Annual Reviews

Indigenous Movements in Latin America, 1992-2004: Controversies, Ironies, New Directions

Author(s): Jean E. Jackson and Kay B. Warren
Source: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 34 (2005), pp. 549-573
Published by: Annual Reviews
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25064898
Accessed: 22-10-2015 04:58 UTC

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/
info/about/policies/terms.jsp

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content
in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.
For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Annual Reviews is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Annual Review of Anthropology.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Indigenous Movements in
Latin America, 1992-2004:
Controversies, Ironies,
New Directions
Jean E. Jackson1 and Kay B.Warren2
1
Anthropology Program, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge,
Massachusetts 02139; email: [email protected]
2
Watson Institute of International Studies, Brown University, Providence,
Rhode Island 02912-1970; email: [email protected]

Annu. Rev. Anthropol.

2005. 34:549-73
Key Words
new social movements, cultural
The Annual Review of rights, indigenous politics, public
intellectuals, versus essentialism
Anthropology is online at diversity
anthro.annualreviews.org
Abstract
doi: 10.1146/
annurev.anthro.34.081804.120529 This review examines literature on movements in Latin
indigenous
America from 1992 to 2004. It addresses ethnic identity and eth
Copyright ? 2005 by
Annual Reviews. All rights nic activism, in particular the reindianization processes in
occurring
reserved the im
indigenous communities throughout the region. We explore
0084-6570/05/1021 pact that states and indigenous mobilizing efforts have had on each
0549S20.00 as well as the role of transnational
other, nongovernmental organi
zations and neoliberalism more
para-statal organizations, broadly,
and armed conflict. Shifts in ethnoracial, and cultural in
political,
discourses are examined, attention to
digenous special being paid
new deployments of rhetorics concerned with political imaginaries,
customary law, culture, and identity. Self-representational strategies
will be numerous and dynamic, identities themselves multiple, fluid,
and abundantly positional. The challenges these dynamics present
for anthropological field research and ethnographic writing are dis
cussed, as is the between scholars, and not, and
dialogue indigenous
activists, indigenous and not. Conclusions suggest potentially fruitful
research directions for the future.

549

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 look more closely
at what we refer to as lan

Contents guages of altered or

implementation: entirely
new rhetorics and the discursive
INTRODUCTION. 550 performative
terrains on which they are deployed (political
DISCOURSE SHIFTS?STATE,
imaginarles, customary law, culture, and iden
NATIONAL,
are to
TRANSNATIONAL. 551 tity). We particularly concerned high

DISCOURSE SHIFTS?PUEBLOS 553 light the serious limitations of several analytic

useful but now
SHIFTS IN polarities, previously impedi
ments more than anything else.
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
In 1995, Van Cott characterized the goals
DISCOURSEAND PRACTICE. 556
of Latin American movements to
DISCOURSE SHIFTS: indigenous
be self-determination and autonomy, with an
LANGUAGESOF POLITICAL
on cultural distinctiveness;
PRACTICEAND emphasis politi
cal reforms that involve a of the
IMPLEMENTATION. 562 restructuring
state; territorial and access to natural re
.. 562 rights
Indigenous Political Imaginarles control over economic de
sources, including
Customary Law. 563
velopment; and reforms of and police
of Culture 563 military
Indigenous Deployment over
564 powers indigenous peoples (p. 12). Our
Identity.
FUTURE DIRECTIONS. 565 primary aim has been to highlight what we,
a decade later, see to be the most important

changes.
to page constraints
Owing length imposed
the Annual Reviews format, this review is
Customary law: INTRODUCTION by
not a survey of the literature, nor does it
gives local a cross-section
This review examines of the
authorities to address the history of organiz
rights indigenous
literature on movements in Latin
judge, detain, settle indigenous ing in Latin America. We cannot
comprehen
disputes, establish America from 1992 through 2004. This tem discuss
sively many significant epistemolog
sanctions, and punish poral framing spans important historical mo
the
ical issues, for example, implications of
on the basis of their
ments, from the Columbian quincentenary to more
the shift historicized research per
distinctive normative
and the end of the Cold War through the nor can we construct models or ty
systems spectives,
stepped-up globalization of the present. We na
pologies, systematically characterize the
(Latin American)
confine our focus to what we see to be some
tional movements in each country, or do more
indigenous
of the most important aspects of indigenous some on
peoples: culturally than mention of the work various
diverse political and to several ne
organizing, undeservedly crucial we hav
topics. Finally, deeply regret
minorities who trace issues. Enlisting the notion of shifts
glected ing
to limit our
ability
to cite the
burgeon
their histories and
in activist and discourses to struc
scholarly ing Latin American literature, and
cultural indigenous
ture our we
identifications before argument, adopt perspectives on this
nonindigenous, topic.
from three states and in
the conquest and subject positions: The topics of ethnic identity and ethnic
colonization of the ternational actors, communities now some
indigenous activism interest of the best and
New World
(henceforth "pueblos"1), and scholars (a cate scholars in and
brightest young anthropology
gory that includes and nonindige
indigenous political science. Latin Americanist scholar
nous, national and scholars). We then on a vir
foreign these subjects alone has become
ship
tual one reason for this is the
industry. Surely
1This Spanish term means both "town/community" and several spectacularly successful indigenous
"people." Villal?n discusses this term in the Venezuelan mobilizations during the 1990s, such as the
context (2002, pp. 18, 32). Indigenous peoples in Latin
in Ecuador (Selverston
America have tended to organize politically around the idea indigenous uprisings
of belonging to pueblos rather than to minority or racial Scher 2001; Van Cott 2005; Whitten 2004,
groups. pp. 62-64) and Bolivia (Van Cott 2000, Calla

SSO Jackson Warren

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 2000). Other well-known cases are still strug pueblos and assigned territories (Macdonald
gling
to have a sustained national impact. 2003). Other Andean communities that
The Zapatista uprising in Chiapas in 1994 had traded their indigenous identity for a
NAFTA: North
to protest the signing of the North Ameri campesino
one underwent processes of reindi
American Free Trade
can Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) (Collier genization (de la Cadena 2000, Plant 2002). Agreement
1999, Harvey 1998, Rus et al. 2003, Stephen Brazil recognized 30 new indigenous
com
NGOs:
2002) is one but it nonetheless man munities in the northeast, a
example, region previously nongovernmental
aged
to achieve an
important
measure of re seen to have lost its indigenous population organizations

gional self-administration and self-definition (French 2004, p. 663; see also J.Warren 2001
in a manner
previously unthinkable. Mobi on newly self-identified Brazilian Indians).
lizing continues to make headlines; in 2000, State ideologies of mestizaje?which empha
indigenous people helped force the Bolivian size cultural and biological mixing rather than
to cancel to allow the Bech ethno-racial difference, as in Vasconcelos' "la
government plans
tel Corporation sell the water to its raza c?smica^ ("the cosmic race," see Alonso
country's
own citizens (Laurie et al. 2002, pp. 265-69). 2004)?shifted to identities that valorized dif
In several countries, most in Bo ference, in Indianess. Constitu
spectacularly particular
livia and Ecuador, the movement tional reforms multicultural na
indigenous recognizing
has worked to create tions citizenries occurred
ethno-political parties containing plural
that participate at every electoral level (Albo in Guatemala, Nicaragua, Brazil, Colombia,

2002). Mexico, Paraguay, Ecuador, Argentina, Peru,

and Venezuela.

These took in states that, al

changes place
DISCOURSE SHIFTS?STATE,
though hardly withering away, were becom
NATIONAL, TRANSNATIONAL ing "increasingly porous as the boundaries
Until the 1980s and 1990s, Latin American between the state and society change [in an]

public discourse and state policies discouraged increasingly plural and transnationalised in

politicized indigenous identification. The in ternational context" (Sieder 2002, p. 201).

digenist policies of the era were directed Various transnational social movements (hu
at assimilation. Gordillo & Hirsch (2003) man
rights,
women's rights, environmental
talk of the "invisibilization" of Indians in ism) have proliferated. In many ways the in

Argentina (the same occurred with blacks in digenous rights

movement itself was "born

Colombia; seeWade 2002, p. 9). Sam Colop transnational" (Biysk 1995, Tilley 2002).
(1996) speaks of a Guatemalan state "dis Transnational organizing and coalition build
course of concealment." National and up new for
policy ing opened opportunities pueb
class-based los to influence national
organizing encouraged indige legislative agendas,
nous Bolivians and Peruvians to and many
self-identify nongovernmental organizations
as
campesinos. State nationalism associates (NGOs) that specialize in development or hu
communities with the nation's man came to see as
indigenous rights indigenous peoples

"glorious indigenous past," marginalizing clients (Brysk 2000). Many Latin American
them in the present?except for museums, countries international human
signed rights
tourism, and folkloric events (Alonso 1994). treaties and covenants: The leverage provided
Mallon (1992) provides an illuminating com by the 1989 International Labor Organiza
parison of state
projects for a "modern" mes tion's Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Con
tizo hegemony inMexico, Peru, and Bolivia. vention 169 has been especially far-reaching
The past three decades have seen a re
(Gray 1997, pp. 13-20). With their claims
markable reversal. In Ecuador groups pre of collective grievances and rights, indige
seen as nous democratic
viously basically Quichua-speaking organizations challenged
campesinos have been classified into a set of liberalism's focus on the individual rights

www.annualreviews.org Latin American IndigenousMovements $$i

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 and responsibilities of undifferentiated "cit their identities or demands" (Diaz Polanco
izens" (Hodgson 2002, p. 1092;Muehlebach 1997, p. 988). But constitutions and peace

IMF: International
2001; Yashar 2005). accords may complicate implementation in

Fund
Under pressure from the International their echoing of the idealized rhetoric of in
Monetary
Neoliberal reforms: Monetary Fund (IMF) and theWorld Bank ternational norms in a way that is particularly

intended to help
to resolve fiscal, legitimacy, and governability vague and ambiguous, sometimes deliberately
resolve the fiscal, crises, many Latin American states
agreed
to so (Assies et al. 2000, p. 297). In addition,
legitimacy, and neoliberal reforms to promote democ of the older power structures remained.
adopt many
governability crises economic and de and
ratization, liberalization, Authors, indigenous nonindigenous
faced by Latin
centralization. Neoliberalism argues that pri alike, out the numerous ways that eth
American countries point
vatization and decentralization will result in nic and racial discrimination continue to be

a less corrupt and less bloated government,

so deeply embedded that the relationship
one less dependent on clientalist relations to between citizen and state remains far from

get things done. A concomitant "social adjust democratic (Jelin 1996, pp. 109-10; Schirmer
ment" (Alvarez et al. 1998, p. 22) should be 1996). Indigenous organizing and resistance
made, with measures taken to foster move continue to exact a high toll, with thousands
ment toward a more
participatory civil soci of leaders being assassinated. And during the
ety and to take up the slack resulting from de past three decades, armed conflict, especially
creases in social services. to in Guatemala, Peru, and Colombia, has pro
Appeals diversity,
to a state in which everyone duced severe hundreds
pluralist partic political repression,
further this "social of thousands of deaths, and over
ipates, adjustment" goal, indigenous
and so it is not that in some cases a million and
surprising indigenous refugees internally
neoliberal models and policies have favored displaced persons.

pueblos' agendas. Pressure from international As Yashar points out (2005), the adoption
NGOs and bodies like theUnited Nations has of multicultural citizenship reforms by Latin
resulted in states recognizing rights to differ American states did not occur
solely because

ence, which allows indigenous activists and of outside pressure, and scholars have
hypoth
groups to make claims that enlist discourses esized about domestic
possible contributing
about tradition and that resonate reasons. Some scholars believe multicultural
community
with neoliberal discourses on sol reforms to elites
community citizenship appealed ruling

idarity and social capital (Sieder 2002, p. 18). as a way for the state to
signal its citizens that

Abundant evidence exists that it was to their interests, a

showing attending despite
sustained and compromise have been to meet material demands
struggle decreasing ability
necessary for the passing and implementing (Van Cott 2000; D.L. Van Cott, forthcom
of these reforms. Striking changes have in
ing2). Authors such asHale (2002) argue that
deed occurred. A general shift from totalitar states
provide favorable terms to certain in

ian and authoritarian to democratic govern groups to the more radical de

digenous reject
ment took aMarxist that saw mands of others. Other scholars argue that the
place, paradigm
for cultural and historical recov of fiscal measures on
organizing negative impact austerity
ery to be mistaken and regressive declined, pueblos' local autonomy and livelihoods pro
older assimilationist indigenism lost ground, vided the impetus for increased ethnic mobi
and new debates and new legal forms resulted lization, some of it successful
enough
to force

in a greater inclusion of indigenous peoples in states to negotiate (Biysk 2000, Yashar 1999).
the national process. Ethnic groups
political
came to be seen as
increasingly "contempo 2
sociocultural ar Van Cott DL. Forthcoming. Multiculturalism against ne
rary configurations strongly oliberalism inLatin America. InDoesMulticulturalism Erode
ticulated within national society" able to "be theWelfare State? ed. K Banting, W Kymlicka. New York:
come a force without Oxford Univ. Press.
political renouncing

SS2 Jackson Warren

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Yashar (1996) argues that those left: at the Space and encouraged so-called local control

margins of this new wave of democratization and decision making over the development
soon discovered that ethnicity was a power process, while tensions in rural
generating
ful language for socialmobilizing and political communities over issues such as unfunded

demands. mandates, local taxes, and land alienations that

A substantial number of authors discuss in diminish the resources on which their liveli
stances in which
indigenousness and multi hoods depend (Benson 2004; Hodgson 2002,
culturalism have bolstered neo-liberal ideol p. 1092).The struggles of Colombia's U'wa to
ogy by reinforcing decentralized governance resist Occidental Petroleum's plans for seis

and market policies (Giordani 2002, p. 86). mic testing and well digging illustrate that
Plant (2002) provides a valuable country-by collective title to land may not suffice when
country comparison of the relationship be governments retain subsoil rights (Jackson
tween cultural identity maintenance, legis 2002b, pp. 96-98). Critics argue that scruti
lation around land tiding, and the effects nizing the politics of development will reveal
of neoliberal policies aimed at dismantling that state and industry support follows a logic
structures. of development that rests on a confidence that
corporate agrarian

impact of neoliberal reforms on in

The most often the communities "will be forced
digenous mobilizing is hotly debated. Clearly by circumstances to put these resources at

the reforms, in their efforts to

strengthen the disposal of industry" (Dombrowski 2002,
civil society through policies of decentral p. 1068).
ization, have both new constraints
provided
and opportunities for pueblos seeking recog
nition and expanded power (Hodgson 2002, DISCOURSE SHIFTS?PUEBLOS
p. 1092). Some authors see neo-liberalism's The politics being pursued by pueblos?
move to a of what Mexican Presi and national and inter
strategy demanding attaining
dent Vicente Fox terms
"government of busi national recognition of their identity and the
ness, by business, for business" (Speed 2002, legitimacy of their claims?has shown that
p. 223) to be an
unmitigated disaster. Cer adopting an overall strategy of cultural and
tainly the
negative effects of structural adjust historical recovery and revival is often the best
ment, and rollbacks of state ser route for achieving a of autonomy and
privatization, degree
vices on national economies and local-level self-determination, as well as fun
convincing
employment result in adverse consequences ders and of the reasonableness of
legislators
for pueblos. Sturm (SAR 2004, p. 16) ar other kinds of claims, such as titling a tradi

gues that neoliberalism offers a veiled tional collective land tenure

thinly system. Securing
racism of a new
variety. Neoliberal ideol collective land rights has proved more likely
on culture, class individualism, when convince
ogy's emphasis pueblos successfully govern
and choice, she argues, denies the persistence ment bureaucrats and the courts of the va

of economic
marginalization and structural lidity of indigenous understandings of native
racism, as well as the
meaningfulness of race
identity and practices. These campaigns have
at all. Neoliberalism's multicultural for a much more no
professed pushed comprehensive
neutrality allows unique historical and polit tion of territory. Rather than simply the land
ical forms of oppression to be glossed over. itself, territory is seen to be a crucial foun
An illusion of a level playing field is created, dation for self-determination, a "fundamen

and issues of race, power, and are tal and multidimensional for the cre
privilege space
obscured. ation and recreation of the social, economic,

Overall, reforms have been

neoliberal and cultural values and practices of the com

deeply contradictory for Latin America's in munities" (Alvarez et al. 1998, p. 20). Mini
digenous people. They have opened political mally, pueblo autonomy should include land,

www.annualreviews.org Latin American IndigenousMovements $$3

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 resources, and normative and administrative manees can be misconstrued
tactically by
space [Cojti Cuxil 1994; Sieder 2002, p. 7; see critics of indigenous empowerment. Oppo

Kearney & V?rese (1995, p. 228) on the link nents who take the position that any po
between and ethnic as litical asserriveness threatens race war, and
territory groups juridi
cal subjects]. that any demand for self-determination is

This kind of "politics of recognition" tantamount to a desire for secession, seem

(Taylor 1994) takes place in complex fields of to assume that, unlike politicians in general,

power and has required that indigenous iden indigenous polemic must be taken literally
tity itself be turned into a strategy, a political (Falk 2001). Criticism that conjures up im
opportunity structure?which does not mean ages of "balkanization" (Giordani 2002, p. 81),
that, so it somehow loses cultural that sees leaders as of
by doing, indigenous dupes
and historical content. Even more ex from other countries, or that
goals "agitators"

plicitly development oriented, such as obtain asserts that ethnic revitalization projects
access to and resources to mod the toward moder
ing training impede country's journey

ify traditional subsistence modes or raise the nity make for good copy in the morning
of education and health status, are ar newspaper and for mobiliz
quality good strategies
ticulated in terms that insist on these voters. In fact,
goals ing nonindigenous indige

being accomplished in culturally appropriate nous claims to self-determination and auton

ways. omy do not include secessionist even

projects,
The cultural and historical recovery strat
though some indigenous intellectuals will ar
egy recognizes that if pueblos are to succeed gue that that right must never be ceded (Cojti
with their political agendas they need to per Cuxil 1997). For the most part indigenous
form their indigenous difference to gain the activist rhetoric and practices have empha

authority to speak and be listened to. Laurie sized other goals and demands such as ed

et al. (2002) argue that the political culture ucation, judicial restructuring, and land re

within which indigenous struggles occur relies forms. Indigenous complaints tend to decry
such representations of indige a state, a state
run
mostly upon rejecting, exclusionary by
neousness "rather than on established criteria, elites interested in maintaining power above

self-determination and/or self-identification the needs of the poor. uNunca m?s un M?xico

(in spite of what the legislation might sug sin nosotros!" ("never again
a Mexico with

gest)" (p. 270; also see Briones 2003). Garfield out us!") expresses the aims of the vast ma

(2001) describes the process by which the jority of indigenous organizations (Rus et al.

Brazilian Xavante realized that emphasizing 2003). Harvey (1998) argues that the Zapatista
positive stereotypes of Indians as ecologists rebellion represents a new form of rural

and as the first Brazilian nationalists would protest because it sparked broader efforts both
optimally help them with their land claims to
change the way pueblos throughout
Mex

(see also Graham 2002). Not all mobiliz ico were represented in state discourse and

that such suc to about democratic elections. Ecua

ing employed argumentation bring
ceeded. Ticona (2000) analyzes the failure of dorian indigenous
activism prioritizes inclu
an urban-based
Aymara movement, notwith sion and participation: The Pachacutik party
standing its politically self-conscious indige and the indigenous
movement in general

nous majority base (cited inVan Cott 2003, present themselves "not simply
as a new and

but also as a van

p. 227). legitimate political party
Pueblo performances
are intended for a va guard for advancing broad popular participa
riety of audiences: other indigenous groups tion and democratization" (Macdonald 2003,
as well as national and international actors p. 10).Zamosc (2003) points out that Ecuado
(Conklin 1997, Graham 2002, Turner 2002). rian natives who protest integration
are re

Especially when polemical, these perfor jecting the agenda of cultural homogenizat?on

SS4 Jackson Warren

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
embedded in it, not integration per se (p. 55). 2005, Vel?zques Nimatuj 2005). They are also
CONAIE (Confederation of Indigenous Na apparent in Bolivia, where espousal of Aymara

tionalities of Ecuador) also followed a col superiority cost activists like Felipe Quispe CONAIE:
laboration politics, seeking to include other support from lowland pueblos (Langer & Confederation of
sectors of civil society in the dialogues. De Mu?oz 2003, p. 205). Ecuadorian activist Indigenous
la Cadena (2001) analyzes Peruvian indige Nina Pacari urges Shuar to identify as Shuar, Nationalities of

nous politicians' demands for political space not simply as indigenous citizens (Langer & Ecuador

to as literate activists, Mu?oz 2003, p. 204). COCEI: Coalition

participate indigenous
ofWorkers,
an
oxymoronic
status
prior
to this
struggle (p. Researchers who become deeply involved
Peasants, and
257). Warren (1998) points out thatMayas with indigenous organizations
are able to
Students of the
who challenged the Guatemalan model of see factionalism developing and analyze its Isthmus
"national culture" 195) did not necessar causes?a substantial contribution. For ex
(p.

ily reject the notion of a unified Guatemala. ample, Bastos & Camus analyze the com

An to accusa relation of culturalists and grassroots

especially telling reply plex
tions of "threats to the state" is leftists, among them in
indigenous popular Mayas
found in indigenous leaders' rhetoric in the Guatemala's Pan-Mayanism (1995, 1996).
many mass demonstrations protesting gov Campbell (1996) notes that as the Mexican
ernments' invitations to multinational to
cap government granted greater legitimacy
ital to conduct what are perceived as land COCEI (Coalition ofWorkers, Peasants, and
or subsoil resource
grabs. Their protests Students of the Isthmus) internal tensions
express a form of nationalism and seemed to be on the rise, which suggests that
patrio
tism (Stephen 1997) that is opposed to a without the threat of repression and sense of

sell-out urgency, ethnic and class may not

corrupt, incompetent, government. solidarity
Some of the most effective and po be to thwart internal factionalism.
speeches enough
sition papers coming
out of the movement Ethnographic research is also needed into

make inclusive, in fa the various ways a (or indigenous

populist arguments pueblo's
vor of putting the nation (one that is mul organization's) agendas
are vulnerable to in

ticultural, multilingual, and pluri-ethnic, of ternational NGO pressure to comply with

course) first and foremost. Such rhetoric sim their political and economic agendas (Tilley
ply did not appear during the 1980s and early 2002). Clearly,
a
pueblo's ability
to critique

1990s. The impressive levantamientos (upris NGOs and dependence on donor funds will
ings) in Ecuador and Bolivia (Brysk 2004, affect its self-representation, both to the out

pp. 28-31; Macdonald 2002) were the op side and to themselves [Ramos 1994, Raxche'
posite of secessionist strategies; their plat 1995; seeV?rese (1996) on the indigenous ac
forms critiqued governmental willingness to tivist/conservationist alliance, and see
Chapin
sell a
country's patrimony
to
foreign
inter (2004) on neoliberalism's impact on it].
ests and protested governmental indifference The terms with which many pueblos rep
to the consequences of structural resent themselves are fluid and temporary, any
adjustment
squeezes on those sectors of impoverished binaries quickly dissolving. Casta?eda (2004)
citizens who could least withstand it. Here describes the term
Maya
as "an embattled
we see
indigenous organizing that represents
zone of contestation of belonging, identity,
the concerns of a wider constituency facing
a and differentiation" (p. 41). Schwittay (2003)
common enemy. describes Kollas as articulating the language
Scholars will need to continue their analy of national citizenship and the language of in
ses of the tensions activists encounter between digeneity (p. 146). Pueblo discourse about in
emphasis
on
organizing
at the national ver
digenous identity is especially fluid and mul
sus the
pueblo level. We see such tensions tiple in land claims. Ramirez (2002) describes
most particularly in Guatemala (Montejo the emergence of a new
indigenous group in

www.annualreviews.org Latin American IndigenousMovements 555

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Colombia's who, that "In as an to "examine the circulation of
Putumayo realizing attempt
dians exist by virtue of the state's
legal system," cultural meanings, objects, and identities in
acquired legal ethnic group status, despite diffuse time-space" (1998, p. 79). The chal
in the that the claim are considerable, the discipline's
pueblos region arguing lenges given
was "imaginary" (pp. 142-47). Chaves (2001) emphasis
on
achieving
a
deep understanding
describes a between of small-scale communities, local
tug-of-war Putumayo including
colonos(settlers) claiming to be indigenous and systems of knowledge.
the director of theNational Office of Indian Although Latin American anthropology
Affairs. Colombia's Choc? offers an assumed that activism and schol
province always

example of "white" and "Indian" families be arship go together?scholars like Rodolfo

ing included in the definition of a "black com Stavenhagen, Alcida Ramos, Myriam Jimeno,
munity" that is seeking land tide. The right to Stefano V?rese, Nellie Arvelo-Jim?nez, and

"be black" for the purposes of the land claim Manuela Carneiro da Cunha come to mind?

derives from black-indigenous intermarriage only recently have North American and Eu
or from histories of cooperation, exchange, ropean scholars problematized and blurred
and sharing (Wade 2002, p. 19).Wade de the distinction in their actual fieldwork, re
scribes how the Colombian state "indianizes" earlier orthodoxies that stressed the
jecting
these communities. need for activist scholars to their
keep parti
san activities from their "scientific"
separate
work. (Of course, anthropologists through
SHIFTS IN ANTHROPOLOGICAL out the hemisphere have been writing about
DISCOURSE AND PRACTICE their activist concerns for Innova
decades.)

Anthropologists have led the drive to embrace tive research designs assign
to the anthro
more culturalist attention roles such as or transla
approaches, paying pologist secretary
to the fluidity of ethno-racial meanings and tor during meetings; participant inmarches,
how they
are constructed,
negotiated, and re demonstrations, and blockades; andworkshop
constructed. the cultural is polit leader. (2004) assumed a ad
Simply put, Sawyer strong
ical and the political is cultural (Alvarez et al. vocacy position from the very beginning of
1998). K.B. Warren (2001) characterizes re her fieldwork on Ecuadorian mo
indigenous
cent as that were multinational
scholarship turning "away from Cul bilizations protesting
ture' as uniformity to the
study of social and oil extraction in the Oriente section of the
cultural the ethnographic con Other are (see
heterogeneity, country. examples England's
cern with multiple identities and their lines of 2003) involvement in the Maya language
re

interaction rather than the of eth vival movement for some 3 0 years, and Speed's
privileging

nicity
as more foundational than other identi participation as an observer in aCivilian Peace
fications, and the engagement with competing Camp in Chiapas inMay 1995 (2002). Ar
discourses of identity rather than essentialized ticles and ethnographies emerging from this
renderings of authenticity" (p. 94). The most sort of research are packed with the kind of
recent work methodolo information so often absent in political sci
interesting employs

gies that continue the anthropological tradi ence

analyses of these very processes. There

tion of long-term, intense, face-to-face re would have been no way to observe 99% of
search; it takes at what had she not on
however, place multiple Sawyer reports signed
sites. examine a of inter as a supporter. It is difficult to how a
Investigators variety imagine

subjectivities involving, for example, indige researcher could avoid taking

a stand on such
nous activists; translocal, nonindigenous
ac
important issues (Starn 1991). Ethnographic
tivist "collaborators"; and practitioners from practice that bridges inquiry, activism, and
national, and international institu to the of
regional, participatory approaches production
tions. Marcus sees such "mobile cultural raises questions,
ethnography" knowledge complex

yjd Jackson Warren

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 and ethical, answers to which movement, even saw themselves
epistemological though they
are not around the corner (see Field as whereas another
exactly indigenous, community
1998; Hale 2004; Jackson 1999;Warren & aligned its families with the regional indige
Jackson 2002b, pp. 8-11). But at least the nous movement, even
though craftswomen

issues are refrained. Ac had earlier maintained" the mestiza

being productively "proudly
tivist researchers do try to be as
objective
as
origin of their ceramic production (p. 432).
system The contrasts between
possible, producing comprehensive, community-based
atic, theoretically engaged work that reflex versus individual-based indigenous identity
ively speaks to some of the dilemmas with also point
out subtle gradations between

which they wrestle. "same" and "other." Occhipinti (2003) de

Recent illustrates certain scribes how members of a saw it
scholarship why community
dichotomies and concepts, usefully employed becoming Kolla when its claim to that iden
in earlier analyses,
now hinder more than tity succeeded, regardless of whether they felt
help. One overly simple dichotomy
constructs a strong sense of Kolla identity (p. 160). Sim
difference in terms of an (2002) saw processes she charac
uniquely "indige ilarly, Speed
or "same/other" divi terizes as and
nous/nonindigenous" "being becoming indigenous"
sion. All theways inwhich pueblos are resigni in Chiapas to occur at the
community level,

fying indigenousness unfailingly demonstrate during discussions concerned with "declaring

that underneath such binaries are
complex, ourselves a 'puebloind?gena?"(p. 212).
nuanced, and, above all, dynamic meaning
As with territory, ways inwhich language
structures. The between is seen to
signal, confer, and validate
dichotomy indige indige
nous and is never nousness continue to examination.
nonindigenous unprob require
lematic, but this fact does not deny that Many authors write on the problematic equa
such a exists. It does mean that we tion of = ethnic Brown
binary language identity.
must
constantly resist seeing it as a natu (1996) describes language "as both the exter
ral, straightforward, uncomplicated division. nal and internal symbol of a people [and as]
The literature many ex a crucial element in emerging ethnic presen
provides fascinating
amples of "indigenousness" being resignified tation" (p. 206). It is obvious that language
in novel For to what de often a in all kinds of ways,
ways. example, represents people
gree does able to to power (i.e., its loss seen as a but this is not the
being speak tragedy,
be fluent in a colonizer language) disqualify whole story. Garz?n et al. (1998) describe
the speaker? Such fluency may mean that a a switch generation of indigenous Spanish
has permanently traversed a cultural in Guatemala that reflected a new
speaker speakers
and ideological and hence can no domestic economic cul
boundary family strategy. Early
longer be bilingual and bicultural (Rappaport turalist activists often came from such families

2005). This fraught aspect of the politics-of and, as a result, had to relearn their commu

culture issue puts a new on the "Can the as advocated

spin nity's indigenous languages they
subaltern speak?" question. Rappaport illus for official language recognition. Yet speaking
trates the meagerness of the "same/other" di Guaran? in Paraguay orMexicano (N?huatl)
chotomy with a
description of complex grada
inMexico does not mark indigeneity, and
tions of Otherness in her work with a variety dominant societal appropriations of indige
of indigenous intellectuals in Cauca, Colom nous lexicon to
stigmatize indigeneity
also oc

bia. Field provides an example from western cur:Whitten's (2003) examples of Quichua
Nicaragua, which, like Northeastern Brazil used by elite Ecuadoreans (p. 69) resemble
and El Salvador (Tilley 2002), was officially the "mock Spanish" described by Hill (1999).
seen to have lost its indigenous populations. Various institutional authorities try to require
One community Field studied (1998) did some form of link between cultural mark
not become involved with the indigenous ers, such as
language, and cultural identities.

www.annualreviews.org Latin American IndigenousMovements s51

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 In the past, some states a person who neither modern nor traditional
required wholly indige
had moved out of a community to speak its nous identities (also seeMartinez 2004). Starn
language still or be classified as "used to be in (2003; see also 1999), writing about Peru's
however, such policies may rondas (self-defense that arose
digenous." Today, organizations
be overruled, so are these politics, the period of extreme violence involv
dynamic during
local and national. In sum, cases exist where ing "Shining Path" guerrillas and the state's
pueblos do not speak their traditional lan counter-insurgency forces), judiciously cri

guage, other cases where

nonindigenous pop tiques Garcia Canclini's (1995) analytic model
ulations do speak
a traditional
language, and based on this opposition. Laurie et al. (2002)
still other cases where
people speaking
a lan argue that indigenous identities in Bolivia
guage feign total ignorance of it (Casta?eda are
being reconstituted in nondichotomous

2004, p. 41). terms, neither modern nor traditional

wholly
The processes by which collective histori (p. 253); the same is true formany Colombian
cal struggle,
a common
ancestry of suffering, pueblos (Gow & Rappaport 2002). Cojti Cuxil
confers indigenousness
are examined
by
sev (2002) andWarren (1998) also provide ex
eral authors. Sam Colop (1996) andMontejo amples of an
emerging urban, cosmopolitan,
& Akab' (1992,Montejo 1999) speak of a view and professional class of Mayas, as do authors

of indigenous identity as shaped by a history in Fischer & Brown (1996) andWatanabe

of resistance to nation-states. Field (1998) & Fischer (2004). Plant's (2002) concise dis
notes that this requires the anthropologist "to cussion of the debate over whether indige
uncover and describe the specific historical nous
identity should be seen as based in a par

conditions producing elements of identity, ticular economic system,

or in a relationship

attending to their dynamically continuous with the land and environment, also points
transformations" (p. 432). Rappaport & out the problems with standards based on

Dover (1996) speak of the "romance of resis "traditional" behavior (pp. 212-14).
tance" enhancing amulti-pueblo Colombian Authors also attend to official construc
sense of tions of the "traditional." notes that
indigenous organization's being Briggs
united through a history of struggle. Gray the opposition between "traditional subjects,"
(1997) sees consciousness of who are embedded in local envi
indigenousness inexorably
to emerge "when a senses the injus ronments, and has
people "cosmopolitan subjects"
tices of colonization" see also Pallares been a central and politi
(p. 23; epistemological
2004). Speed (2002) describes the inhabitants cal component of modern discourses since

of the town of Nicol?s Ruiz saying that the seventeenth century (Bauman & Briggs
they
are
recovering their lost Tzeltal culture 2003, p. 133, as cited in Briggs 2004, p. 176).
because truth is, we are Tzeltales.. .in Would-be demonstrators, en route to protest
"[t]he
the struggle with indigenous people" Venezuela's handling of a cholera
epidemic,
were at set up
(p. 217). targeted military checkpoints
The overly simple dichotomy of "tradi to block "any body that looked ind?gena^from
tional" and "modern" does not satisfacto leaving. Although these activists knew they
rily characterize the complex divisions de were participating in a transnational indige
scribed in most recent nous movement, the had other
publications. Kearney government

(1996) andWarren & Jackson (2002b) ar plans: to fix them in "traditional" and "local"
that Latin America's native are spaces.
gue peoples identity
to be seen as transnationalized, Another conventional po
increasingly overly simple
urban, is that between "authentic" (a thor
proletarian, border-crossing, bilingual larity
and trilingual, and professional. Kearney & oughly Western concept) and its opposite?
V?rese (1995, pp. 215-21) describe the present inauthentic, fake, invented, new, modern,
era" as characterized Western, etc. When culture becomes a form
"postdevelopment by

Sj8 Jackson Warren

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
of empowerment, mobilizing around that employing the legal and political tools of their
empowerment may seem fraudulent
precisely oppressors in their land claim struggles. Maya
because it ispoliticized. State challenges made leaders work to
appropriate elements ofWest
Essentialism:
to indigenous individuals and communities ern culture and reappropriate elements of
characterizing
may take the form of claims that are their own to create a cultural that
they history identity representations
"no longer indigenous" because of their "un that is viable in the global political economy, freeze and reify an

traditional" behavior. More andmarked as uniquely theirs (Fischer 1996). identity in a way that
specific political
hides the historical
to urban-based activism have been In sum, cultural can appear as
challenges continuity and
processes
used by their opponents in attempts to dele the mode of cultural change (Wade 1997). within which
politics
gitimize leaders. The argument that individ Ethnogenesis (Mallon 1996, Smith 1990,Hill it develops
uals do (or do not) represent their indigenous 1997) is always an already-ongoing process; it
people begs the processual question of who merely speeds up during times of ruptures,
represents whom in all facets of political life. disjunctures, and transitions.

A variant on the theme of a state's Researchers' of their work with

revealing write-ups

challenges to a group's authenticity (and hence indigenous intellectuals illustrate the com

legitimacy) is the Argentine government's plex imaginings and reimaginings of what

challenges
to sectors of its Guaran? citizens. is involved in being "modern," especially
Although their indigeneity is unproblematic, when some
people, indigenous and not, see

they are accused of being so influenced by modernity

to be
opposed
to the "authenti

Bolivian Guaran? that their status as

Argen cally" indigenous leader (Rappaport 2005).
tineans has been compromised (Hirsch 2003, Some indigenous intellectuals who work in
Schwittay 2003). Note that indigenous groups community development projects develop
at

as well as critics of the movement actively

em titudes and perspectives that allow them to
ploy the "authenticity" card in their internal identify both as indigenous and as members
and external politics (Turner 2002, Ramirez of mainstream society. Indigenous communi

2002). ties can and do question the appropriateness

Anthropology, with its current more

dy of some leaders' choices, seeing them as "diri

namic notion of culture, sees no absolute stan de malet?n y corbata" (briefcase and tie
gentes
dard of
authenticity. Rather, our focus is on leaders) (Giordani 2002, p. 80), but in general
the authenticates?on the authorities in in their indigenousness will not be automatically

digenous communities and the experts beyond rejected.

who determine what is deemed authentic at "essentialism," mean
By anthropologists
any one time. Critics with their narrow model the process of freezing and reifying an identity
of indigenous leadership have not accepted in away that hides the historical processes and
that, in fact, indigenous leaders will range politics within which it develops. Of course
from tribal headmen and ritual elders to urban one has to
study whose interests are served in

leaders. Several authors in this process. Racist forms of economic pro

university-trained
of movements' duction and state use
terpret examples indigenous authority essentializing
appropriation of occidental notions of authen strategies in public policy and clandestine op
tic tradition to be moves toward erations to violence, hierar
safeguarding justify perpetuate
tradition and resisting hegemony and not ex chies of human value and reward, and leave
of co-optation and consequent "inau the neglect of certain sectors of
amples unquestioned
thenticity." Assies (2000) describes indigenous their populations as
something less than hu
women in Chiapas a tradition that man. The focus on the "other" au
contesting by these
excludes them from participation in political thorities seeks to obscure that here is a "self
decision-making and in so doing vindicating acting
in its own interest.
their role in processes of ethnic con
reorganiza Indigenous "self-essentializing" by
tion (p. 18).Garfield (2001) saw the Xavante trast is seen
by many anthropologists
as a

www.annualreviews.org Latin American IndigenousMovements s59

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 political tactic used by indigenous movements favor of indigenous women's rights during
in Latin America to for greater au the negotiations between the Zapatistas and
push
tonomy and self-government (see Rubin the Mexican government. Sieder (2002)
2004, 124?30). encountered comments that a balance between
pp. Frequently finding

assumptions that indigenous

women must communal rights and individual rights con
be traditional culture place-holders for their nected to gender equality, religious freedom,
pueblo exemplify an essentialist strategy.De la and property rights tends to be particularly
Cadena (2000) describes how highland Peru contentious (pp. 11-12). Nash (2001) doc
vian women are constructed as "more Indian" uments how Mayan women maneuvered to

because they are less likely to speak Spanish influence changes in their favor during this
or travel to urban centers and more likely
to
period; she also notes a backlash of gender
wear traditional dress and be duties She argues that for scholars to render
assigned hostility.
that are seen as more traditional?all of which illegitimate theseself-essentializing
maneu

results in a second-class status of women and vers limits these women's chances to
organize
"the female" in Andean societies. Nelson in their own best interests for such
goals
that Maya women are to as greater of those in power,
argues expected accountability

play what she terms the mujer maya's role, democratic inclusion, better work conditions

which functions to
ground the Maya move and higher wages, civil and political rights,
ment "so that urban hackers can soar and cultural
Maya autonomy.
into transnational idioms and cyberspace." Many authors also wrestle with finding
Confronting a long tradition of research effective ways to describe identity processes
that finds women to be bearers of traditional that are flexible and fluid. We have accounts
culture, conservative, monolingual, rural, of indianization occurring here and deindi
and out of place?alien?when they leave anization there (e.g., Radcliffe 2000). What
their homes, Nelson (1999) denaturalizes indigenous identity means, for both scholar
these images, analyzing all the ways in and pueblo, can become
quite unstable when
which prop up not the pan-Mayan all actors are their dis
they only repeatedly modifying
movement's but Guatemalan courses in response to the terms
ideology, ever-shifting
national identity
as well. Hendrickson of engagement. De laCadena (2001, p. 255)
(1996) describes how Guatemalan Mayan notes that the idea of difference is complicated
women's costume?traje?"remains outside if it is seen to emerge from coparticipation in
the broader Maya Movement due to the the same historical time, a
point also made by
difficulties in locating a place for weaving Wilson (1995), who sees it as "an incredibly
and women in the movement" [p. 163; slippery notion" (p. 6). Identity is better seen
see also Dean (2003) on lowland Peru as a
paradox rather than a statement, he says,
and Radcliffe (2000) on the Ecuadorian for as soon as such a statement ismade, it blurs

situation]. and dissolves.

Scholars also describe ways in which However, even now some authors still find

sectors, such as women, themselves to to critics who

marginalized having respond
within indigenous communities in Chiapas insist, for example, that a certain
population
are beginning to "refashion and reclaim is "really" campesino rather than indigenous.
'tradition'?here cultural prescriptions
in Gordillo & Hirsch (2003) argue that all
tended to women on the margins of such labels a
keep represent group's particular

political process?in order to advance their positioning, which is derived from the
own demands for greater participation and social relations from which their meaning
independence" (Sieder 2002, p. 193). as historical subjects emerges. A positioning
Hern?ndez (1997) describes women from of campesino, then, is no more "valid"

the movement in than a positioning as a member of a

organic producers arguing "pueblo

s6o Jackson Warren

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
originario" (p. 180). A number of essays cite of Latin American Anthropology (2001) on the
Li (2000, p. 151) on this issue: "[A] group's Guatemalan indigenous-ladino dichotomy
self-identification as tribal or indigenous is shows why words like "contradiction" and
not natural or inevitable, but neither is it "paradox"
so often appear in literature
on such identity labels.
simply invented, adopted, or imposed. It is,
rather, a
positioning that draws upon histor The reality of a multiplicity of identities
sedimented and disallows any analytic framework that pro
ically practices, landscapes,
of meaning, and poses albeit a
repertoires emerges through any single identity, composite

patterns of engagement and one, because the notion of "multiple iden

particular

struggle."
tities" still implies separate, distinct identi
Clearly,identities are not just fluid, nor ties. Anthropology deserves credit for advanc

justmultiple, they are fluidly multiple and al ing beyond thinking in terms of ethnicity
relational, which an and race as the foundational dimensions
ways presents analytical
and conceptual challenge
to
anthropologists. for study, but the race/ethnicity/class/gender
Speed (2002) notes that "states, indigenous paradigm raises its own set of
problems be

groups, and even social scientists, often find cause it continues to see a unit?individual

such fluidity contrary to their different un or

community?as possessing
an
identity. Re

derstandings and goals" (p. 222). Part of the cent field research demonstrates the need to
problem lieswith the analytic tasks at hand? challenge this mode of conceptualization, al

applying a language that specifies, defines, and though

not so far as to claim that "iden

to very not exist. Rather, is

pinpoints dynamic situations. Differ tity" does again, identity
ent actors define and to to be seen as a fluid, process. The
try impose particu dynamic
lar, often competing, meanings. Some Peru idea of there being multiple ways of being
vian groups self-identify asmestizos but still indigenous is the optimal way to look at in
see themselves as indigenous (de la Cadena dividuals, pueblos, and organizations. This

2001, p. 263). Although theGuatemalan state perspective allows us to

acknowledge
a pro

and wider publics find the "Indian-Ladino" cess of self-definition that takes us beyond
distinction useful for its homogenizing func the identity being asserted at a particular
tion, Little-Siebold (2001) finds fluid and time and place
to where we can ask, "As

bidirectional uses of identity labels (p. 193; serted by whom?" and "After what kinds of
see also Smith 1990). These usages alter the negotiations?" Literature that examines in

terms' dominant meaning, tersections between indigenous identity and

paired although
the dichotomy does not disappear entirely. other identity components like religion, race,
Casta?eda (2004) provocatively asks, "[A]re and gender clearly demonstrates how cru

all Maya Maya?" (p. 38), and describes a cial it is always to see identities in the
plu
friend who, although self-identifying asMaya, ral, their formation in processual terms, and

adamantly maintained that "we are not indige

rather than asking questions like "What char

nous!" (p. 38). Casta?eda sees this position to acterizes X identity?" asking "What are the
be a refusal "to be slotted into the 'savage ways of being X at this time and in this
slot' of the rebellious Indio" (p. 38).He argues place?"
that Yucatec Maya have not
only another pol Resonating with the need to think of mul
itics but another modality of identity.Warren tiple ways of being indigenous is an equiv
(1998) argues that identities and identity pol alent need to analyze adequately the differ
itics are shaped by the tensions between dif ent kinds of citizenship emerging in new
ferent historical generations of activists and "civil society" discourses and practices. We

their and have seen that multiculturalist distinctions,

critics?indigenous nonindigenous
alike?in communities and on the national often inscribed into constitutions, stipulate
scene. A collection of essays in the Journal that indigenous individuals and collectivities

www.annualreviews.org Latin American IndigenousMovements $61

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 are to
participate in the political process DISCOURSE SHIFTS:
as both regular citizens of a country and LANGUAGES OF POLITICAL
as
special, indigenous citizens. Scholars ar PRACTICE AND
gue that differential treatment for histori IMPLEMENTATION
cally discriminated and marginalized groups
is necessary for them to attain citizen Indigenous Political Imaginarles
equal
ship. Rhetoric concerned with and Several authors address how movements de
democracy
civil in fact, reveals moves an an a stance in
society, complex velop imaginary, attitude,
around the citizenship trope. Scholarship in to the dominant The stances
regard society.
attends to processes that taken a movement can
creasingly produce by given significantly
and contest differentiated citizenship, eth influence decision about, for exam
making
nic citizenship, and cultural citizenship. This sec
ple, alliance building with nonindigenous
is an interesting play on Ong's (1999) no tors such as labor unions or environmentalist
tion of graduated citizenship and illustrates and human groups. The stances also
rights
the need to problematize the notion of civil influence choices about whether to operate
which in some contexts has been as to the
society, within, opposed totally outside, sys
overused or to the of be tem. Guatemalan have
underspecified point Pan-Mayanists spoken
ing evacuated of meaning (Rajagopal 2003, of a
Utopian goal of a separate Mayan
na

pp. 258-61). tion or a radical federalism, both organized

In sum, the recent literature discusses the on the basis of regional Mayan languages,
substantial problems and challenges faced by which would give them administrative control
anyone?scholars, pueblos, the state, inter over thewestern highlands (Cojti Cuxil 1994).
national institutions?who to get a focused on creat
attempts Strategically, however, they
fix on defining indigenousness. Anthropolo
ing hundreds of small organizations dedicated
and historians, no less than governments to cultural and found
gists language revitalization,
pursuing racialized nation-building projects, ing alternative Mayan elementary schools and
need categories, but the recent literature pro training shamans, professional linguists, pub
vides evidence that are not and other activist
ample signifiers lishers, professionals.
always accepted by their intended signifieds? Opposition from the ruling powers not
the actual populations may have other classi will a movement's and
only shape self-image
ficatory agendas. It is very clear that know forms of but also at times will
resistance,
ing who is doing the pointing is crucial. Yes, ensure that a national
paradoxically indige
"Indians" were created colonial nous consciousness will Both Reed
by European develop.
ism and the New World-born Spanish criollo (2002) and Horst (2003, p. 127) show how
elites who assumed power following inde the extremely difficult struggle during the
And the notions of "in Stroessner regime in Paraguay helped indige
pendence. certainly

digenous" adopted in the indigenista policies nous activists from disparate pueblos identify
of many Latin American governments (and themselves as a concerted lobby bloc opposed
many NGOs) prior to the 1980s no longer to an economic and social
agenda
that ig
work. But equally obvious is the impossibil nored their concerns. O'Connor (2003) notes

ity of substituting a new definition for highly that although resistance has a long history in
dialogic identity labels such as these. One les Ecuador, earlier strategies
were
primarily
re
son of such an attempt is that ethnic labels or
actionary, lacking long-term, widespread,
are often in ways that make them alternative solutions to
politicized oppression. Here, too,
indexes for ideological alignments and loy the development of national and even transna
alties that stand outside ethnic identity per tional resulted in part from frus
strategies
se. tration unsuccessful local actions.
following

562 Jackson Warren

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Political mobilizations that were able to
unify teraction between the official juridical bodies
highland and lowland populations in national and pueblos produces transformation in both,

in Bolivia and Ecuador, were a more model of dispute resolution

protests, notably complex
the sense that were is needed.
strengthened by they

organizing against
a common enemy. Specific rulings employing customary law
are sometimes disputed within indigenous
communities themselves, in indi
resulting
Customary Law
viduals appealing their sentence by turning
Although indigenous communities have al to Western courts. Local decisions may be

been a of as authoritarian,
ways granted degree autonomy challenged discriminatory,
to run their internal affairs, most countries or intrusive into private space. For example,
are an interface between is detaining and someone to work a
fashioning positivist forcing
Western law and indigenous legal systems that crime against individual liberty or the legiti
give local authorities much more latitude than mate act of ronda authorities (Yrigoyen 2002,
before, in particular to
adjudicate criminal p. 174)? As Stavenhagen (2002) points out,
cases. Certain fundamental however, this kind of serious and renego
rights, negotiation
must be observed: no executions, torture, or tiation always reflects changing political and
banishment. Authors addressing these issues economic circumstances (p. 39). "[L]egal plu
find contradictions in both the legislation and ralism should be seen as a
plurality of contin

its enforcement with respect to and interconnected processes

indigenous ually evolving
authorities' right to judge, detain, establish enmeshed in wider power relations" (Sieder
sanctions, and punish. Stavenhagen (2002, 2002, p. 201). An incompatibility between
p. 33) discusses how Colombia's Constitu liberal Western concepts of universal human

tional Court decisions resulted in indigenous rights and culture-specific collective rights is

juridical autonomy prevailing

to the greatest often the nub of the problem. Authors will cite
extent in Latin America. Specific rulings by Kymlicka's (1996) argument that as long as an
the Court show an official that is individual can leave a then cer
apparatus community,

seriously attempting instantiate to

the coun tain restrictions on individual freedoms within
try's
status as a multicultural and pluri-ethnic it are justifiable, for example prohibitions on
nation. Its encounters with customary law, de selling land. The basic argument allows the

rived from world views and cultural practices curtailment of individual rights when they are
that are at times incommensurate with to threaten the cultural
simply perceived integrity
Western culture, make for fascinating read of the group as awhole. Stavenhagen (2002)
ing (see S?nchez 2000). Local juridical sys goes further, offering the proposition that the
tems rely on methodologies legitimated by recognition of group rights may be seen as

cosmological forces and sometimes require

a condition for the enjoyment of individual
shamanic consultations, assumptions and au but he concedes that such a novel idea
rights,
thorizations that differ fundamentally from is difficult to integrate into Latin America's le
Western notions of justice, due process, and gal systems (p. 37). Although collective rights
conflict resolution (see Gray 1997; Jackson are of great concern to
indigenous
commu

2002a, p. 119). nities, they often face uphill battles because

Although positivist and customary law are of liberal and neoliberal insistence on the
always opposed
in the literature, after a com individual as the holder of rights.
prehensive examination of institutionalized

plural jurisprudence being implemented in an

Indigenous Deployment of Culture
actual local setting, Sierra (1995) concluded
that the dichotomy between law and custom The arrival of multiculturalism played a role
dissolves in actual situations: Given that in in a
transforming stigmatized indigenous

www.annualreviews.org Latin American IndigenousMovements 563

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 into one often seen to possess a ical outlines a of re
identity protestants process
moral inWestern soci whether who refuse to
capital sorely lacking solving Evangelicals
Some sectors of have come to see in certain "traditional" commu
ety. society participate
as democ activities have to leave. Each side's no
pueblos representing legitimacy, nity
racy, and accountability, as amoral re tion of Huichol what consti
serving "culture"?just
to status quo institutions tutes "essential" Huichol
proach hegemonic identity?revolves
such as the state and the Church. Authors around what members need to do
actually
write about how indigenous leaders, noticing to affirm (and reaffirm) their right to be
the potential value of the symbolic and po considered Huichol. Religious identity and
litical capital attained through the resignifi practice
seem to be
particularly contentious,
cation of "indigenous culture," increase their and research is increasing around these is

efforts to revive and strengthen their own in sues (e.g., Canessa 2000, Cleary & Steigenga
stitutions. Garfield (2001) describes how the 2004).
Xavante revived rituals after finding out that As we have seen above, the relationship
the outside world considered them "beautiful" between state hegemony and local identity
claims can be and
(p. 134). complex dynamic. Many
A newer concept, at times
opposed
to authors describe how communities will travel
multiculturality, circulating widely is "in a considerable distance down the road to

terculturality" (Rappaport 2005). WTiitten incorporation?albeit

as
indigenous "others"

(2004) describes how indigenous organiza ?into the state apparatus, including the state

tions in Ecuador oppose it to "an ethos of playing the role of ultimate juridical au
hybridity or social or cultural pluralism_ thority (Padilla 1996). A community might
Interculturality
stresses a movement from have to obtain personer?a jur?dica, juridical
one cultural system to another, with the identity, before it can undertake any kind
explicit purpose of understanding other ways of legal action [for Colombian examples,
of thought and action" (p. 440). WTiereas the see Gros (2000) and Rappaport (1996)]. An
of social and cultural and is the on the
ideologies pluralism emerging problem tendency

hybridity "are national, regional

and static", part of both pueblos and the state to reify
formal consciousness of interculturality "is identity. Although a pueblo's claim to self
local, determination does not in principle
regional, pluri-national, diasporic, require

global and dynamic" (p. 440). States have it to freeze-dry its traditions, this is a com

used this nomenclature in school reforms mon response to criticism that a set
particular
without, however, new auricular of behaviors is nontraditional and therefore
promoting
materials for nonindigenous students. inauthentic.
Indige
nous critics of intercultural education reform Yet it is undeniable that, for many com

promulgated by the Bolivian neoliberal state munities, being officially recognized as

see to be '"neoliberal assim affects, sometimes
interculturality indigenous substantially,
ilation' now in native languages"
dressed members' sense of who they
are: "Before, we

(Gustafson 2002, p. 278; also see Lukyx 2000). weren't registered [with the national bureau
of affairs], we weren't
indigenous anything.
We are now to be aware of
just starting
Identity ourselves as an
'indigenous community'"

Intra-pueblo negotiations about who is a

(Occhipinti 2003, pp. 159-60). Some
member in good standing of a given pueblo communities prefer pueblo, "people,"
to "in

can
hinge
on who decides what consti digenous" because "pueblo" signals a political
tutes an of discourse that the movement as a
adequate performance identity. configures
De la Pe?a's discussion of conflict between coalition of cultural groups rather than as a

Huichol traditionalist elders and Evangel category of oppressed people suffering from

$64 Jackson Warren

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
discrimination based on their ethnicity or longer perform cultural difference via lan
race. ritual, or other culture (see,
guage, practice
over seem to be e.g., Tilley 2002).
Negotiations identity
and shot much progress has been made in
perennially ambiguous, contingent, Clearly,

through with ironies.Wilson (1995) sees iden recognizing the rights of people to retain a
tity
to be "irresolvable,"
possessing
an "inher culture distinct from that of the dominant so
ently
insecure ontology" (p. 5): "The seem
ciety. Stavenhagen (2002) notes that, although
ingly contradictory processes of othering and we should celebrate gains, the struggle for in

hybridisation
are constitutive of each other, digenous rights has barely begun, and in the
dynamically feeding into one another. Iden future the going will be rough. Indigenous
tities become interior to each other and im leaders have not been able to agree on short

plicitly influence the emergence of new iden term and medium objectives. Also, poorly
tities" (p. 3).One of the several contradictions considered actions taken by some leaders have
of identity, according to Wilson (1995), is displeased some potential sympathizers, and
"that relationality
must be present for iden all too often truly effective political strategies
tity to exist, but the very basis of meaning in have not been developed (p. 34). In addition,
difference leads to the of signi continue to and mount
crossing-over opponents organize
fies and the undermining of any pretensions counteroffensives. In countries like Paraguay,
to boundedness" (p. 6; see alsoWade 1997, indigenous people have been labeled as ene
pp. 80-83). mies of the state, and in Guatemala,
indige
nous organizing is still seen by some critics as a
that promotes racism and class/ethnic
project
FUTURE DIRECTIONS conflict (Warren 1998).
The past three decades have seen a
profound Although the amount of territory inalien
transformation in Latin American states' vi ably and collectively owned by pueblos has
sions of their indigenous populations. Many increased in several countries, huge problems
of the most marginalized pueblos gained the remain. Colombia has ceded vast areas to low

most basic right: the "right to have rights" land groups, but in themore productive high
as citizens (Alvarez et al. 1998;Harvey 1998, land areas the situation is often dire, and Van

p. 35). Establishing the right

to difference, Cott (2002, p. 52) notes the failure of three
at both the individual and community level, successive governments to establish the In

strengthened demands for autonomy and self digenous Territorial Entities mandated by the
determination because it drove a stake into constitution.

previous modernist corporatist

state
projects. The violent conflicts involving indige
communities no made de nous communities are a continual worry. Not
Indigenous longer
mands as minorities but as with too ago, armed
"people" long indigenous insurgents
inherent rights. "Cultural and historical re played very visible roles in Peru, Colombia,
and "inherent de Guatemala, and Mexico. commu
covery" projects rights" Indigenous
mands have been successful in nities can come to be seen as subversives be
remarkably
countries. However, discourses based cause are poor, live in rural areas,
many they they
on cultural difference do not lead to success and theymount public demonstrations against
and come at a At times a or terrorist state.
everywhere, they price. neglectful, exploitative,
the emphasis on validation by performing dif Accusations detailing pueblo subversion can
ference has other discourses serve elites' self-interest in maintaining "the
relegated against
racial discrimination and social and economic traditional source of cheap labor and politi
exclusion to the back of the bus, resulting cal supporters in well-oiled systems of client

in problems for Afro-Latinos and rural and patron relationships" (Stavenhagen 2002,
urban
indigenous
communities who can no p. 37) or can ensure that zero resistance will

www.annualreviews.org Latin American IndigenousMovements <??6$

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 greet mega-development projects exploiting cial movements and different
regional histo

subsoil, forest, or resources. ries in Latin America crucial

hydroelectric provides
analyses
the romantic view of pueblos as of the playing out of transforma
Clearly, geopolitical
cohesive and consensus-based collectivities tions, such as the consequences of the end of
can be sustained only from a distance. Any the Cold War, in specific situations. Research
indigenous community will be riddled with into the more recent tensions brought
on
by
conflicts?some ongoing and others resolved waves of neoliberal political and economic
but not well as factions, hierar pressures also makes valuable contributions,
forgotten?as
chies, and mechanisms that for on the effects of
decision-malting example, investigations
exclude and marginalize some members. It U.S. policies like the war on drugs and the war

will, in short, values and actions that on terrorism in Latin America. In Colombia,
display
are but fair, democratic, or U.S. advisers have directed a remil
anything egali military
tarian, as defined and valorized in the West. itarization of state in the war on
policing
(Western institutions and values are no less and have been
drugs, indigenous populations
conflict ridden and are more ex in the crossfire of these new
certainly caught configu
How to represent such conflicts rations of violence, insur
clusionary.) produced by armed
without ammunition to enemies who forces and
giving gents, counterinsurgent (military
do not have a interest and narcotraffickers.
given pueblo's upper paramilitary),
most in mind is often not at all evident to ei land rights?continues
Territory?gaining
ther the pueblos or their allies. to be the of
nonindigenous prime goal indigenous organiza
Other potential threats include a disrup tions. Successful campaigns for collective title,
tive stratification within the movement and most spectacularly the Awas Tingi decision in
within the communities themselves. provide encouragement elsewhere
"Rights" Nicaragua,
to can the sectors in the region. We need to understand these
granted pueblos strengthen
power and weaken the po processes, as well as the ways Latin Ameri
already possessing
sition of subordinates (Stavenhagen 2002). can countries link?or fail to link?territorial
We close and In Mexico, the re
by suggesting especially promis jurisdiction pueblos.
ing future research directions. The first area vised 1994 proposal to establish regional au
concerns ways in which Latin American re tonomy for ethnolinguistic communities does

search articulates with important interna not link it to actual territory; only the right of
tional issues. Indigenous activism has clearly pueblos to decide their destiny as peoples is
an active role in mentioned.
played shaping community
and multicultural national politics in Latin Many important opportunities present
America. Debates whether the themselves for research on violent conflicts
concerning
processes of modernity and globalization have that involve pueblos. Indigenous people have
or have pro become internal and international
homogenized meanings peoples refugees,
duced compelling arguments
on both sides. facing life in refugee camps and employment
On a level, debates over whether eth outside their countries. have main
global Many
nic mobilizing has helped or hindered democ tained close connections with their homelands

ratization have often emphasized divisive and and remitted earnings to their families and
violent ethnonationalisms. move In these di
Indigenous community development projects.
ments in Latin America, however, some have new
suggest asporas, youths experienced
that ethnic mobilization can foster formations of violence, like U.S. urban gangs,
genuine
grassroots democratization. and have introduced gangs into rural Latin
Another line of comparative scholarship American towns. Given the sustained periods

challenges the U.S.-centric perspective of of state violence and armed conflict in Latin
international relations research on Latin America, researchers are to inves
beginning
America. Comparative research on new so
tigate indigenous experiences of individual

S66 Jackson Warren

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 and collective healing, the reincorporation digenous communities resist state programs,
of former combatants into their communi is another fruitful direction, as iswork on de
ties, and the impact of internationally bro mystifying the state as a monolithic entity.
kered peace processes and truth commis Such investigations reveal agencies with a di
sions (or lack of these processes) on postwar versity of tendencies. Also welcome is research
into situations in which resistance to
development. pueblo
Neoliberal economic reforms have been state is sponsored inter
projects by capitalist

accompanied by innovative utilization of pri ests, such as logging projects.

vate international companies that have as
Although we have not discussed race and
sumed state functions. A similar the current research on this con
important mestizaje,
process has involved transnational NGOs in stellation of topics is enormously promising,
subscribing to a variety of political and re as are
approaches that examine the numer

ligious persuasions. We need to know more ous ways all identities are gendered and often
about the of control these organiza sexualized.
degree
tions exert on
community life, regional and A final research frontier
is indigenous
national social movements, and state demo
youth activism, especially important given the
cratic governance. Serious problems often oc
growing gaps between rich and poor, and
curwhen international NGOs engaged in hu the growing importance of consumer cul

manitarianism, postwar reconstruction, and ture, remittance of funds from com

diasporic
move on to new crises munities, and nontraditional forms of work
development leaving

indigenous organizations bereft of support for NGOs. At issue is whether

indigenous
they have come to
depend
on. For example, youth will follow existing forms of indige
when are to generate their nous activism, find other movements more
they compelled
own non or distance themselves from ac
operating expenses, indigenous compelling,
may be forced to restruc tivism The younger is
profit organizations altogether. generation
ture their services to attract new kinds of a the members of
heterogeneous category,
customers. which see and constraints from
opportunities
Research into the new ways state
agencies very different cultural and economic vantage

compete with each other, at times helping in points.

LITERATURE CITED
Albo X. 2002. Bolivia: from Indian and campesino leaders to councillors and parliamentary
deputies. See Sieder 2002, pp. 74?102
Alonso AM. 1994. The of space, time and substance: state formation, nationalism, and
politics

ethnicity. Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 23:379^-05

Alonso AM. 2004. Conforming disconformity: "mestizaje," hybridity, and the aesthetics of
Mexican nationalism. Cult. Anthropol. 19(4)459-90
Alvarez SE, Dagnino E, Escobar A, ed. 1998. Cultures ofPolitics/Politics ofCultures: Re-Visioning
Latin American Social Movements. Boulder, CO: Westview. 459 pp.
Assies W. 2000. and reform of the state in Latin America. See Assies et al.
Indigenous peoples
2000, pp. 3-22
Assies W, van der Haar G, Hoekema A, ed. 2000. The Challenge ofDiversity: Indigenous Peoples
and Reform of the State in Latin America. Amsterdam: Thela Thesis. 315 pp.
Bastos S, Camus M. 1995.Abriendo Caminos: Las Organizaciones del PuebloMaya y susDemandas.
Guatemala City: FLASCO

www.annualreviews.org Latin American IndigenousMovements $67

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Bastos S, Camus M. 1996. Quebrando el Silencio:
Organizaciones Mayas y sus Demandas, 1986
1992. Guatemala City: FLACSO
Bauman R, Briggs CL. 2003. Voices ofModernity: Language Ideologiesand thePolitics of Inequality.
Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press
Benson P. 2004. Nothing to see hear. Anthropol. Q. 77(3):436-67
Briggs C 2004. Theorizing modernity conspiratorially: science, scale, and the political econ
omy of public discourse in explanations of a cholera epidemic. Am. Ethnol. 31(2): 164?204
Briones C. 2003. the dis-membered: a drama about Mapuche and
Re-membering anthropo

logical cultural production in three scenes (4th edition). J. Lat. Am. Anthropol. 8(3):31-58
Brown RM. 1996.The Mayan language loyaltymovement inGuatemala. See Fischer & Brown
1996, pp. 165-77
Brysk A. 1995. Acting globally: Indian rights and international politics in Latin America. See
Van Cott 1995, pp. 29-51
Brysk A. 2000. From Tribal Village toGlobal Village: Indian Rights and International Relations in
Latin America. Stanford, CA: Stanford Univ. Press. 370 pp.
Brysk A. 2004. From civil society to collective action: the politics of religion in Ecuador. See
Cleary & Steigenga 2004, pp. 25-42
Calla R. 2000. Indigenous peoples, the law of popular participation and changes in government:
Bolivia, 1994-1998. See Assies et al. 2000, pp. 77-96
Campbell H. 1996. Isthmus Zapotee intellectuals: cultural production and politics in Juchitin,
Oaxaca. InThe Politics ofEthnicity inSouthernMexico, ed.H Campbell, pp. 77-98. Nashville:
Vanderbilt Univ. Publ. Anthropol. 50
Canessa A. 2000. Contesting hybridity: Evangelistas andKatarinas inHighland Bolivia. J. Lat.
Am. Stud. 32(1):115-44
Casta?eda QE. 2004. "We are not the Maya of Yucatan, an introduction.
indigenous!" identity
J. Lat. Am. Anthropol. 9(l):36-63
Chapin M. 2004. A challenge to conservationists. World-Watch Nov./Dec.:17-31
Chaves M. 2001. Discursos subalternos de identidad y movimiento en el In
ind?gena Putumayo.
Movimientos Sociales, Estado y Democracia en Colombia, ed. M Archila, M Pardo, pp. 234?59.

Bogot?: CES Universidad Nacional, Instituto Colombiano de Antropolog?a eHistoria

Cleary EL, Steigenga TJ, ed. 2004. Resurgent Voices inLatin America: Indigenous Peoples, Political
Mobilization, and Religious Change. New Brunswick: Rutgers. 268 pp.
Cojti Cuxil D. 1994. Pol?ticaspara laReivindicaci?n de los
Mayas deHoy: Fundamento de losDerechos
Espec?ficosdel PuebloMaya. Guatemala City: Editorial Cholsamaj and Seminario Perma
nente de Estudios Mayas
Cojt? Cuxil D. 1997. Unidad del estado mestizo y regiones aut?nomas mayas. In Guatemala: ?
Oprimida, Pobre oPrincesa Embrujada? ed. F Birk, pp. 175-89. Guatemala City: Fundaci?n
Friedrich Ebert
Cojt? Cuxil D. 2002. Educational reform in Guatemala: lessons from negotiations between
indigenous civil society and the state. See Sieder 2002, pp. 103-28
Collier GA, E Lowery Quaratiello. 1999. Basta! Land and the Zapatista Rebellion in Chiapas.
Berkeley: Inst. Food Dev. Pol. 179 pp.
Conklin B. 1997. Body paint, feathers, and VCRs: aesthetics and authenticity in Amazonian
activism. Am. Ethnol. 24(4):695-721
Dean B. 2003. At themargins of power: gender hierarchy and the politics of ethnic mobilization
among theUrarina. In^r theRisk ofBeing Heard: Identity, IndigenousRights, and Postcolonial
States, ed. B Dean, JM Levi, pp. 217-54. Ann Arbor: Univ. Mich. Press
De la Cadena M. 2000. IndigenousMestizos: The Politics of Race and Culture in Cuzco, Peru,
1919-1991. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press

$68 Jackson Warren

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
De la Cadena M. 2001. Comments: ambiguity and contradiction in the
analysis of race and the
state. J. Lat. Am. Anthropol. 6(2):2 52-66
De laPe?a G. 2002. Social citizenship, ethnic minority demands, human rights and neoliberal
paradoxes: a case study inWestern Mexico. See Sieder 2002, pp. 129-56
Diaz Polanco H. 1997. Indigenous Peoples in Latin America: The Quest for Self-Determination.
Transi. L Rayas. Boulder, CO: Westview. 162 pp. (From Spanish)
Dombrowski K. 2002. The praxis of indigenism and Alaska native timber politics. Am. Anthro
pol. 104(4):1062-73
England NC. 2003. Mayan language revival and revitalization politics: linguists and linguistic
ideologies. Am. Anthropol. 105(4):733^-3
Falk R. 2001. The right of self-determination in international law: the coherence of doctrine
versus the incoherence of In The
experience. Self-Determination of Peoples: Community,
Nation, and State in an World, ed. W pp. 47-63. Boulder,
Interdependent Danspeckgruber,
CO: Lynne Rienner
Field L. 1998. Post-Sandinista ethnic identities in Western Nicaragua. Am. Anthopol.
100(2):431-43
Fischer EF. 1996. Induced cultural change as a strategy for socioeconomic development: the
Pan-Maya movement inGuatemala. See Fischer & Brown 1996, pp. 51-73
Fischer E, Brown R, ed. 1996. Mayan Cultural Activism in Guatemala. Austin: Univ. Tex. Press.

245 pp.
French JH. 2004. Mestizaje and lawmaking in indigenous identity formation inNortheastern
Brazil: "after the conflict came the history." Am. Anthropol. 106(4):663-74
Garcia Canclini N. 1995.Hybrid Cultures.Minneapolis: Univ. Minn. Press. 293 pp.
Garfield S. 2001. Indigenous Struggles at theHeart ofBrazil: State Policy, Frontier Expansion and
theXavante Indians, 1937-1988. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press
Garz?n S, Brown RM, Richards J, Ajpub W. 1998. The Life of our Language: KaqchikelMaya
Maintenance, Shift, and Revitalization. Austin: Univ. Tex. Press
Giordani L. 2002. Lleg? la hora del Indio, s?o no?: the election of three indigenous represen
tatives to Venezuela's National Constituent Soc. Justice Peace Hum.
Assembly. Anthropol.
Rights 3(l-2):63-95
Gordillo G, Hirsch S. 2003. Respuesta aCarmen Bernand. J. Lat. Am. Anthropol. 8(3): 179-81
Gow D, Rappaport J. 2002. The indigenous public voice: theMultiple idioms of modernity in
Native Cauca. SeeWarren & Jackson 2002 a, pp. 47-80
Graham LR. 2002. How should an Indian speak?Amazonian Indians and the symbolic politics
of language in the global public sphere. SeeWarren & Jackson 2002a, pp. 181-228
Gray A. 1997. Indigenous and Development: Self-Determination in an Amazonian Commu
Rights
nity. Oxford, UK: Berghahan. 354 pp.
Gros C 2000. Pol?ticas de laEtnicidad: Identidad, Estado yModernidad. Bogot?: Instituto Colom
biano de Antropolog?a eHistoria. 216 pp.
Gustafson B. 2002. Paradoxes of liberal movements, state processes,
indigenism: indigenous
and intercultural reform in Bolivia. SeeMaybury-Lewis 2002, pp. 267-308
Hale C. 1994. Between Che Guevara and the Pachamama: Mestizos, Indians and identity
politics in the anti-quincentenary campaign. Crit. Anthropol. 14(1):9?39
Hale C. 1997. Cultural politics of identity in Latin America. Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 26:567-90
Hale C 2002. Does multiculturalism menace? Governance, cultural rights and the politics of
identity inGuatemala. J. Lat. Am. Stud. 34:485-524
Hale C. 2004. Review of V Sanford Buried Secrets, Truth andHuman Rights in Guatemala. J.
Lat. Am. Anthropol. 9(l):202-5

www.annualreviews.org Latin American IndigenousMovements 569

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Harvey N. 1998. The Chiapas Rebellion: The Struggle for Land and Democracy. Durham, NC:
Duke Univ. Press
Hendrickson C. 1996. Women, and education inMaya revitalization. See Fischer &
weaving,
Brown 1996, pp. 156-64
Hern?ndez RA. 1997. Between hope and adversity: the struggle of organized women inChiapas
since the Zapatista rebellion. J. Lat. Am. Anthropol 3(1): 102-20
Hill J, ed. 1997. Ethnogenesis in theAmericas. Iowa City: Univ. Iowa Press
Hill J. 1999. Language, race, and white public space. Am. Anthropol. 100(3):680-89
Hirsch SM. 2003. The emergence of political organizations among the Guaran? Indi
ans of Bolivia and Argentina: a See & Mu?oz 2003,
comparative perspective. Langer

pp.81-102
DL. 2002. Precarious alliances: the cultural and structural predicaments of
Hodgson politics
the indigenous rights movement inTanzania. Am. Anthropol. 104(4): 1086-97
Horst RH. 2003. Consciousness and contradiction: and Paraguay's transi
indigenous peoples
tion to democracy. See Langer 2003, pp. 103-34
Jackson JE. 1999. The politics of ethnographic practice in the Colombian Vaup?s. Identities
6(2-3):281-317
Jackson JE. 2002a. Caught in the crossfire: Colombia's indigenous peoples during the 1990s.
SeeMaybury-Lewis 2002, pp. 107-34
Jackson JE. 2002b. Contested discourses of authority in Colombian national indigenous poli
tics: the 1996 summer takeovers. SeeWarren & Jackson 2002 a, pp. 81-122
Jelin E. 1996. Citizenship revisited: solidarity, responsibility, and rights. In Constructing Democ
racy:Human Rights, Citizenship, and Society in Latin America, ed. E Jelin, E Hershberg,
pp. 101-20. Boulder, CO: Westview
Kearney M. 1996. Conceptualizing thePeasantry: Anthropology inGlobal Perspective. Boulder, CO:
Westview

M, V?rese S. 1995. Latin America's identities and forms

Kearney indigenous peoples: changing
of resistance. In Capital, Power, and Inequality in Latin America, ed. S Halebsky, R Harris,

pp. 207-31. Boulder, CO: Westview

Kymlicka W. 1996.Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory ofMinority Rights. New York
Oxford
ED, Mu?oz E, ed. 2003. Movements in Latin America. Wilm
Langer Contemporary Indigenous
DE: Sch. Resour. 220 pp.
ington,
Laurie N, Andolina R, Radcliffe S. 2002. The excluded "indigenous"? The implications of
multi-ethnic policies for water reform in Bolivia. See Sieder 2002, pp. 252-76
Li T. 2000. Articulating indigenous identity in Indonesia: resource politics and the tribal slot.
Comp. Stud. Soc.Hist. 42(l):149-79
Little-Siebold T. 2001. Beyond the Indian-Ladino dichotomy: contested identities in an East
ern Guatemala town. J. Lat. Am. Anthropol. 6(2): 176-97
Lomnitz- Adler C. 1992. Exitsfrom theLabyrinth. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press
Lukyx A. 2000. Gender equity and interculturalidad: the dilemma of Bolivian education. J. Lat.
Am. Anthropol. 5(2): 150-78
Macdonald T. 2002. Ecuador's Indian movement: pawn in a short game or agent in state

reconfiguration? SeeMaybury-Lewis 2002, pp. 169-98

Macdonald T. 2003. Indigenous rights: configuring citizenships. ReVista Fall:10:7-10
Mallon F. 1994. Reflections on the ruins: forms of state formation in nineteenth
everyday

centuryMexico. In Everyday Forms ofState Formation: Revolution and theNegotiation ofRule

inModern Mexico, ed. G Joseph, D Nugent, pp. 69-106. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press

$70 Jackson Warren

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Malion F. 1996. Constructing mestizaje inLatin America: authenticity, marginality, and gender
in the claiming of ethnic identities. J. Lat. Am. Anthropol. 2(1): 170-81
Marcus G. 1998. Ethnography throughThick and Thin. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press
Mart?nez C. 2004. We are the we are the state
against government, although government:
institutions and indigenous migrants in Baja California in the 1990s.y. Lat. Am. Anthropol.
9(2):3 52-408
Maybury-Lewis D, ed. 2002. The Politics ofEthnicity: IndigenousPeoples inLatin American States.
Cambridge, MA: David Rockefeller Cent. Lat. Am. Stud., Harvard Univ. Press. 386 pp.
Montejo V. 1999. Voicesfrom Exile: Violence and Survival inModern Maya History. Norman:
Univ. Okla. Press

Montejo V. 2005. Maya Intellectual Renaissance: Identity, Representation, and Leadership. Austin:
Univ. Tex. Press. In press

Montejo 1992. Brev?sima Relaci?n Testimonial de la Continua Destrucci?n del

V, Akab' Q.
MayaF(Guatemala). Providence, RI:Maya Sch. Netw.
Muehlebach A. 2001. "Making place" at the United Nations: indigenous cultural politics and
theU.N. Working Group on Indigenous Politics. Cult. Anthropol. 16(3)415-48
Nash J. 2001. Mayan Visions: The Quest for Autonomy in an Age of Globalization. New York:
Routledge
Nelson D. 1999. A Finger in theWound: Body Politics in Quincentennial Guatemala. Berkeley:
Univ. Calif. Press. 427 pp.
Occhipinti L. 2003. Claiming a place: land and identity in two communities inNorthwestern
Argentina. J. Lat. Am. Anthropol. 8(3): 155-74
O'Connor E. 2003. Indians and national salvation: placing Ecuador's indigenous coup of Jan
uary 2000 in historical perspective. See Langer & Mu?oz 2003, pp. 65-80
Ong A. 1999. Flexible Citizenship: The Cultural Logics ofTransnationality. Durham, NC: Duke
Univ. Press
Padilla G. 1996. La ley y los pueblos ind?genas en Colombia. J. Lat. Am. Anthropol. 1(2):78?97
Pallares A. 2002. From Peasant Struggles to Indian Resistance: The Ecuadorian Andes in the Late
Twentieth Norman: Univ. Okla. Press
Century.
Plant R. 2002. Latin America's multiculturalism: economic and agrarian dimensions. See Sieder
2002, pp. 208-26
Radcliffe SA. 2000. Entangling resistance, ethnicity, gender and nation in Ecuador. In Entan
glements ofPower: Geographies ofDomination/Resistance, ed. JP Sharp, P Routledge, C Philo,
R Paddison, pp. 164-81. London: Routledge
Rajagopal B. 2003. InternationalLaw from Below:Development, SodalMovements and Third World
Resistance. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press. 343 pp.
Ramirez MC. 2002. The politics of identity and cultural difference in the Putumayo: claiming
special indigenous rights inColombia's Amazon. SeeMaybury-Lewis 2002, pp. 135-68
Ramos AR. 1994. The hyperreal Indian. Crit. Anthropol. 14(2):153-71
Ramos AR. 1998. Indigenism: Ethnic Politics inBrazil. Madison: Univ. Wis. Press. 326 pp.
Rappaport J, ed. 1996. Ethnicity reconfigured: indigenous legislators and the Colombian Con
stitution of 1991. J. Lat. Am. Anthropol. 1(2):2-l65
Rappaport J. 2005. Intercultural Utopias: Public Intellectuals, Cultural Experimentation, and Ethnic
Pluralism in Colombia. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press. In press
Rappaport J, Dover R. 1996. The construction of difference by native legislators: assessing
the impact of the Colombian Constitution of 1991. J. Lat. Am. Anthropol. Spec. Issue
l(2):22^r5
Raxche' (Guaj?n Rodr?guez D). 1995. Las ONGsy lasRelaciones Inter ?tnicas.Guatemala City:
Editorial Cholsamaj

www.annualreviews.org Latin American IndigenousMovements $71

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Raxche' (Guaj?n Rodr?guez D). 1996.Maya culture and the politics of development. See Fischer
& Brown 1996, pp. 74-88
Reed R. 2002. New rules for the game: groups and the transition to
Paraguayan indigenous
See Maybury-Lewis 2002, pp. 309-28
democracy.
Rubin JW. 2004.Meanings andmobilizations: a cultural politics approach to social movements
and states. Lat. Am. Res. Rev. 39(3): 106-42
Rus J, Hern?ndez RA,Mattiace S, ed. 2003.Mayan Lives,Mayan Utopias: The Indigenous Peoples
ofChiapas and theZapatista Rebellion. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. 306 pp.
Sam Colop E. 1996. The discourse of concealment and 1992. See Fischer & Brown 1996, pp.
107-13
S?nchez E. 2000. The tutela as ameans of transforming the relations between the state
system
and the indigenous peoples of Colombia. See Assies 2000, pp. 223^4
SAR Annual Report 2004. Santa Fe, NM: Sch. Am. Res.
Sawyer S. 2004. Crude Chronicles: Indigenous Politics, Multinational Oil, and Neoliberalism in
Ecuador.Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press. 294 pp.
Schirmer J. 1996.The looting of democratic discourse by theGuatemalan military: implications
for human rights. In Constructing Democracy:Human Rights, Citizenship, and Society inLatin
America, ed. E Jelin, E Hershberg, pp. 85-97. Boulder, CO: Westview
Schwittay A. 2003. From peasant favors to
indigenous the articulation of an indigenous
rights:
identity and land struggle in northwestern Argentina. J. Lat. Am. Anthropol. 8(3): 127-54
Selverston-Scher M. 2001. Ethnopolitics in Ecuador: Indigenous Rights and the Strengthening of
Miami: Univ. Miami, North-South Cent. 152 pp.
Democracy.
Sieder R, ed. 2002. Multiculturalism in Latin America: Diversity and Democracy.
Indigenous Rights,
New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 280 pp.
Sierra MT. 1995. Articulaciones entre de los nahuas. In
ley y costumbre: estrategias jur?dicas
Pueblos Ind?genasAnte elDerecho, ed. V Chenaut, MT Sierra, pp. 101-23. Mexico City:
Centro de Investigaciones en Centro Franc?s
y Estudios Superiores Antropolog?a Social;
de Estudios Mexicanos Centroamericanos
Smith CA, ed. 1990. Guatemalan Indians and the State: 1540-1988. Austin: Univ. Tex. Press.

316 pp.
Smith CA. 1995. Race-class-gender in Guatemala: modern and anti-modern forms.
ideologies
Comp. Stud. Soc. Hist. 37:723-49

Speed S. 2002. Global discourses on the local terrain: human rights and indigenous identity in
Chiapas. Cult. Dyn. 14(2):205-28
Starn O. 1991. Missing the revolution: anthropologists and the war in Peru. Cult. Anthropol.
6(l):13-38
Starn O. 1999.Nightwatch: The Politics ofProtest in theAndes. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press.
Starn O. 2003. at arms: war and counterrevolution in the Central South Andes. See
Villagers

Langer & Mu?oz 2003, pp. 135-68

R. 2002. and the state in Latin America: an debate.
Stavenhagen Indigenous peoples ongoing
See Sieder 2002, pp. 24-44
Stephen L. 1997. Redefined nationalism in building amovement for indigenous autonomy in
Southern Mexico. J. Lat. Am. Anthropol. 3(1):72?101
Stephen L. 2002. Zapata Lives!Histories and Political Culture in SouthernMexico. Berkeley: Univ.
Calif. Press. 399 pp.
Taylor C. 1994. The politics of recognition. InMulticulturalism: Examining thePolitics ofRecog
nition, ed. A Gutman, pp. 25-73. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press

Ticona E. 2000. Organizaci?n y liderazgo Aymara, 1979-1996. La Paz: Universidad de la

Cordillera, AGRUCO

572 Jackson Warren

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Tilley VQ. 2002. New help or new hegemony? The transnational indigenous peoples' move
ment and "Being Indian" in El Salvador. J. Lat. Am. Stud. 34(3):525-54
Turner T. 2002. Representation, and the construction of power in a video.
polyphony, Kayap?
SeeWarren & Jackson 2002a, pp. 229-50
Van Cott DL. 1995. Indigenous and democracy: issues for policymakers. In
peoples Indigenous
Peoples and Democracy in Latin America, ed. DL Van Cott, pp. 1-28. New York: St. Martin's
Van Cott DL. 2000. The Friendly Liquidation of thePast: The Politics ofDiversity inLatin America.
Pittsburgh, PA: Univ. Pittsburgh Press. 340 pp.
Van Cott DL. 2002. Constitutional reform in the Andes: relations.
redefining indigenous-state
See Sieder 2002, pp. 45-73
Van Cott DL. 2003. Indigenous struggle. Lat. Am Res. Rev. 38(2):220-33
Van Cott DL. 2005. FromMovements toParties inLatin America: The Evolution ofEthnic Politics.
Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press. In press
V?rese S. 1996. The new environmentalist movement of Latin American
indigenous people.
In Valuing LocalKnowledge: Indigenous People and Intellectual Property Rights, ed. SB Brush,
D Stabinsky, pp. 122-42. Washington, DC: Island
Vel?zques Nimbatuj A. 2005. Entre el cuerpo y la sangre de Guatemala. Mesoam?rica 47:In
press
Villal?nME. 2002. Do differences engender rights? Indian and Criollo discourses over minority
at the Venezuelan National Constituent Soc. Justice Peace Hum.
rights Assembly. Anthropol.

&gfe3(l-2):8-42
Wade P. 1997. Race and Ethnicity in Latin America. London: Pluto. 152 pp.
Wade P. 2002. Introduction: the Colombian Pacific in perspective. J. Lat. Am. Anthropol.
7(2):2-33
Watanabe JM, Fischer EF, ed. 2004. Pluralizing Ethnography: Comparison and Representation in
Maya Cultures, Histories, and Identities. Santa Fe: Sch. Am. Res. Press. 353 pp.
Warren J. 2001. Racial Revolutions: Antiracism and Indian in Brazil. Durham, NC:
Resurgence
Duke Univ. Press. 363 pp.
Warren KB. 1998. Movements and their Critics: Pan-Maya Activism in Guatemala.
Indigenous
Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press. 288 pp.
Warren KB. 2001. Introduction. J. Lat. Am. Anthropol. 6(2):90-105
Warren KB, ed. 2002 a. and the State in
Jackson JE, Indigenous Movements, Self-Representation
Latin America. Austin: Univ. Tex. Press. 294 pp.
Warren KB, Jackson JE. 2002b. Introduction. SeeWarren & Jackson 2002a, pp. 1-46
Whitten NE. 2004. Ecuador in the New Millennium: 25 years of democracy. J. Lat. Am.
Anthropol. 9(2)439-60
Wilson R. 1995. Shifting frontiers: historical transformations of identities in Latin America.
Bull. Lat. Am. Res. 14(1): 1-7
Yashar D. 1996. Indigenous protest and in Latin America. In Demo
democracy Constructing
cratic Governance: Latin America and the Caribbean in the 1990s, Themes and Issues, ed. J

Dom?nguez, A Lowenthal, pp. 87-105. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Press

Yashar D. 1999. movements, and the posdiberal in Latin
Democracy, indigenous challenge
America. World Politics 52(1):76-104
Yashar D. 2005. Contesting Citizenship inLatin America: The Rise of IndigenousMovements and the
Postliberal Challenge. New York: Cambridge Univ. Press
R. 2002. Peru: constitution, monist assessment.
Yrigoyen pluralist judiciary?a post-reform
See Sieder 2002, pp. 157-83
Zamosc L. 2003. Agrarian protest and the Indian movement in the Ecuadorian highlands. See
Langer & Mu?oz 2003, pp. 37-64

www.annualreviews.org Latin American IndigenousMovements 575

This content downloaded from 152.2.176.242 on Thu, 22 Oct 2015 04:58:54 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions