. But even the revised standards don't bear any
: 97 :
relation to affordability or standards prevailing in the
State. There have, also been notable disparities within
the different townships.
4.1.2: The welfare activities comprise a wide range, as
mentioned earlier. An idea of the quantum of expenditure
in each item may be had from the following table, giving
the 1974-75 figures:
Total expenditure on Social Amenities
(Welfare, Community and Development Services and
Facilities)
Items Bhilai Rourkela Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur
B.S.P. R.S.P. DSP & BSP TISCO
ASP
1. Education 117.05 49.57 116.40 81.28 67.00
2. Medical 224.88 143.82 185.50 69.29 167.00
(hospitals)
3. Public Health - _ - 35.15 -
4. Maternity & - - - - 3.00
Child Welfare
5. Family - - - - 4.00
Planning
6. Social & 15.12 3.90 4.24 - -
Cultural
Activities
7. Transport 25.93 - 159.04 - -
8. Dairy 13.95 - - - -
9. Canteen - - 58.42 - -
10. Welfare - - 52.64 - -
Expenses
11. Community - - - - 14.00
Development
12. Horticulture - - - 10.99 -
Actual
Expenditure
TOTAL : 396.93* 197.29* 576.24* 196.71** 255.00***
(excluding * Source: HSL Annual Reports 1974-75
Depreciation ** Source: SAIL - 3rd Annual Report 1974-75
and *** Source: Services Dept. TISCO-JSR
interest)
: 98 :
4.1.3: The expenditure in this regard has been rising
steadily. They are also accounting for an increasing
share of the total wage bill in some cases. The position
is given in the following table.
Total Income & Expenditure Account on Welfare Services
(Figure in lakhs of Rs.)
Town/Item 1968-69 1971-72 1973-74 1974-75
1. Rourkela
Expenditure 108.10 144.43 171.83 204.71
Income 8.61 9.81 12.65 14.40
Deficit 99.49 134.62 159.18 190.31
Total Wage - 2070.73 2664.09 2900.00
Bill (approx.)
Expenditure on
Welfare as %
of Wage Bill - 6.5% 5.96% 6.55%
2. Bhilai
Expenditure 128.40 145.27 321.80 416.30
Income 19.11 28.98 32.39 39.07
Deficit 109.29 116.29 289.41 377.23
Total Wage - 2949.57 3899.77 5007.90
Bill
Expenditure on
Welfare as %
of Wage Bill - 7.3% 7.4% 8.3%
3. Durgapur
Expenditure 180.82 287.99 416.30 591.77
Income 18.99 20.89 24.86 45.86
Deficit 161.83 267.10 391.44 545.91
Total Wage - 2390.23 3030.44 3874.48
Bill
Expenditure on
Welfare as %
of Wage Bill - 11.2% 13.7% 14%
It may be noted the 1974-75 expenditure figures given in
the earlier para are less, as they do not include
depreciation and interest charges. Figures for Durgapur
cover both the main steel plant and the Alloy Steel
Plant. HSL's Annual Reports are the source for this
table.
: 99 :
4.1.4: Given the importance of the steel industry and
the strength of its trade unions enjoy, it may be asked
whether the welfare expenditure therein, is a relevant
index. In the towns under our study, excepting
Bhubaneswar, the steel industry practically sets the
tone for investment and recurring expenditure in the
social services. In Jamshedpur and Durgapur, where a
number of other industries have also come, in medical,
educational and other amenities, the services rendered
are judged by the standards followed for the steel plant
workers. Obviously, other industries are rarely in a
position to maintain parity. This, in itself, creates a
large distortion in the level of services available to
citizens in the same town. The situation is rendered
worse in the case of those who are not employees of any
major industry and who have to rely on what amenities
are provided, if at all, by the State Government or the
local municipal authority. An analysis made by the
Ministry of Labour based on 1966 data indicates a very
high per worker expenditure on these services, compared
to a few rupees only in the case of state outlay for
these items. The table below reveals the position.
Expenditure incurred by steel plants on 'Non-Statutory
Welfare Amenities' PER WORKER PER YEAR in 1966 - in Rs.
(in Rs. only)
Plant Total Em- Housing Medical Education Transport Recreation Total
ployment
1. TISCO-JSR 37,988 181.80 160.56 61.32 - 29.64 433.32
2. Bhilai 51,739 261.12 134.04 55.32 32.64 4.44 487.56
Steel
3. DSP Steel 27,517 300.00 113.64 31.56 290.52 6.24 741.96
4. Rourkela 31,525 345.24 128.88 27.72 114.60 98.04 714.48
Steel
Source: Report of the Committee on Labour Welfare -
1969, Govt. of India, Ministry of Labour,
Employment and Rehabilitation.
4.2. The Management Burdens:
In the administration of such a wide range of services
the managements have had to set up an elaborate
machinery. The set up is usually divided between the
factory and the township side. Services, such as,
transport, subsidised canteen, amenities for sports,
etc., would be looked after from the plant side whereas
services, such as, health and education are dealt with
from the township side. The managements have had to
assemble quite a number of senior officers for looking
after these services. Jamshedpur, for instance, has a
separate Director for Industrial Relations distinct from
personnel management. There is also a Director of
Community Services in addition. A Director of Town
Services is looking after health, education
: 100 :
and township matters. Bhilai, Durgapur, Rourkela and
Bokaro each have a Town Administrator with supporting
staff. Statutory Welfare activities are looked after by
the Personnel Department. In addition they also maintain
fairly large units for administering educational
facilities. Each have a full-time education officer
supported by a number of deputies and assistants. The
Durgapur Steel Plant management for instance has to deal
with 865 teachers and more than 22,000 children.
According to a 1970 assessment, the following is the
break up of manpower in the 3 steel plants between
works, general administration and township which include
administration of the welfare measures.
Table
Town Man-power
in works in general in
administration township
Rourkela 20,837 3,814 3,300 (15%
)
Bhilai 25,453 2,833 4,054 (16%
)
Durgapur 20,045 3,084 4,048 (20%
)
4.3. Satisfaction gained:
Inspite of such a wide range of welfare services
and high expenditure incurred satisfaction does not
seem assured. Several difficulties have been noted.
The services provided by the managements are
generally taken for granted. Frequently in wage
negotiations the services are treated as dues to
the employees on par with wages. Sometimes the
welfare activities themselves become an issue. The
high cost of the services is mainly due to the
wage component. In a steel project no distinction has
been made between persons employed in township
: 101 :
services and persons engaged in the factory. The pay
scales for the teachers, for instance, undergo the same
revision as plant employees. To illustrate, in the case
of Durgapur, out of Rs. 1.25 crores spent by the
management on education, Rs. 1 crore accounts for
salaries to staff. Arrangements for participation of
beneficiaries in the administration of the services have
been generally inadequate. The desire for such
participation also does not appear to be high. The level
of services often become an issue for friction between
the employers and the employees.
4.3.1: Education:
The field of education may be taken first to identify
some of the problems felt. New Town populations usually
have a higher literacy rate compared to the national
average of about 30%. If compared to the respective
States, they are even more pronounced: e.g. 57% in
Durgapur, as against West Bengal's 33% ; 53% in Rourkela
and 62% in Bhubaneswar compared to Orissa's 26% ; 52% in
Bhilai as compared to 22% in M.P. and 60% in Jamshedpur,
and 37% in Bokaro as against 20% in Bihar. The demand
for educational facilities in New Towns is, therefore,
greater education is usually regarded as a state
subject and the standards and levels of education are
regulated mainly according to state norms. Nevertheless,
project managements have had to get into these
fields with very little experience. In most townships
education has to be offered in at least 3 mediums
Hindi, the State language and English. With population
increase in the New Towns the demand for educational
facilities has also gone up. Within a few years the
New Town managements have had to set up elaborate
: 102 :
facilities for education. The volume of students at the
primary and secondary school levels alone is quite high.
It is nearly 44,000 in Bhilai, 24,000 in Rourkela,
22,000 in Durgapur and 18,000 in Bokaro. To cater to
such a large number of children, the Project managements
have to run lots of schools. Bhilai has 55 schools,
Rourkela 30, Durgapur 31 and Bokaro 22. Many of these
schools run in two shifts.
4.3.2: As the number of schools, student population and
expenditure increase a kind of hiatus between the school
facilities available in a company township and those
offered by the State Government is created which widens
steadily. For instance, the expenditure on education per
child varies from Rs. 205 to Rs. 452 in these townships
compared to the national average of Rs. 40/- per year,
or Rs. 69/- for Madhya Pradesh, Rs. 34/- for Bihar, Rs.
49/- for Orissa and Rs. 67/- for West Bengal. The volume
of expenditure in some of the townships as compared to
the respective State Governments outlay are given in the
table below:
Table: Expenditure on Education in the Townships and
under the State Governments.
(Rs. in lakhs)
Town Expenditure Expenditure State Total budget
in 1968-69 in 1974-75 on primary &
(gross) secondary
schools
Rourkela 28.96 50.32 Orissa 49.08
Bhilai 31.59 177.05 M.P. 93.17
Durgapur 35.54 116.40 W.B. 109.82
Bokaro - 81.35 Bihar 103.76
Jamshedpur - 67.00 Bihar 103.76
Bhubaneswar 3.60 - Orissa -
Notified
Area
Committee
Source: Ministry of Education: "Education in States"
: 103 :
The teacher-student ratio, however, does not vary
significantly among the different townships or the
ratios obtaining in the State as a whole. The following
figures will illustrate:
Town Teacher-student Teacher-student ratio in the
ratio in town state
Rourkela 1:32 Orissa 1:34
Bhilai 1:29 M.P. 1:39
Durgapur 1:27 W.B. 1:36
Prima facie, therefore, it is not that the townships
provide more teachers. The main reason appears to be the
considerable disparity in the emoluments. A primary
school teacher in a steel township, for instance,
receives twice as much as his counterpart in the State
Government. He is also entitled to various other welfare
facilities which increase the outlay on this account.
4.3.3: Though the concerned State Governments have a
constitutional responsibility in moving towards free and
compulsory primary education they have been very
reluctant in assuming these responsibilities for the New
Towns. The main reason for this is the high cost
involved in running them. The community's own
responsibility for extending the school facilities has
also been limited, and is usually confined to running of
nursery and pre-primary schools as in Durgapur,
Bhubaneswar and Rourkela. In the case of Jamshedpur,
however, a conscious policy of encouraging private
organizations to build educational facilities was
adopted. While the TISCO management itself runs
about 21 schools it aids about 290 schools. The total
expenditure on account of education incurred by TISCO
is less than Rs. 80 lakhs, but the student-coverage
: 104 :
is far more than other towns. While its directly-run
schools accommodated 24,000 children, the aided schools
serve nearly 96,000 children. Recently, in Durgapur,
when the Steel Projects management declined to upgrade
the schools for 10+2 facilities, voluntary committees
were formed to set up +2 facilities and run them. The
project authorities limited their assistance to
provision of space. These examples indicate community
effort and resource mobilisation are indeed possible in
organizing educational facilities.
4.4. Health:
The location of the townships away from existing large
towns appears to have prompted large investment in
medical facilities. The Bhore Committee had prescribed a
ratio of 2-Beds per thousand for the country. The
Committee on Plan Projects had also endorsed this norm,
but this was much after the project managements had made
the investments and built the hospitals. The desire to
provide a wide range of medical facilities also appears
to have prompted large hospital sizes. Compared to the
bed population ratios in the respective States the new
towns have quite a high ratio. Rourkela has provided 592
beds, Bhilai 571, Durgapur 480 and Bokaro 272. In
Jamshedpur TISCO's hospitals provide 800 beds - whole
TELCO has another 240. In Bhubaneswar for a population
of 107,000, the hospital has 185 beds. On an average 3
to 5 beds per thousand population have been provided in
Durgapur, Bhilai, Rourkela and Bokaro compared to the
existing ratio of 0.9 beds in West Bengal, 0.38 in
Madhya Pradesh and Orissa; and 0.26 in Bihar. In the
case of Jamshedpur the ratio is about 2.5.
: 105 :
4.4.2: The expenditure on hospital facilities is also
quite high. In the case of Bhilai it is about 2.6 crores
per year with Durgapur following closely with an
expenditure of Rs. 1.9 crores. Rourkela spends Rs. 150
lakhs and TISCO Rs. 167 lakhs (74-75 figures). Inspite
of the high expenditure and the large range of medical
facilities provided, community satisfaction is not
ranked very high. An N.B.O. survey on family structure
and community facilities revealed dissatisfaction with
the medical facilities in many of the townships citing
ineffectiveness of medical treatment, heavy rush and
discrimination as reasons. This is an irony indeed as a
major reason cited by the project managements in the
setting up separate hospitals was to ensure quality of
service. An explanation for the rush in hospitals
appears to be the fact that apart from the industry's
employees a very large number of dependants use the
hospital facilities. Usually the project hospital is the
only major health facility in the region and the project
authorities are always under pressure to let the people
of the region avail these facilities. Where State
Governments eventually set up public hospitals, the
scope and quality of services provided, appear to be
much inferior as evidenced in the case of Jamshedpur or
Durgapur. Perhaps if the State Governments and the
project authorities had pooled their resources some
parity in service could have been achieved and resources
conserved. Unfortunately, that has not been the case.
Under the Employees' State Insurance scheme, for
instance, a special employers' contribution of ¾% wage
bill is levied but no services have been provided. In a
: 106 :
place like Durgapur where a number of industries pay
such a contribution, the accumulations come to a high
figure. A large scale modern hospital could have been
easily set up as a common facility for all of Durgapur.
Unfortunately the ESI and the State Health Department
did not find it possible to launch a common hospital.
Eventually, the State Government in 1973-74 set up a
modest 130 bed hospital whose range and level of
facilities are no match to the steel hospital. The ESI
decided to hold on to a separate, but adjoining plot for
its own 400 bed hospital, which is yet to make a start.
An opportunity to optimise on investments has thus been
lost.
4.5: It may be appropriate at this stage to recount
briefly the assumptions that have prompted these large
investments in welfare services on the part of
industries. One is that a healthy and contented
workforce is essential for the industry. Following from
this is another, that the kind of investments made and
the manner in which these welfare services have been
organised, do bring about such health and contentment.
In the absence of empirical studies it is difficult to
establish the validity of these assumptions. Such an
exercise is not within the purview of this study either,
for, we are more concerned about the impact of these
investments on the city as such and what distortions or
imbalances are observed in the spread of the services.
But an additional premise, sometimes advanced by the
industries are, that these welfare services help achieve
social change and cohesion in the city.
: 107 :
The assistance rendered to social and cultural
organizations as a welfare measure is cited as an
illustration. We may now consider the role of these
organizations in the New Towns community.
4.6: For the purposes of the present study a survey of
such social organizations in Jamshedpur and Durgapur was
conducted. The number of organizations listed for the
survey was 200 in Jamshedpur and 150 in Durgapur. A
questionnaire eliciting information about the
Associations' objectives, activities, membership,
finance, administration, concern with issues of
local/community interest, etc., was devised. A copy is
furnished in the appendix. Of the 180 organizations
canvassed in Jamshedpur 140 responded. In the case of
Durgapur out of 120 organizations contacted a little
over half, i.e. 68 responded. The experience encountered
in obtaining the response was itself significant. In the
case of Jamshedpur, most of the organizations contacted
had some specified persons who were knowledgeable about
the organization and could respond to the questionnaire.
In the case of Durgapur, the initial efforts to obtain
answers were not successful and later the assistance of
the project managements had to be sought. Many
organizations listed with the Registrar of Societies
were found to be defunct. The quality of the response
has also varied considerably between the two cities.
From a preliminary analysis of the responses some
tentative reflections are presented here.
4.6.1: The voluntary organizations were divided into 12
types and the list of organizations were categorised
according to these types from preliminary information
available.
: 108 :
The responses indicated that there was a noticeable
difference in the preliminary type identification made
by us and the type identification which the
organizations themselves have made according to their
own perception. In most cases, responses indicated
multiple activities. Sports and games appeared to be the
most popular followed by Music, Drama and Fine Arts.
Community Welfare was also identified as an important
activity for several clubs in Jamshedpur. The position
is indicated in the table below:
Types of Association according to organizations
responses
No. Jamshedpur Durgapur
1. Merchants, Hawkers, Traders 1 1
2. Music, Drama & Fine Arts 58 28
3. Community Welfare 59 23
4. Caste/Region/Language-based 21 4
5. Professional 3 3
6. Officers Associations 2 2
7. Sports & Games Associations 69 33
8. Youth Clubs 21 15
9. Religious institutions/Ashrams 11 2
10 Housing ownership, Flats Assns. 4 -
.
11 Recreation Clubs 26 24
.
Others:
1. Educational 11 7
2. For children - 6
3. Literary Societies 4 1
4. Hobbies 2 -
Multiple Multiple
response response
recd. from recd. from
all 131 66 out of
68.
: 109 :
It is to be noted that in Jamshedpur 21 associations
have acknowledged caste/region/language based activities
whereas in the case of Durgapur only 4 associations
acknowledged such typification.
4.6.2. As for membership both in Durgapur and Jamshedpur
the average strength is about 100. In both cities
Libraries claimed much larger membership averaging
around 800. The Dinshaw Memorial Library in Jamshedpur
has 2600 members. Clubs which are the only one of its
kind in a particular area also have large membership,
such as, TELCO Club in Jamshedpur with about 900 members
and the MAMC Club in Durgapur with over 2100 members.
Music, Drama and Fine Arts associations also seem to
have large membership. The Rabindra Parishad in Durgapur
has 650 members. So has the Tagore Society in
Jamshedpur. The table below gives the analysis.
TABLE
Membership Strength of Associations
Questio- Response Below 100 101-250 251-500 501-1000 1001-2000 2001+
nnaires
received
JSR 131 98 68 92 93 73 3
DGP 68 22 17 20 20 18 -
Appendix : 8 : Norms and standards adopted in the New Towns (at Page
Various stages) 8.1
Appendix : 9 : List of social/voluntary organizations who 9.1
responded to our questionnaire survey in Durgapur
and Jamshedpur
Appendix: 10: Specimen of questionnaires addressed to social 10.1
organizations at Durgapur and Jamshedpur
Appendix 11: Population projections for the New Towns 11.1
(11.1 - 11.6)
11.7 : Assumptions made for the population projections 11.4
of the New Towns
Appendix : 12: List of participants in the Discussion session on 12.1
the Issues Paper - (20.4.77)
Appendix : 13: List of persona contacted in the New Towns and 13.1
elsewhere in connection with the study
Appendix : 14: References 14.1
* * *
Appendix - 1
Some Railway Towns or towns which are mainly railway
settlements : population variation since 1941
Population in
Sl. Towns 1941 1951 1961 1971
South India :
1. Villupuram 23,829 35,684 43,496 60,242
2. Storanur 8,581 11,596 14,307 22,038
3. Jalarpet 16,411 20,069
4. Arkonam 16,626 22,674 30,690 43,347
5. Gudur 12,105 20,056 25,618 33,778
6. Vijayawada 86,184 161,198 230,397 344,607
7. Weltaier (1) 70,243 108,042 182,004 355,045
8. Golden Rock (2) 16,412 19,812 19,560 21,115
9. Bellary 56,148 70,322 85,673 125,183
Central India :
10. Wardha 28,359 39.827 49,113 69,037
11. Bhusawal 36,352 54,346 79,121 96,800
12. Itarsi 16,679 22,748 33,668 44,191
13. Jhansi (Rly. Colony) 4,023 4,957 8,369 9,940
14. Bina 8,979 12,720 27,476 33,106
15. Bilaspur 37,460 39,099 86,706 98,410
16. Raipur 63,465 89,804 139,792 205,986
Western India :
17. Ratlam 44,939 63,403 87,402 106,666
18. Manmad 16,838 18,350 31,551 40,061
19. Dhond 12,828 18,849 27,168 35,970
20. Hubli 95,572 129,609 171,326 379,166
Northern India : (incl. Dharwans)
21. Gorakhpur (3) 95,127 132,436 180,255 230,911
22. Samastipur 13,293 19,366 25,726 31,566
25. Mugalsarai (Rly. Colony only) 8,135 10,486 15,029
24. Tundla " 5,249 7,392 9,144
25. Moradabad " 7,836 11,728 14,062
Sl. Towns 1941 1951 1961 1971
Eastern India :
26. Mokameh 19,984 29,308 35,745 38,164
27. Jamalpur 39,401 44,172 57,039 61,731
28. Kharagpur (Rly. Colony) 37,871 50,384 66,545 73,434
29- Asansol (4) 69,475 94,764 168,689 241,792
30. Kanchrapara 24,015 56,668 68,966 78,768
31. Dinapore 8,322
32. Chakradharpur 14,807 19,948 30,906 34,967
33. Adra 7,518 10,577 13,215 18,838
Source : Census of India
Notes : This is only an illustrative list. Attempt has been made
to identify those towns which originated mainly as railway
settlements or where such settlements brought about a
substantial expansion of existing towns.
(1) Waltair since covered under Vizag agglomeration.
(2) Golden Rock since covered under Tiruchi agglomeration.
(3) Gorakhpur is the Hqrs. of N. E. F. Rly.
(4) Asansol since included in Asansol - Burnpur Town group.
APPENDIX - II
LIST OF NEW TOWNS IN INDIA
(Classified as per, 71 Census)
Category I – 18 New Towns/New Town INDEX
– (Urban T.C. – Town Committee
Agglomerations with
population of
100,000 or more)
" II –52 (New Towns located N.S. – Not Stated
– in other Urban
Agglomerations)
" III – (Other New Towns) N.A.A. – Notified Area
52 – Authority
Total in N.A.C. – Notified Area
the list 122 Committee
V.P. – Village Panchayat
N.M. – Non-Municipal
T.S. – Township
M – Municipality
M.B. – Municipal Board
Cantt. – Cantonment
T.P. – Town Panchayat
S.B. – Sanitary Board
S.A. – Special Area
P – Panchayat
C.T. – Census Town
E.O. – Estate Office
N.P. – Non-Panchayat
Source : [(Abbreviation used
to denote the Civic
Status of Towns)
General Population
Tables, Part II A (1)
Series I - India
(Page 238) ]
Source : General Population
Tables
Part II A(1) Series I
- India
Category I
New Towns /New Town Urban Agglomerations with population of over 100,000
Name of the District/ Area in POPULATION Urban
Sl.No. Sq.
Town State Km. 1951 1961 1971 Status
(1971)
1. Bhadravati* Shimoga/ 12.21 42,451 65,776 101,358 N.S.
Mysore
2. Bhilai Durg/ 124.06 20,249 133,230 245,124 N.H.
Nagar M.P.
3. Bhubaneswar Puri/ 65.03 16,512 38,211 105,491 N.A.C.
Orissa
4. Bokaro Dhanbad/ 178.93 5,873 De- 107,159 N.S.
Steel City Bihar classified
5. Chandigarh Union 46.67 — 89,321 218,743 E.O.
Territory
6. Durgapur Burdwan/ 154.20 — 41,696 206,638 N.A.A
W.Bengal
7. Jamshedpur* Singhbhum 145.00 218,162 328,044 456,146 N.S.
/Bihar
8. Rourkela Sundergar 121.73 — 90,287 172,502 N.A.C.
h/Orissa
Karnataka
(contd.)
30. Kankanady South 2.90 — 6,574 8,916 Mangalore P Industry -
Canara UA Residence
31. Derebail South 4.59 — — 8,224 - do - P "
Canara
MAHARASHTRA
32. Pimpri- Poona 64.65 9,5222 27,975 83,542 Poona UA M (Antibiotics)
Chinehwad
New Town-
Ship
33. Dehu Road Poona 36.00 — — 24,709 - do - . Cantt. Residence
Cantt.
34. Lohagaan Poona 36.83 — 5,155 12,501 - do - NS Medium
Ind./Res.
35. Khadakvasla Poona 7.87 — 7,355 9,270 - do - NS Defence
Academy
36. Dehu Poona 13.21 — 19,242 5,636 - do - NS Residential.
Trade &
Commerce
37. Gandhi Kolhapur 5.96 — 5,744 8,463 Kohlapur NS Residential
Nagar UA
MADHYA PRADESH
38. Govindpura Sehore 24.28 — 20,747 53,922 Bhopal UA NM Heavy
(H.E.I.) Electricals
39. Ordnance Jabalpur 9.53 — 7,013 5,137 Murwara N.M.
Factory UA
Area Katni
ORISSA
40. Burla Sambalpur 17.62 — 10,230 15,587 Sambalpur NAC Univ. Campus
UA
41. Hirakud Sambalpur 12.95 — 8,593 15,040 - do- NAC Hydro-Elec.
Project
S/No. Name of the District Area POPULATION Name of the Urban Principal
Town in Sq. U.A. Status Activities
Kms. 1951 1961 1971
(1971)
RAJASTHAN
42. Mann Town Sawai 23.58 — — 22,179 Sawai NA Cement
Madhopur Madhopur UA Heavy
industry
TAMILNADU
43. Naranammalpuram Tirunelveili 8.57 — — 10,487 Tirunelveli P Residential
UA
44. Thalaiyuthu -do- 9.70 — — 5,042 Tirunelveli P Residential
Sankarnagar UA
45. Avadi (Caruthi- Chingle-pet 25.62 — 13,050 77,413 Madras UA TS Heavy Ind.
patti)
46. Ambattur Chingle-pet 35.42 — 11,128 45,586 -do- TS Medium Ind.
47. Annamalai Nagar South Arcot 4.95 — — 8,847 Chidambaram TS University
UA
U.P.
48. IIT, Kanpur Kanpur 4.22 — — 5,638 Kanpur UA Tech. Inst.
WEST BENGAL — —
49. Ashok Nagar 24-Pgs. 7.50 — 38,250 41,916 Habra UA M Refugee
Settlement
50. Kalyani Nadia 21.91 — 4,616 18,310 Calcutta UA NAA Univ.,
Cotton
Mill,
Satellite
Town
51. New Barrackpur 24-Pgs. 2.90 — 20,871 32,512 Calcutta UA M Refugee
colony
52. IIT, Kharagpur Kharagpur NA — 5,835 7,321 Kharagpur Tech. Inst.
UA
CATEGORY -III
Other than New Towns/New Town Urban
Agglomeration of less than 100,000
Sl. Name of the District Area in POPULATION Urban Principal
No. Town Sq.Kms. 1951 1961 1971 Status activities
(1971)
ASSAM
1. Duliajan Oil Lakhimpur 2.50 — — 11497 NS Oil Refinery
Town
2. Namrup Lakhimpur 3.34 — — 7792 NS Fertilizer
ANDHARA PRADESH
3. Sri Sailam Kurnool 5.96 — — 20311 NS Hydro-Electric
Project Kurnool Plant across
Township Krishna River
about 105 Km.
upstream
Nagarjuna
Sagar
4. Pochampad Nizamabad 2.79 — — 13346 NS Irrigation
Project Right & Adilabad Project
Flank & Left
Flank colonies
5. Ramchandrapuram Medak 9.06 — — 11146 NS Factory of
Township (BHEL) BHEL
6. Upper Sileru Vizag 3.32 — — 4901 Irrigation/
Project Power
BIHAR
7. Maithon Dhanbad 5.89 — 8033 10163 NS Hydroelectric/
DVC Regional
Hq.
8. Gumia U.A. Hazaribagh 65.57 — — 42721 NS Explosives
9. Patratu U.A. Hazaribagh 45.24 — — 46795 NS Thermal Power
Plant
10. Chandrapura UA Hazaribagh 26.21 — — 17297 NS Thermal Power
Station
11. Kiruburu 2.65 — 614 4675 Mining
CATEGORY-III (contd.)
Sl. Name of the District Area in POPULATION Urban Principal
No. Town Sq.Kms. Status activities
(1971) 1951 1961 1971
GUJARAT
12. Vapi Valsad 12.27 — 11212 13888 N.P.
13. Kandla Kutch 2.97 — 9617 17995 NM Sea Port
14. Gandhi Nagar Gandhi 56.75 — — 24055 NM New Capital
Nagar (State)
15. Fertilizer Vadodara 2.63 — — 5327 NM Fertilizer
Nagar Colony
16. Jawahar Nagar Vadodara 9.63 — — 5710 NM Oil Refinery
(Gujarat
Refinery)
17. Ukai Surat 9.37 — 670 31234 Industry
18. Gandhi Nagar Kutch 12.98 5092 26514 38908 M Reugee
Rehabilitation
HARYANA —
19. Jagadhri Rly. Ambala 8.91 — — 7332 NAC Rly. workshop
Colony
20. Ganaur Rohtak 9.06 — — 8399 NAC Industry
21. Tosham Hisar 2.59 — — 5039 NAC Industry,
Trade &
Commerce
22. Faridabad Gurgaon 10.36 8341 10857 19644 MC Rehabilitation
Industry
HIMACHAL PRADESH
23. Pandoh Mandi 0.58 — — 6048 NS Power
KARNATAKA
24. Gokak Falls Belgaum 3.92 — — 9661 NAC Power
Notified Area
25. Sh'ahabad ACC Gulbarga 7.85 — — 6249 NAC Cement & Engg.
Cement and Works Facty.
Engg. Works NA
KERALA
26. Kalanassery Ernakulam 12.77 — — 17957 NM Machine Tools
Factory
27. Hemambikanagar Palghat 3.99 — — 7032 NM Industry Trade
28. Kunna Mangalam Kozhikode 24.42 — — 21756 NM Engineering
29. Guruvayur Trichur 6.49 — — 15863 NM Residential
Township
CATETORY-III (contd.)
Sl. Name of the District Area in POPULATION Urban Principal
No. Town Sq.Kms. Status activities
(1971) 1951 1961 1971
MADHYA PRADESH
30. Rajhara Durg 23.89 — 23346 26657 Mining
Jharandalli
UA (Dalli
Rajhara)
31. Korba U.A. Bilaspur 14.94 — 12424 32654 Thermal Power
32. Kymore UA Jabalpur 16.08 — 12319 14821
33. Gandhi Sagar Mandsaru 6.48 — 10852 3953 NM Hydroelectric
Hydel Colony Station across
Chambal
34. Nepa Nagar Khandwa 4.89 — 8780 15743 NM Paper Factory/
Factory Newsprint
Township
MAHARASHTRA
35. Khopoli New Kolaba 30.17 — 18152 M Alloy and Spl.
Township Steels Company
36. Brajaraj Sambalpur 41.44 — 16196 31817 NAC Ceramics,
Nagar Refractories,
Paper.
37. Koraput Koraput 97.12 — 7461 21505 NAC Aeronautics
38. Sunabeda Koraput 76.48 — — 27980 NAC -do-
39. Paradip Cuttack 23.31 — — 6705 CT Port
40. Umarkot Koraput 25.90 — — 9826 NAC Industry
41. KavisurJya Ganjam 13.47 — — 9500 NAC Residential
Nagar
PUNJAB
42. Nangal Hoshiar- 3.39 — 34372 21356 NAC Fertilizer
Township pur
43. Naya Nangal -do- 14.92 — 7987 9474 NAC Medium
Industry, Heavy
Water Plant
44. Talwara -do- 6.35 — 17865 NAC Industry
—
Township
45. Rajpura Patiala 4.95 — 16714 25374 NAC Industry
Township
46. Nilokheri Karnal 4.69 6287 8035 9357 NAC Rehabilitation
CATETORY-III (contd.)
Sl. Name of the District Area in POPULATION Urban Principal
No. Town Sq.Kms. 1951 1961 1971 Status activities
(1971)
TAMILNADU
47. Neyveli South Arcot 41.23 — 10296 58285 TS Lignite
Mining
48. Highways Madurai 46.48 — — 6416 TS Highways
Research
UTTAR PRADESH
49. Bharat Saharanpur 26.94 — — 12094 NA Heavy
Heavy Industry
Electricals
Ltd.
Ranipur
50. Ordnance Meerut 2.69 — — 9026 NS Ordnance
Factory Factory
Murad Nagar
51. Vikasnagar Dehra Dun 1.40 — — 7066 MB Residential
52. Hastinapur Meerut 3.06 — — 8889 NA Light
industry
53. Renukot Mirzapur 3.19 — — 10566 NA Aluminium
Industry
WEST BENGAL
54. Gayeshpur Nadia 1.43 — 10157 13082 NM Refugee
Colony
55. Hindustan Burdwan 3.90 — — 6605 NM Cable Factory
Cables Town
56. Farakka Murshidabad 3.70 — — 8096 NM Barrage
Barrage Engineering
57. Sen-Raleigh Burdwan 5.90 — — 5786 NM Medium
Township Industry
58. J.K. Nagar Burdwan 4.24 — — 6433 NM Aluminium,
Township Coal
59. Kolaghat Midnapore 6.37 — — 13371 NM Electricity
60. Haldia Midnapore 21.59 — — 9968 NAA Oil Refinery,
Port,
Fertilizer
Facty.
Appendix - 4 : Basic information of the New Towns
1. Identification
a) Name of the city : ROURKELA URBAN AGGLOMERATION
b) District/State : Sundargarh/ ORISSA
c) Area in square K.M. : 121.73 (1971)
1. Rourkela U. A.
Age Group Persons Males Females
Total 172502 98667 73835
0 - 14 69200 36111 33089
15 - 19 11777 6486 5291
20 - 24 18287 8975 9312
25 - 29 22171 12322 9849
30 - 39 31203 21847 9356
40 - 49 11675 8591 3084
50 - 59 4578 2680 1898
60 + 3547 1620 1927
Age not stated 64 35 29
2. Durg - Bhilainagar U. A.
Age Group Persons Males Females
Total 245124 134087 111037
0 - 14 103253 53924 49329
15 - 19 16585 9265 7320
20 - 24 21663 9700 11963
25 - 29 26438 12389 14049
30 - 39 44385 28764 15621
40 - 49 18815 12901 5914
50 - 59 7886 4386 3500
60 + 6019 2712 3307
Age not stated 80 46 34
3. Durgapur City
Age Group Persons Males Females
Total 206638 117135 89503
0 - 14 80840 42131 38719
15 - 19 14836 8058 6778
20 - 24 20820 9423 11397
25 - 29 26903 15966 10937
30 - 39 37761 26814 10947
40 - 49 12447 8697 3750
50 - 59 6375 3006 3369
60 + 6651 3045 3606
Age not stated 5 5 —
4. Bokaro Steel City U.A.
Age Group Persons Males Females
Total 107159 64570 42589
0 - 14 37003 19277 17726
15 - 19 9701 5371 4330
20 - 24 14196 8874 5322
25 - 29 15007 10251 4756
30 - 39 17937 12700 5237
40 - 49 7251 4808 2443
50 - 59 3408 1953 1455
60 + 2656 1336 1320
Age not Stated - - -
5. Jamshedpur U.A.
Age Group Persons Males Females
Total 456146 254002 202144
0 - 14 177363 92573 84790
15 - 19 43397 24424 18973
20 - 24 44131 24688 19443
25 - 29 42718 23641 19077
30 - 39 66164 39183 26981
40 - 49 41589 25234 16355
50 - 59 24367 15356 9011
60 + 16398 8890 7508
Age not stated 19 13 6
6. Bhubaneswar City
Age Group Persons Males Females
Total 105491 61190 44301
0 - 14 40824 21449 19375
15 - 19 10194 6174 4020
20 - 24 11581 7181 4400
25 - 29 10355 6197 4158
30 - 39 15591 9790 5801
40 - 49 8660 5765 2895
50 - 59 4584 2859 1725
60 + 3660 1753 1907
Age not stated 40 22 20
— : 5.1 : —
Appendix : 5 Basic Information on marginal settlements contained within
New Towns
Merginal Settlements - Rourkela
Name of the city/Urban Total Il- Below SF/HS Technica1 Graduate Post Engine- Medicine
Agglomeration Migrants letrate SF/HS diploma degree Graduate ering
other than degree
technical
1. Rourkela All occupation 1000 361 432 150 6 30 5 10 1
U.S. Non-workers 1000 435 451 96 1 12 2 1 —
2. Durg - All occupation 1000 302 372 237 8 46 10 19 3
Bhilainagar Non-workers 1000 482 394 106 1 12 3 1 —
U.A.
3. Durgapur All occupation 1000 282 457 217 5 43 5 8 1
City Non-workers 1000 358 477 191 1 20 2 1 —
4. Bokaro All occupation 1000 527 310 113 7 21 5 15 —
Steel City Non-workers 1000 642 278 60 1 14 3 1 —
U.A.
5. Jamshedpur All occupation 1000 377 397 166 5 33 7 9 2
U.A. Non-workers 1000 457 410 106 1 20 3 1 1
6. All occupation 1000 273 445 176 5 65 17 6 2
Bhubaneswar Non-workers 1000 333 487 135 1 34 5 1 1
City
Source: Migration Table - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971
6.3. 1 : Distribution of migrants according to different educational level
in the new towns - State Wise
ILLITERATE
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
migrants
Resided in 983 987 934 992 969 991
India
Andhra 26 133 16 27 111
Pradesh 4
Assam 1 1 2 1 1 —
Bihar 276 45 242 708 563 13
Gujarat 2 1 2 2 5 1
Haryana 4 1 — 4 2 —
Himachal — — — — — —
Pradesh
Jammu & — — — — — —
Kashmir
Kerala 8 4 2 4 2 1
Madhya 56 499 1 15 59 2
Pradesh
Maharashtra 4 50 3 5 3 1
Mysore 1 2 1 1 1 —
Orissa 500 75 12 68 96 833
Punjab 15 34 15 13 37 3
Rajasthan 4 3 2 3 10 —
Tamilnadu 5 9 2 1 8 1
Tripura — — — 1 — —
Uttar 34 114 69 47 68 2
Pradesh
West Bengal 46 14 574 99 85 20
Delhi 2 2 1 2 1 2
Source: Migration Tables - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971
6.3. 2 : Distribution of migrants in different educational level in the
new towns - State Wise
Below SF/H.S (School Final/Higher Secondary)
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
migrants
Resided in 984 979 884 989 929 991
India
Andhra 30 100 2 10 40 20
Pradesh
Assam 2 2 3 1 2 1
Bihar 225 69 157 623 468 12
Gujarat 6 13 3 5 12 1
Haryana 10 4 — 8 3 —
Himachal — 1 — — — —
Pradesh
Jammu & — 1 — — 1 —
Kashmir
Kerala 12 41 3 13 8 1
Madhya 16 363 2 42 17 1
Pradesh
Maharashtra 5 93 3 7 8 1
Mysore 2 3 1 2 1 1
Orissa 506 50 11 50 70 902
Punjab 19 30 15 31 44 7
Rajasthan 6 19 4 8 15 2
Tamilnadu 7 15 4 4 11 1
Tripura — — — 2 — —
Uttar 34 139 27 79 82 5
Pradesh
West Bengal 98 29 642 96 143 32
Delhi 4 4 1 5 2 3
Source: Migration Tables - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971
6.3. 3 : Distribution of migrants in different educational level in the
new towns - State Wise
SF/H.S.
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
migrants
Resided in 979 986 863 982 903 990
India
Andhra 36 47 1 9 34 17
Pradesh
Assam 5 3 7 5 2 2
Bihar 191 63 108 562 449 19
Gujarat 8 8 1 10 11 —
Haryana 7 7 — 5 2 1
Himachal 1 3 — — — —
Pradesh
Jammu & — 1 — 1 1 —
Kashmir
Kerala 92 156 8 65 32 8
Madhya 13 323 4 54 10 4
Pradesh
Maharashtra 12 113 3 14 12 3
Mysore 5 5 1 6 4 2
Orissa 368 24 7 38 43 879
Punjab 20 30 8 26 36 4
Rajasthan 6 12 3 4 8 —
Tamilnadu 9 14 3 10 20 2
Tripura 1 — — 3 1 —
Uttar 39 98 18 65 55 3
Pradesh
West Bengal 156 63 683 99 175 39
Delhi 10 13 2 7 5 4
Source: Migration Tables - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971
6.3. 4 : Distribution of migrants in different educational level in the
new towns - State Wise
Technical diploma or certificate not equal to degree
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
migrants
Resided in 981 963 935 990 940 986
India
Andhra 71 73 14 20 51 28
Pradesh
Assam — — 14 10 4 —
Bihar 128 55 101 576 302 —
Gujarat 13 27 22 — 17 14
Haryana 6 9 — — — —
Himachal — — — — — —
Pradesh
Jammu & — — — — 4 —
Kashmir
Kerala 122 109 36 51 76 —
Madhya 6 245 29 101 4 —
Pradesh
Maharashtra 19 73 7 10 34 —
Mysore 26 45 7 — 13 —
Orissa 308 55 7 71 30 887
Punjab 45 45 22 10 43 —
Rajasthan — 18 — — 9 —
Tamilnadu 13 18 22 10 38 —
Tripura — — — 10 — —
Uttar 51 91 58 — 64 —
Pradesh
West Bengal 173 73 589 111 238 56
Delhi — 27 7 10 9 —
Source: Migration Tables - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971
6.3. 5 : Distribution of migrants in different educational level in the
new towns - State Wise
Technical degree - Engineering & Technology
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
migrants
Resided in 948 985 935 990 943 1000
India
Andhra 52 69 32 20 41 —
Pradesh
Assam 4 — 18 — 5 22
Bihar 180 88 143 403 298 33
Gujarat 12 12 9 5 10 —
Haryana — 12 9 — 10 —
Himachal — — — — — —
Pradesh
Jammu & — 4 — 5 3 —
Kashmir
Kerala 44 15 5 — 36 —
Madhya 56 238 32 164 31 —
Pradesh
Maharashtra 32 104 18 10 57 22
Mysore 20 46 37 15 51 —
Orissa 260 42 28 90 23 859
Punjab 32 38 5 10 23 —
Rajasthan 12 19 18 20 15 —
Tamilnadu 40 12 23 15 62 —
Tripura — — — — — —
Uttar 40 77 65 40 51 11
Pradesh
West Bengal 132 115 474 164 201 43
Delhi 32 50 18 15 20 11
Source: Migration Tables - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971
6.3. 6 : Distribution of migrants in different educational level in the
new towns - State Wise
Technical degree - Medicine
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
migrants
Resided in 885 951 961 916 886 1000
India
Andhra — 24 — — 25 —
Pradesh
Assam — — — — — —
Bihar 115 49 77 583 380 —
Gujarat — — — — 51 —
Haryana — — — — — —
Himachal — — — — — —
Pradesh
Jammu & — — — — — —
Kashmir
Kerala — — — — 13 —
Madhya — 415 38 166 13 —
Pradesh
Maharashtra — 122 — 83 51 —
Mysore 38 — — — 13 —
Orissa 385 49 — — 51 871
Punjab — — — — 38 —
Rajasthan — 24 — — — —
Tamilnadu — 24 — 83 38 —
Tripura — — — — — —
Uttar 154 73 38 — 51 97
Pradesh
West Bengal 115 146 769 — 114 —
Delhi 77 24 38 — — 32
Source: Migration Tables - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971
6.3. 7 : Distribution of migrants in different educational level in the
new towns - State Wise
Graduate degree other than Technical degree
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
migrants
Resided in 970 992 882 993 899 986
India
Andhra 41 2 3 26 24
Pradesh 5
Assam 7 — 3 3 2 2
Bihar 155 3 86 552 437 34
Gujarat 4 — — 7 10 2
Haryana 8 — — — 1 1
Himachal 4 — — — 1 —
Pradesh
Jammu & 1 — — — 4 —
Kashmir
Kerala 47 — 8 17 25 5
Madhya 18 27 11 76 10 3
Pradesh
Maharashtra 11 8 5 10 28 2
Mysore 16 — 2 3 9 2
Orissa 287 3 7 55 33 797
Punjab 10 — 8 14 22 4
Rajasthan 3 2 5 17 6 1
Tamilnadu 16 2 6 — 31 5
Tripura 1 — — 3 — —
Uttar 69 5 32 48 47 3
Pradesh
West Bengal 243 10 693 151 185 91
Delhi 26 2 9 31 8 5
Source: Migration Tables - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971
6.3.8 : Distribution of migrants in different educational level in the new
towns - State Wise
Post Graduate degree other than technical degree
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
Migrants
Resided in 1000 1000 933 1000 915 984
India
Andhra 18 36 37 — 13 24
Pradesh
Assam 9 — — — 3 —
Bihar 159 36 164 606 476 40
Gujarat — — 7 — — —
Haryana — — 7 16 — —
Himachal — — — — 6 —
Pradesh
Jammu & — 7 — — 4
Kashmir —
Kerala 18 50 15 — 32 4
Madhya 26 571 30 82 19 4
Pradesh
Maharashtra 9 64 37 — 22 12
Mysore 9 7 — — 13 12
Orissa 460 14 — 33 13 761
Punjab 18 7 22 16 19 12
Rajasthan 9 21 15 — 3 4
Tamilnadu 9 7 7 — 16 8
Tripura — — — — — —
Uttar 71 100 104 82 117 44
Pradesh
West Bengal 150 36 470 131 148 49
Delhi 35 43 15 16 16 4
Source: Migration Tables - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971
6.4 : Distribution of migrants classified by place of last residence :
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total Migrants 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
Last Within the district of 94 134 127 136 235
reside enumeration
d Within the state of 286 217 387 249 318
in enumeration
Rural
In other states of 290 154 166 274 51
areas
enumeration
Total 670 505 680 659 605
Last Within the distt. of 14 88 38 56 50
reside enumeration
d Within the state of 87 286 112 90 275
in enumeration
Urban
In other states of 228 121 170 195 70
areas
enumeration
Total 330 495 320 341 395
Source: Migration Tables - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971
6.5 : Distribution of migrant workers according to occupational categories
in the New Towns
New Towns. Total I) II) III) IV) Va) Vb) VI) VII) VIII) IX)
Workers Culti- Agr. Live Mining & Mfg. Other Construction Trade & Transport Other
vators Labour stock Quarrying & than Commerce Services
Proc. H/H
H/H Ind.
Ind.
Rourkela U.A. 1000 4 4 16 3 6 338 13 146 125 345
Durg - 1000 11 28 14 1 21 477 47 133 81 187
Bhilainagar U.A.
Durgapur City 1000 4 18 9 1 12 578 49 90 47 192
Bokaro Steel 1000 28 16 3 2 16 278 425 112 49 71
City U.A.
Jamshedpur U.A. 1000 5 13 6 2 10 567 37 127 81 152
Bhubaneswar City 1000 7 25 44 3 11 57 51 177 85 539
Source: Migration Tables - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971
6.6.1 : Distribution of migrants workers according to occupational
categories in the New Towns - State Wise
I - Cultivators
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
Migrants
Resided in 977 1000 977 1000 988 1000
India
Andhra — 6 — — — —
Pradesh
Assam — — — — — —
Bihar 250 6 — 926 869 —
Gujarat — 13 — — 12 —
Haryana — — — — — —
Himachal — — — — — —
Pradesh
Jammu & — — — — — —
Kashmir
Kerala — — — — — —
Madhya 23 918 — — — —
Pradesh
Maharashtra 23 19 — — — —
Mysore — — — — — —
Orissa 682 6 — — 36 923
Punjab — — — — — —
Rajasthan — 6 — — — —
Tamilnadu — — — — — —
Tripura — — — — — —
Uttar — 25 45 5 24 —
Pradesh
West Bengal — — 932 69 48 77
Delhi — — — — — —
Source: Migration Tables - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971
6.6.2 : Distribution of migrants workers according to occupational
categories in the New Towns - State Wise
II - Agricultural Labourers
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
Migrants
Resided in 998 1000 925 1000 992 1000
India
Andhra — 16 — — — 79
Pradesh
Assam — — — — — —
Bihar 378 8 215 935 776 7
Gujarat — — — — — —
Haryana — — — — — —
Himachal — — — — — —
Pradesh
Jammu & — — — — — —
Kashmir
Kerala — 3 — — — —
Madhya 22 850 — — 8 —
Pradesh
Maharashtra — 18 — — — —
Mysore — — — — — —
Orissa 556 75 5 — 78 906
Punjab — 8 — — 4 —
Rajasthan — — 11 — — —
Tamilnadu — — — — — —
Tripura — — — — — —
Uttar — 21 11 9 37 —
Pradesh
West Bengal 22 3 682 56 90 7
Delhi — — — — — —
Source: Migration Tables - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971
6.6.3 : Distribution of migrant workers according to occupational
categories in the New Towns - State Wise
III - Livestook, Forestry, Fishing, Hunting & Plantations
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
Migrant
Resided in 994 990 860 1000 962 988
India
Andhra 6 26 — — — 33
Pradesh
Assam 6 — — — — —
Bihar 407 36 333 810 670 4
Gujarat — 5 — — — —
Haryana — 5 — — — —
Himachal — — — — — —
Pradesh
Jammu & — — — — — —
Kashmir
Kerala — 10 — — — 4
Madhya 11 699 — 48 9 —
Pradesh
Maharashtra — 56 — — 9 —
Mysore — — — — — —
Orissa 452 66 22 — 85 927
Punjab 6 55 — — — —
Rajasthan — — — — 9 —
Tamilnadu 11 — — — 9 —
Tripura — — — — — —
Uttar 40 71 11 — 85 —
Pradesh
West Bengal 56 10 495 142 85 16
Delhi — — — — — 4
Source: Migration Table - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971
6.6.4 : Distribution of migrant workers according to occupational
categories in the New Towns - State Wise
IV - Mining and Quarrying
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
Migrants
Resided in 1000 1000 1000 923 1000 1000
India
Andhra 33 29 — — — —
Pradesh
Assam — — — — — —
Bihar 200 — 231 563 771 —
Gujarat — — — — — —
Haryana — — — — — —
Himachal — — — — — —
Pradesh
Jammu & — 143 — — — —
Kashmir
Kerala — — — — — —
Madhya 86 — 62 — —
Pradesh 429
Maharashtra — — — — — —
Mysore — — — — — —
Orissa 629 — — 62 29 895
Punjab — 143 77 — 29 —
Rajasthan — — — — — —
Tamilnadu — 286 — — — —
Tripura — — — — — —
Uttar — — — 250 29 —
Pradesh
West Bengal 57 — 615 62 143 105
Delhi — — — — — —
Source: Migration Table - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971
6.6.5 : V — Mfg. Processing, Servicing and repairs - House-hold industry
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
Migrants
Resided in 1000 998 851 991 936 953
India
Andhra — 78 — — 5 78
Pradesh
Assam — 3 339 — — —
Bihar 453 37 — 739 546 —
Gujarat — 10 — 9 37 —
Haryana 16 3 — — 5 —
Himachal — — — — — —
Pradesh
Jammu & — — — — — —
Kashmir
Kerala 31 44 8 9 — 16
Madhya 31 449 — 27 5 —
Pradesh
Maharashtra — 230 — — 11 —
Mysore — 10 — — — —
Orissa 203 14 — 9 59 813
Punjab 47 14 8 — 21 —
Rajasthan 16 7 16 — 27 —
Tamilnadu 31 3 — — 11 —
Tripura — — — 18 — —
Uttar 63 74 16 54 59 —
Pradesh
West Bengal 109 14 463 126 150 47
Delhi — 3 — — — —
Source: Migration Table - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971
6.6.6 : VI — Mfg. Processing, Servicing and repairs - Other than House-
hold industry
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
Migrants
Resided in 977 986 885 990 924 978
India
Andhra 29 107 3 8 38 56
Pradesh
Assam 3 2 3 3 2 —
Bihar 196 89 138 644 456 12
Gujarat 6 12 2 1 8 3
Haryana 3 3 1 2 1 —
Himachal 2 2 — — — 3
Pradesh
Jammu & — 1 — 3 1 —
Kashmir
Kerala 38 95 7 30 16 6
Madhya 22 258 6 49 41 6
Pradesh
Maharashtra 5 87 3 6 8 3
Mysore 4 8 1 4 3 —
Orissa 466 48 16 38 81 488
Punjab 23 45 15 16 56 12
Rajasthan 2 5 3 5 2 3
Tamilnadu 8 13 4 6 15 3
Tripura 1 — 2 1 1 3
Uttar 35 149 54 71 77 6
Pradesh
West Bengal 128 52 625 99 112 56
Delhi 9 11 1 4 3 3
Source: Migration Table - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971.
6.6.7 : VII — Construction
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
Migrants
Resided in 967 992 849 987 970 986
India
Andhra 47 88 4 25 10 76
Pradesh
Assam — — 4 1 1 3
Bihar 313 72 165 544 631 41
Gujarat — 5 — 4 3 —
Haryana 7 3 — 2 1 —
Himachal — 3 — — — —
Pradesh
Jammu & — — — — — —
Kashmir
Kerala 27 23 2 17 3 —
Madhya 40 429 2 32 27 —
Pradesh
Maharashtra 13 62 2 8 3 —
Mysore — — — 1 — —
Orissa 400 82 20 122 96 852
Punjab 7 29 — 32 21 3
Rajasthan 7 5 — 3 7 —
Tamilnadu 13 9 2 2 3 —
Tripura — — 2 — — —
Uttar 33 146 40 88 71 —
Pradesh
West Bengal 60 26 606 102 91 10
Delhi — 11 — 3 — —
Source: Migration Table - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971.
6.6.8 : VIII — Trade & Commerce
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
Migrants
Resided in 980 965 838 983 911 987
India
Andhra 16 64 2 5 12 45
Pradesh
Assam 2 1 1 — 1 1
Bihar 41 287 34 246 641 426
Gujarat — 9 15 — 8 17
Haryana — 36 15 1 18 12
Himachal — 1 1 — 1 —
Pradesh
Jammu & — 1 1 — 1 —
Kashmir
Kerala 14 29 — 20 7 7
Madhya 28 381 — 7 18 5
Pradesh
Maharashtra 4 126 2 4 7 3
Mysore 3 1 — 4 7 1
Orissa 357 36 4 37 58 773
Punjab 23 25 6 17 26 9
Rajasthan 19 56 21 14 70 5
Tamilnadu 7 31 5 7 8 5
Uttar 1 — 4 — — —
Pradesh
West Bengal 10 93 28 501 99 134
Delhi — 6 — 3 1 4
Source: Migration Table - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971.
6.6.9 : IX — Transport, Storage & Communication
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
Migrants
Resided in 982 986 910 991 953 987
India
Andhra 55 83 2 9 46 208
Pradesh
Assam 1 2 — — 1 —
Bihar 445 34 417 569 513 15
Gujarat — 1 — 3 — —
Haryana 1 1 — 3 1 6
Himachal 1 2 — — — —
Pradesh
Jammu & — 1 — — — —
Kashmir
Kerala 7 33 — 6 2 —
Madhya 35 506 — 18 — 2
Pradesh
Maharashtra 2 76 — 6 50 —
Mysore — 4 — 3 1 2
Orissa 282 66 13 183 95 697
Punjab 18 35 27 12 30 23
Rajasthan 2 1 2 — 8 —
Tamilnadu 2 5 — — 4 2
Tripura — — — — — —
Uttar 28 93 54 90 53 —
Pradesh
West Bengal 102 37 395 87 149 32
Delhi — 7 — — — 2
Source: Migration Table - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971.
6.6.10 : X — Other Services
Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Bhilainagar Steel
U.A. U.A. City City U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
Migrants
Resided in 976 983 909 983 946 991
India
Andhra 14 116 4 8 13 29
Pradesh
Assam 2 2 1 2 3 2
Bihar 198 27 224 733 525 14
Gujarat 3 1 3 4 3 1
Haryana 4 — 1 4 1 —
Himachal — — 1 — — —
Pradesh
Jammu & — — — — — —
Kashmir
Kerala 39 29 8 10 19 3
Madhya 52 562 5 14 38 1
Pradesh
Maharashtra 5 68 2 4 9 2
Mysore 3 1 3 — 2 2
Orissa 528 51 6 27 75 897
Punjab 7 8 7 4 15 2
Rajasthan 1 7 2 10 5 —
Tamilnadu 6 9 5 2 — 2
Tripura — — 1 6 — —
Uttar 32 72 44 46 79 6
Pradesh
West Bengal 73 23 587 99 161 27
Delhi 3 5 8 8 1 2
Source: Migration Table - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971.
6.7 : Distribution of of migrants by age - sex groups in the New Towns
Age - Sex Rourkela Durg- Durgapur Bokaro Jamshedpur Bhubaneswar
Group U.A. Bhilainagar City Steel U.A. City
U.A. City
U.A.
Total 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000
Migrantss
M 589 549 571 592 566 588
Total
F 411 451 429 408 434 412
M 110 120 108 115 74 124
0 - 14
F 96 110 100 94 65 101
M 47 45 43 47 37 69
15 - 19
F 39 37 42 50 31 43
M 69 50 58 101 60 88
20- 24
F 73 67 75 71 55 58
M 332 297 330 309 298 263
25 - 49
F 174 200 169 158 219 165
M 31 36 31 20 96 45
50 +
F 29 37 44 35 64 44
Age not M — — — — — —
stated F — — — — — —
Source: Migration Table - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and M.P. census of
India - 1971.
APEENDIX – 7.1 : Items and costs of development in the Steel
Towns at the 1-million-ton stage
Sl.N Particulars & DURGAPUR BHILAI ROURKELA
o. Items
Total Remarks Total Remarks Total Remarks
Cost in Cost in Cost in
Million Million Million
Rs. Rs. Rs.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
1 i) Land 10.55 Land Land Note Land
Acquisition acquired acquired availabl acquired
in-cluding 10462 acres 5190 acres e 11173.19
Compensation acres
ii) Initial 2.67 Cost per 4.25 Cost per
Survey and acre Rs. acre Rs.
development 970/- 860
2. External
services
Development:
i) Transportatio 11.66 10.91 7.65
n, Roads and
Bridges
ii) Water supply 10.57
(including
pumping and
purification)
iii) Sewerage 8.37 14.87 12.13
(including
disposal
works)
iv) Drainage 1.89 7.95
v) Electrificati 8.18 7.26 7.90
on including
power supply
vi) Horticulture 1.60 * 0.12
and Land
scaping
3. Residential 75.19 7498 units 83.61 7547 units 69.77 7546
Building with an with an units
aggregate aggregate with an
plinth area plinth aggregat
of 5.03 area of e plinth
million 4.62 area of
sft. miln.sft. 4.8
Average Average miln.
plinth area plinth sft.
rate = area rate Average
Rs. 14.92 = Rs. 18/- plinth
per sft. per sft. area
rate =
Rs.
14.54
per sft.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
4. Non-Residential
Buildings:
i) Medical 3.83 6.50 4.50
ii) Educational 2.41 2.48 2.27
iii) Recreational 0.98 1.66 0.48
iv) Shopping 0.90 1.68 1.75
v) Administrative 0.81
vi) Guest House 0.48 12.75 0.065
vii) Hostels 0.25 2.20
viii) Misc-Cinema, Fire 0.85 —
Station, Pavilion
5. Fees paid to 0.51 * 0.36
Architects and Town
Planners
6. Works Chargeable to 4.10 - -
Plant
7. Temporary Works 6.45 - 7.70
8. Stores, Vehicles, 2.31 * 4.50
Tools and Plants
9. Maintenance during 4.11 * 3.70
constn.
10 Establishments 9.46 * -
.
11 Recoveries 10.89 - -
.
12 Total area developed 2871 3482 1016
. acres acres acres
Development cost per 14,573 9,500 35,000
acre (excluding cost
of land)
* Separate booking not available
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
13 Densities:-
.
i) Gross - 6.7 7.68
Houses per
acre
ii) Net - Houses 10.0 excluding 15.00
per acre area
covered by
Road, Park
&
unbuildabl
e area.
14 %age cost of 11.6 14.7% 16.00%
. Non-residential %
building to that
of residential
Municipal 175958 163770 1129858 568826 468278 397833 718836 1189492 1670730 1640225 1597770
rates & Taxes
Realisation 13696 16852 13572 14114 25110 25494 12563 6965 3675 9353 52066
under Special
Acts
Revenue 15312 10759 220456 12824 24946 24669 28387 41258 1702617 97554 1661877
derived from
municipal
property and
powers apart
from taxation
Grants ana 716933 11467 221428 173515 106340 128578 137019 315003 182133 325797 149736
contributions
Extraordinary 315846 470729 516439 265919 115974 676697 333915 201148 230463 125476 73407
and Debt
Miscellaneous 6078 1464 729 2213 3342 12813 6482 - 7565 7825 9058
Total Income 1243823 675041 2100482 1037409 743990 1266084 1237202 1753866 3797183 2206229 3543914
1964-65 1965-66 1966-67 1967-68 1968-69 1969-70 1970-71 1971-72 1972-73 1973-74 1974-75
General 46960 92140 91208 106263 121546 129879 138117 169794 140658 135951 220280
Admn. &
Collection
Charge
Public 145292 179809 242899 360648 246108 387683 362234 476499 1134279 784872 97.4391
health and
convenience
Miscellaneo 11059 50764 12041 15224 18371 321098 71474 135772 68528 1025856 127652
us
Extraordina 891549 103852 1190194 434836 218215 318478 510432 824041 400713 647097 208001
ry & Debts
Public 4444 3270 42973 18196 40853 54159 86735 47689 75792 68915 65134
Safety
Total 1099304 632015 1579315 935167 646093 1221311 1174464 1681239 1819971 2662691 1595458
expenditure
APPENDIX - 8.1
Norms and standards adopted in the New Towns
Housing 8.1.1
Rourkela
Plinth area (sq.ft.) No. of D.Us. Pay Range
Below 400 5203 N.A.
400-600 12748
700-1350 2013
1400-& above 246
Total 20210
Instrumentation KOTA 30
MECON 120
Garga Dam 24
HSCL Semi-permanent 20
Co-operative housing 1500
Grand Total = 23823 DUs
Total township area - 1231 acres
Gross density - 19.35
acres
Housing satisfaction - 70%
Total capital cost of development of residential - Rs.231.7
buildings at 1.7 MT stage million
8.8
Amenities:
(a) Education -
No. of primary schools .. 17
No. of high schools .. 7
Total 24
(b) Medical:
1 Hospital of 500 beds –
1 central hospital
No. of beds per 1000 population - 4
6 health centres -
No. of health centres per thousand population ..04
(c) Community Facilities _
1 community centre
City centre with cinema, club, etc.
(d) Shopping:
Neighbourhood shopping
Sector-level shopping
City Centre shopping
Areawise distribution of shopping hierarchy
Open Space:
Neighbourhood park in all neighbourhood
Sector park
City Park
Recreational resort near Garga Dam
Areawise distribution of open-space hierarchy
Circulation:
Arterial road with central media - 200' (6 lanes) wide
Sub-arterial road with central media - 160' (6 lanes) wide
Major roads - 100' (4 lanes) wide
Figure and collector road - 80' (4 lanes) wide
Residential streets - 44' ( 2 lanes)wide
Cul-de-Sac /loop - 30' (1 lane) wide
Access street/survice lane - 20' (1 lane) wide
Pathways - 10 to 15' wide
Standard road section has 6' to 10' cycletrap and walkways. Single row
lighting for sector roads, double row for major road. Arterial and sub-
arterial with 4 row trees planting, others 2 rows .
Landuse:
Total developed land - 1231 acres
Residential - 588 acres (47.76%)
Educational 133.1 acres (10.81%)
Commercial - 29.6 acres (2.43%)
Open Space - 181.3 acres (14.72%)
Circulation - 261.1 acres (21.20%)
Others - 35.3 acres (2.87%)
Utilities:
Water - From Tenughat Dam - 12 MGD for city, rapid gravity
filtration plant with 6 beds with a capacity of 12 MGD and
provision for 24 MGD - 60 GPCPD
Sewerage : Collection by gravity method. Quantity of sewage to be
handled 200 M/Hour. Treatment by oxidation pond.
Drainage : Underground, surface, outfall drains and pumping station.
APPENDIX - 8.1.5 8.9
Comparative statement of density norms and
space standards for community facilities,
prescribed by committees of plan projects
& Bureau of Public Enterprises, Ministry of
Finance.
Norm As prescribed by As prescribed by Bureau of
COPP Public Enteriorises
DENSITY
Gross Density
(a) Town level 9-12 DU/Acre 12 DU/Ac., and
45-55 persons/AC 15 DU/Ac. for 2-storeyed
20 DU/Ac. for 3-storeyed
25 DU/Ac. for 4-storeyed
(b) Sector 14-20 DU/Ac. 20 DU/Ac. in general
Level 65-95 persons/AC 10-14 DU/Ac.for single storeyed
19-25 DU/Ac. for 2-storeyed
26-34 DU/Ac. for 3-storeyed
34-45 DU/Ac. for 4-storeyed
Community Facilities
Educational Facilities:
(a) Nursery School No separate As per COPP
provision
(b) Primary School 1 for 3500 pop. 1 for 3000-4000
pop.
area : 3 AC
400-350 300-400
seats/Schools* Seats/School
(*primary-cum-
Nursery.
(c) Higher Secondary School 1 for 9000-10000 As per COPP
pop.
Area; 6-8 Ac.
650-1000
seats/School
(d) Academic College 1 for 150000 pop. As per COPP
Area: 15 Acres
(e) Technical & Vocational School 1-2 depending on As per COPP
size of township
Health facilities: -
(a) Hospital beds 3 beds/1000 pop. for 25000 pop. As per COPP
2.5 beds/1000 pop. for 50000 pop.
2 beds/1000 pop. for 100000 pop.
Health Clinic Not prescribed Not prescribed
(b) Health Centre 1 for 20000 pop. Areas 1-1.5 Ac. AS PER COPP
(c) Hospital area 25 bedded: 5 Ac. AS PER COPP
50 bedeed: 10 Ac.
100 bedded: 15 Ac.
8.10
Norm As prescribed by As prescribed by Bureau of
COPP Public Enterprises
Commercial facilties:
(a) Retail shopping 6 shops/1000 pop. As per COPP
centre
(b) Hierarchy of Convenience shops 6-10 Area 150 As per COPP
shopping centre sft/shop site area not prescribed.
Sector Shop Area 150-200 sft/shop As per COPP
Number and site area not prescribed
Community shopping not prescribed
Central shopping 250-300 sft/shop As per COPP
Number & site area not prescribed
Town level
Central Park 30 Ac. As per COPP
Civic & Cultural-cum- a) One Civic centre for 20000 As per COPP
entertainment facilities. pop.
b) One clubs for 20000 to As per COPP
30000 pop. Area 1½ to 2 Ac.
c) Town centre of an area @ As per COPP
0.75 to 1 acre/ 1000 pop.
9.1
APPENDIX 9: List of Social/Voluntary Organisations who responded to our
questionnaire survey in Durgapur and Jamshedpur
9.1. Durgapur:
1. Darbari 33. MAMC Swimming Club
2. School of Music 34. Durgapur Youngmen's Assn.
3. Rabindra Parishad 35. Apanjan Club
4. Souvik 36. Amra Tarun
5. Silpayan 37. Harshabardhan Modern Boys' Club
6. Mahua 38. Coke Oven Dyma Club
7. Fine Arts Club 39. Benachity United Club
8. Nari Kalyan Samity 40. Agragami Athletic Club
9. Nagarjun Extension 41. Young's Sporting Club
10. Janakalyan Samity 42. Durgapur Sporting Assn.
11. Society for the Welfare 43. SDO's Office Recreation Club
of Retired & Aged Persons 44. Durgapur Agragami Sangha
(after-care)
45. Referees' Association, Durgapur
12. Indian Red Cross Society 46. Alloy Steel Plant Sports
Association
13. Bidhan Bhavan - Community 47. Durgapur Sub-divisional School
Centre 'B' Zone Sports Assn.
14. Netaji Bhawan - Community 48. Burdwan District Table Tennis
Centre 'A' Zone Assn.
15. Gopalmath Unnayan Samity 49. District Khokoo Assn.
16. Durgapur Sub-division 50. AVB Sports & Recreation Club
Gramin Unnayan & Bekar Sangha 51. Ujjal Sangha
17. Andhra Samity 52. Jatin Sangha
18. Adibasi Mahakalyan Samity 53. Nachan Kakali Sangha
19. Karnataka Sangha 54. Ramnath Smrith Pathagar
20. Gurudwara Jagatsudhar 55. Dishari Sangha Pathagar
21. Matri Mandir Ashram 56. Anurupa Devi Smriti Pathagar
22. Mishra Ispat Sanghatani 57. Ajana Sab-payechir Asar
23. MAMC Officers' Association 58. Meghdoot Sab-Payechir Asar
24. MAMC Staff Club 59. Chandidas Sab-Payechir Asar
25. MAMC Ladies' Club 60. Anupama Sab-Payechir Asar
26. ACC-Vickers-Babcock Senior 61. Sfulinga Sab-Payechir Asar
Staff Assn.
27. Durgapur Cine Club 62. Balaka Manimela
28. Durgapur Club 63. Smriti Manimela
29. Coke Oven's Club 64. Jiban Smriti Sangha
30. White Border Club 65. Jagrata Sangha
31. Sunday Club 66. Utkal Samaj
32. MAMC Youth Club 67. Durgapur Malayali Samajan
68. Vivekananda Sporting
Association
9.2
9.2 : Jamshedpur
1. Singhbhum Chamber of Commerce & 33. Madrasi Sammelani
Industry
2. Pragna Bharati Naritya Kalakendra 34. Singhbhum Chandrabanshi Kshatriya
Zilla Sabha
3. Rabindra Sangsad 35. Bhojpuri Sahitya Parishad
4. Jamshedpur School of Art 36. New C.P. Club
5. The Tagore Society 37. Singhbhum Zilla Bhojpuri Samaj
6. The Milanee 38. Singhbhum Zilla Pichra Bargi
Sangha
7. Lion's Club of Jamshedpur 39. Harijan Azad Club
8. Bharatiya Samaj 40. Andhra Sangha -Agrico Sidgora &
Baridih
9. Baradwari Civic Association 41. Andhra Club (Tinplate) Golmuri
10. Dhatkidih Civic Association 42. Bihar Association
11. Sidhgora Nagarik Sangha 43. Razak Nabayubak Sangha
12. Sonari Civic Association 44. Andhra Vijnana Samity
13. Union Mohalla Kalyan Samity – 45. Andhra Bhakta Kolata Samajam
Sidhgora
14. Agrico-Civic Association 46. Utkal Bandhaba Samity
15. Thakkar Bapa Club 47. Hindustan Sangh
16. District Depressed Classes League 48. Milan Samity
17. Adibasi Socio-Educational- Cultural– 49.The New Baradwari Assn.
Association
18. Adibasi Association 50. New Sidhgora Club
19. Rajkand Club 51. Kagalnagar Sporting Assn.
20. C P. Nautanki Club - Sonary 52. Agrami Sangha
21. Kerala Club 53. B.M.C. Club
22. Hindustan Mitra Mandal 54. Bihar Badminton Assn.
23. Utkal Association 55. Jamshedpur Gymkhana
24. Andhra Association - Kadma 56. Udayan Sangha
25. Bihar Maitri Sangha 57. Agrico Sporting Club
26. Andhra Dramatic & Literary Society 58. Jamshedpur Athletes Club
27. Uttar Pradesh Sangha 59. Jai Hind Club
28. Shri Bala Ganapati Vilas 60. Jamshedpur Young Sporting Club
29. Khalsa Club 61. New Ranikudar Sporting Club
30. Ramgharia Sabha 62. Shining Club
31. Hindustan Mitra Mandal
32. Aruna Samity
9.3
Jamshedpur (contd.)
63. Young Hiranagpur Athletic Club 96. Arya Samaj
64. Citizen Sporting Assn. 97. Ramayan Pracharini Samity
65. Tarun Sangha 98. Khiomat - E'khaque Com.
66. Vivek Sangha 99. Tinplate - Mulsim Club
67. Sonari Tarun Sangha 100. Chinmaya Mission – Jamshedpur
68. Andhra Sporting Assn. 101. Pragati Sangh
69. Burma Mines Sports Club 102. Dhatkiri Flats Assn.
70. Chitta Sangham 103. Dhatkiri Workers' Flats Assn.
71. New Cricket Club 104. Inner Circle Flats Assn.
72. Yuba Shakti Club 105. Tisco Supervisors' Flats- Resident
Members, Assn.- Golmuri
73. Modern Cricket Club 106. Beldih Club
74. Sakchi Blues Cricket Club 107. The Bengal Club
75. Mohammedan Sporting Club 108. United Club
76. Tarun Sangha – Sidhgora 109. Telco Club
77. Deshbandhu Club 110. Telco Recreation Club
78. Sakchi Athletic Club 111. The Evening Club - Golmuri
79. Birsa Sporting Club 112. Sandhya Sammelani
80. Yubak Parishad 113. Govt. Colony Cultural Assn.
81. Sabuj Sangha - Sonari 114. General Office Recreation Club
82. East Bengal Colony Club 115. Bihar Photographic Assn.
83. Jai Jawan Club 116. Jamshedpur Philatelic Society
84. Kalyan Samity 117. Amal Sangha
85. Sonari Community & Welfare Centre 118. Bharatiya Tarun Sangh
86. G. Town Community Centre 119. Dinshaw Memorial Library
87. Jyoti - St.Joseph's Welfare Centre 120. Vidyapati Club Pustakalaya
88. Didibhai Siksha Niketan - Children 121. Muslim Library
& Women's Welfare Centre
89. Biswajit Manimela 122. Jamshedpur Mahila Samity
90. Chandan Arun Sangha – Sitaramdera 123. Jamshedpur Parsee Strimandal
91. Chandan Arun Sangha -Shram Kalyan 124. New Sidhgora Mahila Samity
Kendra
92. Kadma Nursery School 125. Bharatiya Bhakta Mahila Mandal
93. Kishore Sangh – Sonari 126. All India Women's Conference
94. Kishore Sangh - Bhalubasa 127. Dakshim Bharatiya Mahila Samaj
95. Anjuman Behar - E-Islam 128. National Council of Women in India
9.4
Jamshedpur (contd.)
129. Nritya Kala Kendra
130. Jamshedpur Civic Assn.
131. Seva Samity
Many other associations also responded. Later, on verification we
discovered that they were no longer in existence but their former members
had filled up our questionnaire; for example -
1. Vijaya Co-operative Association
2. Punjab Sporting Association
APPENDIX 10 : Specimen of questionnaire addressed to social
organizations at Durgapur and Jamshedpur
QUESTIONNAIRE
1. GENERAL
1.1. Name of the Association :
1.2. Date of establishment :
1.3. Address :
1.4. Affiliations to other Institutions (if any) :
1.4.1 All-India level - - Name :-
1.4.2 State level - - Name:-
1.4.3. District level - - Name :-
1.4.4. Local level - Name : -
1.4.5. Others (pl. specify) - Name :-
1.5. Type of Association : Please mark appropriate box :-
1.5. 1. Merchants, Hawkers, Traders, etc. -
2. Music, Drama & other Fine Arts -
3. Community Welfare -
4. Caste, Language or Region based -
5. Professional -
6. Officers Association -
7. Sports Association -
8. Youth Club -
9. Religious Institutions, Ashrams, etc. -
10. Housing, Ownership, Flat Asson. -
11. Recreation Clubs, Cine Clubs, etc. -
12. Others (pl. specify) -
: 9.2 :
2. MEMBERSHIP
2.1. Total Strength : BREAKDOWN
3.2.3. Others
1. Medical Facilities:
1) Shop for Medicines
2) Clinic
3) Health advise
4) Hygiene education
5)
2.
Educationa
l
1) School (free)
2) Payment of fees
3) Book loans
4) Scholarship
5) Educational loans
6) Free tuitions
7) Library
3. Others (specify):
3.3.1. Sports
Name :
1. Cricket
2. Football
3. Hockey
4. Badminton
5. Volleyball
6. Basketball
7. Tennis
8. Indoor game
9. Swimming
10. Others
9.5 :
3.3. Activities (open to all) (contd.)
Category Frequency No. usually Facilities offered by
(Name) participating Club
3.3.2. Films
Petes
Picnics
Get-together
Dinners
Musical evening
etc.
Organised tours
Plays/Dramas
Others
4. Relationship with other clubs/Associations:
4.1. Does such a relationship exist :
Yes : No:
4.2. If yes,
with which organizations when formed (state year)
Age- Persons Males Females Persons Males Females Persons Males Females Persons Males Females
Group
Total 172502 98667 73835 208153 117028 91125 251497 138851 112646 303963 164723 139240
0-14 69200 36111 33089 83395 43302 40093 100514 51931 48583 121208 62307 58901
15-19 11777 6486 5291 15774 8689 7085 20918 11529 9389 27580 15204 12376
20-24 18287 8975 9312 21047 10711 10336 24166 12788 11378 27642 15235 12407
25-29 22171 12322 9849 23964 13295 10669 25751 14147 11604 27185 14809 12376
30-39 31203 21847 9356 35008 23339 11669 39068 24518 14550 93363 25209 18154
40-49 11675 8391 3084 15607 10648 4959 20666 13190 7476 27155 16299 10856
50-59 4578 2680 1898 7294 4168 3126 10950 6167 4783 15842 8818 7024
60+ 3547 1620 1927 6064 2876 3188 9464 4581 4883 13988 6842 7146
Age- Persons Males Females Persons Male Females Persons Males Females Persons Males Females
Group
Total 245124 137087 111037 370974 201476 169498 409662 220890 188772 444886 238163 206723
0-14 103253 53924 49329 156106 81466 74640 172140 89798 82342 186785 97369 89416
15-19 16585 9265 7320 28269 15804 12465 34657 19336 15321 41326 23043 18283
20-24 21663 9700 11963 33054 15878 17176 36788 18845 17943 40259 21842 18417
25-29 26438 12389 14049 36355 17584 18771 36132 18148 17984 34921 18328 16593
30-39 44385 28764 15621 60691 37765 22926 59893 35354 24539 57430 31540 25990
40-49 18815 12901 5914 29715 19142 10573 34207 20729 13478 38657 22064 16593
50-59 7886 4386 3500 14505 8087 6418 18762 10528 8234 23221 13123 10098
60+ 6019 2712 3307 12279 5750 6529 17083 8152 8931 22287 10854 11433
0-14 80840 42131 38719 105763 55114 50649 138197 72019 66178 180423 94054 86369
15-19 14836 8058 6778 22882 12613 10269 34747 19371 15376 52116 29315 22801
20-24 20820 9423 11397 27336 13451 13925 35953 19145 16808 47129 27178 19951
25-29 20903 15966 10937 32539 19329 13200 38817 23102 15715 45500 27076 18424
30-39 37761 26814 10847 48055 32762 15293 60902 39571 21331 76954 47180 29774
40-49 12447 8697 3750 20846 14204 6642 33617 22499 11118 52727 34863 17864
50-59 6375 3006 3369 10967 5916 5051 18014 10515 7499 28552 17559 10993
60+ 6651 3045 3606 10633 5163 5470 16582 8404 8178 25396 13334 12062
11.4 Bokaro Steel City Urban Agglomeration
1971 1981 1991 2001
Age- Persons Males Females Persons Males Females Persons Males Females Persons Males Females
Group
Total 107159 64750 42589 168222 98601 69621 273767 156008 117759 458817 253956 204861
0-14 37003 19277 17726 61412 32144 29268 105384 55389 49995 185730 98004 87726
15-19 9701 5371 4330 15256 8561 6695 24888 14155 10733 41798 24088 17710
20-24 14196 8874 5322 19815 12027 7788 28200 16482 11718 40560 22482 18078
25-29 15007 10251 4756 20252 13204 7048 27571 16783 10788 37118 20234 16884
30-39 17937 12700 5237 26661 17813 8848 40960 25545 15415 64556 37027 27529
40-49 7251 4808 2443 12985 8309 4676 23738 14758 8980 44047 26749 17298
50-59 3408 1953 1455 6442 3768 2674 12266 7283 4983 23582 14177 9405
60+ 2656 1336 1320 5399 2775 2624 10760 5613 5147 21426 11195 10231
Total 456146 254002 202144 601635 334361 267274 663667 368173 295494 732132 405242 326890
0-14 177363 92573 84790 237189 124250 112939 265228 139451 125777 296426 156414 140012
15-19 43397 24424 18973 56439 32010 24429 61395 35111 26284 66711 38445 28266
20-24 44131 24688 19443 56499 31529 24970 60466 33651 26815 64734 35882 28852
25-29 427I8 23641 10977 53731 29603 24128 56417 30930 25487 59168 32220 26948
30-39 66164 39183 26981 86404 50663 35741 94383 54758 39625 103032 59095 43937
40-49 41589 25234 16355 55837 33875 21962 62657 38032 24625 70299 42692 27607
50-59 24367 15356 9011 31769 19735 12034 34580 21173 13407 37639 22627 15012
60+ 16398 8890 7508 23767 12696 11071 28541 15067 13474 34123 17867 16256
11.6 Bhubaneswar City
1971 1981 1991 2001
Age- Persons Males Females Persons Males Females Persons Males Females Persons Males Females
Group
Total 105491 61190 44301 127383 72268 55115 153892 85359 68533 185884 100734 85150
0-14 40824 21449 19375 49801 25971 23830 60745 31450 29295 74123 38103 36020
15-19 10194 6174 4020 12068 7098 4970 14285 8143 6142 16866 9298 7568
20-24 11581 7181 4400 13190 7914 5276 14963 8636 6327 16904 9317 7587
25-29 10355 6197 4158 12132 7060 5072 14208 8020 6188 16624 9056 7568
30-39 15591 9790 5801 18618 11405 7213 22229 13270 8959 26518 15416 11102
40-49 8660 5765 2895 10768 6920 3848 13393 8313 5080 16606 9967 6639
50-59 4584 2859 1725 5900 3530 2370 7558 4356 3202 9689 5393 4296
60 + 3660 1753 1907 4906 2370 2536 6511 3171 3340 8554 4184 4370
Chapter - I
Chapter -II
13. Choubey, H.K. : (1975) - Bhilai Steel Project and Its Impact on the
Towns of Chhattisgarh, Indian Institute of Geography, Secunderabad.
19. Govt. of West Bengal, APO and DDA - (1970) - Basic Plan and Design
Report on the City Centre for Durgapur, Mimeo, Durgapur.
20. Govt. of West Bengal, APO and DDA - (1969) - City Centre for Durgapur,
Mimeo Durgapur.
21. Govt. of West Bengal, APO - (1966) - Interim Development Plan, Asansol
- Durgapur, Calcutta.
26. Bokaro Steel Limited, Architecture & City Planning Department (1974),
Bokaro Steel (Urban Complex) - An Approach to 4.5/5.5 - 10 MT Master
Plan, Mimeo, Bokaro Steel City.
27. Bokaro Steel limited, Architecture & City Planning Department (1966),
General Plan, Bokaro Steel City.
Chapter - III
45. Steel Authority of India - (1975) - Third Annual Report, 1974-75, New
Delhi.
47. Government of India, Ministry of Steel & Mines - (1976) - White Paper
on Steel Industry, Deptt. of Steel, New Delhi.
53. Bokaro Steel Limited, Public Relations Department (1976) - Bokaro the
Human Story, Calcutta.
56. Tata Iron & Steel Company - Community Development & Social Welfare,
Annual Reports, mimeo, Jamshedpur.
58. The Statesman - 1976 (April 30) - Bokaro Steel Limited, Social Welfare
and Other Amenities, article, Calcutta.
Chapter - V
65. Golani, Gideon - (1976) - New Town Planning, Wiley, New York.
66. Glass, Ruth - two visits to Durgapur - letters to Shri Tarlok Singh,
Member, Planning Commission.
Others: (part - I)
11. Govt. of West Bengal, APO, 1969, Socio-Economic Survey in the Asansol
- Durgapur Region.
18. Roy, Turner (ed.) - (1962) - India's Urban Future - Selected studies.
21. Sovani, N.V. - (1966) - Urbanization and Urban India, New York, Asia
Publishing House.
Census publications:
10. Census of India, 1971 (1972) -District Census Handbook, Puri District,
Part X (A), Series -16, Orissa, Cuttack.
12. Census of India, 1971 (1971) - General Population Tables, Part II-A,
Series-16, Orissa, Cuttack.