Rebels in Frills: a Literature Review on Lolita Subculture

By

Molly Brenan

Submitted in Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for

Graduation with Honors from the

South Carolina Honors College

May 2015

Approved:

__________________________________________________________

Junko Baba, PhD

Director of Thesis

____________________________________________________________

Robyn Hunt, Carolina Distinguished Professor

Department of Theatre and Dance

Second Reader

____________________________________________________________

Steve Lynn, Dean

For South Carolina Honors College

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER
PAGE

ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................................4

THESIS SUMMARY .....................................................................................................................5

INTRODUCTION ..........................................................................................................................8

SECTIONS:

SECTION 1 – On the cultural and historical background of Lolita..................................14

Kawamura, Yuniya. “Introduction.” Fashioning Japanese Subcultures...............14

Kawamura, Yuniya. “Harajuku: The Youth in Silent Rebellion.”

Fashioning Japanese Subcultures. ........................................................................16

Kinsella, Sharon. "Cuties in Japan."......................................................................19

Lunning, Frenchy. "Under the Ruffles: Shōjo and the Morphology of

Power."...................................................................................................................24

Winge, Theresa. "Costuming the imagination: Origins of anime and

manga cosplay.".....................................................................................................28

SECTION 2 – Lolita, gender, and self-empowerment......................................................31

Gagné, Isaac. "Urban Princesses: Performance and ‘Women's Language’

in Japan's Gothic/Lolita Subculture." ....................................................................31

Introduction Kamikaze Girls..................................................................................34

Hardy Bernal, K. A. “Kamikaze Girls and Loli-Goths.” ......................................36

Bergstrom, Brian. "Girliness Next to Godliness: Lolita Fandom as Sacred

Criminality in the Novels of Takemoto Novala."..................................................41

Winge, Theresa. "Undressing and dressing Loli: a search for the identity
of the Japanese Lolita."..........................................................................................46

Younker, Terasa. "Lolita: Dreaming, despairing, defying." .................................49

Osmud. Rahman, Liu Wing-sun, Elita Lam and Chan Mong-tai. “Lolita.
Imaginative Self and Elusive Consumption.” .......................................................52

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 SECTION 3 – Lolita as a global trend ..............................................................................56

Monden, Masafumi. "The ‘Nationality’ of Lolita Fashion.".................................56

Miller, Laura. "Cute masquerade and the pimping of Japan."...............................61

Monden, Masafumi. "Transcultural Flow of Demure Aesthetics:

Examining Cultural Globalisation through Gothic & Lolita Fashion.".................64

SECTION 4 – On problematic elements of Lolita subculture ..........................................67

Blauersouth, Lisa. "Wherein the Author Documents Her Experience as a

Porcelain Doll." Mechademia................................................................................67

Hinton, Perry R. “Returning in a Different Fashion: Culture,

Communication, and Changing Representations of Lolita in Japan and the
West.” ....................................................................................................................70

Zank, Dinah. "Kawaii vs. rorikon: The reinvention of the term Lolita in
modern Japanese manga." .....................................................................................75

CONCLUSION .............................................................................................................................79

REFERENCE IMAGES ...............................................................................................................87

BIBIOGRAPHY ...........................................................................................................................90

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 Abstract

The goal of this thesis is to identify common issues and major themes in the analysis of
Lolita fashion, a Japanese fashion subculture that has existed since the 1990s and is still a
relatively obscure focus of study in academia. This project annotates and critically
reviews a selection of seventeen academic articles and book chapters from
interdisciplinary fields on Lolita and related concepts in Japanese culture. The major
focal points of the study are: background and historical influences on Lolita, the function
of and effect on gender roles within the subculture, the effect of globalization on Lolita,
and an examination of any problematic elements of the subculture. The conclusion will
summarize research findings, emphasizing the interpretation of Lolita as a rebellious and
self-empowering subculture for participants in Japan and Western countries. Similarities
and differences between how this manifests in both places will be discussed. Finally, new
questions, areas of research or methods of research that can be done on Lolita in the
future will be proposed.

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 Thesis Summary

This thesis is an in-depth exploration of Lolita fashion, a Japanese fashion and

“street style” subculture that has gained popularity among primarily young people since

the early 1990s. Lolita, to put it in overly simplistic terms, is an alternative fashion

inspired by historical Rococo and Victorian fashion and made unique by combining these

influences with Japanese ideas of cuteness and other inspirations from avant-garde

fashion. The fashion has a distinctive silhouette and extremely feminine appearance,

usually including a bell-shaped skirt, frilly blouse and headwear, and girlish mary-jane

shoes. This project does not seek to simply define Lolita, however, but instead intends to

look at many diverse aspects of the subculture.

The academic body of work on Lolita is not large, but it is comprised of research

that studies the subculture from diverse points of view. This project consists of a

literature review of seventeen annotated bibliographies of academic articles or book

chapters. Some articles look at Lolita through the lens of sociology, some analyze gender

studies issues, some give historical background, etc. The project groups annotations

thematically as they relate to four research questions: (1) How did Lolita fashion begin as

a subculture, and what specific Japanese cultural concepts or history provided a space and

time for it to happen? (2) How does Lolita subculture both play into and subvert gender

roles? (3) Is Lolita an intrinsically Japanese phenomenon, or is it a global one? (4) What

are problematic elements and issues within the Lolita subculture?

The first section of this thesis includes writings on the historical background of Lolita

and cultural concepts that are related to the subculture. This includes discussions of the

history of how Western fashion was introduced to Japan and how alternative fashions and

5
fashion subcultures developed in the late 20th century. A background on the meaning of

“fashion subcultures” and their history among young people in Japan is also included in

this section. Lolita is compared and contrasted with other subcultures.

Key Japanese cultural concepts discussed in this section are kawaii and shoujo.

Kawaii is an all-encompassing notion of cuteness that has influences Japanese pop-

culture, fashion, media, and many more facets of life. It has been both embraces and

criticized in Japan and the West, so the discussions of kawaii will reflect on both positive

and negative aspects. Shoujo, sometimes called “girls’ culture,” refers to culture and

media related to young women, from literature and manga (comics) to the actual, living

culture of young women in Japan. These two concepts are very closely related and both

are integral to the development of Lolita fashion. This section will also include

discussions of Kamikaze Girls, a Japanese novel that was inspired by shoujo literature

and uses Lolita fashion to convey its central themes.

Lolita is an interesting phenomenon from the standpoint of gender issues. Its

aesthetics and even its name both include trappings of traditional gender roles as well as

subvert them. The articles included in this section address various topics such as the

differing interpretations of the word “lolita” in Japan and the West, how the conflation

with Vladimir Nabokov’s Lolita has influenced the opinion of Lolita fashion, and how

Lolitas themselves are challenging gender roles or empowering themselves.

The final two sections will examine the effect of globalization on Lolita and identify

any problematic elements within the subculture. As Lolita has gained popularity outside

of Japan, new issues and areas of study have arisen. These articles compare the

6
subculture in Japan and in the West, but also discuss underlying motivations that seem to

be consistent among both groups. In Japan and the West, there are concerns that Lolita

may be problematic. For instance, does the subculture have possible classist undertones?

Is participation in the fashion used as a form of escapism? This section will identify and

comment on such concerns.

In conclusion, the findings of the research reviewed in this thesis will be summarized

as they relate to the research questions. These include the differences and similarities

between Japanese and Western Lolitas and their motivations, how the connotations of the

word “Lolita” affect both groups, and the interpretation of Lolita as a subculture of

female empowerment. Any gaps in research or comments on how research methodology

could be improved will also be included. Finally, new questions or topics related to Lolita

that could benefit from further research will also be suggested.

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 Rebels in Frills: a Literature Review on Lolita Subculture

I want to become a lolita, you say.

So become one, I reply.
What can I do to look like a lolita?
What you feel is right is your answer.
Sew frills onto the hem of your heart!
Put a tiara on top of your soul!
Have pride. – Novala Takemoto, “Rules on the Lolita”

With a first glance at the phrase “Lolita fashion,” the images that come to mind

are no doubt very different from reality. The word lolita itself, originally a diminutive

nickname for girls, was made a household name by Vladimir Nabokov’s 1955 novel of

the same name. The term conjures up visions of sexually precocious young girls, alluring

but scandalous and even sinister. This is a far cry from Japanese Lolita fashion, a

complex and vibrant subculture that has been promoted mostly by young women, for

young women since the late 1970s. Unlike Nabokov’s mid-century character, Lolita

fashion looks to be ripped from the pages of an illustrated Victorian children’s story:

feminine and demure dresses made full by petticoats, knee socks, Maryjane shoes, and

girlish bows and bonnets. However, this fashion subculture is much more than simply

Japanese girls and women following anachronistic trends for their own enjoyment. Lolita

is a much more multi-faceted and subversive phenomenon than meets the eye.

Lolita fashion is a product of traditional Japanese culture, Western influence, and

modern Japanese pop and youth culture. It exists at a fascinating crossroads between

fashion history, sociology, and even gender studies. This project will examine Lolita

through the lens all of these disciplines, and more, tracing recurring questions,

interpretations, and themes discussed in the body of academic research done on the

8
subject. Lolita, and Japanese street fashion as a whole, is a surprisingly deep topic, and

before issues relating specifically to Lolita fashion can be studied, it is important to have

background on some of the historical precedents and trends that shaped and informed the

subculture.

Most basically, what is meant by “fashion subculture” and what precisely is

“street fashion?” In Fashioning Japanese Subcultures, sociologist Yuniya Kawamura

writes: “According to the Sage Dictionary of Cultural Studies (2004), the signifier

culture in subculture has traditionally referred to a ‘whole way of life’…a subculture is

constituted by groups of individuals who share distinct values and norms that are against

the dominant or mainstream society.” (Kawamura; 7) Subcultures exist within yet

separate from the umbrella of the whole culture. Thus, a “fashion subculture” expressed

unique customs, sensibilities and norms through dress and external presentation. This

presentation falls outside of the realm of mainstream fashion. Fashion subcultures often

collide with the phenomenon of “street fashion.” This refers to fashion styles and trends

that are created and promoted outside of the usual venues: it is not designers, major

retailers, or media that rules street fashion, but “laypeople” to the fashion industry.

Instead of fashion trickling down from the industry itself, street fashion creates trends

from the grass roots.

The phenomenon of street fashion subcultures in Japan can be tied to the history

of how Western fashion (yofuku) came to Japan. After the isolationist policies of the Edo

era (1603 – 1868), when for the most part no trade with the West was allowed, Japan

experienced a very sudden westernization and access to Western products and fashion in

the Meiji era (1868 – 1912). During this time, Western goods and fashion were greeted

9
with excitement and soon integrated into daily life along with Japanese fashion, for those

who could afford it. Western designers, however, did not acknowledge Japan as a player

on the fashion stage until much later. Because of this sudden Westernization and rather

low key position in the global fashion industry, trends sprung up in Japanese street

fashion from the 1970s and onward that both played on Western trends and ignored their

rules, and even sometimes incorporated traditional elements of Japanese clothing

(wafuku). These street fashion subcultures go against the norm of mainstream Japanese

fashion, which more or less conforms to Western fashion trends.1 In Japan, street fashion

and fashion subculture is especially unique in that it is essentially a realm ruled by young

women. Even in subcultures such as Gyaru2 that have a male contingent, they take a

backseat to female participants. No fashion subculture is more dominated by and

concerned with girls and femininity than Lolita.

The image of the quintessential Lolita and ideas of being ladylike were not born

in a vacuum. Two cultural movements that can be distinctly tied to the foundations of

Lolita fashion are kawaii and shojo. In English, these words simply translate to cute and

young girl, respectively, but they are in fact complex cultural concepts of modern

Japanese society. Kawaii, often referred to as “cute culture” is an all-encompassing desire

and concern for not only cute things, but sweetness, innocence, and even the pathetic.

The word is derived from a term that actually means pathetic or pitiable, so kawaii is

often used to describe things that are a cute, yet vulnerable and elicit an emotional

1
Condensed history of Western fashion in Japan and how it relates to street fashion subcultures comes
from fashion studies critic Yuniya Kawamura. See: Kawamura, Yuniya. Fashioning Japanese Subcultures.
Berg, 2013.
2
Gyaru/gyaru-o: A prominent fashion subculture in Tokyo. The name is a play on the English word “gal,”
with the gyaru-o (using the –o suffix meaning king) being the masculinized version of the term. For more
about gyaru fashion and customs, see annotations #2 and #3

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response. Everything from people and clothes to food and household objects can be made

kawaii. The most familiar example to Westerners is Hello Kitty: the feline Sanrio Mascot

who appears on pajamas, bathroom products, stationary, and more.

Many scholars both Japanese and Western theorize that disillusionment with

society, and in the case of young people, adult responsibilities, is to blame for the

preponderance of the kawaii craze. “Cute style is anti-social; it idolizes the pre-social. By

immersion in the pre-social world, otherwise known as childhood, cute fashion blithely

ignores or outrightly contradicts values central to Japanese society…,” writes Sharon

Kinsella.3 Young girl’s culture and media, shojo, is similarly criticized: “Shojo seems to

signify the girl who never grows up. The shojo and her alter ego the burikko (the cute

girl), is the perfect non-threatening female, the idealized daughter/younger sister whose

femininity is essentially sexless.”4 Shojo is a product of twentieth century Japanese

society. The nation was modernized and westernized, consuming foreign products,

government, and ideas. Early twentieth century culture provided new opportunities for

young women in education and leisure, hence a name for their demographic.

Shojo is proudly consumerist and proudly resistant to growing up. These traits

appear and are discussed in detail in sections dealing with shojo literature and media as it

related to Lolita fashion. Both shojo and kawaii not only contributed to the aesthetic of

Lolita, but to the fashion’s sense of nostalgia and being detached in time from

contemporary society. The Lolita dress is often criticized as being regressive or

infantilizing. Both concepts also relate to the main theme of this project: rebellion. In the
3
Kinsella, Sharon. "Cuties in Japan." Women, Media and Consumption in Japan. (220-254)
Ed. Brian Moeran and Lise Skov. Curzon & Hawaii University Press, 1995
4
Napier, Susan (1998). “Four Faces of the Young Female” In D.P. Martinez (Ed). The Worlds of
Japanese Popular Culture (Cambriddge University Press).

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case of cute culture, female youth culture in Japan, and Lolita, this rebellion comes in the

form of self-expression and distaste for traditional ideas of how women, or simply adults,

should be, act, and dress. Many of the articles reviewed for this project deal with

rebellion and how Lolita girls and women use the fashion as a way to make themselves

seen and heard as different from mainstream culture, standards of beauty, and

expectations of women. Beyond that, it is also a rich subculture simply from an aesthetic

and fashion studies point of view.

Lolita has its stylistic roots partly in an alternative pop-rock genre of Japanese

music called Visual Kei (Visual Style). Visual Kei musicians were concerned with

making a visual impact on their audiences through elaborate costumes and makeup, most

often dressing similarly to styles now known as Elegant Gothic Aristocrat (EGA) or Ouji

(prince style). Gothic Lolita was born as a way for female fans of this type of music to

dress like their favorite rockers. It is because of this that the gothic subgenre of Lolita is

usually considered the oldest, and the entire subculture is still sometimes referred to as

Gothic Lolita (Gosurori) or Elegant Gothic Lolita (EGL). There are many sub-styles of

Lolita, but most can be divided into the categories of Gothic, Sweet (amai rorita or

amarori), or Classic (kurashikkurori). These styles are catered to by various brands, and

most brands focus on one genre. For example, Angelic Pretty is a Sweet Lolita brand,

while Innocent World caters exclusively to those looking for Classic looks. No matter the

substyle, however, the Lolita aesthetic follows the same basic rules: an overall feminine

and modest appearance with the signature “poofy” silhouette. In contemporary Lolita

fashion, the main sub-styles have influenced each other and blended. It is not uncommon

to see Gothic Lolita borrowing cuter elements from Sweet Lolita, for example. Despite

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relatively strict requirements compared to other fashion styles, Lolita is by no means a

static subculture.

In the decades since the fashion first gained ground in Japan, Lolita has amassed a

large a diverse global following. There is even a “Japan Lolita Association” with

designated “Kawaii Ambassadors” appointed for countries from France to Argentina.

Much of “Lolita culture” has migrated from the streets of Tokyo to online communities

and forums. The influx of foreign Lolitas and increased commercialization of the fashion

has also changed the aesthetic itself. In 2015, it is now acceptable to wear long dresses

and skirts along with the usual Lolita hemline that hits right below the knee. This is

perhaps due to the fact that Western Lolitas are often too tall for the Japanese brand

clothing that caters to petite customers. It is an ever changing subculture that, in the spirit

of street fashion, changes with the whims and sensibilities of the girls who wear it. The

globalization of Lolita also brings a new element of research into play. What is the true

“nationality” of Lolita, and what new issues does a foreign following bring to something

that was for years a solely Japanese phenomenon?

Although a Lolita may appear to be simply a young woman in an outdated, frilly

dress, there is a complex and fascinating web of motivations and influences that led to the

inception of this unique fashion subculture. This project will delve into this web, present

the voices of real Lolitas and figures in the Lolita community, examine pop culture and

media that deals with Lolita, and more. The body of work on Lolita is not large, but it

already deep. My goal is to unravel it a bit, and perhaps to even identify new questions

that can be asked about these fashionable rebels.

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 Section 1: On the cultural and historical background of Lolita

Kawamura, Yuniya. “Introduction.” Fashioning Japanese Subcultures. Berg, 2013.

7-33. Print.

Just like different neighborhoods of New York City have become hubs of various

styles and scenes, Tokyo is a hotbed of fashion subcultures, including the topic of my

research, Lolita. Before the nuances, customs, and quirks of Lolita can examined, it is

important to distinguish this concept of fashion subculture from the idea of fashion

trends. In the context of fashion, a subculture lies somewhere in between culture and

trend. Culture implies the dominant system, and trend implies a fleeting nature and a

certain shallowness. Subcultures are both within and without the dominant culture. In

Fashioning Japanese Subcultures, Yuniya Kawamura defines subculture as “…a system

of values, attitudes, modes of behavior, and life-styles of a social group that is distinct

from but related to the dominant culture of a society.” (Kawamura; 9) Therefore, a

fashion subculture is a group whose paradigms of going against the grain are based on

personal style and visual cues.

In Japan, fashion subcultures are almost always led by young people, and Japan is

unique in that its subcultures tend to be female-dominated. Fashion subculture in Japan is

closely tied with “street fashion.” The history of Japan’s relationship with global fashion

is relevant to how alternate fashion and subcultures thrive. Japan has had access to

Western fashion since the late 19th century, first with rare trading with Europe and then

more fully with the modernization of the Meiji Era. The Western fashion world, however,

did not take notice of Japan as a major player in the industry until the 1970s when female

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designer Hanae Mori became the first couturier to be officially recognized by the French

Chambre Syndicale de la Couture Parisienne. In later decades, other designers such as

John Galliano took an interest in traditional Japanese fabrics and aesthetics, turning the

eye of the fashion industry somewhat more towards Japan.

Japan’s position as both a low-key player in the fashion world for so long and a

place with access to high fashion and global trends has fostered the phenomenon of street

fashion and youth rebellion. People were freer to bend the rules of Western fashion or

blend it with more traditionally Japanese looks. In the 1990s especially, style-makers in

big cities like Tokyo took notice of the fact that teenage girls were creating their own

fashion rules and seized upon this demographic for marketing opportunities. Yuniya

Kawamura credits, in part, Japan’s strict societal codes and expectations of reserve and

subservience from women as influences that lead to female rebellion and expression of

individuality through fashion. Schoolgirl defiance started as simply as wearing

scrunched, loose socks with school uniforms to add an element of cute disorder to

everyday clothing, or decorating a backpack with bright accessories.

These subtle ways of breaking from the norm have grown into a complex web of

subcultures the dot the landscape of Japanese youth. These defiant fashions are not

homogenous, either. In Tokyo alone, different areas of the city are home to different

groups of young people. Over the top, materialistic, intentionally lowbrow “gyaru” style

flourished in Shibuya, while Lolita found a base in Harajuku. Kawamura explains, “The

teenagers know how they should dress depending on where they are going. The physical

environment of an area helps street fashion to grow and spread, and it provides a space of

stage on which the teenagers can be fashionable.” (Kawamura; 28) He further elaborates

15
on the importance of distinct physical spaces for fashion subcultures. Young people need

places to socialize, to see and be seen, and the repeated act of gathering while dressed in

a subculture’s trademark style is essential for its survival.

Since the 1990s, or even since Paris took notice of Japanese fashion in 1970s,

alternative fashion has grown and expanded but remained the domain of creative young

people. It is just more of a cultural driving force, with Harajuku becoming synonymous

even in the West with the idea of cool Japanese style, and these fashion subcultures

having their own public figures and publications like FRUiTS and KERA. Fashionable

Japanese teenagers still look at Paris as the global fashion mecca, but they put their own

mark on high fashion. This willingness to bend the rules and throw out what to the West

may be sacred is a vital component to the uniqueness of Japanese fashion subcultures.

Youthful rebellion, creativity, and an irreverent fusion of East and West helped pave the

way for Lolita, one of Japan’s most major and longest lived alternative fashions.

Kawamura, Yuniya. “Harajuku: The Youth in Silent Rebellion.” Fashioning

Japanese Subcultures. Berg, 2013. 65-74. Print.

The previous discussion of fashion subcultures explained how the history of

Western fashion’s relationship with Japan and Japan’s unique position as a once-isolated

entity on the world stage have established the nation as a hotbed of subcultures. Within

Tokyo alone, different groups thrive. This is partially to do with the structure of Tokyo

itself. Tokyo, an incredibly sprawling cosmopolitan area, is divided into 23 municipalities

16
(or wards), and these wards often have distinct neighborhoods within them. This division

helps foster unique subcultures that spring up in pockets of the city.

Perhaps the most important part of these subcultures is that they use fashion to

make their mark on society, usually defying it to some degree. One example is Shibuya.

In the area, a destination already famous as a fashion center of Tokyo, the Gyaru and

Gyaru-o 5subculture made its home. Young adults who took part in Gyaru fashion were

openly deviant, promiscuous, travelled in gangs, and loved the cheap and trendy styles at

Shibuya 109, a large shopping center. These men and women, at least during their time as

Gyaru, were loudly questioning the idea of how an adult was supposed to act and look in

their actions, not just their appearance. However, not all fashion subcultures in Tokyo are

so openly defiant. Less than five minutes away by metro, in the neighborhood of

Harajuku6, a different kind of subculture flourished.

Since the late 1980s, Harajuku has been the center of Lolita subculture. Compared

to the sexy and flashy Gyaru and Gyaru-o, Lolita is a stark contrast visually. Yuniya

Kawamura describes it as “…the image of a Victorian doll…wearing a dress with ruffled,

a bonnet and ribbons…the keywords for this look are girlie and princesslike.”

(Kawamura; 65) Lolita girls have meet-ups and friends who also enjoy the fashion, but

do not form gangs like Gyaru. Because this subculture is held together more by fashion

5
Gyaru/gyaru-o: A prominent fashion subculture in Tokyo. The name is a play on the English word “gal,”
with the gyaru-o (using the –o suffix meaning king) being the masculinized version of the term. The “rules”
for the fashion in this group are not too strictly defined, but usually involve dyed hair, heavy makeup, and
clothing that is meant to look cute, cool, and erotic.

6
Harajuku: A neighborhood in the Shibuya ward but distinct from the Shibuya the neighborhood as
people refer to it. Since the 1970s, it has been a center of fashion and youth culture in Tokyo. There are
many fashion landmarks in Harajuku, including Laforet department store, the pedestrian only Takeshita
Street, and the backstreets lined with independent shops, called “Ura-Hara.”

17
than social groups, the rules of the style are stricter. A Lolita should not show too much

skin, wear too much makeup, or wear a dress without the requisite petticoat underneath.

Lolita is not ruled by fast fashion or trendy shops, but by established brands. These

brands can be found at Harajuku’s Laforet department store, cementing the neighborhood

as the mecca for Lolita. For these girls, such brands are also a status symbol.

The Lolita style is certainly unique: purposefully anachronistic in a time of

modern, utilitarian fashion. But in this subculture, there are no connotations of

promiscuity or outright social deviancy. That is not to say, however, that these girls (and

rarely boys) are not sending a counter-cultural message. Kawamura writes of the

members of Lolita, “One’s choice of fashion is a representation of one’s inner self as well

as one’s group membership. Having no message to express does, however, convey a

message; it may be a hidden one of helplessness and hopelessness. Thus, group members

do have a message – silent rebellion.” (Kawamura; 67) Thus ultimately the messages,

expression, and motivations for women who wear Lolita are completely tied up in the

clothing themselves. The quiet rebellion through fashion comes from the idea that the

participants in Lolita find their true selves through the style. Disenfranchised young

people in this subculture are empowered, gain confidence, and express a self they feel

more comfortable with. This self-discovery makes Harajuku the literal and figurative

community center of Lolita. “Lolita is our authentic self,” said one girl, interviewed by

Kawamura. Ultimately, the defiance associated with Lolita is the subtle rebellion of

asserting oneself in a culture that often emphasizes non-assertiveness.

18
Kinsella, Sharon. "Cuties in Japan." Women, Media and Consumption in Japan.
Ed. Brian Moeran and Lise Skov. Honolulu: Curzon & Hawaii University Press,
1995. 220-254. Print.
The concept of kawaii is one of the most prevalent in modern Japanese youth

culture and fashion. In a textbook or dictionary, it is simply defined as “cute,” but that

explanation ignores much of the nuance and separation from the English concept of cute.

Kawaii did not always mean cute. In 1945, it appeared in dictionaries as kawayushi, and

in 1970 as kawayui. Both iterations of the word meant shy, embarrassed, or pitiful,

vulnerable, and small. Its current association with the “cute” meaning still carries these

connotations of being pathetic, but also pretty and child-like, and the common phrase

kawaisou7 still means something like “poor thing” in English. Many different types of

fashion, accessories, home goods, and an overall aesthetic based on kawaii overtook

Japanese youth culture. In Women, Media, and Consumption in Japan, Sharon Kinsella

explores this cute craze in a chapter entitled “Cuties in Japan.” “The word kawaii itself

was by 1992 estimated to be ‘the most widely used, widely loved, habitual word in

modern living Japanese,’” Kinsella writes, referencing a Japanese magazine. She

introduces the history of kawaii and how it came to be so prevalent in the everyday lives

of many Japanese young people, as well as highlights criticisms of kawaii culture and the

ways that such a focus on cuteness has been and can be problematic.

The modern meaning of kawaii came into use in the early to middle 1970s at the

same time that a cute handwriting trend was growing among school aged girls. Schools

switched from a system of writing Japanese vertically to the romanized system of writing

7
Although kawaisou and kawaii are both commonly used in modern Japanese, many Japanese natives
and speakers do not necessarily connect the two concepts or know the etymological history of kawaii
carrying connotations of being pathetic. Though traces of that definition remain in kawaii culture, the
relationship may not be obvious in contemporary Japanese culture.

19
laterally, so students did not have to write in as strictly uniform a style as previously. This

type of writing, sometimes called by nicknames such as koneko ji (kitten writing) or

burikko ji (childlike writing), used hyper-stylized rounded characters, and middle or high

school girls would even fill in their pages with hearts, stars, or small mascots. Manga,

magazines, and products aimed at young people soon adopted this style into their

advertising. The older students were, the more likely they were to use cute handwriting. 8

After the handwriting fad, childish and cute slang became popular with young people as

well. One pop idol started a trend of changing the endings of adjectives to a pi sound. For

example, ureshii (happy) became ureppi. The concept of burikko filtered into fashion

styles. Young people, especially girls, would dress to look deliberately innocent or

childlike. The adjective became a verb, burikko suru that meant to act childlike or “to

fake child it.9” Pop idols that followed this style were referred to in the 1980s as

kawaiikochan, or “cutie-pie kid.” The most unique facet of the origins of the kawaii craze

is that instead of being led by the multi-media and influencing young people, it was the

Japanese youth that started it among themselves. The media merely picked up on it and

used it to their advantage later.

Kinsella goes into great detail on the extensive ways in which the media followed

this cute lead. An unstoppable force in popularizing kawaii products was the “fancy

goods” stores and manufacturers. These products were usually inexpensive, everyday

goods: stationary, cards, pens, or small household wares. In the 1970s, companies that

8
Kinsella describes findings by a researcher named Yamane Kazuma. Yamane found that in 1984-1985,
22.5% of of eleven to twelve year old pupils, 55.3% of twelve to fifteen year olds, and 55.7% of fifteen to
eighteen year old students used cute handwriting. This trajectory was also found in male students, only at
lesser percentages.
9
Burikko, in addition to meaning “act childlike” or fake being a child, carries a meaning of “acting cute.”
This “acting” implying that the person being Burikko is purposefully taking on a fake, cutesy persona.

20
made these products began putting cute characters and designs on their goods. The

pioneer of this trend was Sanrio, the brand that went on to introduce the most famous

kawaii character of them all, Hello Kitty. This element of cuteness made buying mundane

products a personal or emotional experience. After the boom of fancy goods, the practice

of adding characters or decoration to objects spread to everything from gambling

machines to naming seedy love hotels after sweet characters from Western literature and

festooning rooms with frills and flowers. Food that seemed to match this kawaii image:

ice cream, European pastries, puddings, and soft cakes, also boomed in popularity.

Trends in clothing for young adult women more and more favored “pure” colors

like white and pastels, or clothing with cute characters on it. In the 1980s and 90s,

wearing bright colors and plastic, playful child-like jewelry and hair accessories was also

in fashion. Even women’s underwear started looking younger, frillier, and more

schoolgirl-like. Brands like Pink House Ltd., Milk, and Pretty (which later became

Angelic Pretty) led these trends. Magazines like Cutie for Independent Girls catered to

readers who wanted to make kawaii their lifestyle. Kinsella writes of the magazine, “the

rebellious individualistic, freedom-seeking attitude in embodied in acting childlike and

pursuing cute fashion is very clear.” (Kinsella; 230) Idols who not only looked cute, but

who wore this cute fashion were extremely loved by young people and fans of everything

kawaii.

When examining the motivations and psychology behind this deluge of cute in

Japanese culture, Kinsella turns a very critical eye to the trend and assigns some rather

dark implications to it. She describes how the trend is not only about consuming cute

products, but being a cute object oneself:

21
 However, cute fashion in Japan was more than merely cuddling cute things; it was

all about ‘becoming’ the cute object itself by acting infantile...being cute meant

behaving childlike – which involved an act of self-mutilation, posing with pigeon

toes, pulling wide-eyed innocent expressions, dieting, acting stupid, and

essentially denying the existence of the wealth of insights, feelings, and humour

that maturity brings with it…young people became popular according to their

apparent weakness, dependence and inability, rather than because of their

strengths and capabilities. (Kinsella; 237)

Kinsella interviewed 18-30 year old men and women in Tokyo in 1992 and asked them to

freely describe what kawaii meant to them or in what situations they would use the word.

Most of the responses confirmed that kawaii was all about a perception of innocence or

childlike wonder, naivety, or fashionable in a way that fit into the cute trend. Many

participants also described that kawaii was a “natural” or “genuine” feeling, appearance,

or behavior. Kinsella writes that although the participants admit to liking childlike

appearances and emotions long past childhood, they did not consider themselves acting

out of the ordinary or following a trend. The author remarks that being kawaii seems to

romanticize all the positive aspects of childhood, but ignores the negative.

She also asked participants to describe their feelings on adulthood, and the

responses were overwhelmingly that of fear, apprehension, and the perception that being

an adult meant the loss of freedom and fun. Since young, unmarried women were the

biggest producers and consumers of cute culture and enjoyed relatively more societal

freedom than their male peers, Kinsella hypothesizes that kawaii is essentially a

manifestation of and feeds on these women’s anxiety about entering adulthood and

22
leaving their carefree days behind. This did not go unnoticed by Japanese critics of cute

culture. It was condemned as everything from threatening traditional Japanese values to

being irresponsible to simply being unattractive to men. In response, many women

exaggerated and flaunted their cute, maiden-like qualities.

Kinsella concludes with discussing how ultimately, kawaii is an anti-society

concept. She relates it to a term coined in 1978 by Japanese scholar Okonogi Keigo:

“moratorium people.” This term refers to people who have no sense of belonging in

modern society, and thus choose to remain tied to youth culture and refuse to grow up.

Renowned psychoanalyst and academic Takeo Doi also referred to the focus on

remaining childlike as a “regression of mankind.” Cute, to Kinsella, is anti-social,

because it locks the consumer of cute culture in a phase of life that is pre-social. Her final

words on kawaii are almost a condemnation: “The overwhelming desires of young

Japanese people in the 1980s, reflected in cute culture, were to escape from real life as

completely as possible. For Japanese youth…there was no future; in fact, there was not

even a present.” (Kinsella; 252)

Kinsella’s chapter is an invaluable resource for understanding the history and

evolution of kawaii. Its origins and manifestations in popular and youth culture in Japan

are researched extensively. As for the author’s thesis about the psychology of kawaii, this

is a somewhat biased work. The book from which this chapter comes is an anthology of

feminist sociological writings, so there is a certain editorial viewpoint in how topics are

explored. This is evident in Kinsella’s ultimate opinion that cute culture is a phenomenon

which limits women. She does not offer evidence or accounts from Japanese people that

contradict this opinion. An opposing view is briefly referred to when discussing the

23
magazine Cutie for Independent Girls, but Kinsella does not seem to take seriously the

idea that cute culture can be legitimately empowering. She sees it as a perception of

empowerment, but not a real expression of it.

Although it is an important work on kawaii culture, Kinsella’s essay is now

slightly outdated. Since it was written in 1995, kawaii culture has grown further. In the

early 2000s, it was an integral part of the concept of “Cool Japan,” a term coined to

describe Japan’s rise as a cultural superpower, and the global popularity of Japanese pop

cultural products such as manga, anime, and kawaii goods. For contemporary research

involving cute culture, these recent developments should not be left out.

Lunning, Frenchy. "Under the Ruffles: Shōjo and the Morphology of Power."
Mechademia 6.1 (2011): 3-19.

If there is one concept that could be pinpointed as being central to the inspirations

behind Lolita fashion, it is perhaps that of shōjo10. As discussed earlier in this project,

shojo means “young girl” in Japanese,11 but also encompasses a cultural sensibility and

attitude surrounding young girl’s culture in the twentieth century. Shōjo culture sprung up

as a product of the liberal Taisho Era, where girls had new opportunities for education

and to inhabit a space of their own, with media and products catered to their

demographic. Shōjo manga experienced a golden age from the 1970s-1990s, and much of

what has become the most easily recognizable traits of the shōjo aesthetic come from

manga like The Rose of Versailles, Sailor Moon, or Revolutionary Girl Utena. In the

10
See figure 1
11
The word as used to describe the topic of this article as well as the demographic for young girls is written
少女 and pronounced with a long first vowel (shoujo or Shōjo). The word meaning virgin, 処女, is
pronounced with a short vowel (Romanized as shojo). While they are different words, the “virgin”
meaning is also a connotation to the whole concept of “shoujo”

24
early 2000s, Japan started to be recognized as a cultural super power and purveyor of in-

demand pop cultural products such as games, manga, or kawaii goods. The term for this

focus on Japanese pop culture is known as “Cool Japan.” The figure of the shōjo is

almost a poster child for this phenomenon, and an increased interest in Japanese cultural

goods made the image of this young girl, whether cute pop idol or gutsy manga heroine,

known on a global scale.

In an article for Mechademia, Frenchy Lunning analyzes the psychology and

appeal of shōjo as an expression of femininity that is complex and rife with conflicting

motivations. “She has spawned a cornucopia of fan practices spilling over national

boundaries and across the world…paradoxically, shojo is a phenomenon that goes largely

unacknowledged…it is usually disregarded as childish, creepy, or trivial by the standards

of mainstream culture.” (Lunning; 3) Lunning defines shōjo as being a realm of the

feminine, but not necessarily constrained to female characters or female bodied fans.

Pretty boys (bishonen), transgender girls, or even boy’s love media can be under the

umbrella of shōjo because they are genres that center on or cater to feminine sensibilities.

Unlike in boy’s manga (shonen) that are action-driven, the focus of shōjo stories is

usually on emotions and the inner world of the character. Shōjo heroines occupy an

almost dreamlike state of emotions and emotional responses. These types of characters

also do not fit into the normal molds that a patriarchal culture demands of women, since

the shōjo is most often pre-sexual or prepubescent. It is the rare genre where females are

feminine for its own sake.

To Lunning, shōjo is not overtly sexual but there is an element of sexual-power

play to the phenomenon. The vulnerability and weakness of the young girl is fetishized,

25
but the shōjo (or fan, like a Lolita) wishes to retain this image while avoiding the outright

sexuality of a mature woman. The way this is conveyed in shōjo is through clothing. “As

the pivotal defense against the threatening sexuality of a mature woman, the shojo

persona effects a ‘sealing up’…to secure the subject with an armor constructed from the

safe costumes and totems of childhood.” (Lunning; 10) Lunning then discusses Lolita at

length. She uses the fashion to illustrate the act of real life shōjo fans putting on this

“armor” to protect against maturity.

The author notes that like the contradiction of shōjo itself, the era idealized by

Lolita, the Victorian Period, was also a time that was very concerned with the stark

boundary between purity/innocence/childhood and adulthood/maturity/sexuality.

Ironically, this boundary has led both the Victorian young woman and the modern Lolita

to be fetishized explicitly because of the perception of “innocence.” Lunning believes the

Lolita to be using a performative version of femininity to be subversively sexual while at

the same time being able to present an asexual or pre-sexual identity (that of a child) to

the outside world. To male-dominated society, Lunning also reads the Lolita/shōjo as

being a desired object yet disregarded as trivial and not given a proper place in

mainstream culture.

It is interesting that Lunning uses the metaphor of “armor” multiple times to

describe the appearance of a Lolita or shōjo character. It is a term used frequently within

the Lolita community. Gothic Lolita fan and musician Arika Takarano wrote, “Gothic

and Lolita clothing are a maiden’s armor, which even a knight’s armor cannot compare

to.” However, while Lolitas use the metaphor positively to describe the self-confidence

given to them by wearing Lolita, Lunning uses it to describe a resistance to maturity and

26
as a shield against adult sexuality. While there is certainly an element of imagined

nostalgia for “simpler times” and regression to the motivations for wearing Lolita, as has

been discussed in many articles, Lunning perhaps misleads the reader by boiling Lolita

(which she calls Loli cosplay) down to a psychosexual issue. She is not incorrect, just

one-sided.

On a lesser note, there is a huge objection within the Lolita community to being

referred to as cosplay. Cosplay infers that the wearer is portraying a figure, character, or

concept that is different from the wearer his or herself. To Lunning, Lolitas are dressing

up as fans of the concept and aesthetics of shōjo. While shōjo qualities and tropes are an

inspiration for Lolita fashion, many Lolitas will staunchly assert that they are not

portraying anything other than who they are as an individual, to the point of calling their

appearance in Lolita the “true self.”

27
Winge, Theresa. "Costuming the imagination: Origins of anime and manga
cosplay." Mechademia 1.1 (2006): 65-76.

The term cosplay 12has entered into discussions of Lolita fashion many times,

whether as illustrative of another fashion subculture,13 or as a comparison to Lolita.

However, within the Lolita community one thing is very steadfastly espoused: Lolita is

not cosplay. If this is indeed true, then why are the two phenomena so often brought up

together? Teresa Winge’s article for Mechademia on cosplay, which touches briefly on

Lolita, brings to light some key reasons why people may conflate the two practices.

The word cosplay is a portmanteau of “costume” and “play.” The term was

created in the mid-1980s, when Japanese film editor Nobuyuki Takahashi visited a

convention in the United States and was impressed with sci-fi fans wearing costumes. He

used “costume play” to describe these fans in Japan because the term “masquerade” has

connotations of an aristocratic costume ball. His words were abbreviated to cosplay

(kosupure) and the phrase has been used ever since by fans and outsiders alike. Cosplay

fans dress up as a character from (usually) anime, manga, or video games, but the activity

is more nuanced than simply wearing a costume. “The four basic components,” Winge

writes, “are anime and manga cosplayer, social settings, (fictional) character and role-

playing, and dress.” (Winge; 67)

Along with a person (the cosplayer) in a costume (dress), cosplay involves a

combination of social interaction with fellow fans and performance. Fans gather together

12
See figure 2
13
Cosplay is not always cited as a fashion subculture, since it is also a popular activity within Otaku (geek)
subculture. Many facets of geek culture, such as gaming and anime, fall under pop culture, but the
devoted fans of these often form distinct social groups. However, since cosplay in and of itself is a
subcultural activity that centers on clothing and external presentation, it can be said to also be a fashion
subculture. For example, Yuniya Kawamura includes a chapter on cosplayers in Akihabara in Fashioning
Japanese Subcultures.

28
in cosplay, often at a convention or specific anime/manga event, so the activity is a

chance to meet others with similar interests. On this level, cosplay is similar to Lolita in

that participants of either attend events or “meet-ups” designed specifically for their

hobby or fashion. Unlike Lolita, however, cosplay also involves a performative element

of acting out the speech, habits, or mannerisms of a chosen character. For example, a

cosplayer dressed as Sailor Moon might learn the character’s trademark “in the name of

the moon, I’ll punish you” line and pose to perform. Although various articles have

covered performative aspects of Lolita fashion, from adopting kawaii poses to ladylike

speech, the difference between cosplay and Lolita here is that a Lolita heightens the

expression of cuteness or girlishness, not portraying a specific character.

The sense of community fostered by cosplay is also similar to Lolita. Both

practices thrive on a group setting. Although both dressing as a character and wearing

Lolita can be done in private or without a community, the two subcultures have always

been community-based around sharing interest for the fashion or being fans. As Winge

points out, cosplay also “permits the cosplayer to role-play the character he or she is

dressed as and engage in such social activities within a ‘safe’ and supportive’ social

structure. This sentiment is not far from the feelings Lolitas have expressed in prior

articles and interviews about being comfortable and free from judgment while wearing

Lolita with friends or at Lolita events.14

On a simple level, Lolita and cosplay are conflated because at many conventions

or “otaku” gathering places, it is not uncommon to see both cosplayers and Lolitas. To an

This is seen especially in Osmud. Rahman, Liu Wing-sun, Elita Lam and Chan Mong-tai.
14

“Lolita. Imaginative Self and Elusive Consumption.” Fashion Theory: The Journal of
Dress, Body & Culture.7-28, 2011.
29
outsider, it is not an unreasonable assumption to think that both groups are wearing

costumes. Even the author in this article describes Lolita as “Lolita cosplay.” This was

most likely born out of a lack of knowledge of the actual Lolita subculture. Theresa

Winge published a later article (which is also included in this project) dealing solely with

Lolita subculture, so this cosplay and Lolita false correlation was corrected.

Although it is clear that some of the motivations and social structures in cosplay

and Lolita are similar, the point still stands that Lolitas resent being referred to as

cosplayers. Their self-identification should be taken into consideration at least for

accuracy’s sake, and furthermore it seems to all come down to one issue. To many

Lolitas, wearing the fashion is an expression of their true selves. As Yuniya Kawamura

wrote in Fashioning Japanese Subcultures, “The Lolita girls rely on a distinctive

appearance to proclaim their subcultural identity by which they define themselves. It is

the ultimate self-expression for them that asserts their social self.” (Kawamura; 75) While

this “distinctive appearance” may seem to be a costume to outsiders, the Lolita outfit,

unlike cosplay, does not serve the purpose of getting the wearer outside of themselves.

Lolita serves almost the opposite emotional purpose. To many girls, it is the expression of

their deepest selves.

30
 Section 2: Lolita, gender, and self-empowerment

Gagné, Isaac. "Urban Princesses: Performance and “Women's Language” in

Japan's Gothic/Lolita Subculture." Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 18.1 (2008):
130-150.

Previous articles have tended to focus on the visual elements and costume of

Lolita subculture, and how the seemingly anachronistic dress and girlish elements

favored by the style both rebels against mainstream Japanese fashion and conforms to

ideas of kawaii, which is a widespread cultural concept. Isaac Gagne chooses to examine

not the aesthetics, but the mannerisms and behavior of Lolita subculture both as presented

to outsiders and as in-group signifiers. Gagne describes how speech, customs, and habits

within the subculture allow Lolita girls and women to create a “princess” persona for

themselves. This behavior also subverts common ideas about youth subcultures in Japan,

and is used by Lolitas to differentiate themselves from other groups such as cosplayers

(kosupure).

The nuance and various levels of formality are two of the most unique features of

the Japanese language, and speech has been used by many subcultures and groups as a

way to set them apart. This usually happens in the form of in-group slang or more casual

speech. For example, the emergence of the kawaii trend brought with it slang and speech

that was cuter, childlike, and involved many abbreviations and changes to normal

Japanese words. The gyaru subculture is characterized by rough, casual speech that is

generally thought of as vulgar and inappropriate for young women. These subcultural

speech practices are usually derided by the mainstream media as crass and evidence of

the decline of Japanese youth. However, Lolita subculture uses a form of speech that

subverts this notion.

31
 Many Lolitas use or aspire to use joseigo (女性語) 15 or “women’s speech.”

Women’s speech is characterized by humbleness, politeness, and a demure attitude. It

uses more “elegant” grammar, formal pronouns, and heavier use of honorifics. Gendered

speech, especially female speech, is becoming increasingly less common for Japanese

youth, so the use of joseigo by Lolitas rebels against the mainstream while

simultaneously rejecting the idea that that youth cultures are abandoning traditional

values. The desire to use this ladylike, formal speech is not only born from the feminine

dress of Lolita, but is aided by media that is popular in the subculture. The most popular

magazine that includes Lolita fashion, The Gothic & Lolita Bible (GLB), has included

guides and advice on how to speak and act like a refined lady. Classic shoujo manga such

as The Rose of Versailles, whose characters share rococo style inspiration with Lolita, use

womanly speech and formal etiquette. In 2000, when Lolita was popular not only in

Japan, but gaining a Western following, the book Ojō-sama Language Quick Study

Guide was published. Ojo (王女) can mean “princess” but has general connotations of a

well-bred lady.

The appropriation of joseigo in Lolita subculture is used both as an in-group

custom and as a status symbol by Lolita girls to differentiate themselves from other

groups. Since many Lolitas communicate with each other primarily through online

forums or the shared space of magazines, polite and ladylike speech is used even in text

as a kind of subcultural dialect. As an example, Gagne quotes a letter written to GLB in

lady’s speech that is translated to “Recently, gyaru magazines featuring so-called

15
There are traditionally gender differences in spoken Japanese, though they are becoming less common
among young people today. Joseigo is thought to be part of onnarashii, which means feminine or ladylike
and refers to the entirety of mannerisms, speech, and behavior that constitutes being ideally feminine. Its
counterpart is otokorashii, meaning masculine, and is accompanied by male-specific speech.

32
“princess-gyaru” style individuals have been selfishly making rules like “Lolitas must be

blond or else,” and wearing vulgar makeup with Lolita clothes. Seeing this, I feel a little

sad.” The letter writer is using lady’s speech to speak to her other in-group members, but

also as a way to set herself apart from a group she does not approve of, in this case the

gyaru subculture. A similar attitude is taken towards cosplay. Cosplayers, who dress as

characters, usually from gaming or anime, are often confused with Lolita by outsiders.

They share the same physical space in Harajuku, but Lolitas do not like being mislabeled

as cosplayers, even if a cosplayer dresses as a character who wears Lolita-style clothing.

Thus, Lolitas can use mannerisms, including joseigo, to set themselves apart (and perhaps

to them, above) cosplay. Overall, this analysis of speech and mannerisms used by Lolitas

is in line with other academic writings that describe the Lolita dress as a way to create a

temporary fantasy world and character for the wearer. Gagne writes: “In the end,

Gothic/Lolita offers young women the opportunity to linguistically and sartorially

perform the self-indulgent role of a princess, and allows them to articulate interests and

desires in Gothic fantasy and doll-like …It does not matter that they live in early 21st-

century Japan, that they are neither princesses nor dolls, and that many must play the

roles of student on weekdays and daughter at home.” (Gagne; 149)

Gagne’s analysis is a valuable addition to the understanding of how Lolita

participants present themselves. The author’s approach is quite sensitive and nuanced

towards his subjects as well. The study of women’s speech in Lolita is also an element of

the subculture that can be said to be distinctly Japanese, since English and other Western

languages are not gendered in the same way that Japanese is. This article will provide

important background for later discussions on Lolita subculture in Japan vs. the West.

33
Although the subculture in both regions uses in-group language, the way it presents itself

is different.

Introducing Kamikaze Girls

A not insignificant portion of the body of academic work on Lolita fashion is on

the content and influence of one film, Kamikaze Girls (Shimotsuma Monogatari). This

2002 light novel16, and more importantly, the 2004 film adaption, 17is popular not only

within the Lolita community but introduced Lolita fashion to a wider audience. The

author of the original novel is an interesting character in the subculture: Novala

Takemoto (Takemoto Nobara), whose real name is Toshiaki Takemoto, is a middle ages,

heterosexual man who has been called the “Lolita’s Bard.” His novels often focus on

female Lolita protagonists, usually portraying them as intelligent and rebellious

characters. Takemoto has been a vocal promoter of Lolita fashion and lifestyle, and even

collaborated with the brand Baby, the Stars Shine Bright (sometimes shortened to Baby).

In addition to many novels and short stories, Takemoto published short writings on

Lolita, including “Rules on the Lolita,” printed in the Gothic and Lolita Bible in 2006. In

this and other writings, Takemoto presents Lolita as self-empowering journey: “So you

are the only one who can find your own lolita rules…Have pride.”18

Kamikaze Girls is by far the most well-known and influential of Takemoto’s

works, mostly thanks to the film adaption. The story focuses on high school student
16
A short, often illustrated novel that is usually targeted towards middle or high school students. Light
novels are not long, and authors have tight production schedules. They are thought to have evolved from
stories that were serialized in magazines.
17
See figure 3
18
Takemoto, Novala. “Rules on the Lolita.” The Gothic and Lolita Bible. 2006

34
Momoko Ryugasaki, an intelligent and cynical young woman who lives with her

deadbeat father and grandmother in the rural town of Shimotsuga. Momoko detests the

town and looks down on her father, who she sees as tasteless. She fantasizes about the

decadent lifestyle of the Rococo Era, and is thus drawn to Lolita. Baby, the Stars Shine

Bright provided the costumes for the film, and many scenes show Momoko travelling to

Tokyo to shop at the Baby store. Momoko’s life is changes when she meets Ichiko

Shirayuri, a “yankee girl.”19 The two girls discover that they both are trying to create a

persona for themselves through their dress and actions, and despite external differences, a

close friendship is formed. At the end of the story, Momoko forsakes an opportunity to

work with Baby, the Stars Shine Bright in order to save Ichiko from a conflict with a rival

gang. The gang members make fun of her “frilly dress,” but Momoko is ultimately

portrayed as a hero and a rebellious individualist who does not follow the rules of

mainstream society, yankee culture, or even Lolita, demonstrated by her willingness to

get her sacred Baby dress dirty to save a friend.

The film, which was popular and well-received in Japan, was many Japanese

viewers’ introduction to Lolita fashion. It is important, then, that the film used a positive

interpretation of the fashion, even showing the Lolita character as counter-cultural. The

film is also popular within the Lolita community, so much so that Baby recently re-

released one of Momoko’s dresses as a special edition. Takemoto’s relationship with the

brand, the use of real Baby stores and clothing in the film also show that the trend-makers

of Lolita fashion are complicit in this narrative of Lolita as a courageous or rebellious

subculture. This interpretation of Lolita, shown to a mainstream Japanese audience, is

19
Since the 1970s, the word yanki in Japanese has been used to refer to misbehaved youth, often
teenagers who are gang members. “Yankee girl” refers in this context to a member of a girl gang.

35
why there is considerable academic interest in the way Lolita is used and even glorified

in Kamikaze Girls and other works of Takemoto Novala.

Hardy Bernal, K. A. “Kamikaze Girls and Loli-Goths.” Presented for Fashion in

Fiction: An International Transdisciplinary Conference, Sydney: University of
Technology. 2007.
Novala Takemoto’s Kamikaze Girls (Shimotsuma Monogatari) is perhaps

the definitive work of fiction about Lolita fashion and its subculture. This is due to not

only the book and film adaption’s accuracy in depicting the Lolita dress, but in its

portrayal of the Lolita heroine, Momoko Ryugasaki, as a sympathetic and free-thinking

character. To Kathryn Hardy Bernal, the character of Momoko and her counterpart, the

“yankee” biker gang member Ichiko, is an expression of Japanese youths’ nostalgia for a

simpler past and an anxiety about reaching adulthood. In this essay, she also interprets

Lolita fashion as described by Momoko, her creator Novala Takemoto, and other

“leaders” of the Lolita subculture as also being an expression of a nostalgic, escapist

desire.

Although the character Momoko takes the idealization of the Rococo era to an

extreme, she is not different from some real life figureheads of Lolita. Takemoto Novala

himself has said, “I am… a Rococo writer who has been racing headlong in full-blown

Lolita mode for

36
years, in spite of being a straight male. Momoko… is pretty much my alter ego.” 20

Another male icon in Lolita is Visual-kei21 rocker Mana. Mana, 22who makes many public

appearances cross-dressed in women’s Lolita clothing, went on to create his own Gothic

Lolita brand, Moi-meme Moitie (Moitie for short). Moitie is still one of the most sought

after brands in Lolita, and Mana has been exalted as a pioneer and leader of the

subculture. With his line names “Elegant Gothic Lolita, he may have been the first

designer to coin the term “Gothic Lolita” as a name for the style. He has also admitted to

loving Rococo and older European fashions. Hardy Bernal explains that while many

designers and icons in Lolita are male, the “face of the Gothic Lolita is paradigmatically

female.” (Hardy Bernal; 3)

The author also gives a short history on motivations that may contribute to

Lolita’s nostalgic drive. One of the major inspirations for the design of Lolita clothing is

Victorian Era dress. In the Victorian Era itself, there was some degree of nostalgia and

escapism, particularly with “Gothic Revivalism.” In literature, poetry, painting, décor,

etc. Victorian consumers and creators sought to bring an idealized version of the

Medieval Era. Ideas of romance and chivalry were popular in fiction, and art often

depicted scenes from Arthurian legends or medieval folklore. Some of the elements in

Gothic Lolita are similar to Gothic Revivalist motifs: elaborate crosses, patterns that are

inspired by the architecture of Gothic cathedrals, and even dresses with stained glass

prints. Both the Victorian age and modern Japan are described as times of uncertainty and

20
Takemoto, op. cit., p. 213
21
Vijuara kei, or Visual Style, is a Japanese rock-pop movement that thrived in the 1990s
that put emphasis on band members dressing flamboyantly, often in anachronistic
costumes, and focusing on elaborate presentation and showmanship.
22
See figure 4

37
social confusion. Japan has faced a great deal of economic problems, and “social

confusion” can take the shape of a youth culture that does not want to grow up. For

Hardy Bernal, Momoko and other Lolitas are expressions of this.

A central theme in Lolita is the doll: Lolita girls wish to look like dolls, use dolls

as a fashion inspiration, and collect dolls. The Japanese line of Pullip dolls has even

created special releases of dolls that are made to look like popular Lolita models, wearing

miniature versions of real Baby, the Stars Shine Bright or Innocent World dresses. The

doll can also be seen as a symbol of maturation, or lack thereof. Japanese culture has a

rich history of giving importance to a girl giving up her doll, and thus acknowledging that

she is growing up. In the Shinto ritual of Hari-Kuyo, worshippers leave old instruments

of their trade such as sewing needles at an altar. The ritual of kuyo sometimes also

involved female children separating with their dolls, or disposing of old dolls out of

superstitions of evil spirits inhabiting the objects. It is furthermore evident from previous

writings that there is a degree of panic about the effects of kawaii culture on Japanese

youth. These influences have made some take a disdainful approach towards Lolita, and

the attachment with dolls past childhood is seen as yet another symptom of an

unwillingness to mature.

Momoko, in Kamikaze Girls, narrates the story of her life and upbringing. She

was born to a kind but inept father who did not do honest work and her beauty-obsessed

mother left when she was young. Momoko looks down on what she perceives to be the

mundane, gaudy world around her and retreats into visions of an Idyllic Rococo dream.

She speaks of Lolita and Baby, the Stars Shine Bright as the only things “worth living

for,” and the things that can bring her closer to the Rococo in her everyday life. To

38
Momoko, she is not using Lolita and Rococo as a wish to return to childhood, but rather

to avoid the unglamorous version of adulthood she witnessed as a child. Momoko often

expresses fear of being alone and dying alone in the film, but Hardy Bernal concludes

that “what alienates her more is a choice to become a real-life Lolita.” (Hardy Bernal; 8)

When she meets “yankee girl” Ichiko, they realize they have both been lonely, and are

both outsiders even in their subcultural group. The girls are connected because they both

to subcultures that dress out of the mainstream, although at first glance they seem

opposite. Ichiko fashions herself after a “Sukeban” girl, a street fashion dating back to the

1970s that exemplified the “bad gal” image.23 The visual opposite of the feminine and

demure Lolita, Sukeban girls wore heavy makeup, clothing embroidered with gang

symbols, and tougher hairstyles.

The two friends are ultimately brought together by their lonely position even

among outsiders. Momoko has no Lolita friends or community, and the subculture is

usually very dependent on group communication and activities. Ichiko is also not

accepted by her fellow gang members, especially after befriending a “frilly” girl like

Momoko. The author concludes that what is cathartic in Momoko’s story is by her

eventual, dramatic rescue of Ichiko from the gang, she finally does a truly individual

thing, not the affectation of individuality of her solitary life as a Lolita. Through

friendship with Ichiko, she also comes to accept the idea of adulthood. The author seems

to suggest that isolationism coupled with nostalgia can amplify the fear of growing up.

23
See: Patrick Macias, Izumi Evers, and Kazumi Nonaka (illustrator).
Japanese Schoolgirl Inferno: Tokyo Teen Fashion Subculture Handbook. San Francisco, Calif.:
Chronicle Books, 2004.

39
 Length limitations seemed to be an issue for Hardy Bernal’s argument. The essay

raises strong points and interesting historical perspectives on Lolita, but many of these

are underdeveloped. For example, the case for comparing modern Japanese Lolitas to

Victorian Gothic Revivalism could probably be expanded in an entirely separate article.

The idea that nostalgic movements or subcultures spring up in times of change and

confusion could be a very compelling thesis statement. The author’s interpretation of

Kamikaze Girls is also somewhat muddled. Perhaps this is because it is not written about

in great detail, but the main point is obscured. Hardy Bernal is at times critical of

Momoko and Lolita, yet seems to also want to portray the character and fashion as

empowering.

There is also a degree of unclear historical research in the article. The author

draws on harikuyo, but this festival is not traditionally associated with dolls beyond one

article citing that such rituals may have also been done with children’s dolls:24 “Kuyö

rites for objects are presently carried out for items as diverse as needles, chopsticks,

combs, dolls, clocks, personal seals (hanko), knives, shoes, scissors, and semiconductors.

While some of these rites are conducted for objects used for religious purposes…

Bidding a fond farewell to old objects that can no longer be used is an important part of

these rites.” (Kretschmer; 380)

There is an omission in the discussion of dolls in Japanese culture and history:

that of Hinamatsuri, also known as Girls’ Day. This holiday, which dates back to the

Heian Period (8th to 12th centuries), involves a display of dolls in the home representing a

24
Kretschmer, Angelika, “Mortuary Rites for Inanimate Objects: The Case of Hari Kuyō, Japanese Journal
of Religious Studies, Vol. 27, 2000, p. 379-404

40
royal court. In an article for Journal of Asia Pacific Studies,25 Salvador Jimenez Murguia

explains how these Hina dolls (hinaningyou) could be related to societal expectations of

women in Japanese culture. These dolls, much like the dolls collected by Lolita girls, are

used as decorative objects and collector’s items rather than toys, and the doll itself

displays the image of an ideal woman: for traditional Japanese families, a dutiful wife or

daughter, and for the Lolita an elegant and cute young girl. The criticism that hina dolls

reinforce images of a quiet and obedient woman is not too different that the criticism that

the Lolita aesthetic encourages an outdated view of women. Also like the status symbol

of brand-name Lolita clothing or doll collections, the ability to display hina dolls

signified material wealth or a higher station in society. An historical discussion of

Hinamatsuri would have added greater context and meaning to Hardy-Bernal’s

discussion of dolls in Lolita subculture.

Bergstrom, Brian. "Girliness Next to Godliness: Lolita Fandom as Sacred

Criminality in the Novels of Takemoto Novala." Mechademia 6.1 (2011): 21-37.

Themes of willful defiance, individuality, and the nobility of being a self-made

outcast run through the novels of Takemoto Novala, a writer who is one of the most

prominent advocates of Lolita fashion and lifestyle. To express the rebellious natures of

his characters, Takemoto relies heavily on tying his protagonists to dress associated with

Japanese street fashion subcultures. “It begins with an awakening. Something is

encountered—a person, an image, a song, an outfit—that throws into relief the

protagonist’s unique sensibility… uniqueness is felt as a dislocation in era, the

25
Murguia, Salvador J. “Hinamatsuri and the Japanese Female: A Critical Intepretation of the Japanese
Doll Festival.” Journal of Asia Pacific Studies. 2.2 (2011): 231 - 247

41
consequence of an existence carried out crosswise to history and society,” writes Brian

Bergstrom in a Mechademia article examining how Lolita fashion and ideas of the

“maiden” (otome) are used by Takemoto Novala as a conduit for the authors own ideals.

Takemoto draws on many conventions and past authors of Shoujo literature, such as his

contemporary Yoshimoto Banana, and Taisho Era 26author Yoshiya Nobuko. These

inspirations, along with Takemoto’s fanaticism for Lolita, led him to create his own name

for his writing: maiden’s literature (otomegaku).

Unlike many portrayals of rebellious characters who are progressive or ahead of

their time, Takemoto expresses rebellion against society with characters and details in his

books that are purposefully anachronistic. This use of elements from the past is also

coupled with stories that culminate in a shocking defiant or deviant acts as a character

develops, moving the characters’ rebelliousness in dress to a rebelliousness in practice.

Takemoto’s most famous Lolita rebel is Momoko Ryugasaki, the teenage heroine

of the 2002 novel Kamikaze Girls (Shimotsuma Monogatari), which was also adapted

into a popular 2004 film. Momoko, a high school girl in a backwoods town with an

unglamorous life and deadbeat, petty criminal father, states in the novel that she was

meant for the Rococo Era. To Momoko, Lolita fashion is the only thing in her life that

matches her visions of how the world should be. Momoko is a loner until she meets

Ichiko, a member of a girl motorcycle gang who, like Momoko, wishes to escape her

mundane life. Takemoto, by portraying the girls as kindred spirits, ties Lolita to the more

extreme deviance of the girl gang. At the end of the novel, Momoko challenges Ichiko’s

gang to save her friend, fighting the girls violently and ruining her Lolita dress. This act

26
The period of Japanese history from 1912 – 1926, which was marked by modernity and a continued
interest in Western fashion

42
of criminal behavior and violence is not shown as a contrast to Momoko’s feminine

appearance, but an extension of her unique character and willingness to defy conventions.

Momoko was not the first Takemoto heroine to show a fixation of trends of the

past. In Takemoto’s first novel, the 2000 Missin’ (Mishin), the unnamed protagonist

discovers a book by Yoshiya Nobuko that describes platonic yet passionate relationships

between female students. Takemoto’s heroine yearns for such a relationship and laments

that her current society does not advocate such intense friendships. She becomes

obsessed with a male visual kei rock star named Mishin and decides that perhaps he

could be the person to fulfill this type of relationship. The narrator fantasizes about her

idol’s bandmate dying so she can take his place. Her wish comes true, and she fakes the

ability to play guitar in order to form the connection she desires with Mishin. Like

Momoko, the protagonist yearns for a past era (the Taisho Era in this instance). Fashion

is also used as a signifier of the heroine’s misplacement in modern society, as she

becomes taken with the elaborate fashions of the rock band, particular the brand MILK.

Like in Kamikaze Girls with Baby, the Stars Shine Bright, Takemoto uses real Japanese

brands as a sacred object for the main character. The criminality of this character comes

in the form of fantasizing about killing her rival, and later, imagining fulfilling Mishin’s

own perverse death wish. Thus, Takemoto’s narratives follow a similar path where an

individualistic character’s life is both changed and reaffirmed by not only meeting a

kindred spirit, but by fashion. As Bergstrom writes, “His protagonists encounter a

fascinating, willful, and ambiguously gendered person and then embark on a (usually)

chaste but intense relationship with him or her, founded on a shared dislike of the

43
contemporary world ameliorated by the consumption of specific brand-name designer

clothing.” (Bergstrom; 27)

Takemoto’s image of the otome involves girls who are desirous of something

intangible or inaccessible: the Rococo Era or a Taisho schoolgirl relationship that does

not exist anymore. The journeys of these characters are aided by other social outliers,

often androgynous characters such as Mishin. In most of Takemoto’s works, the

protagonists’ far off desires are made slightly more reachable through Lolita fashion and

the consumption of girly clothing and goods that, like the heroines, are not in line with

the rest of society. Lolita fashion enables these characters not to find their place in

society, but to find a separate space in which to defy it.

Bergstrom’s arguments are at times dense, but he makes an interesting case study

of the enigmatic figure that is Takemoto Novala. His thesis is well defended and the

article does not shy away from being critical of Takemoto when necessary. However, the

subject matter is rather obscure and thus it would have been helpful to have more

historical background on the conventions of both Taisho era literature and shoujo

literature. Bergstrom discusses many examples of authors from these periods such as

Yoshimoto Banana and Kurahashi Yumiko, but a simple “big picture” explanation of

these genres and periods of literature is missing. To understand comparisons to

Yoshimoto or Yoshiya Nobuko, a foundation of knowledge on shojo greatly enriches the

understanding of how this genre influenced Takemoto.

44
 In the Journal of Japanese Studies27, John Whittier Treat explains how Taisho Era

culture provided a girls’ space for shojo literature like Hana Monogatari. In this era,

middle and upper class girls had the new opportunity of attending private girls’ schools,

creating an sort of “extended adolescence” and girl-centric culture that made it possible

for media devoted to this demographic to flourish. It was on this girls’ space created by

the Taisho period that contemporary writers like Yoshimoto Banana built the world of

shojo as a proudly consumeristic and effervescent culture. Yoshimoto’s stories and

characters are fast paced, informal, materialistic in some ways, and revel in their own

internal universe. This diary-like style and focus on consumerism can also be seen in

Takemoto’s works. Treat writes, “It is in the interim of their shojo years that these young

women (and the young men that increasingly resemble them) participate in a uniquely

unproductive culture. They effectively signify sheer consumption, and as such cannot

exist as wholly "real" in an economy otherwise committed to creating value, be it in

terms of goods and services…” (Treat; 362) It is clear that despite using his self-

description of “otome literature,” Takemoto Novala owes much of his stylistic and

thematic content, such as consumption as a positive or even sacred act, to the shojo

tradition.

Winge, Theresa. "Undressing and dressing Loli: a search for the identity of the
Japanese Lolita." Mechademia 3.1 (2008): 47-63.
27
Treat, John Whittier. “Yoshimoto Banana Writes Home: Shojo Culture and the Nostalgia Subject.”
Journal of Japanese Studies, Vol. 19, No. 2 (Summer, 1993), pp. 353-387

45
 To both Japanese and non-Japanese outsiders from Lolita subculture, it can be a

mysterious phenomenon and a mysterious name. Especially in the West, the immediate

connection drawn from the word Lolita is with Vladimir Nabokov’s novel and his titular

character, a sexually precocious pre-teenaged girl. Lolita fashion is unrelated to the novel

and most participants in Lolita subculture resent the association with Nabokov’s book

and adamantly deny a connection. However, with the name and deliberately youthful

aesthetic of Lolita, it is not surprising that associations with the character are constantly

made. In an article for Mechademia, Theresa Winge explores how Japanese Lolita

subculture has carved out a unique space and redefined the word Lolita by using a

“ritualized performance” and the visual cues provided by the style, while also explaining

how the fashion’s use in the West can either reinforce or undermine the Japanese

reclaiming of the word.

Lolita subculture grew out of the kawaii trend that started in the 1970s. Even in

the edgier, Gothic styles of Lolita, a sense of kawaii or cuteness remains. A criticism of

Lolita and kawaii culture is that they use cute elements as escapism and a way to prolong

childhood. The 1980s and 90s also contributed to the modern Lolita look with vijuaru kei

(visual-kei or visual style) music. This was a trend in Japanese rock music for band

members to wear elaborate costumes and makeup, often in a Victorian-influenced style.

One visual-kei rock star, Mana, even began cross-dressing in female Lolita clothing and

went on to create his own Lolita brand, Moi Meme Moitie. These Japanese influences,

combines with historical inspirations from Victorian and Rococo clothing, shaped the

Lolita style. In the three major genres of Lolita: classic (kurashikku), sweet (ama), and

46
gothic (gosu), this amalgam of influences can be seen. Even among different styles, there

is a unified Lolita aesthetic.

Winge states that although Lolitas deny that the style has any connection to Lolita

the book, and that they are not trying to present themselves sexually, the subculture’s

look still “plays suggestively with the idea of a young girl as a forbidden sexual object.”

Lolitas are still sexualized by certain adult Japanese men, Lolita gatherings and spaces

often have police nearby to look out for the girls’ safety, and the subculture have been

criticized for being naïve about its connection to the Japanese idea of having a “Lolita

complex” or rorikon. Winge believes that this perhaps unintended sexualization has been

further compounded by Lolita becoming a “transnational object.” In the West, where an

association with Nabokov’s Lolita is even more unavoidable, the sexualization of Lolita

has increased by things such as pop star Gwen Stefani’s “Harajuku Girls.” The Harajuku

Girls were used as backup dancers and human set pieces, sometimes wearing Lolita-

inspired clothing. However, these versions of Lolita were more erotic and revealing than

the Lolita aesthetic in Japan permits. Mange and anime representations of Lolita in Japan

are also overtly sexualized at times, such as the character of Chii in CLAMP’s Chobits.

“These different depictions of Lolitas within popular culture demonstrate varying

interpretations and misinterpretations of the subculture, and the subculture itself is a

complicated space that informs and is informed by these depictions,” (Winge; 52) Winge

writes. An argument in favor of Lolita is that unlike the Nabokov character, girls and

women who wear Lolita and participate in the subculture are choosing to present

themselves as youthful, hyper-feminine, and cute and are empowered in this choice

instead of having the perception forced upon them. The choice to present oneself in such

47
a way is both to communicate to outsiders and to other Lolitas. Winge sees participation

in the subculture as a ritualistic act. She uses a three part definition of ritual that must

involve separation (preliminal phase), transition (liminal phase), and reincorporation

(postliminal phase).

Lolitas separate themselves from the dominant culture by expressing an interest in

Lolita, reading publications and chat rooms designed for the subculture, and purchasing

clothing and accessories specifically made for the Lolita style. In the transition phase, a

Lolita “tries on” the identity and carves out her unique space in the subculture. In the

final phase of ritualization, the Lolita participates in the subculture publicly,

communicating her identity visually to both insiders and outsiders with her dress and

mannerisms. To Winge, this ritualized identity is essential to understanding the

subculture and to the subculture’s self-expression. She believes that the diffusion of

Lolita subculture as it becomes more popular globally has the potential to threaten this

identity. Still, she ultimately acknowledges that the subculture can be subversive and

empowering, allowing participants to “extend themselves into spaces and ways otherwise

unavailable to them, creating a wholly unique subcultural identity.” (Winge 62)

This article provides a nuanced and accessible understanding of Lolita. The issue

of sexualization of the subculture is handled tactfully and in a relatively unbiased manner.

The one possible gap in the content of Winge’s article is that she portrays Lolita’s

existence in the West as wholly a pop culture commodity (for example, as a costume in a

music video), pop culture here referring to media-influenced mainstream culture as

opposed to a subculture, which creates its own values and rules slightly apart from the

mainstream. She does not explore the existence of the subculture itself outside of Japan.

48
The idea that Lolita is taken out of context outside of Japan is not always true, as there

are many girls and women globally who participate in Lolita as a subculture and

subversive fashion, not as simply a pop culture fascination.

Younker, Terasa. "Lolita: Dreaming, despairing, defying." Stanford Journal of East

Asian Studies (2012): 97-110.

In the context of academic theories of Lolita fashion, positing that the subculture

is an expression of rebellion against rigid Japanese society is a common interpretation.

Theresa Younker supports this argument with real life experience. While doing academic

research on Lolita fashion, Younker lived in Japan and worked for two of the fashion’s

most prominent brands: Mary Magdalene and Baby, the Stars Shine Bright. While

working as an intern or shop assistant for these brands, the author not only had the

opportunity to see the production and consumption of Lolita fashion firsthand, but to

interview many Lolita girls about their own views and motivations for participating in the

subculture, creating a nuanced and personal look into the lives of Lolita followers in

Japan.

Younker provides some basic background information on what Lolita is and the

general formula for a Lolita outfit that has been covered by many writers, but the main

point of the article is the various ways that real Lolitas use the fashion as escapism: from

adulthood, from their families, from beauty standards, and other real world pressures. The

author showcases their rebellious spirits but also highlights the darker side of Lolita

fashion. As a subculture and as a way of dressing, Lolita is usually not compatible with

49
career or family life, and there are very few job opportunities outside of working for the

brands themselves that allow girls and women to wear Lolita in their everyday lives.

The author cites criticism of “cute” culture28 as a driving force of trends like

Lolita that are anachronistic, nostalgic, and seek an aesthetic that preserves innocence or

childlike qualities. She writes, “It is generally agreed that cuteness is used as sort of a

cultural Prozac in Japan’s brutally rigid society.” (Younker; 100) The girls quoted and

whose stories are relayed in the article, mostly fellow workers at Baby, the Stars Shine

Bright, share a common distaste for the conventional pressures of adulthood. Many of

them told of growing up with parents who pushed them to extremes to succeed or better

themselves. They turned to Lolita not only because it was cute, but because they felt it

was a way to “follow their own path.” The author also observed that being a part of a

subculture that values “cute” was a way to avoid the pressures of Western standards of

beauty.

Although Lolita values a doll-like look, it is more accommodating of different

body types and heights than Western trends that favor tall, slim models. Lolita’s

emphasis on modesty is also a way to wear beautiful clothing while hiding flaws like skin

disorders. The author quotes Lolita fashion designer Hirooka Naoto ( known as h.Naoto)

who puts it this way: “I think many Japanese women feel intimidated by high fashion in

the West and feel they can never live up to the refined beauty…instead they shoot for a

cute look, one that doesn’t require tall, curvaceous bodies and instead emphasizes

girlishness.” (Younker; 104) Young women aspiring to a cute instead of refined or sexy

look is also in line with Japanese kawaii culture. Female celebrities and characters with a
28
See Sharon Kinsella, “Cuties in Japan” and prior annotation of her chapter in Women, Media, and
Consumption in Japan. Ed. Brian Moeran and Lise Skov. Curzon & Hawaii University Press, 1995

50
cute and approachable appearance can be seen from shojo manga heroines and “Rika-

chan” (Japan’s rough equivalent of Barbie) to real life idols (aidoru). These are young

female pop stars whose image is largely based on appearing sweet and friendly. This is in

contrast to the West, where celebrities and high fashion alike tend to promote an elegant,

almost aloof sort of beauty.

The concept of nostalgia for childhood is also important to the Lolita women

Younker befriended. However, she observes that it is not a nostalgia for their own

childhood, but an imagined childhood that they can use as an escape from real life.

Instead Lolita followers dream of an innocent and refined space of their own making, a

mash up of Rococo and Victorian influences. This is likely in part because both in

Japanese literature and media (like the works of Yoshimoto Banana and the heroines of

Studio Ghibli films as well as Victorian literature such as Alice in Wonderland) the figure

of the young woman (shoujo) is a character who can occupy a special place of freedom in

society: freedom to defy conventions or to go on adventures.

Most of the girls interviewed openly admitted to wanting to go against the

mainstream or be rebellious, but in Japanese society this is not without its drawbacks.

Younker observes that even though many Lolitas expressed the desire to never give up

the fashion, she never saw a Lolita customer at the Baby store with children of her own,

and rarely saw women over 40. Many of her co-workers also avoided romantic

relationships or were less successful in that regard than their peers. It is clear that there is

usually a dichotomy between “following your own path” with Lolita and having a normal

family life or marriage. This is to some degree a practical issue. Lolita brands are mostly

small business operations, and outside of the fashion itself, there are not many job

51
opportunities for adult women to both have a career and wear Lolita on a daily basis.

Younker ends on a cautionary note. She seems to admire the courage of her Japanese

Lolita friends, but recognizes that it is a difficult subculture in which to have a future.

This article has an element that most academic writing on Lolita is missing: the

real experiences of Japanese Lolita girls and women. It is very valuable to be able to read

their motivations and opinions first-hand. It is also important to have a writer who not

only studied the subject, but lived and worked around the subject. Younker is also quite

objective despite being close to her topic and does not shy away from addressing

problematic aspects of the subculture. Her approach is very different from Masafumi

Monden’s in interviewing Western girls in “The Nationality of Lolita Fashion.” 29 The

responses are also quite different, perhaps due in part to Younker’s position as a friend

and confidant to her subjects versus an outside interviewer. The motivations given by the

Japanese Lolitas seem to focus more on what the fashion does for them emotionally and

personally as opposed to the more purely aesthetic centered responses in Monden’s

research. For the purpose of academic study, however, it would be valuable to have a

better quantification of the young women Younker quotes, although she does provide a

basic age range.

Osmud. Rahman, Liu Wing-sun, Elita Lam and Chan Mong-tai. “Lolita.
Imaginative Self and Elusive Consumption.” Fashion Theory: The Journal of Dress,
Body & Culture. (2011): 7-28.

Over the course of this project, there have been many articles and research done

on Lolita subculture in its birthplace of Japan, and on Western Lolitas or how Western
29
Monden, Masafumi. "THE ‘NATIONALITY’ OF LOLITA EASHION." Asia Through Art and Anthropology:
Cultural Translation Across Borders (2013): 165.

52
ideas influenced the fashion. There has not, however, been much in the way of academic

work on Lolita fashion in other Eastern countries. This article from “Fashion Theory” is

the culmination of research done by three professors or lecturers of fashion studies in

Hong Kong and examines how the subculture has existed and thrived there. The authors

examine Lolita through the lens of a few key themes, and also present in-depth interviews

with a focus group of eight Hong Kong Lolitas. In addition to formal interviews, the

researchers also used virtual ethnography (also called netnography). This approach

involves studying how the participants act and interact regarding Lolita in an online

setting.

The most important concept introduced in the article, one that provides a

backbone for the interviews, is that of “hyper-reality.” This is a postmodern concept that

refers to the blurring of the real and unreal to create a space, sense of self, or mindset that

is “more real than real.”30 This manifests as individuals no longer simply fantasizing

about imaginary realities, but creating new realities based on their fantasies. For a Lolita,

the imaginary self (or “inner self” come to life) created by wearing the fashion is a

“hyper-reality.” Creation of hyper-realities is often a form of escapism or a way to cope

with parts of reality that are difficult or unpleasant, as is the case with many of the Hong

Kong Lolitas.

A familiar idea from past articles is also present in this research: that of the

importance and symbolism of consumption. For the Hong Kong Lolitas, much like

Momoko in Kamikaze Girls, the Lolita brand that aligns with the sense of self and image

they want to project becomes an almost religious idol. Buying an Angelic Pretty or Moi
30
This description is taken from Best, Steven, and Douglas Kellner. Postmodern theory: Critical
interrogations. Guilford Press, 1991.

53
Meme Moitie dress is not just consumption, but “symbolic consumption” because the

object of choice is a representation of the Lolita’s hyper-reality and chosen self. The

Lolitas in this article also placed importance on having a favorite brand and even personal

relationships with sellers and store clerks.

Of the eight Lolitas chosen for the Hong Kong focus group, the oldest was 19 and

the youngest was 13. Only one participant, a 19 year old, was male. This group was

recruited because of its interest in Lolita and did not have previous personal connections

with the researchers. Interviewees were either students or worked at low paying jobs such

as being a shop clerk. Most of the Lolitas’ chosen style was Sweet Lolita, with two

Gothic Lolitas and only one Classic Lolita31. About half of the interviewees expressed

interest in becoming a fashion designer. The length of experience in Lolita fashion ranged

from six months to four years.

The researchers discovered that each Lolita had their own reasons for

participating in the subculture, but that newer Lolitas (one year or less) tended to focus

more on the clothes and trends in the fashion themselves, while more experienced Lolitas

held deeper and more emotional connections to the fashion. The sole male participant,

“Tam,” expressed feeling lonely and isolated from both his peers and family. He only felt

comfortable wearing Lolita while alone or at Lolita events, and only felt happy and

supported when spending time with other Lolitas. “B-Lolitas are engaging in a kind of

transvestic fetishism also known as cross-dressing. This is a desire to dress in the manner

of the opposite sex to create sexual arousal. In his in-depth interview, Tam told the

interviewer that he felt good when he dressed like a little girl. It is reasonable to suggest

31
For examples of styles, see figures 4 and 5

54
that the relationships between gender identity and self-identity are connected in this

particular case.” (Osmud et al; 15) Although the researchers refer to fetishism and sexual

gratification, the quotes and information given on Tam do not support this. He speaks

about feeling like himself while dressed in Lolita, but makes no direct or indirect

reference to sexual feelings or fetishes. It is unclear if the authors are mistakenly

conflating Tam with fetishistic cross dressing or if they are refuting that stereotype. This

point could be made more clearly.

Another experienced Lolita, “Ka,” always found herself ugly and used Lolita to

transform herself into someone she was more comfortable with. In contrast, the youngest

Lolita, “Ann,” was mostly concerned with the beauty of the clothing and thought of

Lolita as a trend and something fun to do with her friends. It seems like the strong

emotional connection to the fashion and how it relates to a Lolita’s sense of self is

something that often grows over time and experience.

It is important to keep in mind the year in which this research was published.

Unlike many earlier articles that studied Lolita when it was still very much an

underground, Japan-centric subculture, Lolita in 2011 was a much more streamlined,

commercialized fashion. It was still a subculture and certainly outside the norm, but was

also being consumed by foreign fans as part of a fascination with Japanese products,

more information was available on Lolita online and in online communities, and the

subculture had overall simply more of a global network. In places like Hong Kong, it had

become popular for young people not only to show an interest in Japanese fashion, but in

Japanese products and kawaii goods in general. Many Chinese independent or “indie”

Lolita brands had also sprung up, hoping to either provide a cheaper alternative to the

55
Japanese brands through design replicas, or to make a name for themselves alongside the

bigger brands.

The relative unpopularity of Gothic Lolita can also be seen in this research.

Despite being the “forerunner” of Lolita sub-styles and still the most well-known, it has

become less popular than Sweet and Classic among Lolitas themselves and Gothic style

clothing is increasingly difficult to find among new and recently released Lolita items.

This may have to do with an increased interest by foreigners in the East and West in

kawaii culture and products, the aesthetic of which are more obvious in Sweet Lolita.

This project is very well done and comprehensive. It was helpful to see the

research methods and data explicitly explained and presented, as opposed to the more

vague summaries of other articles. In the future it would definitely be a positive

contribution to the body of academic work on Lolita to more offer quantifiable research

and interviews with subculture participants. If an Observer’s Paradox is present here, it is

not apparent. The interviewee’s answers are very honest, and the questions asked in this

article were more personal and emotional than in Monden’s interviews of girls on the

EGL forums. Overall, these Eastern Lolitas do seem to be less defensive regarding the

subculture than Western Lolitas, perhaps because the connection with Nabokov’s Lolita

is less strong.

Section 3: Lolita as a global trend

Monden, Masafumi. "The ‘Nationality’ of Lolita Fashion." Asia Through Art and

Anthropology: Cultural Translation Across Borders (2013): 165.

56
 Lolita fashion is a subculture that is inspired by Western styles from the Victorian

and Rococo eras, a phenomenon that started and gained momentum as a Japanese street

fashion and counterculture trend, and has now spread globally and has a sizeable

international community. The name of the fashion itself is possibly derived as a reference

to Vladimir Nabokov’s Lolita, though the term as it refers to fashion was never meant to

have sexual connotations. Along with European inspirations, Lolita grew from distinctly

Japanese roots such as kawaii culture influencing the fashion’s over the top look, and

Visual-kei, a rock subculture that developed a flamboyant and gothic style. This amalgam

begs the question of whether Lolita fashion truly has one nationality. Is it Japanese,

European, or simply global? Masafumi Monden explores this idea by examining both

how the subculture thrives in Japan and English speaking online communities revolving

around Lolita.

Monden first gives background on Lolita in Japan. While there are many subsets

of Lolita, the fashion can be classified mainly as either gothic (gosu-loli/kuro-loli), sweet

(ama-loli), or classic (kurashikku-loli). Each style uses its theme and color palette to

follow the basic guidelines of what constitutes a Lolita look: calf-length, ultra-feminine

dresses sometimes worn over equally feminine blouses, layers of petticoats, knee socks,

Mary Jane shoes, and elaborate headdresses such as bows or bonnets. Some think that the

style gained popularity because women and girls in Japan were dissatisfied with the

utilitarian nature of mainstream fashion, but others tie it to the Visual-kei movement. This

is a movement in Japanese rock that focused on the aesthetic and performative elements

of music, elevating rock stars from musicians to glamorous personas with heavy makeup

and flamboyant costumes. Many Visual-kei rockers adopted a gothic style that influenced

57
Gothic Lolita, most famously by guitarist Mana who went on to create his own Lolita

clothing label, Moi-meme-Moitie. The 2004 film Kamikaze Girls, which became a box

office hit, is also credited for popularizing the fashion.

As for how far Lolita and its fans take the European influence, Monden posits that

this fascination with dreamy, doll like maidens and aristocratic characters whose clothes

may inspire Lolita may come partly from Shojo manga trends from the 1970s and later. A

prime example of this would be Ryoko Ikeda’s The Rose of Versailles (Berusaiyu no

Bara) that ran from 1972-1973 and told a romanticized yet sympathetic version of Marie

Antoinette’s story. Modern Shojo artists such as Ai Yazawa (Nana, Paradise Kiss) have

continued to use the fragile, doll like aesthetic. Many big name Lolita clothing brands

make dresses and accessories that might fight into the worlds of these manga, such as

hoop style panniers and dresses modeled after the Rococo robe a la francaise. Not all

Lolita fashion is directly tied to Western style, though. Many elements of Lolita,

especially the sweet subset, exemplify kawaii and take cues from Japanese pop culture,

characters, anime, etc.

Monden is also interested in how the globalization of Lolita has affected the

sexual or erotic connotations that may be perceived by the fashion. In Japan, there are

criticisms that the fashion is restrictive and may signify female submissiveness, but

generally the subculture is much more removed from the idea of “Lolita” meaning a

sexualized prepubescent girl than in the West. This is partly to do with the concept of

kawaii not being restricted to children and young girls. In contrast, many Japanese

criticisms of Lolita have focused on the counter-culture and disruptive nature of the style.

Many Western critics have raised concerns that the fashion is self-objectifying and self-

58
infantilizing, while Lolitas themselves describe it as a way to be empowered in their

femininity and an expression of beauty in modesty. To address this issue, Monden

participated in an English speaking online community called EGL – The Gothic & Lolita

Fashion Community. The author was concerned with why these Western girls were

attracted to the subculture, how they perceived the sexualization of Lolita, and where did

they think Lolita comes from.

To the first question, most participants simply expressed distaste for current

casual and revealing clothing trends, and stated that they were attracted to the delicate,

beautiful, and elaborate nature of Lolita clothing. On the matter of sexualization, the

members of EGL were very vocal about opposing any fetishizing of their subculture and

vehemently denied any connection to sexual elements. Despite Lolita being seen as too

flamboyant by most of Japanese society, these Western Lolitas 32mostly expressed the

opinion that Japan is, to them, the place where they felt they would be most accepted.

Many girls complained of being harassed or mocked in their home countries, while some

North American Lolitas explained that while their peers tended to be unaccepting of the

fashion, children and senior citizens are complimentary of it.

The matter of the nationality of Lolita fashion is complex. Most Lolitas treat the

Japanese brands as the most legitimate source of clothing, yet defend its European

inspirations when accusations of cultural appropriation come up. Its ties to kawaii and

shojo culture are an equally important part of the subculture’s evolution as historical

influences. Monden concludes that Lolita is ultimately both Japanese and European,

reinforced by its transcultural appeal.

32
See figure 6

59
 Overall, Monden brings up an interesting question of what the “true” origin of

Lolita fashion may be. There is convincing evidence presented both for it being an

intrinsically Japanese subculture and a fashion with European roots. However, the author

does not really answer his own question. The article feels somewhat unbalanced. The

heart of Lolita fashion is ultimately the girls and women who partake in it and make it

their own. As such they are in a way the final word, so to speak, on what Lolita is.

Monden did well to interview English speaking Lolitas on EGL, but his study is missing

Japanese voices. Since half the article focuses on Lolita in Japan and half focuses on the

English speaking part of the subculture, it would have been a helpful comparison to have

Japanese Lolitas answer the same questions of why they became interested in the fashion,

what their views are on the sexualization of Lolita, and what they think the nationality of

Lolita is.

Another concern is that there is in the online Lolita community the tendency to act

and present oneself slightly differently to an “outsider” of the fashion versus an insider.

This is usually out of a seeming defensive of the fashion and their lifestyle against

possibly ignorant preconceived notions. Monden spent time on the EGL community as an

outsider. Although he aimed to be very unobtrusive and subjective, it is very possible that

the responses of the interviewees were altered simply by his presence on the forum.

Miller, Laura. "Cute masquerade and the pimping of Japan." International Journal
of Japanese Sociology 20.1 (2011): 18-29.

Over twenty years after Lolita fashion surged in popularity on the streets of Japan,

the style and its subculture has gained a following in many Western countries that only

seems to be growing. Though Lolita has its aesthetic roots partially in Western fashion

60
from bygone eras like the Victorian and Rococo periods, the fashion was very much born

and bred in Japan. Why, then, did it cross over to the West? The answer may lie in the

phenomenon of Cool Japan.

The phrase was coined in 2002 by Douglas McGray 33as a way to describe Japan’s

emergence as a cultural superpower and increasing global influence mainly through the

export of its own pop culture such as games, anime, and kawaii culture. By the mid-

2000s, Japanese government officials in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) were

coopting the term themselves and supporting initiatives to bring “cool” Japanese culture

overseas. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, there was indeed an influx of Japanese

cultural exports and interest in Japan among young people, most often in the form of

interest in Japanese games or anime as a hobby. Media was not the only piece of

Japanese culture being pushed by Japanese leaders. Street fashion and youth culture was

also appropriated for use as a “cool Japan” export. Professor of Japanese Studies and

Anthropologist Laura Miller takes issue with this use of fashion and youth culture. She

outlines her concerns in an article for the International Journal of Japanese Sociology.

Miller’s main critique of how the MOFA uses “cool Japan” is that it is

misinterpreting and misusing subcultural fashion and behavior. By turning these

subcultures into “cool” cultural products to be consumed by foreigners, Miller believes

the deeper meaning of these usually female, youth driven subcultures is being erased.

One such subculture that was swept up in “cool Japan” was Lolita. The image of the

Lolita, along with the classic Japanese schoolgirl and the “Harajuku Girl,” was coopted

33
McGray, Douglas. "Japan’s gross national cool." Foreign policy 130.2002 (2002): 49-54.

61
by Japanese leaders as a symbol for cool and cute Japanese culture. This had led, perhaps,

to the motivations and meaning behind Lolita being eclipsed.

Miller sees this practice as erasing female voices. Although Lolita is a girl-driven

subculture, the members of the MOFA using the Lolita image as part of “cool Japan” are

mostly men. “Cool Japan’s cute modality may innocently appear as nothing more than a

simple reflection of mindless girl consumption and a deep love of lace, flounces,

sweetness, and novelty. But Japanese girl culture can encode aesthetics that go beyond an

overwrought cuteness that is usually the sole focus of analysis and MOFA

appropriation,” Miller writes (Miller; 23) The author believes that Japanese girl culture,

including Lolita and kawaii culture, is complex and often uses cuteness and femininity in

ironic or parodic ways. For example, she sees Sweet Lolita, which is the Lolita style

appropriated by the MOFA, as using hyper-cuteness to parody expectations of feminine

dress and behavior. When used by the MOFA, however, fashions that once had a

subversive intent are reduced to merely cute and “cool” images. Furthermore, these

fashions and subcultures cease to be girls’ culture and are being coopted by a male

dominated sphere. Miller also believes that the MOFA has an over-focus on exporting

otaku culture, which also tends to be male-driven.

The version of Lolita, or of Japanese cuteness, being presented to the world is a

sanitized version, purposefully nonthreatening and uncomplicated. “It seems,” Miller

writes, “that the dominant way girls’ cute is understood results in the continuing

trivialization of girl culture, while allowing us to deny that it could possibly contain

forms of agency or power.” (Miller; 26) The author’s interpretation of cute culture and

her criticisms of the “cool Japan” movement are through a feminist lens. Miller does not

62
hide this bias. This article is an interesting comparison and contrast to Kinsella’s “Cuties

in Japan.”34 Both authors are coming from a feminist interpretation, but Miller, writing

over fifteen years later, takes a less condemning view of kawaii culture. Kinsella

believed that kawaii culture was limiting to Japanese women, yet Miller sees some

subversive power and agency in girls’ cute culture.

While the author makes salient points about the misuse and erasure of female

voices in “cool Japan,” it is also important to examine not only how Lolita or cute fashion

is being presented to the West, but how the West is receiving and interpreting it.

Although some authors, like Theresa Winge, believe that Lolita is also being appropriated

as simply a product in the West,35 there is an entire faction of female Lolita fans in

countries like the United States, Australia, and Great Britain. While “cool Japan” has

erased the subversive and empowering meaning behind Lolita to some extent, it is also

being rebuilt, by girls, in the foreign countries that are the target of the “cool Japan”

initiatives.

Monden, Masafumi. "Transcultural Flow of Demure Aesthetics: Examining

Cultural Globalisation through Gothic & Lolita Fashion." New Voices 2 (2008): 21-

40.

Lolita fashion is a unique mixture of influences from European historical dress to

the Japanese concept of kawaii. As such, it is difficult to pin the “nationality” of Lolita, if

there is one. There is also the question of cultural appropriation. Are Japanese Lolitas

34
Kinsella, Sharon. "Cuties in Japan." Women, Media and Consumption in Japan. Ed. Brian Moeran and
Lise Skov. Curzon & Hawaii University Press, 1995
35
Winge, Theresa. "Undressing and dressing Loli: a search for the identity of the Japanese Lolita."
Mechademia 3.1 (2008): 47-63.

63
appropriating Western clothes, or are Western girls appropriating and Japanese

subculture? According to Masafumi Monden, Lolita can be looked at in light of a

different paradigm.

The author applies the concepts of cultural hybridization 36and “glocalization”37 to

analyze the flow of Lolita fashion between Japan and the West. The former term refers to

the concept of globalization drawing on the traces of cultures that overlap and influence

each other, rather than having the effect of homogenizing global cultures. “Glocalization”

is a portmanteau of “global” and “localize” and refers to global phenomena, products, or

companies that may change their approach or goods to serve specific locations. Lolita

embodies cultural hybridity in that it combines Western design elements with those of

Japan, as well as Japanese ideas of cuteness and girly behavior. It also has become a

global trend, with fans in many countries, Lolita brand shops in cities such as New York

and Paris, and online fan communities that are largely English-speaking. This now global

fashion and subculture has also been localized in various senses. With the genesis of

Lolita in 1990s Japan, Western fashion from past eras was localized to suite the Lolita

aesthetic. In the other direction, Western Lolitas are modifying, tweaking, and

contributing to Lolita in their own ways. In some instances, Western Lolitas are actually

influencing and changing the face of Lolita fashion. For example, the use of long

petticoats or long skirts has only become popular in Lolita since the fashion gained

popularity outside of Japan. This is perhaps simply because Western Lolitas tend to be

taller and must “localize” the fashion to fit their needs.

36
Nederveen Pieterse, Jan, Globalization and Culture: global mélange. 2004, Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield

37
Robertson, Roland. "Glocalization: Time-space and homogeneity-heterogeneity." Global modernities
(1995): 25-44.

64
 Monden uses the example of Lolita fan from Finland who is active on the English

EGL The Gothic & Lolita Fashion Community forum to illustrate what he calls a

“transcultural flow.” The Finnish girl remarks that replicating the Lolita look with

complete accuracy outside of Japan is difficult, and that many Lolitas choose to integrate

elements that can be found in mainstream fashion, or those of other subculture like

“punk” style. The author remarks, “These comments indicate that GothLoli is again in the

process of change, as the likely hybridisation, localisation, interaction as well as

appropriation is taking place once it is introduced to other cultures.” (Monden; 37) The

inclusion of punk elements by Western Lolitas makes for an interesting comparison of

subcultures. Visually, the two styles seem opposite: punk is edgy and touch, while Lolita

is frilly and demure. However, Monden explains that the female participants in both

subcultures share a common goal of subverting traditional femininity, especially as it

relates to avoiding or challenging the male gaze. Female Punks and Lolitas both seek to

express themselves in a way that is separate from dressing for the sake of sexual

attraction or approval. Thus, the “localization” in the West with punk elements is more

natural than meets the eye.

This theory of Lolita being global partly because of a common, feminist or

female-empowering goal, is not always met with support or understanding by outsiders

either in the West or in Japan. Monden writes of girls on EGL often complaining of

people questioning Lolita fashion and interpreting it as a sexual fetish or a form of self-

infantilizing. The author comes to a conclusion that can explain why Lolita is

misinterpreted, and also why it is attractive to Western fans as a form of empowerment.

Monden cites other academics who have observed that in Western youth culture,

65
femininity is often looked down upon or subverted by avoiding it in dress and outward

appearance, and that Western culture is very critical of “cuteness” beyond childhood.

“American youth tend to reject forms of femininity and demureness as undesirable. If

these sentiments can be read as reflecting the West in general, it can be assumed that the

association of youth/adult with cute and sweet styles may be generally considered

inappropriate and unfavourable in the West.” (Monden; 29) Therefore, Lolita is attractive

in the West to girls who may agree with the rebellious sentiments of youth-driven

movements like punk or grunge, but also wish to express a feminine appearance.

This article is somewhat similar in content and methodology to a later Monden

article.38 Despite being written five years earlier, this is the more cohesive and convincing

work. Monden observed participants on EGL in both cases, but in this article, he is clear

on his methods, stating that he was simply an unannounced observer in this ethnographic

study. This clears up the issue of whether statements from the Lolitas themselves were

influenced by the author. It is thus very valuable input for being so genuine. Monden also

has a clearer thesis in this article. Instead of discussing how Lolita is a multicultural

fashion, he narrows his research to pinpoint the idea of “transcultural flow,” applying key

terms and discussing specific examples of various places that have a Lolita following.

Section 4: On problematic elements of Lolita subculture

Blauersouth, Lisa. "Wherein the Author Documents Her Experience as a Porcelain

Doll." Mechademia (2011): 312-316.

38
Monden, Masafumi. "THE ‘NATIONALITY’ OF LOLITA EASHION." Asia Through Art and Anthropology:
Cultural Translation Across Borders (2013): 165.

66
 Throughout the course of this project, there have been plenty of researchers who

interviewed Lolitas directly, and even a mixed academic and personal account of an

author who worked at as a Lolita shop girl in Japan. However, this article (more of a

collection of observations) by Lisa Blauersouth for Mechademia is by far the most

intimate account of participation in Lolita fashion yet, and provides a valuable glimpse

into some topics that have been broached academically, but not necessarily addressed by

Lolitas themselves on an academic platform.

The author chronicles her experience at a Lolita meet-up in the United States. She

had been involved in the subculture (and indeed self-describes Lolita as a subculture) for

a relatively short period of time. She describes how, at a tea house chosen for the Lolita

event, the mostly elderly patrons respond positively to the fashion, but show clear

confusion at the term “Lolita.” “…There is a momentary pause while they wonder if this

is some sort of sexual fetish,” the author writes. “In Japan, where the fashion originated,

Nabokov’s books Lolita is less known, and is (sic) less of a problem. In the West, the

book’s pedophilic associations haunt our community.” (Blauersouth; 314) She also points

out the irony of a fashion style that emphasizes modesty being so commonly mistaken as

an expression of sexual fetish.

Blauersouth’s observations of the trends and dynamic of a Lolita community offer

insight into the complex and sometimes competitive social hierarchy in the subculture.

The author notices that girls who wear “brand” dresses, a short hand way of saying that

their Lolita clothes are from one of the major Japanese brands, are often seen as having a

higher Lolita “rank” than community members who wear thrift clothing or Western

brands. The author seems to be suspicious that many Lolitas have fetishized Japanese

67
products that they have lost sight of what a reasonable price is. The idea of a Lolita brand

as a quasi-sacred object is familiar from works such as Kamikaze Girls, but names like

Baby and Angelic Pretty can also be used as status symbols. In this way, Lolita is not too

different from mainstream fashion that puts premium social value on designer clothing.

The author states bluntly that “Lolita subculture, at its worst, is a materialistic,

classist, and racist hobby.” (Blauersouth; 15) Along with the pressure to buy clothing and

accessories that retail for hundreds of US dollars, the Lolita community can be

problematic in other regards. The author worries that the emphasis on emulating a doll-

like Victorian look has been taken to a racist extreme. Even in Japan, many models used

by Lolita brands are Caucasian and light-haired. Blauersouth observes that practices such

as this has caused girls of other races or who do not fit the “doll” aesthetic to be looked

down on or treated as less legitimate members of the subculture. These hierarchies,

whether because of physical appearance or finances, often lead to exclusion or bullying in

Western Lolita communities.

As a Lolita herself, the author is not entirely critical of her own subculture. She is

defensive of the distinction between Lolita and “costume.” Blauersouth states that part of

the desire to differentiate Lolita as a subculture and even identity instead of mere costume

is that people who view it as a costume are less likely to respect the values and ideals of

the Lolita community. “The idea that people dress up as Lolita,” she writes, “is a little

offensive to those who are Lolita.” (Blauersouth; 316)

As a personal account, this article is a very valuable look at some problems and

unattractive sides of Lolita subculture that may not be brought up in traditional academic

68
writing. That said, it is important to keep in mind that the author’s scope in this article is

limited to her experience and local community and that her misgivings about Lolita

subculture are just one facet. While she observes racism in the preference for classically

beautiful Caucasian girls, there is also evidence that Lolita is an extremely accepting

subculture. For example, male Lolitas who cross-dress are often welcomed into the

community even if they are shunned elsewhere.39 While Blauersouth’s observations of

racism are not unfounded, it seems that minority, male, or nontraditional members of

Lolita subculture are not excluded from the community. The bias lies more in Lolita

advertising, or a preferred aesthetic.

Overall, Blauersouth’s piece demonstrates the diversity of the people who

participate in Lolita subculture. Many Lolitas would likely disagree with some of the

author’s opinions about the community’s exclusiveness, the focus on brands, or the

accusation of materialism. Materialism, to address one of the author’s criticisms, does not

appear to be looked down upon among Lolitas. Like real life versions of Kamikaze Girls’

Momoko, devotion to brands the clothe they produce is accepted and even encouraged.

Also, since most Lolita brands specialize in one specific style (Angelic Pretty being

sweet, Mary Magdalene being classic, etc), Lolitas who dress in one preferred style are

naturally loyal to one brand or another. Quality and scarcity may also be behind the steep

price of Lolita clothing. Terasa Younker,40 for example, describes how at her time

interning for Mary Magdalene, the company produced very limited runs of dresses but
39
Osmud. Rahman, Liu Wing-sun, Elita Lam and Chan Mong-tai. “Lolita. Imaginative Self and Elusive
Consumption.” Fashion Theory: The Journal of Dress, Body & Culture.7-28, 2011. Of course, there is also
Mana, the Japanese rock singer whose cross-dressing helped pioneer gothic Lolita fashion.
40
Younker, Terasa. "Lolita: Dreaming, despairing, defying." Stanford Journal of East Asian Studies (2012).
97-110

69
aimed to sell quality products and even avoided any luxury for the employees or

workplace to achieve this goal. In the end, an individual Lolita can choose whether or not

to support brands or visual ideals. While the Lolita aesthetic is bound by certain rules and

guidelines, its followers are anything but monolithic.

Hinton, Perry R. “Returning in a Different Fashion: Culture, Communication, and

Changing Representations of Lolita in Japan and the West.” International Journal
of Communication 7 (2013): 1582 – 1602.

Lolita fashion, as outlined in previous discussions, is a street fashion subculture

that started in Japan in the 1980s and 1990s. The modest and feminine style of Lolita

clothing borrows heavily from past eras of Western fashion like the Victorian and

Rococo, but the subculture and style thereof did not have a following in the West until

the early 2000s. In past years, Lolita has gained popularity as an alternative fashion in

Australia, North America, and Europe, and Japanese brands selling clothing in the style

have even opened stores in cities such as Paris and San Francisco. Perry Hinton examines

how cultural understanding in and outside of Japan of the concept of Lolita, both as a

term and literal connotations with Vladimir Nabokov’s novel of the same name, has

affected the understanding of the fashion.

Hinton’s main mechanism for viewing changes in the cultural understanding of

Lolita fashion is the idea of “social representations.”41 This is a sociological term

referring to the way cultures or communities perceive and understand things. An example

Hinton uses is the difference between how American and Japanese cultures perceive

41
Moscovici, Serge. "14 The history and actuality of social representations." The psychology of
the social (1998): 209.

70
comic books: in the United States, comics are generally thought of as being products for

children, whereas in Japan it is more normal for people of all demographics to read them.

Thus the “social representation” of comics in the United States is that of a childhood

hobby. In the context of Lolita fashion, the social representations of both the word Lolita

and of different understandings of Vladimir Nabokov’s book color the perception of the

fashion in the West.

In the original novel Lolita, the titular character is a preteen girl who lacks

sexually maturity and does not return the affections of the narrator, pedophile Humbert

Humbert. He is attracted to her lack of sexual awareness and pre-maturity, and it is clear

that the character Lolita is a victim of exploitation. However, subsequent film adaptions

(Stanley Kubrick’s 1962 film and Adrian Lyne’s 1997 version) have both through the

casting of older teenage actresses and the use of erotic imagery and content portrayed the

Lolita character as a “teenage vamp” instead of an innocent and unwitting girl. “In the

West, through the way the book was represented (and re-presented) as involving a

transgressive representation of childhood sexuality, the representation of Lolita changed

from the exploited child of the book to an older teenage sexual vamp portrayed in the

movies.” (Hinton 1597) Both interpretations of Lolita are negative and morally condemn

the hierarchal relation of a mature man and underage girl, yet the second understanding

of a teenager aware of her sexual appeal is the one that has made up most of the social

representation of Lolita (both the book and the term) in the West.

When the book Lolita was translated and published in Japan, it was greeted with

much less controversy than in the West. Japanese literature has a very historical

precedent for stories of older men and adolescent women. The classic Japanese story The

71
Tale of Genji involves the adult Genji becoming infatuated with a young girl, Murasaki,

and training her to be the ideal woman as she grows up. In modern Japanese literature

such as the 1925 Chijin no Ai, this is subverted by showing the young female character

become empowered and autonomous instead of submitting to her older admirer. Hinton

argues that the character of Lolita would have been read as a representation of the purity

and beauty of a young girl (shoujo) and that the tragic fate of Lolita and Humbert was

perceived as logical to Japanese audiences since Lolita was not allowed to come into her

own. “Although the shoujo may be perceived as immature and malleable, in Japanese

literature, men seeing only the superficial beauty can be drawn into tragedy.” (Hinton,

1590)

To further illustrate the conflation of “Lolita” and sexual precociousness, Hinton

describes how a rare controversy that arose from the influx of kawaii and shoujo culture

was misrepresented in the West. The Kawaii trend has been represented by some (e.g.

Sharon Kinsella)42 as a way for young women to hold on to their youth and independence

before entering adulthood. In the 1990s, there was a degree of panic about the practice of

enjo kousai, or compensated dating. Although in reality it was quite rare, there was

concern of a trend of young, cute girls being paid in money or gifts to spend time with

older men. In the West, this topic was reported on with headlines like “Oriental Lolitas.”

It is clear that the “Lolita” figure in this example is being portrayed as young girl who

knowingly uses her sexuality in exchange for material goods. On the strictly Japanese

side of the interpretation of Lolita, there is the similar sounding term rorikon. Short for

“Lolita complex,” this term describes an almost always male figure who is attracted to

42
Kinsella, Sharon. "Cuties in Japan." Women, Media and Consumption in Japan.
Ed. Brian Moeran and Lise Skov. Curzon & Hawaii University Press, 1995

72
childlike features and characters. He may be attracted to the shoujo, but he is not attracted

the empowered, modern elements of the shoujo character type.

These representations all inform the understanding of Lolita fashion both in Japan

and in the West. A key cultural difference that affects the understanding of and

acceptance of Lolita as a fashion subculture is the different perceptions of adulthood. In

America and many western countries, adulthood is seen as a time of personal growth and

freedom. In Japan, as the underpinnings of kawaii and shoujo culture show, adulthood is

viewed to an extent as a time of obligation and the end of many freedoms. Considering

the social representation of Lolita and the attitude towards adulthood in the West, it is not

hard to see how a fashion subculture that favors anachronistic and childlike dress would

be frowned on or at least misunderstood. In Japan, however, Hinton believes that women

who dress in Lolita fashion are “… able to take on the identity of an imaginary

resourceful shoujo...until she is required to make her inevitable return to the ordinary,

responsible life dictated by her role in the culture.” (Hinton 1597) Thus the fashion relies

more on a positive interpretation of girlhood than any negative sexual connotations of

“Lolita.”

Hinton’s article is a well-crafted application of the concept of social

representations, and he does clearly outline the history of how the representations of

Lolita were formed in the West and in Japan. However, the article is unbalanced in some

respects. Hinton opens with describing how the fashion has gained popularity in the

West, and closes by stating “The nonsexual charm and sweetness of Lolita style also

appeals to some girls and young women in the West …who then within their own

communities transform and develop the meaning of the style beyond its Japanese

73
origins.” He does not explain how and in what way Western women “transform and

develop the meaning of the style,” though. It is unclear whether the reader is supposed to

draw parallels from his discussion of the connotation of Lolita in the West to his final

statement about how Western girls use the fashion. The core problem with Hinton’s essay

seems to be that he wanted to address too many topics in the course of one journal article.

A better approach might have been to write only about the social representation of the

concept “Lolita” and to use those ideas a background for a separate essay that cover the

fashion more in-depth. As it stands, Hinton has explored the concept of Lolita very

thoroughly, while over-simplifying the Lolita fashion and its history.

Zank, Dinah. "Kawaii vs. rorikon: The reinvention of the term Lolita in modern

Japanese manga." Comics as a nexus of cultures: Essays on the interplay of media,

disciplines and international perspectives. Ed. Mark Berninger, Jochen Ecke and

Gideon Haberkorn. Jefferson, NC: MacFarland, 2010. 205-216. Print.

It is often clarified to those not in the know about Lolita fashion that the name of

the subculture is not to be confused with Vladimir Nabokov’s novel Lolita and all the

sexual and deviant connotations it brings with it. This clarification is especially important

for Western audiences, for whom Lolita is a much more familiar cultural touchstone than

in Japan. Even in Japan, however, the word Lolita causes some confusion. There is the

fashion subculture, of course, which is known as rorita, but the phenomenon of the

“Lolita complex” has also crossed into Japan as its own term, shorted to “lolicon”

74
(rorikon). To author Dinah Zank, these two iterations of the word “lolita” are not so

much unrelated concepts as two ways of looking at the same thing. Zank sees Lolita as

opposed to rorikon as divergent branches in Japanese culture that originate from the same

starting point: the elusive figure of the adolescent girl.

Zank’s interpretation of Lolita in Japan helps form a theory to answer another

question: why did Lolita fashion begin in Japan and not the West? The author believes

that Japanese culture had laid the foundations for a positive, girl-centric culture (this can

also be called shoujo culture) more so than the West by the time Lolita was published in

the 1950s. There is evidence that Lolita was not met with as much controversy and

backlash in Japan as it was in other countries. 43 Both Zank and Perry Hinton point to a

precedent for positive representation of the shoujo in Japanese culture and literature.

“Neither child not married wife, the adolescent girl, for a preciously short period of time,

stood outside the rigid Japanese social structure, thus gaining an exception position of

freedom…” (Zank; 207)

The allure of the young girl is very familiar in Japanese literature, dating back to

the classic Tale of Genji where the protagonist is taken with an adolescent girl, Murasaki,

and intends to groom her into the ideal woman. Modern Japanese literature, such as

Jun’ichiro Tanizaki’s Chijin no Ai subverts the relationship of Genji and Murasaki by

portraying the intention to groom a shoujo character as a folly. Hinton writes, “Although

the shoujo may be perceived as immature and malleable, in Japanese literature, men

seeing only the superficial beauty can be drawn into tragedy.” (Hinton, 1590) Thus, in

43
See: Hinton, Perry R. “Returning in a Different Fashion: Culture, Communication, and Changing
Representations of Lolita in Japan and the West.” International Journal of Communication 7 (2013). 1582
– 1602

75
Japan, readers may have interpreted Lolita as a cautionary tale of the dangers of not

respecting the independence and autonomy of the blossoming young girl.

The author also cites kawaii culture as a female-driven trend that inspires

Japanese girls and women to harness the cute innocence of the shoujo in a positive and

self-empowering way. She sees Lolita fashion as belonging to the same family of girl-

centered media and trends like kawaii products, shoujo manga, and Takarazuka Theater.44

To Zank, Lolita fashion, if the name is at all inspired by the novel, is the female

interpretation of the character of Lolita as an ethereal and ideal shoujo.

So what of rorikon? As opposed to a female-driven interpretation of Lolita that is

supported and informed by shoujo culture, the author interprets rorikon as being a result

of the male gaze. Both Lolita fashion and subculture and rorikon use some of the same

visual vocabulary: attractive and young shoujo manga style girls, cuteness, and

innocence. However, rorikon sexualizes this image, whereas Lolita does not. Zank

theorizes that part of the motivation behind rorikon is that unlike young girls in Japanese

culture, young men do not have as much of a time of freedom and exception from

societal expectations. So the sexualization of the shoujo figure is born out of a desire for

men to recall and idealize their younger, freer days of childhood and turn the object of

childhood “first love” into an object of adult sexual desire. Zank believes that for male

readers of Lolita, the desire to reclaim the object of childhood love in adulthood may

have seemed more natural than it did to Western readers.

44
An all –female theater troupe in Japan that performs not only classical theater and Western musicals,
but adaptions of shoujo manga stories.

76
 Zank’s central idea of Lolita as female-gaze and rorikon as male-gaze provides a

new way to think of the origins of Lolita fashion. The author is unique in presenting

Lolita fashion as a positive result of the book Lolita, instead of presenting it as a totally

unrelated concept like both many writers and people within Lolita subculture. Where the

article is weak, however, is that the author occasionally uses terms in an unclear way or

does not present enough evidence for why she is using such terms. For example, Zank

writes, “It is interesting to note that the word kawaii cannot only be translated as

something (innocently) ‘cute’ but also as something (decisively not so innocently)

‘sexy.”” (Zank; 206) The author does not provide any citation or reference for the use of

kawaii as “sexy.” It is certainly not a common interpretation of the word, and is

completely absent from definitions offered by Kinsella.45

Zank also presents the concept of moe46as relating to girls’ culture and being an

inspiration for Lolita. While moe does exist in shoujo manga and media, most academic

sources on the topic also believe moe to often be a result of the male gaze. “The desire to

protect the subject’s innocence and purity is prized on the one hand, but continually

destroyed with the other in erotic fantasy, an infinite loop of fantasy production,” (Macias

and Machiyama; 51) writes Patrick Macias and Tomohiro Machiyama.47 Hinton also

thinks the popularity of moe characters is actually a backlash by men who are intimidated

by women that use kawaii culture as a self-empowerment tool. Considering the

45
Kinsella, Sharon. "Cuties in Japan." Women, Media and Consumption in Japan. (220-254)
Ed. Brian Moeran and Lise Skov. Curzon & Hawaii University Press, 1995
46
A Japanese term meaning “to bud” that is most often used to describe something, especially a female
character, that is cute in a way that triggers a loving or protective urge in the viewer
47
Macias, Patrick, and Tomohiro Machiyama. Cruising the anime city: An otaku guide to neo Tokyo. Stone
Bridge Press, Inc., 2004.

77
availability of other sources, it is not a strong argument for Zank to write that moe is a

concept that dwells only in the realm of female-centric media.

Conclusion

Many of the articles reviewed in this project explain the history of Lolita fashion

and how historical and modern aesthetics from both Japan and the West contributed to its

look; the resulting aesthetic forms an interesting point in fashion history. This

understanding of what led to the Lolita aesthetic is only the tip of iceberg, however.

Unlike pieces of costume history, Lolita is a vibrant, living community that is anything

but simple or static. Because the subculture and even the clothes themselves grow and

change, the social climate of Lolita and the motivation for wearing it may also evolve.

Historically, the liberal atmosphere of the Taisho Era (1912 – 1926) gave rise to a

new focus on the young woman as a viable and marketable demographic for the first time

in modern Japanese history. Shoujo literature and later manga became unique in that they

were media produced solely for girls, often by girls. Shoujo inspired Lolita fashion not

only in the aesthetic sense, but in spirit, as shown by Lolita icon and author Takemoto

78
Novala’s works that borrow many tropes and stylistic elements from classic shoujo

literature. The idea of something being done by girls, for girls, and of having a virtual or

fictional world that is specifically a female realm, is certainly a concept that formed the

foundations of Lolita subculture.

The other intrinsically Japanese concept that is integral to Lolita is kawaii.

Kawaii, sometimes referred to as a “cute craze,” evolved from Shoujo culture, but has

taken on a life of its own in Japan. It has influenced pop culture and anime, and the reach

of kawaii can even be seen on everyday household goods. It is again a largely female-

driven phenomenon. The criticisms and motivations assigned to kawaii culture are also

similar to Lolita. Many critics read both Lolita and kawaii as being escapist or regressive

trends and outward expressions of a desire to avoid adulthood or return to a simpler time,

whether that time is a real or imagined vision of childhood. The path paved by shoujo

together with the look and attitudes of kawaii culture “provided a space and time” for

Lolita. Many early designers and brands who made clothing that fit into the Lolita style

were responding to kawaii girls’ growing demand for a cuter, more unique, and more

outlandish way of dressing. This was further strengthened by the shoujo literature trope

of heroines being proudly consumerist and expressing their inner character through dress.

The most obvious example of this would be Kamikaze Girls protagonist Momoko.

Another question sought to address how Lolita fashion plays into or subverts

traditional ideas about gender and femininity. As a kawaii fashion subculture, Lolita has

sometimes been judged as detrimental to women or perhaps even anti-feminist by

Westerners. 48 It is easy to see where that judgment comes from. The Lolita style is based
48
This is most apparent in Kinsella’s work. See: Kinsella, Sharon. "Cuties in Japan." Women, Media and
Consumption in Japan. Ed. Brian Moeran and Lise Skov. Curzon & Hawaii University Press, 1995

79
on historical fashions from time periods where women were considerably more limited in

opportunities than they are now. Furthermore, Lolita is often conflated with Vladimir

Nabokov’s Lolita and is assumed to have sexual and fetishistic connotations. The articles

reviewed in this project, however, provide a different story regarding gender and

especially female agency in Lolita.

In works where Lolita girls, women, and sometimes even boys were interviewed,

the idea of Lolita being at all sexual was universally rejected and considered offensive.

This was particularly a problem for Western Lolitas. The relationship with the novel

Lolita and cultural understanding of it is more stigmatized in the West than in Japan. The

view that Lolita is regressive or self-infantilizing is more complicated to address. Lolita

appropriates styles, symbols, and images that often have to do with childhood or

extremely traditional expressions of femininity. Some Japanese Lolitas even bring

traditional femininity into practice, such as the trend of using joseigo (lady’s speech) to

appear more elegant and maiden-like. This formal female speech has become less

common among Japanese young people, but is almost being used as an accessory to

compliment the fashion by Lolitas. Many Lolitas enjoy traditionally feminine and girlish

hobbies such as doll collecting and sewing. Taken together, these elements can indeed

seem to add up to a subculture that is perpetuating outdated views and roles for women.

However, look closer and there is plenty of evidence that Lolita seeks to challenge and

rebel against some gender stereotypes.

Part of the perception of Lolita as traditional or anti-feminist seems to come from

a very Western-centric view of subcultures. As Masafumi Monden 49suggests, Western

49
Monden, Masafumi. "Transcultural Flow of Demure Aesthetics: Examining Cultural Globalisation
through Gothic & Lolita Fashion." New Voices 2 (2008): 21-40.

80
subcultures generally look down on or reject feminine-coded appearance and behavior. A

rebellious Western youth subculture member, for example, may involve deliberately

choosing to dress androgynously. In Japan, by contrast, many subcultures are driven by

young women. The idea that a fashion subculture that seems to revel in the extremely

feminine exists may seem odd to Western audiences. Author Laura Miller 50believes that

Lolita purposefully uses girly elements in extreme ways to cleverly subvert traditional

gender roles and create a world of girliness and cuteness that is led by women, not the

male gaze. This subversion is sometimes lost in translation. Animation and otaku culture,

as well as the efforts of “Cool Japan” to bring Japanese pop culture abroad, sometimes

co-opt Lolita and kawaii fashion without honoring the grassroots and female-empowering

nature of the subculture.

Lolita fashion can also be interpreted as a performative expression of gender. 51

The fashion and participation in the subculture are not restricted only to female-bodied

persons. One of the pioneers of Gothic Lolita was a crossdressing male rock star, Mana,

and male author Takemoto Novala is a Lolita icon who sometimes cross-dresses and has

helped design clothing collections. Young men are also not discouraged from

participating in the Lolita community, and Lolita groups in both the East and West

include male Lolitas. These male participants, though rare compared to the number of

female Lolitas, express feeling more comfortable and accepted with the subculture than

50
Miller, Laura. "Cute masquerade and the pimping of Japan." International Journal of Japanese Sociology
20.1 (2011): 18-29.
51
Performative here is not used in the same way as it might be used for Cosplay. A cosplayer indeed
performs the role of a specific character, but regarding Lolita it refers here to the theory that all
expression of gender is performative and “maleness” or “femaleness” ascribes to certain social coding and
cues.

81
in their everyday life.52 The issue of men or women having the freedom to use outward

expressions of a different gender is especially relevant in the current social climate in the

West. Recently, the ideas of “gender-fluidity” and gender as a social construct that is

separate from biological sex have become both respected ideas as they relate to personal

identity, and controversial issues. In this way, Lolita seems to ascribe to a less rigid view

of gender and femininity than mainstream society and fashion. Lolita may be sharing

aesthetic inspiration with eras that pushed a very traditional view of femininity, but

Lolita’s girliness is an image that can be adopted by anyone, not just girls.

The final research questions ask whether Lolita is a global phenomenon, or just a

Japanese trend, and if there are any problematic elements in the subculture. Although

many of the perceived problematic facets of Lolita are due to misinterpretation by

outsiders, there is some evidence in academic research that some issues come from within

the subculture. The materialistic nature of the fashion can be taken to an extreme of some

subculture members looking down on Lolitas who are not able to spend large amounts of

money. The focus on having a Western and Victorian “doll-like” appearance seems to

also have led to a preference for Caucasian girls in Lolitas fashion shows and advertising.

As the subculture moves forward, however, it is possible to address these problems.

As for the matter of what nationality Lolita belongs to, at this point in time, it is

indeed a global phenomenon. Major Lolita brands ship to both domestic and overseas

customers, and some are even choosing to open stores in major Western cities. There is a

large and vibrant online and physical community of Lolitas all over the world, coming

together to discuss their love of the fashion, trade wardrobe and makeup tips, or to sell
52
Osmud. Rahman, Liu Wing-sun, Elita Lam and Chan Mong-tai. “Lolita. Imaginative Self and Elusive
Consumption. Fashion Theory: The Journal of Dress, Body & Culture.7-28, 2011.

82
second-hand Lolita clothing. Perhaps as a remedy to the male-centered “Cool Japan”

initiative and its misuse of Lolita and other subcultures, there is now a Japan Lolita

Association, led by model and spokesperson Misako Aoki. This organization appoints

“kawaii ambassadors” from places as diverse as Taiwan, Mexico, and France to represent

Lolita in their home countries, speak at conventions, and lead community events.

The subculture may have some differences between Japan and the West. In Japan,

Lolita seems to be attractive to young people who do not agree with the societal mold,

responsibilities, or even their families. They are also rebelling to some extent against how

an ideal Japanese woman should look and act once she reaches adulthood, i.e. demure,

understated, and humble. Lolita fashion is also considerably more attention-grabbing than

relatively conservative mainstream fashion for daily life and work in Japan. In the West,

societal pressures are not as great, but Lolita is still used as an expression of female

empowerment in a culture that devalues “girly” traits and behavior, including extremely

modest and girlish dress. Shoujo culture also provides a key difference between Japanese

and Western Lolitas. In Japan, decades of shoujo culture and media influence have

provided a space for young women to express themselves. Japanese Lolitas use the tools

given to them by shoujo to express their own version of femininity. In the West, by

contrast, there is not this same idea of a space that is by and for young women. For

Western Lolitas without the foundation of shoujo culture, they may be using the fashion

to carve out this feminine space for themselves. Ultimately, the underlying “message” of

Lolita remains similar across the globe. The globalization and bridging of cultural gaps

may also in time help mend the previously mentioned problematic areas of Lolita, since

people of many nationalities and races are now participating in the subculture.

83
 There has been a large focus in the academic work on Lolita that discusses the

subculture and fashion as regressive (i.e. regressing to childhood or being overly

nostalgic), but perhaps the direction of study should now be on how Lolita is a

progressive subculture, both socially and artistically. At its inception, Lolita was already

a multicultural and forward-thinking mash-up of cultural influences. Japanese girls took

Western Victorian and Rococo fashions and added unique elements to make their own

subculture. The fashion is growing and changing even now, from trends in the fashion to

the face of who takes part in it. Lolita may also represent a new, progressive paradigm for

subcultures and youth culture. As Masafumi Monden observed,53 many Western

subcultures may include girls and women, but tend to favor androgynous or masculine

presentation and external expressions (for example, punk subculture). Lolita presents a

subculture that is not only female driven, but uses traditionally feminine-coded dress and

behavior as a tool for self-expression and to an extent self-realization. The fashion is a

tool for creating and being in control of one’s own identity. This unique expression of

femininity and statement of individuality seems to be appealing to both Japanese and

Western Lolitas, especially teenagers and young adults who may face pressures from

family, school, and society to take on adult responsibilities.

As there is an increased move from the physical space of the street to the online

sphere, further research might choose to focus on how internet culture has changed Lolita

both in the actual trends in the fashion (Lolita clothing now has more options to

accommodate girls who are less petite than the average Japanese girl, for example) and

the mindset and social behavior of the subculture. There is also a lack of quantitative

53
Monden, Masafumi. "Transcultural Flow of Demure Aesthetics: Examining Cultural Globalisation
through Gothic & Lolita Fashion." New Voices 2 (2008): 21-40.

84
research on Lolita. For example, a compliment to qualitative research on the globalization

of Lolita would benefit from hard figures tracing the numbers and demographic makeup

of the subculture from the 1990s up to the present day. Regarding qualitative research

that includes interviews or quotes from Lolitas, authors should be honest and ethical with

their approach. If the interviewees are aware of the research (especially when studying

online communities or interviewing personal friends and acquaintances), there is a risk of

the “observer’s paradox” affecting research outcomes. Objectivity as well as authenticity

should be considered in research methodologies.

There are many things left to write about regarding Lolita, including the

intersection of social issues like feminism and Lolita, and an increased online relationship

between Western and Japanese Lolitas. Lolita will likely remain a fascinating example of

subcultural studies and studies in the effects of globalization of Japanese fashion and pop

culture. As a living and growing subculture, new areas of study and questions will

continue to arise. The face of the Lolita subculture is very different than it was in the

1990s, and with more fans has come a much more commercialized aspect to the fashion,

but the rebellious and individual spirit remains. This fashion seems to be here to stay,

welcoming those who want to take part in it.

85
 Reference Images

Figure 1: A shoujo manga heroine from Hanbasu Youko’s Lady!!

86
 Figure 2: Cosplay at the Jingubashi (Jingu Bridge) in Harajuku, Tokyo (Source: Jacob Ehnmark)

Figure 3: promotional image for the Kamikaze Girls film featuring Ichigo and Momoko (source: Comic
Vine)

87
Figure 4: Gothic Lolita brand Moi Meme Moitie advertisement featuring Mana from The Gothic & Lolita
Bible

88
Figure 5: Models Misako Aoki (left) and Midori Fukuzawa (right) in sweet and classic Lolita (source:
Tokyo Rebel)

Figure 6: Western Lolitas in Paris (source: Japan Lolita Association)

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89
Works Annotated

Bergstrom, Brian. "Girliness Next to Godliness: Lolita Fandom as Sacred Criminality in

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Blauersouth, Lisa. "Wherein the Author Documents Her Experience as a Porcelain Doll."
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Gagné, Isaac. "Urban Princesses: Performance and ‘Women's Language’ in Japan's

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Hardy Bernal, K. A. “Kamikaze Girls and Loli-Goths.” Presented for Fashion in Fiction:
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Hinton, Perry R. “Returning in a Different Fashion: Culture, Communication, and

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Kawamura, Yuniya. Fashioning Japanese Subcultures. Berg, 2013. Print.

Kinsella, Sharon. "Cuties in Japan." Women, Media and Consumption in Japan. Ed.
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Lunning, Frenchy. "Under the Ruffles: Shōjo and the Morphology of Power."
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Miller, Laura. "Cute masquerade and the pimping of Japan." International Journal of
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Monden, Masafumi. "The ‘Nationality’ of Lolita Fashion." Asia Through Art and
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Monden, Masafumi. "Transcultural Flow of Demure Aesthetics: Examining Cultural

Globalisation through Gothic & Lolita Fashion." New Voices 2 (2008): 21-40.

Osmud. Rahman, Liu Wing-sun, Elita Lam and Chan Mong-tai. “Lolita. Imaginative Self
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2011.

Winge, Theresa. "Undressing and dressing Loli: a search for the identity of the Japanese
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90
Younker, Terasa. "Lolita: Dreaming, despairing, defying." Stanford Journal of East
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Images referenced:

Hanbasu, Youko. Lady!!. Tokyo: VIZ Comics. 1987-1993

Ehnmark, Jacob. “Harajuku Denizens.” 2006. Jingubashi, Harajuku, Tokyo. Flickr. Web.
1 Apr. 2015.

“Ichigo and Momoko.” Digital image. Comic Vine. CBS Interactive Inc, 2013. Web. 1
Apr. 2015.

Moi Meme Moitie Advertisement. 2008. Tokyo. The Gothic & Lolita Bible. Vol. 1.
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Tokyo Rebel Staff. "Misako and Midori" 2013. Tokyo. Tokyo Rebel Blog. Web. 1 Apr.
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Western Lolitas in Paris. 2015. Paris. Japan Lolita Association. Comp. Street Fashion
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93