Accepted Manuscript

Title: Challenges and strategies for urban green-space

planning in cities undergoing densification: a review

Author: Christine Haaland Cecil Konijnendijk van den Bosch

PII: S1618-8667(15)00103-X
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/doi:10.1016/j.ufug.2015.07.009
Reference: UFUG 25573

To appear in:

Received date: 8-4-2014

Revised date: 22-7-2015
Accepted date: 23-7-2015

Please cite this article as: Haaland, C., Bosch, C.K.,Challenges and strategies for urban
green-space planning in cities undergoing densification: a review, Urban Forestry and
Urban Greening (2015), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ufug.2015.07.009

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*Title page

Challenges and strategies for urban green-space planning in cities undergoing

1 densification: a review
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8 Christine Haaland* & Cecil Konijnendijk van den Bosch
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15 *Corresponding author:

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17 Christine Haaland
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Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences
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22 Department of Landscape Architecture, Planning and Management
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1 Challenges and strategies for urban green-space planning in cities undergoing

1 2 densification: a review
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4 3
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6 4 Abstract
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9 5 The compact city approach has gained global impact as a planning approach for
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11 6 sustainable development in areas with increasing urban population. Through densification and

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13 7 compact building, the approach aims to counteract negative effects of urban sprawl in terms
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8 of ineffective land-use and related environmental problems. In spite of its benefits various
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16 9 problems and challenges are associated with implementing the compact city approach. This
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18 10 review looks at the effects of urban densification and compact city development on urban

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20 11 green space and its planning. It identifies problems, challenges and strategies of urban green
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22 12 space planning during densification processes. Findings confirm that urban densification
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processes, including consolidation and infill development, can pose a threat to urban green
space. However, the literature on the compact city approach often lacks specific suggestions
27 15 for urban green space conservation and planning. Provision of urban green space in compact
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29 16 city environments and during densification processes is described as a major challenge. Loss
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31 17 of private urban green space rarely seems offset by provision of more public green space.
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33 18 Several ways are identified to deal with these challenges, while also highlighting research
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35 19 gaps, e.g., as to how loss of green space quantity can be offset by increased green space
36 20 quality.
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42 22 Keywords: Compact city; green infrastructure; green space change; infill development; public
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44 23 participation; sustainable urban development
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46 24
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49 25 Introduction
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52 26 Worldwide, the percentage of people living in urban areas will increase from 50% in
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54 27 2010 to nearly 70% by 2050 (UN, 2013). This will result in expansion and/or densification of
55 28 urbanised areas. As migration to urban areas is ongoing globally, the need for sustainable
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57 29 urban development is becoming increasingly important. In an urban context this implies
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59 30 creation of both resource efficient systems and good, engaging urban design for attractive
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 31 cities with good quality of life. Urban sustainability has been related to urban form (Jenks and
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2 32 Jones, 2010a) and alternative, more sustainable urban forms than urban sprawl have been
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33 suggested (e.g. Jenks et al., 1996a; Jabareen, 2004; Sonne, 2009). Urban sprawl can be
5 34 defined as urban development with low-density housing, both residential and commercial,
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7 35 segregated land-use, high level of automobile use combined with lack of public transport,
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9 36 which is in high demand for land (Johnson, 2001). Related problems are non-efficient use of
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11 37 resources e.g., of land and energy causing a larger urban footprint, loss of biodiversity,

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13 38 environmental problems, and social inequalities (Power, 2001). Even urban areas with a
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39 declining population (i.e. shrinking cities) can expand in terms of area (Couch et al., 2005).
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16 40 Alternative, more sustainable urban forms include neo-traditional development, urban
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18 41 containment, the compact city and the eco-city (Jabareen, 2004), and in particular compact or

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20 42 dense city form (Jenks et al., 1996b; Burton, 2000; Randolph, 2006; OECD, 2012), since it
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22 43 aims to counteract the negative effects of urban expansion and sprawl. The ‗compact city‘ is
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characterised by high density housing, mixed use, well-functioning public transport (transit
oriented development) and promotion of cycling and walking (Burton, 2000).
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28 46 Nevertheless, negative effects of certain aspects of city densification are increasingly
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30 47 evident (e.g., crowding, lower living quality) and certain positive characteristics assigned to
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32 48 the dense city are being questioned (less traffic, less environmental problems; Williams, 2000;
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34 49 Neuman, 2005; Howley et al. 2009; Melia et al., 2011; Hofstad, 2012). One issue identified in
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50 is the lack of urban green space in densified urban areas and the removal of green space when
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37 51 densifying city areas (e.g. Jim, 2004; Fuller and Gaston, 2009; Brunner and Cozens, 2013).
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39 52 This paper reviews research on the challenges to urban green space planning in cities under
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41 53 densification on the one hand, and strategies for sound urban green space planning under
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43 54 these conditions on the other. Urban green space is defined here as ―any vegetation found in
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45 55 the urban environment, including parks, open spaces, residential gardens, or street trees‖
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56 (Kabisch and Haase, 2013, p. 113).
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49 57 Planning and management of urban green space is a crucial issue in the context of the
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51 58 compact city concept, as these spaces provides essential benefits to urban dwellers (e.g.
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53 59 Pauleit, 2003; Tzoulas et al., 2007; James et al., 2009), while also offering crucial habitat for
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55 60 wildlife (Goddard et al., 2010). Green space multifunctionality has often been emphasised as
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61 relating to recreation, social interaction, aesthetics, cultural heritage and ecological functions
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58 62 (Pauleit, 2003; Priemus et al., 2004; Mell, 2009). Many of these functions, which are seen as
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60 63 important for sustainable urban development, have to be realised within limited space
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 64 (Baycan-Levent et al., 2009; James et al., 2009). The concept of ecosystem services (Costanza
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2 65 et al., 1997; Millenium Ecosystem Assessment, 2003), embodying the human benefits derived
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66 from ecosystem functions, has also been applied to urban green spaces (Tratalos et al., 2007;
5 67 Ernstson et al., 2008; Niemelä et al., 2010; Young, 2010; Kabisch, 2015; Hansen et al., in
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7 68 press). Among the so-called regulating services, air purification (Bell et al., 2011; Tallis et al.,
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9 69 2011; Saebo et al., 2012), water and climate regulation (Bowler et al., 2010; Depietri et al.,
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11 70 2012), carbon storage (Davies et al., 2011; Strohbach et al., 2012) and stormwater regulation

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13 71 (Zhang et al., 2012) are important examples. They are also crucial for biodiversity
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72 conservation within urban areas (Goddard et al., 2010; Nielsen et al., 2014).
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17 73 There is also an increasing interest in the perception of urban nature by humans
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19 74 (Chiesura, 2004; Standish et al., 2013), relationships between biodiversity and health benefits
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21 75 (Fuller et al., 2007; Jorgensen and Gobster, 2010; Dean et al., 2011; Wolch et al., 2014) and
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23 76 generally in human-environment interactions (Kabisch et al., 2015). Cultural ecosystem
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services such as recreation, aesthetics and cultural heritage, are often prioritised in planning,
design and management of urban green spaces. Urban green spaces offer possibilities for
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28 79 restoration (Nordh et al., 2009), physical activity (Hillsdon et al., 2006; Gardsjord et al.,
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30 80 2014), and social interaction and community attachment (Seeland et al., 2009; Arnberger and
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32 81 Eder, 2012; Kaźmierczak, 2013). Because of the considerable health benefits urban green
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34 82 space provide (e.g. Tzoulas et al. 2007), access to green space has been a central issue in
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83 green space research in relation to human well-being (e.g. Barbosa et al. 2007).
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38 84 Provisioning services of urban green space have gained increasing attention over last
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85 decade, e.g., concerning urban agriculture (De Bon et al., 2009) and community gardening
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42 86 (Holland, 2004; Guitart et al., 2012). The importance of studying interrelations, especially
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44 87 synergies of ecosystem services or functions has been highlighted (Shmelev and Shmeleva,
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88 2009). Provision of vital multiple ecosystem services makes urban green space a fundamental
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47 89 part of sustainable urban development.
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50 90 As urban sprawl can threaten countryside areas, densification processes in town and cities
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52 91 can potentially threaten urban green spaces. There is evidence that urban green space is under
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54 92 pressure due to densification processes such as infill development (Pauleit et al., 2005; Rafiee
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93 et al.; 2009; Byomkesh et al., 2012). Green space planning and management can be very
57 94 challenging, especially in under densification, since important services are supposed to be
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59 95 delivered by limited green spaces. Therefore existing studies need to be reviewed that have
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 96 looked at urban green space planning in cities undergoing densification. Questions to be
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2 97 answered by this review are: 1) how do the compact city approach and densification processes
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98 affect urban green space planning?; 2) which particular challenges and problems arise from
5 99 this?; and 3) which strategies and solutions are offered for dealing with these challenges and
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7 100 problems?
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10 101
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12 102 Method

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14 103 Literature was identified by structured and semi-structured searches in selected major
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16 104 scientific databases (Scopus, Web of Knowledge and Google Scholar), with additional cross-
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18 105 referencing. Additional searches were based on the authors own knowledge of potentially

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20 106 relevant work. Structured searches were carried out in November 2012 in Scopus and Web of
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22 107 Knowledge with the keywords green space or park combined with compact city, densification
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or high-density, planning and additionally on green space change. These were complemented
and updated during 2013 and 2014, and extended with keywords such as infill development
27 110 and urban consolidation. In January and February 2015 structured, quantitative searches were
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29 111 carried out in Scopus using the key words (title, abstract, keywords) urban, green space,
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31 112 green infrastructure, park, garden combined with compact city, densification, intensification,
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33 113 consolidation or infill (Table 1). The same searches were carried out in Web of Knowledge
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114 (topic). This methodology follows a systematic review approach (Petticrew, 2001; Roy et al.,
36 115 2012; Kabisch et al., 2015). The literature considered in the quantitative analysis was
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38 116 restricted to publications in English; conference proceedings and other literature difficult to
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117 locate were excluded. Focus was on international, peer-reviewed journals. Articles not related
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42 118 or only marginally related to the topic of the review were excluded, while additional relevant
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44 119 articles found via cross references were added. The searches comprised articles published
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120 from January 2000 until 10th of February 2015. Due to the fact that snowballing and personal
47 121 knowledge of the literature were used in addition to the systematic search, the literature search
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49 122 is not entirely replicable, which is a limitation. On the other hand these additions provided
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51 123 highly valuable supplementary information.
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54 124
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56 125 Framework and key concepts
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 126 As a background, a brief account is given of the compact city concept and the debate on
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2 127 whether compact city development contributes to sustainable urban development. This section
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128 provides a brief context rather than a comprehensive review. Next, the quantitative literature
5 129 search is analysed. Evidence for green space change is summarized in general, but in
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7 130 particular regarding densification processes. Then literature on green space and densification
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9 131 is reviewed. The final section identifies research gaps and directions for future research.
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12 132

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14 133 The compact city concept and urban densification
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16 134 Urban expansion and sprawl have in the past led to degradation of inner-city areas, which
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18 135 lost population and commerce. Moreover they have resulted in destruction and or

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20 136 fragmentation of natural or semi-natural vegetation at the urban periphery and in rural areas
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22 137 (Johnson, 2001). These problems have been recognised and discussed as early as during the
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1960s (Jacobs, 1961). The term ‗compact city‘ dates back to the 1970s (Dantzig and Saaty,
1973, cited in Breheny, 1996) and has been increasingly debated since the 1990s (Newman,
27 140 1992; Jenks et al., 1996a; De Roo, 2000; Jenks and Jones, 2010a). Rapid urbanisation in e.g.,
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29 141 South-East Asia has led to a wider interest in compact city development (e.g., Jim, 2004;
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31 142 Dave, 2010) which presently can be considered a globally applied planning concept with three
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33 143 main characteristics (OECD, 2012, p. 27):

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144  dense and proximate development patterns;
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37 145  urban areas linked by public transport system; and

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39 146  accessibility of local services and jobs.
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41 147
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44 148 Dense and proximate development patterns can refer to a variety of building patterns,
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46 149 depending on the context considered. Densification in suburbs can mean enlarging existing
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150 buildings or establishing new ones on previous gardens (also called infill development,
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49 151 Brunner and Cozens, 2013). In more central city areas, densification (also named compaction
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51 152 or intensification; Williams, 2000) can be achieved either by establishing new buildings in
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53 153 areas not built-up previously (infill), in built-up areas previously having other purposes
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55 154 (industrial sites, not used for production anymore), or in areas with lower-density buildings
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57 155 which are replaced by high-rise buildings. Densification is also termed consolidation when
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156 referring to the compaction of inner city and peripheral areas (Bunker et al., 2002).
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 157 Densification can thus mean different building forms and processes, depending on the context
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2 158 (e.g., an Australian suburb or an inner-city of Hong Kong).
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4 159 Compact city development is meant to counteract the negative effects of urban expansion
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6 160 and sprawl, but its own negative effects have been identified (Williams et al., 2000; Searle,
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8 161 2004; Neuman, 2005; Jenks and Jones, 2010b; Dempsey et al. 2012; Westerink et al., 2013).
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10 162 The debate on urban sprawl and compaction is only the most recent episode in a discussion of
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12 163 urban form and development between ‗centrists‘ and ‗decentrists‘ which started more than

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14 164 200 years ago (Breheny, 1996). Boyko and Cooper (2011) have explored the complexity of
15 165 the density concept in city planning, its definitions and a large range of density measures.

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17 166 They highlight the importance of understanding density not only as a quantitative measure,
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19 167 but as also including other dimension as qualities of the environment and perceptions and
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21 168 needs of for example residents. Challenges of density concepts were emphasised by Bamford
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23 169 (2009) who showed both Copenhagen and Stockholm as past examples of compact city
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development and garden city tradition. Westerink et al. (2013) provided an overview of both
advantages and disadvantages of urban sprawl and compact city development related to
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28 172 environmental, social, economic and resilience factors. Critics of the compact city concept
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30 173 question certain assumptions made on traffic reduction or energy use reduction (e.g. Gray et
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32 174 al., 2010; Melia et al., 2011), how the concept is implemented (Hofstad, 2012), or even
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34 175 whether there is any relationship between sustainability and urban form (Neuman, 2005;
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176 Jenks and Jones, 2010b). Despite the ongoing research debate on advantages and
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37 177 disadvantages of the compact city concept, it has had considerable impact in planning practice
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39 178 (Burton, 2000; McCrea and Walters, 2012; OECD, 2012; Brunner and Cozens, 2013).
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42 179
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45 180 Analysis of the quantitative literature search

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47 181 Literature searches generated 102 publications (see Appendix). Of these, 69 were selected
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49 182 from 233 titles in Scopus. Through the search in Web of Knowledge three additional
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51 183 publications were identified that did not appear in the Scopus search. Also, 30 publications
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53 184 were added by snowballing from citations in published papers; many being publications
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55 185 dealing with green space change.
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57 186 Studies are dominated by authors based in China, Europe and Australia (Fig. 1). The
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59 187 country of affiliation is in most cases also the host country of the study with few exceptions,
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 188 especially work that had an international approach in the choice of case study location. By far
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2 189 the most Asian publications derive from China (63% of Asian publications); in Europe one
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190 third were performed in the U.K. Numbers of publications per year increased until 2013; two
5 191 thirds of all studies were published between 2011 and 2014.
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8 192 Fifteen different topics were distinguished (Table 2). Major themes of publication were
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10 193 green issues related to green space planning under densification (22%) and green space
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12 194 change (19%). Social factors in relation to densification (resident perception, social

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14 195 equity/social sustainability, recreation, compensation hypothesis) comprised one fourth of the
15 196 publications (25%). Biodiversity and landscape ecology issues were studied in about 10% of

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17 197 the publications. A case study approach at local, city part or city-wide scale was dominant
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19 198 (86% of all studies); 8% of the studies were on national scale (based on case studies
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21 199 distributed over the respective country) and 2% at continent scale. One study used a
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23 200 theoretical model, 13% used more general conceptual approaches (e.g., on sustainability,
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201 urban form, planning strategies, policies).
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27 202 Publications were published in 52 different journals, which underlines the wide spread of
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29 203 publishing within the topic. Landscape and Urban Planning (17% of all publications), Urban
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31 204 Forestry & Urban Greening (9%) and Urban Ecosystems (5%) were the leading journals.
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34 205
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36 206 Urban green space change
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39 207 There is growing evidence for loss of urban green space due to densification processes
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41 208 worldwide, especially for Asian and Australian cities and to a lesser degree in Europe and
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43 209 North America. Several authors have expressed a need for more knowledge on changes in the
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210 quantity of urban green space (e.g. Hall, 2010; Brunner and Cozens, 2013; Kabisch and
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46 211 Haase, 2013). Existing studies revealed different trends:
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49 212  rapid loss and fragmentation of urban green space in Asian developing countries, e.g.,
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51 213 in Hanoi (Vietnam), Mashad (Iran), Karachi (Pakistan), Dhaka (Bangladesh);
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53 214  decrease of urban green space particular due to infill development also in suburban
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55 215 areas (Australia, Europe);
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57 216  increase of urban green space related to increase of urban area, but loss of
58 217 undeveloped open areas at the city edge as for example in rapidly growing Chinese
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60 218 cities or Europe;
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 219  increase of urban green space due to strategic plans to enhance urban green space as
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2 220 reported form Singapore and China;
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4 221  different trends in different decades as reported for the U.K. (first increase then loss);
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6 222  different trends within the same city, but in different areas depending on population
7 223 density, building time of residential area or social-economic status of inhabitants
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9 224 (examples from the USA or Australia).
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12 225 In these studies green space was defined differently; some work included private gardens

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14 226 while others did not. Scale also varies, from continents and national level to city and part of a
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16 227 suburb level (which influences the level of detail). Thus not all studies gave information of
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228 where (centre, periphery) in the cities green space was lost and what kind of green space (e.g.,
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19 229 private, public).
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22 230 Immense exploitation pressure on green space exists in rapidly expanding cities,
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especially in industrialising countries. Rapid loss of urban green spaces has been reported in
Asian case studies, providing evidence of changes in green space pattern over time (e.g.,
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233 fragmentation; Hanoi, Vietnam: Uy and Nakagoshi, 2007; Mashad, Iran: Rafiee et al., 2009;
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29 234 Karachi, Pakistan: Qureshi et al., 2010) and dramatic decline also in inner city areas, due to
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31 235 building development (Hong Kong, China: Jim, 2005; Mashad, Iran: Rafiee et al., 2009;
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33 236 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Nor Akmar et al., 2011; Dhaka, Bangladesh: Byomkesh et al.,
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35 237 2012). Losses can be explained by removal of green space such as parks and street trees to
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238 make way for housing, industrial areas and grey infrastructure without other greening
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38 239 measures.
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41 240 In developed countries loss of urban green space is in particular documented for the U.K.
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43 241 and Australia. Pauleit et al. (2005) showed that infill development has led to a decrease in
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45 242 both private and public green space by 5% in an English town area. Gardens and tree cover
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47 243 were lost, while other open space in already more densely-built areas was lost due to
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244 redevelopment. Additionally, sealed area increased by paving front gardens. At the national
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50 245 level, one study found an overall increase in green space in 13 English between 1991 and
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52 246 2001, while after 2001 green space declined (Dallimer et al., 2011). Green space decline was
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54 247 in this study related to densification policies. Infill development on gardens has also been
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56 248 shown to take place at significant levels in certain parts of the U.K. (Sayce et al., 2012).
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58 249 Potential loss of important urban green space sites classified as brown fields has also been
59 250 mentioned (Lewis, 2012).
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 251 Loss of private open space in older residential areas was observed in Australian suburbs
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2 252 (Hall, 2010; Sivam et al., 2012; Brunner and Cozens, 2013), which is problematic since these
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253 areas have comparatively little public green space. Hall (2010) points out that small backyards
5 254 of new developed areas might not only be negative from an individual perspective, but also
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7 255 result in a loss of several ecosystem services provided by private gardens (air quality,
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9 256 temperature regulation, biodiversity). Infill development often causes clearance of all
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11 257 vegetation on exploited sites (Brunner and Cozens, 2013). This development seems rooted in

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13 258 a lack of interest or economic incentive for developers to preserve green space and a lack of
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259 regulations to prevent its removal (Brunner and Cozens, 2013).
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17 260 Kabisch and Haase (2013) studied changes in urban green space in 202 European cities
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19 261 between the years 1990 and 2006. The authors found an overall increase of urban green areas
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21 262 in Western European cities between 2000 and 2006, but a decline in Eastern Europe.
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23 263 Interestingly, they also discovered that residential areas increase independently of population
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increase or decrease. This is probably due to the numbers of households increasing even when
the population declines (Kabisch and Haase, 2013). Urban green space area was found to be
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28 266 positively related to city size, but no relationship was found between population density and
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30 267 per capita urban green spaces. However, Fuller and Gaston (2009) - analysing the same
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32 268 database as Kabisch and Haase (2013) - found that compact cities have low per capita green
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34 269 space.
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36 270 Increase of urban green space can be related to increase of city area, but also to greening
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38 271 measures (Zhou and Wang, 2011; Tan et al., 2013). In China several studies have documented
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272 landscape changes around urban areas (Xu et al., 2011) as well as green space dynamics
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42 273 within cities (Kong and Nakagoshi, 2006; Zhou and Wang, 2011; Zhao et al., 2013). Due to
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44 274 rapid urbanisation, open space in city surroundings, especially agricultural areas, decreases
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275 (Xu et al., 2011), while built-up areas and also urban green space increase (Zhou and Wang,
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47 276 2011; Zhao et al., 2013). Zhao et al. (2013) analysed data from 286 Chinese cities and found
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49 277 that cities which historically had a high percentage of green space also kept this during recent
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51 278 development. Cities of the same geographical region showed similar trends in green space
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53 279 change and per capita GDP (gross domestic product) was the most important factor explaining
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55 280 green space cover (positive correlation).
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57 281 While studies on quantitative change of green spaces have increased, little work has been
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59 282 done on the quality changes of urban green space (Kabisch and Haase, 2013). One exception
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 283 is the work by Wilson and Huges (2011) who analysed effects of urban green space policies
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2 284 by the New Labour government in England between 1997 and 2010. Green space quality was
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285 perceived to decline due to lack of management until the middle of the 1990s. A series of
5 286 policies tried to reverse this process, attempting to raise awareness and involve a larger
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7 287 number of stakeholders in improving urban green space quality. Green space quality was not
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9 288 defined in important policy documents.
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11

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12 289 Gupta et al. (2012) have highlighted the importance of analysing the quality of urban

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14 290 green space in addition to quantitative aspects, suggesting an ―Urban Neighbourhood Green
15 291 Index‖ comprising both quantitative and qualitative measures, yielding information on a more

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17 292 relevant spatial level and including attention for proximity to green space). Thus, distinct
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19 293 differences in green space quality and quantity were shown for different neighbourhoods with
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21 294 varying densities in Delhi, India (Gupta et al., 2012). Neighbourhoods are the most suitable
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23 295 spatial unit to analyse green space as this unit matters most to residents‘ living quality.
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(Neighbourhood is defined as an urban unit which is homogenous in terms of housing and
development (e.g. low-rise, high-rise, high density, low density).
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28
29 298
30
31
32 299 Challenges in current planning and implementation practice in the context of
ed

33
34 300 densification
35
36 301 The literature on green space planning in urban areas undergoing densification identifies
pt

37
38 302 a number of challenges:
39
ce

40
41 303  green space provision in areas undergoing densification
42
43 304  counteracting social inequalities
44

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45 305 consideration of resident perspectives

46
47 306  avoidance of deteriorating recreation experience and compensation travels
48
49
307  prevention of biodiversity loss
50 308  institutional constraints related to e.g., planning and regulations
51
52 309
53
54
55 310 Green space provision
56
57
58 311 An overall problem in already dense city environments is the development of new green
59
60
312 space (Jim, 2004). How lack of space in already compact cities can challenge green space
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62 10
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 313 planning is well illustrated by for example Ng et al. (2012) in Hong Kong who describe
1
2 314 narrow footpaths, high pedestrian flow, traffic constraints and the lack of sunlight (shade)
3
4
315 caused by high buildings as difficulties in the path of green space enhancement in streets.
5 316 Tian et al. (2012) concur, also emphasising problems below ground, such as poor and heavily
6
7 317 compacted soils, as well as cables and pipes. These factors are also constraints for cities in
8
9 318 general, but for compact cities in particular.
10
11

t
12 319 Provision of new green space seems to be a genuine problem also in less dense urban

ip
13
14 320 environments. For example, Sivam et al. (2012), studying infill development in suburbs in
15 321 Adelaide (Australia), found a considerable loss of private green space, while no new public

cr
16
17 322 green space was provided. The authors argue that infill development without planning for
18

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19 323 more public green space can decrease living standards in an entire neighbourhood. Smith et
20
21 324 al. (2009) note the almost total absence of tree plantings in green space and monotonous,
22
23 325 poorly diversified other plantings on redeveloped sites in England, and ask for better quality
24
25
26
326
327
an
in the green space provided. Reasons for poor quality greening were low maintenance efforts,
fear of or experienced vandalism by tenants or providing what was expected by tenants. Also
27
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28 328 in a European context new high–rise schemes have been described as having little or no green
29
30 329 space, and then of low quality (Beer et al., 2003).
31
32
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33 330 Byrne et al. (2010) are amongst the few who discuss the challenges of green space
34
35
331 planning in cities under densification in depth, highlighting integration of existing green space
36 332 in the new built environment, provision of green space to different user groups and guaranteed
pt

37
38 333 access to green space of high quality. The authors also stress the importance of using open
39
334 space standards, arguing that applying quantitative criteria without quality criteria has been
ce

40
41
42 335 shown to lead to green space of poor quality that is not used. Nevertheless, even quantitative
43
44 336 open space standards are often not reached. For the Brisbane case study it was observed that
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337 even the low standard of 1 ha public green space per 1,000 residents had not been achieved
46
47 338 for certain consolidation areas (Byrne et al., 2010).
48
49
50 339 Since private green space is lost in certain forms of densification processes (e.g., infill),
51
52 340 questions arise about the different functions of private and public green space and if and how
53
54 341 the loss of private green space can be compensated. Loss of private green space might be a
55
56
342 problem at both individual level and neighbourhood level, if certain ecosystem services as for
57 343 example water retention or temperature regulation are not provided anymore (Hall, 2010).
58
59 344 According to Coolen and Meesters (2012) private and public green space have different
60
61
62 11
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64 Page 12 of 45
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 345 functions and meanings and thus public green space cannot substitute private green space in
1
2 346 general. The authors see a discrepancy between government policies for compact living and
3
4
347 consumers‘ preference for dwellings providing green space in the Netherlands. A need to
5 348 acknowledge the difference would be necessary to address challenges in green space planning
6
7 349 under densification processes.
8
9 350
10
11 351 Social equity

t
12

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13
14 352 The uneven distribution of urban green space over cities has been acknowledged and
15 353 urban areas with low green space cover have been related to residents with lower socio-

cr
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17 354 economic status (e.g. Milwaukee, USA: Heynen et al., 2006; five cities in the U.K.: Dempsey
18

us
19 355 et al. 2012; Delhi, India: Gupta et al., 2012; Johannesburg, South Africa: Schäffler and
20
21 356 Swilling, 2013; Berlin, Germany: Kabisch and Hase, 2014; Santiago, Chile: Aquino and
22
23 357 Gainza, 2014). This is seen as a general challenge for future green space planning, as a more
24
25
26
358
359
an
even distribution and thus more equal accessibility of urban green space is desirable (e.g. Dai,
2011; Cohen et al., 2012; Dempsey et al. , 2012; Roemero et al., 2012; Tian et al., 2012,
27
M
28 360 Schäffler and Swilling, 2013; Senanayake et al., 2013).
29
30
31 361 Distribution of green space can often be related to geographical position, where the most
32
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33 362 central parts have less green space than areas nearer the periphery (Tian et al., 2012; Aquino
34
35
363 and Gainza, 2014). These differences in geographical location often overlap with socio-
36 364 economic status; in Berlin, certain inner-city parts with low percentage of green space are
pt

37
38 365 inhabited predominantly by immigrants (Kabisch and Haase, 2014). Also time of
39
366 development influences green space distribution. The oldest parts of Singapore have the least
ce

40
41
42 367 green space even when redeveloped (Tan et al., 2013) and also here an observed link between
43
44 368 the social status of inhabitants and the amount of green space in city quarters.
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45
46 369 One challenge to balancing these inequalities by greening disadvantaged areas is the risk
47
48 370 that increasing green space area in neighbourhoods can lead to higher housing prices and thus
49
50 371 a shift to residents with higher income (Wolch et al., 2014). Dale and Newman (2009)
51
52 372 confirm this in their study from Toronto, Vancouver and Victoria (Canada), where
53
54 373 densification projects on brown field sites with green neighbourhoods led to less affordable
55
56
374 housing for lower income groups.
57
58 375 The complex social challenges faced regarding urban green space preservation in rapidly
59
60 376 growing towns like Mumbai in India have been analysed in the context of social equality in
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62 12
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64 Page 13 of 45
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 377 the case of the Sanjay Gandhi National Park by Zérah (2007). While the forest in the national
1
2 378 park is continuously threatened by development and policy decisions on the one hand,
3
4
379 residents in slum settlements are moved from the park to the city periphery without any
5 380 possibility of compensation or better future living standards.
6
7 381
8
9 382 Resident perspectives
10
11

t
12 383 Only recently closer attention has been paid to the way in which residents perceive living

ip
13
14 384 in compact city environments also in regard to green space access (e.g. Howley, 2009;
15 385 Howley et al., 2009; Kyttä et al., 2011; Buys and Miller, 2012; Dempsey et al. 2012). The

cr
16
17 386 quality of children‘s lives in dense city environments has been related to provision of outdoor
18

us
19 387 space in general (Easthope and Tice, 2011, Sydney, Australia; Carroll et al. 2011, Auckland,
20
21 388 New Zealand). There is evidence of lack of outdoor space provision especially for children in
22
23 389 new developed dense urban areas, traditionally associated with young or elderly people living
24
25
26
390
391
an
in apartments in these areas (Easthope and Tice, 2011). However, the number of families with
children from lower income classes is increasing in apartments with needs regarding outdoor
27
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28 392 space, needs which have been little considered in certain consolidation projects (Easthope and
29
30 393 Tice, 2011). The authors emphasise the importance of acknowledging the needs of this
31
32 394 resident group in all planning stages. The perceived lack of green space provision has also
ed

33
34 395 been reported by McCrea and Walters (2012), who interviewed 70 residents in Brisbane
35
396 (Australia) about their experiences of urban consolidation in two areas. The two study areas
36
pt

37 397 were representing an inner and an outer suburb, which had experienced densification. One
38
39 398 interviewee pointed out that the consolidation project did not have any plans for more public
ce

40
41 399 green space or other services, which would be needed.
42
43
44 400 Lo and Jim (2010a) found different attitudes to green space provision in different
Ac

45
401 residential communities in Hong Kong. Urban green in old core area quarters has an
46
47 402 important function for socialising and are highly appreciated by residents. In new developed
48
49 403 areas at the periphery, green space cover is much larger, but less used and valued. The authors
50
51 404 explain these differences amongst others by the difference in age structure of residents in the
52
53 405 different residential areas (young people living in the new developed areas using green space
54
55 406 less), weak social cohesion and low integration of immigrants. Highly valued aspects were
56
407 microclimate and amenity (Lo and Jim, 2012). Residents expressed wishes regarding more
57
58 408 greenery, tree plantings, but also sport facilities.
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60
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64 Page 14 of 45
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 409 The importance of green space for residents has been also investigated in economic terms
1
2 410 in form of residential prices for dwellings near green space. Higher housing prices for flats
3
4
411 with views of water bodies or green space and which are situated in the vicinity of accessible
5 412 green space have been documented from e.g., China (Jim and Chen, 2006a, 2007, 2010) and
6
7 413 for property values in Adelaide, Australia (Mahmoudi et al., 2012).
8
9 414
10
11 415 Recreation

t
12

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14 416 Three different aspects were emphasised in studies on recreation in compact city green
15 417 space: provision of high quality green space (Jim and Chen, 2006b; Lo and Jim, 2010b),

cr
16
17 418 importance of small pocket parks (Peschardt et al., 2012) and the problem of crowding
18

us
19 419 (Arnberger and Eder, 2012). Jim and Chen (2006b) found that there is a high willingness to
20
21 420 pay for use of high quality green space in compact Guangzhou, China. Here entrance fees to
22
23 421 certain parks already have to be paid, but willingness to pay is strongly correlated to a
24
25
26
422
423
an
person‘s income. Residents would also be willing to pay to recover losses of urban green
space (Hong Kong, Lo and Jim, 2010b). However, to pay for access to urban green space
27
M
28 424 might not be seen as acceptable in those parts of the world where access is expected to be
29
30 425 free.
31
32 426 But not only high quality large green spaces are important in compact cities, also small
ed

33
34 427 pocket parks have important functions according to Peschardt et al. (2012), who studied the
35
428 use of these parks in Copenhagen. The parks were an important asset in everyday life for the
36
pt

37 429 users, who mostly come for resting or socializing and primarily visited when passing by.
38
39 430 Where the city environment is densified, people can also be expected to use attractive green
ce

40
41 431 spaces, thus increasing higher pressure on these recreation areas. Arnberger and Eder (2012)
42
43 432 investigated the Wienerberg area in southern Vienna, Austria, and found that visitors
44
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45 433 perceived crowding of urban green space due to housing densification in the surrounding
46
434 areas as a problem.
47
48 435
49
50 436 Compensation hypothesis
51
52
53 437 The risk of increased numbers of leisure travels according to the compensation
54
55 438 hypothesis has also been discussed (Byrne et al., 2010). This hypothesis implicates that
56
439 residents living in dense built environments to a larger extend travel to visit green space
57
58 440 further from home (Maat and de Vries, 2006). This has also been studied in the context of
59
60 441 second home establishment. Different results have been obtained, for example, for Spain
61
62 14
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64 Page 15 of 45
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 442 where Módenes and López-Colás (2006) found a greater tendency towards second home
1
2 443 establishment in Spain among people living in denser urban environments, while Muñiz et al.
3
4
444 (2013) could not prove any such relationship for Barcelona. In Finland, second homes were
5 445 used the more the denser the city environment of the primary home was (Strandell and Hall,
6
7 446 2015). In Oslo the access to private gardens reduced the number of leisure trips (Holden and
8
9 447 Norland, 2003). The possibility for compensation travelling is certainly influenced by
10
11 448 economic means and regarding second homes also by tradition; with for example Scandinavia

t
12

ip
13 449 having a strong second home tradition. Thus there is evidence that living in compact urban
14
450 environment can favour compensation travelling depending on factors as traditions and
15

cr
16 451 economic means.
17
18 452

us
19
20 453 Biodiversity
21
22
23 454 Studies investigating the effect of densification on biodiversity found everything from
24
25
26
455
456
an
negative to positive impacts of densification. Increasing residential numbers reduced the
number of bird species in pocket parks in a compact city environment in Canberra, Australia
27
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28 457 (Ikin et al., 2013). The amount of green space in the neighbourhood influenced bird species
29
30 458 numbers and abundances positively, while green space configuration was less important (Ikin
31
32 459 et al., 2013). Higher housing density and reduced garden complexity was found to influence
ed

33
34 460 density of native bird species in gardens negatively (van Heezig and Adams, in press).
35
461 Additionally, left over spaces caused considerable spill-over into gardens, which could not
36
pt

37 462 have taken place when these green spaces were removed due to densification.
38
39
463 In Rennes, France, Varet et al. (2014) could not relate species composition of carabid
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40
41
42 464 beetles and spiders to urban form (compact – conventional/not compact). However, newly
43
44 465 developed housing areas had a higher percentage of public green space (private green space
Ac

45
466 was not mentioned) and the difference in landscape factors between compact and
46
47 467 conventional urban form was not as distinct as one could have expected. The effect of
48
49 468 densification on biodiversity thus depends on the species group and type and quality of green
50
51 469 space studied, at which scale the study is carried out and how much green space is in the
52
53 470 surroundings.
54
55
56
471 The importance of scale in studies on biodiversity in the context of urban densification is
57 472 underlined by Sushinsky et al. (2013) who applied bird surveys in Brisbane, Australia, to two
58
59 473 different urban development scenarios, compact and sprawl development. Compact
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61
62 15
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 474 development was pronounced better for conservation of species compared with sprawl
1
2 475 development. In both scenarios development took place within the city boundaries, in the
3
4
476 compact development through division of single-dwelling properties, in the sprawl
5 477 development on developable urban green space (not parks, gardens, nature reserves). The
6
7 478 authors point out the importance of city wide/regional analysis of urban development forms
8
9 479 on biodiversity since local effects (often negative effects of compaction) are different from
10
11 480 effects at city level (often positive effect of compact building due to land preservation at the

t
12

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13 481 fringe). The negative effects of densification at local level are often due to habitat loss (loss of
14
482 green space including private gardens), and dense building forms have been found to be
15

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16 483 related to negative biodiversity potential (Tratalos et al. 2007). The urgent need for studies of
17
18 484 biodiversity in relation to urban growth at the city scale is shared by other authors (e.g., Lin

us
19
20 485 and Fuller, 2013).
21
22 486
23
24
25
26
487

488
Institutional constraints an
Institutional constraints impeding the development of urban green space are widely
27
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28 489 acknowledged and often mentioned as one major challenge to green space planning. Crucial is
29
30 490 the fact that green space provision is non-statutory in many countries. The lack of
31
32 491 comprehensive green space planning that takes a strategic, longer-term perspective on urban
ed

33
34 492 green spaces and their developments, is seen as a major problem (Byomkesh et al., 2012, Tian
35
493 et al., 2012).Not implementing existing green space plans is another (Nor Akmar et al., 2011,
36
pt

37 494 Byomkesh et al., 2012). Additionally problematic is illegal building on green space, which is
38
39 495 not always prevented (Byomkesh et al., 2012). Schäffler and Swilling (2013) mention the lack
ce

40
41 496 of available data and knowledge on existing green space (e.g., how much green space of
42
43 497 different types exists; in what state is it?; how is it used?) because it makes well-informed
44
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45 498 decision making and prioritisation of goals and resources difficult. This can result from a lack
46
499 of interest (Tian et al., 2012) or of policy, or be due to low political motivation in addition to
47
48 500 limited resources (Byomkesh et al., 2012). The way in which green space planning is
49
50 501 organised within the administration also influences its outcome, as illustrated by Baycan-
51
52 502 Levent and Nijkamp (2009) who showed that European cities where green space
53
54 503 responsibilities were divided between different units had less successful green space planning
55
56 504 than cities with only one unit responsible. The lack of participation of stakeholders and the
57 505 public is another challenge to successful green space planning (Nor Akmar et al., 2011). For
58
59
60
61
62 16
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64 Page 17 of 45
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 506 example, lack of green space planning in Hong Kong partly resulted in lack of public
1
2 507 awareness of the important values of urban green space (Tian et al., 2012).
3
4 508
5
6
7 509 Strategies for green space provision in compact city environments
8
9
10 510 Saving and providing green space of high quality
11

t
12

ip
13
511 Suggestions how to facilitate green space provision in compact city environments include:
14
15 512  Preserving green space;

cr
16
17 513  enhancing quality of existing green space;
18


us
19 514 providing green space on redeveloped sites;
20
21 515  greening difficult sites lacking green space (narrow streets);
22
23 516  smart allocation to increase visibility and visual quality.
24
25
26 517
an
Saving existing urban green space is often suggested as the first option for effective green
27
518 space planning, especially in already compact cities (e.g. Jim, 2013). This is particularly true
M
28
29
519 regarding remnant semi-natural vegetation, which is often more species-rich and varied than
30
31 520 planted vegetation (Jim, 2013). Examples show that careful planning of development sites
32
ed

33 521 (here forest) for compact building can keep 91% of the original carbon sequestration and 82%
34
35 522 of the carbon storage (Vaughn et al., 2014). Enhancing the quality of existing green space,
36
pt

37 523 both from a recreational and a biodiversity perspective, is seen as another important aspect
38
39 524 (Bolleter and Ramalho, 2014). Enhancing quality is particular important when no further
ce

40
525 public green space can be provided (Byrne and Sipe, 2010).
41
42
43 526 Jim (2013) recommends the application of ecological principles when choosing vegetation
44
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45 527 type; for example a more natural species composition and efforts to augment biodiversity.
46
47 528 Areas with low biodiversity and a simple design could be converted into more natural areas
48
49 529 (Jim, 2004). Generally Jim (2013) calls for more innovative greening ideas, realised through
50
530 an interdisciplinary approach. These innovative greenings comprise especially sites that have
51
52 531 been sub-optimal exploited as green roofs, green walls, street sites, river renaturation and sites
53
54 532 needing amelioration for plantings (Jim, 2013). Green space should be provided on
55
56 533 redeveloped sites, for example by green space plans for developments sites elaborated before
57
58 534 the building plan (Jim, 2004). It also should be better handled during the construction phase,
59
60 535 trees could be saved and if no other option is possible should be transplanted (Jim, 2013).
61
62 17
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64 Page 18 of 45
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 536 After redevelopment, green space in private residential areas often needs improvement in
1
2 537 order to better fulfil various functions, aesthetics among them (Smith et al., 2009).
3
4 538 Sites without green space, such as narrow streets, can be greened if the necessary effort is
5
6 539 taken (Ng et al., 2012). Visibility and visual quality of green space can be increased by smart
7
8 540 allocation (Tan et al., 2013). Based on experiences from Singapore, the authors report that it is
9
10 541 not only the quantity of green space that influences the perception of a green city, but also
11

t
12 542 how green space is distributed and placed within the city. Thus Singapore is perceived as a

ip
13
14 543 green city even with little space for greenery (Tan et al., 2013). Smith et al. (2009) show
15 544 several interesting European examples on how greenery can be qualitatively enhanced even

cr
16
17 545 on a small scale. This can be reached for example by housing integrating systems for surface
18

us
19 546 water retaining, which varies the design of yards in inner city housing blocks (for example
20
21 547 Copenhagen). Also the use of various shrub species planted at door steps improves the
22
23 548 greenery of city streets even when using very little space and causing low maintenance costs
24
25
26
549
550
an
(example from Berlin). Although many suggested solutions for sufficient green space
provision seem obvious, realising these seems less clear.
27
M
28
29 551
30
31
32 552 Using standards
ed

33
34
553 The application of green space standards has been discussed as one strategy to ensure
35
36 554 sufficient green space in cities. However standards seem to be controversial and difficult to
pt

37
38 555 apply (Byrne et al., 2010). Critics argue that it would be more important to focus on green
39
556 space quality and accessibility than on quantity standards (e.g., Ståhle, 2008). To provide high
ce

40
41
42 557 accessibility of public urban green space is already a principal goal in urban green space
43
44 558 planning and also in compact cities (Ståhle, 2008; Jim, 2013; Tan et al., 2013), but as
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45
559 demonstrated, is far from being reached. A key question is whether the application of urban
46
47 560 green space standards that comprise quantitative, qualitative and access aspects could improve
48
49 561 high quality green space provision. Recommendations for standards for natural green space
50
51 562 access and size exist already in for example the U.K. (Accessible Natural Greenspace
52
53 563 Standards; Natural England, 2010) and could be used as a model. Gupta‘s et al. (2012)
54
55 564 neighbourhood index is an another example. Pure quantitative standards without consideration
56 565 of access and quality are not meaningful especially when applied at city scale, where green
57
58 566 space provision per inhabitant might be high overall masking local scale scarcity.
59
60
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 567
1
2 568 Landscape ecological approach
3
4 569 Several authors advocate applying landscape ecological principals when planning for, or
5
6 570 establishing, green space in compact cities (Jim and Chen, 2003; Li et al., 2005; Oh et al.,
7
8 571 2011; Tian et al., 2011; Jim, 2013; Tian et al., 2012; Tian et al., 2014). Applying landscape
9
10 572 ecological principals can mean optimising green space geometry for example by increasing
11

t
12 573 connectivity (Jim, 2013) or network planning (Oh et al., 2011). The latter includes working

ip
13
14 574 with core areas, buffer zones and connecting corridors – such as greenways – between green
15 575 areas (Oh et al., 2011). The application of landscape ecological principals considers content

cr
16
17 576 (patch structure and function), context (patch location in relation to surrounding), connectivity
18

us
19 577 and dynamics of, for example, heterogeneity (Oh et al., 2011 citing Zipper et al., 2000). One
20
21 578 example is the preservation or planning of ‗green fingers‘, which provide high connectivity of
22
23 579 urban green space from city centre to the periphery (Jim, 2004; Caspersen et al., 2006,
24
25
26
580
581
an
Caspersen and Olafsson, 2010). Also older concepts as green belt strategies are discussed
again in the context of city densification (Kühn, 2003; Hill et al., 2009, Shi et al., 2012). The
27
M
28 582 green finger concept comprises several advantages (accessibility, connectivity and linking
29
30 583 central urban areas with peripheral/rural landscapes) , which should make it attractive
31
32 584 especially to green space planning in compact city environment as it gives access to large
ed

33
34 585 connected green areas from the centre to the periphery.
35
36 586
pt

37
38
39 587 Improving green space planning processes
ce

40
41
42 588 Several authors underline the crucial importance of effective green space planning,
43
44 589 especially in already compact cities, due to the many constraints and particularly the scarcity
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45
590 of space (e.g., Nor Akmar et al., 2011; Schäffler and Swilling, 2013; Tan et al., 2013), and the
46
47 591 need for strategic and holistic plans that comprise the entire region (Jim, 2013). Legal
48
49 592 frameworks to designate urban green space planning are essential for reaching this goal.
50
51 593 Successes with strategic green space plans have, for example, been described by Tan et al.
52
53 594 (2013) for Singapore and by Zhou and Wang (2011) for Kunming, China. Both cases
54
55 595 illustrate how greening strategies have resulted in significant increases in green space in large
56 596 and at least partly very compact cities. Another example of greening plans implemented and
57
58 597 of further development recommended for them is given by Ng et al. (2012) for Hong Kong.
59
60 598 As a basis for successful green space planning, a good data base of existing green space
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62 19
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64 Page 20 of 45
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 599 including gap sites etc. is seen as essential (Jim, 2004; Schäffler and Swilling, 2013).
1
2 600 Important would also be to acknowledge the significant role of informal green space residents
3
4
601 in green space planning (Rupprecht and Byrne, 2014).
5
6 602 How to counteract the loss of trees and other valuable vegetation in private gardens due
7
8 603 to infill development is an unanswered question. Pauleit et al. (2005) call for more efficient
9
10 604 green space policies that address the changes due to infill development in private gardens
11

t
12 605 concerning individual, small-scale developments. Brunner and Cozens (2013) see the answer

ip
13
14 606 rather in informing about benefits than implementing restrictions.
15

cr
16 607 The growing influence of the ecosystem service approach, also concerning urban
17
18 608 planning issues, potentially facilitates better urban green space planning (Niemelä et al.,

us
19
20 609 2010). It offers the consideration of multiple functions and their relation to human health and
21
22 610 wellbeing, increasingly also translated into monetary valuation. In particular there is potential
23
24
25
26
611
612
an
for better communication green space benefits in a planning context (Kabisch, 2015). The
ecosystem service approach will likely have increased impact on the urban planning literature,
27 613 but studies focusing particularly on compact cities have so far been limited (e.g. Schäffler and
M
28
29 614 Swilling, 2013; Byrne et al., 2015: Kabisch, 2015; Hansen et al., in press).
30
31
32 615
ed

33
34
616 Public participation
35
36
pt

37 617 Stakeholder involvement and encouraging public participation are seen as crucial to the
38
39 618 planning of green space according to user and resident needs (e.g., Tian et al., 2012; Hordijk,
ce

40
41 619 2013; Jim, 2013). A needs-based approach – as distinct from green space provision according
42
43 620 to quantitative standards – is elaborated in Byrne and Sipe (2010) and involves extensive
44
Ac

621 work on questioning residents on their preferences. Existing green space would be changed to
45
46 622 adapt to the needs identified by residents, such as areas for youth, playgrounds, barbeque
47
48 623 areas etc. Such need-based approaches would have to be repeated when necessary. The
49
50 624 importance of including residents in the process of densifying their neighbourhood is
51
52 625 underlined by Smith and Billig (2012) who found that residents also became more supportive
53
54 626 of compaction of their neighbourhood when informed about regional sustainability goals.
55
627 Ruming (2014) came to similar conclusions studying attitudes to urban densification beyond
56
57 628 the own neighbourhood at city scale in Sydney, Australia. The analysis of an online survey
58
59 629 with 721 respondents showed lack of knowledge about densification strategies. With half of
60
61
62 20
63
64 Page 21 of 45
65
 630 the respondents being reluctant to further densification, Ruming (2014) sees important needs
1
2 631 for resident information on policies and strategies and citizen involvement beyond ad hoc
3
4
632 information at a concrete planning level.
5
6 633
7
8
9 634 Greening strategies for buildings and private properties
10
11

t
12 635 When space is scarce to provide greens space on the ground other greening strategies as

ip
13
636 green roofs and vertical green infrastructure such as green façades are put forward as an
14
15 637 option for greening compact city environments (Tian and Jim, 2012; Jim, 2013; Tan et al.,

cr
16
17 638 2013). Also spontaneous vegetation can contribute to greening buildings (Jim and Chen,
18

us
19 639 2011). Green roofs and facades can fulfil different functions as cooling (Ng et al., 2012),
20
21 640 amenity (Tan et al., 2013), food production (Bayley et al., 2011) and biodiversity
22
23 641 conservation (Ishimatsu and Ito, 2013). Tan et al. (2013) point out that so-called sky gardens
24
25
26
642
643
an
can be very important assets for residents by improving living quality and contribute to a
city‘s greenery. However, these do not fulfil the functions of public open green space at
27
M
28 644 ground level, e.g. in terms of public access and cooling effects at ground level (Ng et al.,
29
30 645 2012). Thus sky gardens can fulfil important functions for certain user groups or can provide
31
32 646 important ecosystem services, but not necessarily the same as ground level urban green space
ed

33
34 647 and not necessarily for the same user-groups. According to Tian and Jim (2011, 2012) there is
35 648 major potential for the development of a much larger amount sky gardens in a compact city as
36
pt

37 649 Hong Kong. Tsang and Jim (2011) suggest various tax-exemption schemes to enhance this.
38
39 650 Besides economic incentives, aesthetics and level of environmental knowledge influence the
ce

40
41 651 willingness to implement greening measures (for storm water control) on private properties in
42
43 652 Syracuse, New York, USA (Baptiste et al., 2015).
44
Ac

45
653
46
47
48 654 Discussion and conclusion
49
50
51 655 Despite different contexts in different regions regarding urban density, population growth,
52
53 656 societal conditions and preconditions for urban green space planning, several recurring
54
55
657 challenges and problems resulting from the impact of the compact city approach and
56 658 densification processes are evident, including:
57
58
59 659  Loss of public and private urban green space due to densification measures;
60
61
62 21
63
64 Page 22 of 45
65
 660  risk for insufficient green space provision in areas under densification;
1
2 661  risk for quality loss of existing green space and for provision of green space with low
3
4 662 quality;
5
6 663  risk for low priority of green space planning in the context of exploitation;
7
8
664  risk for cementing social inequalities even when greening measure are performed; and
9 665  uncertainty on how to keep or improve green space quality on private properties.
10
11

t
12 666 These can lead to lower living quality in consolidation areas, worsened recreation

ip
13
14 667 possibilities, loss of biodiversity, lack of provision of ecosystem services and lack of coherent
15

cr
16 668 green space.
17
18
669 While the importance of urban green space for human health and wellbeing and

us
19
20
670 biodiversity is uncontroversial, it is a major challenge to provide sufficient and well-
21
22 671 functioning green space in areas under densification and to counteract the above described
23
24
25
26
672
673 address urban green space issues (Byrne et al., 2010).
an
risks. Certain literature in favour of densification strategies and urban consolidation does not

27
M
28
29 674 Further analysis, evaluation and discussion are needed of the effects of city compaction
30
675 on urban green space and ways to deal with these. By acknowledging the challenges to green
31
32
ed

676 space planning and development in compact cities undergoing densification, attempts can be
33
34 677 made to solve rather than ignore them, and rather than advocating the compact city as the
35
36 678 solution of sustainable city development especially in comparison to urban sprawl. Such
pt

37
38 679 analysis would not only involve renewed discussion of quantitative public green space
39
680 standards, but also of qualitative objectives.
ce

40
41
42 681 Several authors identified the problem of loss of green space quality on private land, both
43
44 682 in private gardens and on land belonging to residential housing (e.g. Smith et al., 2009; Hall,
Ac

45
46 683 2010; Brunner and Cozens, 2013). Measures are needed to prevent or minimise this type of
47
48 684 degradation as a consequence of compaction. Moreover, analysis is needed of which
49
50 685 legislative frameworks or policies exist to counteract this negative development. The existing
51
686 literature pays limited attention to the success or failure of legislation which forbids owners of
52
53 687 private gardens to pave large parts of their front garden or to remove trees of a certain size
54
55 688 without permission of the authorities.
56
57
58 689 The influential concept of ecosystem services might offer new analytic and evaluation
59
60 690 tools which can help to plan, develop and manage urban green space (Niemelä et al., 2010;
61
62 22
63
64 Page 23 of 45
65
 691 Kabisch, 2015), also in compact cities. Since many crucial ecosystem services are provided
1
2 692 by urban green space, these will have to be better considered and planned for to ensure a high
3
4
693 living standard in urban areas. In regard to urban green space management, the concept offers
5 694 several advantages, e.g., that of comprising both natural and cultural aspects and requiring far
6
7 695 greater consideration of qualitative aspects with respect to multiple functions. The shift from
8
9 696 seeing green space as a measure of city beautification to seeing it as an essential part of the
10
11 697 urban infrastructure (Nor Akmar et al., 2011) has partly taken place already. However, Beer et

t
12

ip
13 698 al. (2003) criticised green space planning and management for still far too often being based
14
699 on aesthetic and economic reasons and lacking an understanding of its multiple functions and
15

cr
16 700 services.
17
18

us
19 701 The crucial importance of green space development plans for the entire urban region
20
21 702 (Jim, 2013; Lin and Fuller, 2013) should be emphasised. On this scale the spatial organisation
22
23 703 of green space elements, for example from a landscape ecological perspective, can be
24
25
26
704
705
an
considered. The concepts of green fingers, parkways, greenways and networks can be
implemented to allow for better green space access, meaning not only access to the nearest
27
M
28 706 parks but also provision of a green network for recreation. Where there is a need of city wide
29
30 707 planning recognition of the importance of the neighbourhood or local scale could help address
31
32 708 issues regarding social equity and access to green space (Gupta et al., 2012). This is especially
ed

33
34 709 important as certain urban development beneficial at city scale can have negative impact at
35
710 the local scale, e.g., traffic-based emission (generally higher in urban sprawl cities, but
36
pt

37 711 individual exposures are highest in compact areas; Schindler and Caruso, 2014).
38
39
712 Research regarding urban green space planning in cities under densification will need to
ce

40
41
42 713 include (partly based on Brunner and Cozens, 2013):
43
44

Ac

45 714 Analysis of effects on urban green space (private and public) in quantitative and
46
715 qualitative terms. Need of cases studies from local to city scale in areas less researched
47
48 716 so far.
49
50 717  Analysis of synergies and trade-offs of densification processes in relation to urban
51
52 718 green space at different scales.
53
54 719  Studies on the quantitative and qualitative requirements for multiple ecosystem service
55
56 720 provision of urban green space in compact cities/cities under densification.
57
58
59
60
61
62 23
63
64 Page 24 of 45
65
 721  Identification of successful policies, legislation and practices that prevent green space
1
2 722 degradation during compaction and enable development of well-functioning urban
3
4 723 green space.
5
6
724  Frameworks and tools that enable successful public participation and resident
7 725 perspective in cases of densification.
8
9 726  Research on how to develop highly functional green space under compact conditions,
10
11 727 e.g., using technical innovation such as roof and vertical greening including their

t
12

ip
13 728 implementation on private properties.
14
15 729

cr
16
17
730 Compact city form is often justified as a way to save land on the city periphery from
18 731 exploitation. How much land is actually saved by densification and compaction has been little

us
19
20 732 explored. Almost all studies that deal with city compaction deal with residential areas, while
21
22 733 industrial and commercial areas seem to sprawl on the periphery, apparently without any
23
24
25
26
734
735
an
limitations of space. So why are mainly residential areas compacted, whereas other building
types seem not to be under the same pressure to handle space more efficiently.
27
M
28 736 In the light of rapid urbanisation and major environmental challenges, sustainable urban
29
30 737 development is needed more than ever. The compact city concept addresses some important
31
32 738 aspects of this, but far from all. Other concepts should also be considered, especially in
ed

33
34 739 relation to urban green space. To green the compact city is possible to a certain degree, but
35
36 740 requires careful planning and a sound knowledge base on how essential ecosystem services
pt

37
38
741 can be provided within the compact city‘s limited green space area. The creation of
39 742 unsustainable city areas that lack green space is difficult to reverse. Therefore compaction
ce

40
41 743 must be done together with high-quality green space planning and implementation.
42
43
44 744
Ac

45
46
47 745 Acknowledgements
48
49 746 This study was financed by the research programme FUSE (Future Urban Sustainable
50
51 747 Environment) of the Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences (SLU) and the Department
52
53 748 of Landscape Architecture, Planning and Management (also SLU). Roger Tanner is thanked
54
55 749 for his language improvements. We also want to thank three anonymous reviewers for their
56
57 750 comprehensive and constructive comments.
58
59 751
60
61
62 24
63
64 Page 25 of 45
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Figure 1

Figure 1: Origin of studies on urban green space and densification

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5 1% 1%
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Table 1

Table 1: Key word combinations of the systematic literature search (compare methodology to
1 Kabisch et al. 2015)
2
3
4 Type of urban green Densification process
5 urban AND green space AND compact city
6 OR green infrastructure OR densification
7 OR park OR intensification
8
9 OR garden OR consolidation
10 OR infill
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Table 2

Table 2: Major topics of literature on urban green space and densification (n=102)
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2 Topic Number of publications
3 Planning 22
4
5 Change 19
6 Resident perspective 10
7 Social equity/social sustainability 7
8
9 Biodiversity 6
10 Trees 6
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Greening buildings 6
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13 Sustainability 5
14 Urban form 5
15 Recreation 4

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17 Compensation hypothesis 4
18 Landscape ecology 3

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21 Land use 1
22 Policy 1
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Appendix
Click here to download Supplementary Material: Appendix.docx

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*Highlights

Highlights
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2  We review literature on urban green space in cities under densification
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4  Findings confirm that densification processes can be a threat to urban green space
5  Provision of urban green space in compact cities is a major challenge
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 The reviewed literature identifies ways to deal with these challenges
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