EGYPTE GRÉCO-ROMAINE

Literary and Semi-Literary Papyri from the

Vienna Papyrus Collection*
1) HOMER, Iliad Z, 373-410.

P. Vindob. Gr. Inv. Xo. 26740. This dark brown papyrus which co-
mes from Soknopaiu Nesus and which entered the Papyrussammlung
der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek at Vienna in 1894, has now
been split into 2 pieces which are mounted one below the other under
a single glass plate, although the 2 pieces originally formed one single
stretch of scroll. The upper piece measures 13.8 x 66.5 cms. At 17 cms
from the left and 13 cms from the right xoAfoj/iara are found. The
lower part consists of 2 fragments : frag. 1 measures 13.8 \ 24.2 cms
(17 cms from the left is a xol/.i]/ia) ; frag. 2 measures 13.8 x 34 cms
(8.5 cms from the left is a xo?.%i]fta). Both sides of the papyrus are
written on. On the one side a demotic text is to be found, written in
various columns against the grain of the fibres ; on the other side
(parallel with the grain of the fibres) are 5 geometry problems, the
passage from Homer published here, and 2 conversion problems (like
P. Lond. II 265, pp. 257 sqq.). The top and the bottom edges of the
papyrus are for the most part evenly cut off (at regular intervals along
the top edge there are pieces broken out of the papyrus itself. This
damage probably occurred when the papyrus was in a rolled-up state).
The left front side of the papyrus is evenly cut off. Partly because of
the fact that on the other side the cut runs straight through a column,
we may assume that a papyrus that had already been covered with a
demotic text was cut through in order to use the other for the Greek
text. It might be thought surprising that a text that was produced later
was written on the recto side (cf. E. G. TURNER, Recto and Verso, JEA
40, 1954, pp. 102 sqq.), but, before the Greek text was written on the
recto side, the original text seems to have been washed out. It is moreover
typical for a « school » papyrus to reuse an old papyrus (cf. J. A. DA-
VISON, The Study of Homer in Greco-Roman Egypt, Akten des VIII.
internationalen Kongresses für Papyrologie (= MPER, NS, V. Folge),

* We are grateful to DR. H. LOEBENSTEIN for permission to publish these texts.

309
 EGYPTE GRECO-ROMAINE

Vienna, 1956, pp. 51 sqq.). The right-hand back side of the papyrus
is badly damaged. The possibility must not be ruled out that the
scroll used to carry still more writing. The Homeric passage begins
at a distance of 2 to 2.5 cms from the 5th mathematical problem.
The text has been divided over 3 columns : cols. 1 and 2 are about 10 cms
long, col. 3 is about 4 cms long.
A part of this papyrus (frag. 2 of the lower part) has been known
since as early as 1938 (cf. H. OELLACHER, Griechische Literarische
Papyri aus der Papyrussammlung Erzherzog Rainer in Wien, Études
de Papyrologie 4, 1938, pp. 133 sqq. = Pack2 no. 791). The present
restorer in the Papy rus sa m ml un g, MICHAEL FACKELMANN, has found
the other parts of this papyrus.
The subjects dealt with (*) and the quality of the Greek make it quite
possible that we have here a papyrus deriving from a school (2). Below
we give a transcription of the Homeric passage (3), although, and this

(1) The combination of mathematics and literature is not a rare occurrence in

papyri deriving from schools. Cf. for example, O. (JUÉRAUD et P. JOUGUET, ('/t
Livre d'Eco Her du I I I e Siècle avant J.-C. (this papyrus too is in the form of a scroll !)
and P. J. PARSONS, A School-Hook from the Sayce Collection, ZPE 6, 1971), pp. 133 sqq.
(2) Cf. G. ZALATEO, Papiri scolastici, Aegyptus 41, 1961, pp. 160-235. It is a
well-known fact that Homer was the school author par excellence (cf. H. I. MAR-
ROU, histoire de l'éducation dans l'antiquité4, Paris, 1908) and that ccrtein passages
of the Iliad especially enjoyed, a preference in schools. Although nothing is known
to us of a preferential treatment of the sixth book of the Iliad (one is referred, how-
ever, to the well-known letter P. Oxy. VI 930), we can readily assume that the
particular passage dealing with the parting of Hector and Andromache must have
enjoyed a certain popularity.
(3) OELLACHER (he. cit., pp. 134-135) had assumed that the Homeric passage
was followed by a prose paraphrase of the lines 387-410 of Iliad. Z. He believed
that Äffo/nuii, if correctly read, referred to èneiyoftév^i in line 388. Now that the
transcribed Homeric passage appears to begin as early as line 373, his hypothesis,
which was not very attractive for other reasons as well, has been rendered invalid.
We have been able to read more than QELLACHEK (thanks also toexcellenl infra-red
exposures made by the excellent photographer of the Österreichische Nationalbiblio-
thek, A. JANDERKA) and have been able to ascertain that it is a matter here of the
conversion of a certain number of artabsof a particular kind into figures of another
kind. (We shall publish the 5 geometry and the 2 convenion problems in one of
the forthcoming volumes of the Dutch mathematical periodical Janus (LXI, 1974,
pp. 295 ff.)). The heading of this section (divided by a paragraphos from the last
line of the Homeric passage) reads oidvota /ierjxuv. P. Vindob. Gr. Inv. No. 26740
can therefore no longer be accepted in support of the theory which G. NACHTER-
310
 LITERARY AND SEMI-LITERARY PAPYRI

is to be expected with papyrus manuscripts of the Iliad of a later date

than the edition of Aristarchus of Samothrace (i.e. later than the middle
of the second century B.C.), the papyrus contributes nothing towards
the history' of the text (').
Certain letters or combinations of letters show correspondence with
both those of P. Oxy. XXXI 2545 {end of the 1st cent. B.C. or early
1st cent. A. D. = E. G. TURNER, Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient
World, Oxford, 1971, no. 37) and also with those of P. gr. E 7344 of
the Musées Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire in Brussels (1st cent. A.D. =
\V. LAMEERE, Aperçus de Paléographie Homérique, Paris-Brussels-Ant-
werp-Anisterdam, 1960, 3 and plate 2). In our case, as always, dating
on the basis of the handwriting is extremely risky. In the present case
the matter is further complicated by the fact that we have to do with
a schoolboy's hand. We believe it is possible to date the text to the
1st or 2nd cent, A.D.
R. A. PACK, The Greek and Latin.Literary Texts from Greco-Roman
Egypt, 2nd ed., Ann Arbor, 1965, mentions 26 texts (nos. 770-795)
containing a passage from the 6th book of the Iliad. The following texts
with a passage from book Z of the Iliad have appeared since 1965 :
Z, 171-183 (ZPE 6, 1970, pp. 121-122); Z, 220-282 (Mus. Helv. 24,
1967, pp. 61-62) ; Z, 232-248 (P. Yale 8).
The text was compared with W. LEAF'S edition (2nd ed., London,
1900).

r.AEL, Fragments d'anthologies Homériques, Chron. d'fig. -46, 1971, pp. 344 sqq., has
developed.
(1) Tliis Tact has been known for a long time and has often been mentioned: cf.
W. SCHMID-O. STÂHUN, beschichte der griechischen Literatur, l, l, München, 1929,
p. 164 ; O. M. ROLLING, The Athrtized Lines of the Iliad, Baltimore, 1944, p. 5 ;
DAVISON, loc. cil., pp. öl sqq. ; LAMEERE, op. cit., pp. 11 sqq. It is worthwhile never-
theless publishing this kind of papyri because they teach us when and to what
extent the standardized text was accepted as such ; secondly, they are interesting
as examples of ancient book production (cf. V. MARTIN, Papyrus Bodmer 1, Genève,
1954, pp. 9 sqq. ; T. C. SKEAT, Early Christian Honkproduction : Papyri and Ma-
nuscripts = Chapter III (pp. 54-79) in The Cambridge History of the Bible, Vol. 2 :
The West from the fathers to the Reformation (ed. G. \V. H. LAMPE, Cambridge
1969)). In the case under discussion the papyrus teaches us what was read at school,
and we gain an impression of the standard the pupils were able to "reach : despite
the fact that the pupil himself (as we may conclude from the colour of the ink which
remains constant) has made corrections in some places, we may say, on the basis
of this papyrus, that he still had a lot to learn.
311
 EGYPTE GRECO-ROMAINE

Homer, Iliad Z, 373-410

Column I

373 IJvöyot é(p£öTi]ft£t %ó(v[ad re fj,vg\ofiévij TUI.

"Exttug $' (h^ ovx evo[ov afj,vfj.ov]a T
375 tarrj én ovóuv 'uór, /*[erà ôè o]f^iafjaiv eïnev •
« KI o' aye jjioi, opmat v[i]/tegTé]a ftv8[i)a]aa8ai •
ïifj ênri 'Avogopdxil ).[evx]ó>ievo[; ex] /j.e>ca()oto ;
ffé Jifl éç yaAóojv -ij elv[arég](ov èv{né\n%.<ijv,
rj iç 'A6t)vaîrjç l(iol[xerai, ëv]0d JICQ aA
380 Tcioai êvn).óxafto\i deivï]]v 9sóv IXaoxo
tav d' a$r' orgr/ffi] rafi[tt] itgàç] fivdov [ê]etnev •
« "ExToig, ènsl /uó).' âviay[aç âÀt]6]co /tvöriaaoäai,
ovré nrj è\c] yaAötv • ov[r' eimrflgmv IvnénAiov
OVT' Iç 'A[fh]v\airj; È[|o(^«]rai, cvôd nt,(> âÂÂat
385 Tgmai èvjtXóxafiot ó[fmjv] 6eov iAdaxovrat,
àX fyci nvpyov eßt] fj.éy[av 'liiov], ovv[e]ie' axovaev

Column II

[relgeaOai Tgâiaç, jiéya ôè] xp[d]roç elvai 'A%atâ>v.

ö' a/j,a tpalóa Tiatfvt).

390 [^ pa yvvt) TO/ÀÎ]^ • o 6' airéaavro ômparoç "Exrcag
[rrjv avrriv óoo]v avnc èvxrc/téva; ftat' âyvtdç.
[surf Ttvhat; !%a]ve Sisgxóftetoc fiéya aarv,
idc, rfj äo' l]/fetäe Steflfitvat aedlor'^'e,

395 ['Av&QOfia^rj, 6vydr]riß /jfya^rogoi; 'Herliovo;,

'He[Titt>v, ô]ç êvaiev vno HAd-yw vA\i]]éo' a' r],
&rj[ßfl 'Ksw>]jlAa«Aj| Kihixeaa' àv&Qea[ai]v âvdaaiav
rov tt[s(> ófj] 6vydrrjg fieyaiiJTOgoi; 'Hedltovo[c .]
ïj ol £JI««T'> ijvrija', 8/ta d' àp<finohoç xiev avr[ij}
400 jraïo' STtl XO^TTOV e%ovff' drctAac3<o>ova, vtfmov avT
'ExroQl&fjV à<ya>m)rov, [à]j.iyxiov àarégi xaXöi,
TÓV g "EnTojg xaAéeaxe <£xa/j,dv> ôgtov, avzàg ol
'Aarvdvaxra • oloç yàg ègoixairo "Igiov
312
 LITERARY AND SEMI-LITERARY PAPYRI

Column III

»J rot ó [iè.v /ieiorja[E]v, töoir [È;] nalôa ottotyïj •]

405 'Av[&]go flaxy ôé ol 3.yyn 7ia[Qiaratd\, 6âx\Qv %eovoa,]
fv [r'\ âga [o]l <pv XS18'> Et"f f' ff? J ]^[ T ] f* T' [à\vo[/t
« doc/ldvfie, <pQi]oi^ TO GÔV ftévoÇt [ovô* éÂfCLigetç]
Ttalôd TE vrjxlaxor xal êfiàv ft{[t]o(io[v, fj fâ%a xr/gi]]
aev ôo'e'fiai • rà%a -JIÓQ as xaraxrav\eo]va[iv 'A%aioi\
410 jrovTs[;] f<fo[^fi]t}6évre^ • è/j[ot àé xe xégaiov eïtj]

373 r. y<KÓ>woa (MSS.) : r. Tf.

374 The x of ov% ?\ corr. ; MSS. zérftev, the writer tried to correct this word,
there is a stroke through ox.
375 r. ovàôv ; MSS. eemsv.
376 ftvOtjaanOat like I.MS.
377 r. eßrj ; r. peytiooio ; the epsilon ex a.
379 r. èÇo{%£Ta[.
380 MSS. Udmorrai.
382 r. "Exron.
383 MSS. -/aAutui-.
386 r. àU' ; MSS. axotiae.
388 r. àç'fxdyei.
389 r. xalSa.
392 r. (ïifn^ó/ievo^.
394 \Ve are not able to read the expected ,TO^i'ocuj>o,- (or no^veavo^), A and ö
both ex corr. ; the q of iJAOe ex A.
305 The A of /i£y<lAijro(>Os ex ,T.
396 r. nidxio.
397 The ?/ of 'F^ojrAaxuj probably ex a^.
398 The last part of thii line is a repetition of the last part of line 395 ; r. '//en'owo;.
400 The pap. has èni xókiov like CHNQST, */Q. Harl. a.
401 The A of xahp ex x.
403 MSS. 'AarvdvaxT' ; the writer probably intended lo write SQUXETO, MSS.
fptffTO ; r. "/Afov.
405 There seems to have been a letter between Vlv<5pojuo:j£i/ and àé.
407 Most MSS. <f9iaei at.
408 MSS. ey*' a^t/fopor — TIVÈÇ 'f'Q. xaî éfiov ftóoov An.
409 The writer meant to write sao/mi (MSS.) but mixed things up.

2) PSALM I, 1-3.

P. Vindob. Gr. Inv. No. 25949. A mid-brown papyrus, that has been
evenly cut off on all sides. The length is 26.7 cms ; on the left-hand
side the papyrus is 15.4 cms in height ; on the right-hand side 11.2 cms.

313
 EGYPTE GRECO-ROMAINE

On the one side is a documentary text of 26 lines (concerning given

XOVQI ; this text will be published elsewhere), running parallel with
the fibre grain. On the other side this documentary text continues
with another 4 lines which run this time against the grain of the fibres.
To the right of these 4 lines someone has begun, parallel with the fibres,
to write a letter in Coptic (cf. comment upon line 1). Without even
finishing the customary opening formula of a Coptic letter, the same
person (the letters are the same, as is the colour of the ink) has begun
to copy out the first psalm. 10 cms from the left-hand edge there is a
very pronounced vertical fold.
The text of the psalm (compared with the edition of A. KAHLFS,
Stuttgart, 1962) shows no deviation from the accepted text, with
perhaps one exception (cf. comment upon lines 3-4). The numerous
spelling mistakes are a consequence of the way Greek was pronounced
in the days when our papyrus was written.
What the purpose of this passage of the first psalm is, is no longer
to be ascertained. That it served as an amulet (cf. P. COLLAHT, Psaumex
et amulettes, Aegyptus 14, 1934, pp. 463 sqq. ; IDEM, l'n papyrus Kei-
nach inédit. Psaume 140 sur une amulette (= P. Rein. II, 61), Aegyptus
13, 1933, pp. 208 sqq.; Cl. PRÉAUX, l'ne Amulette Chrétienne nia
Musées Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire de Bruxelles, Chron. d'Ég. 10, 1935,
pp. 361 sqq.) is not very likely, because our text breaks off in the
middle of a word. We do not see any more in this text than a (devout)
pastime. The place where the psalm text is written and the way in
which the text is written (without the customary division into verses
of the psalm — our writer carries straight on right to the very edge
of the papyrus in the first 2 lines at any rate —) make it clear that our
writer has used the empty space in a text that had already been written
before his work. We can therefore safely assume that the documentary
text was written on the papyrus prior to the text from the psalms.
The text derives, as we are able to deduce from the information
contained in the documentary text, from the Heradeopolites. On the
basis of the writing, the text must be dated to the vith or vnth cent.
A.D. (cf. R. SEIDER, Paläographie der griechischen Papyri, Stuttgart,
1967, Band I, no. 60). The writer of the psalm text, who is certainly
not the same as the one who wrote the documentary text, was un-
doubtedly a Copt. This is apparent not only because of the fact that he
first began to write a letter in Coptic, but in particular because of the

$14

.
 LITERARY AND SEMI-LITERARY PAPYRI

way in which he formed his f in lines 4 and 5 : a hori with a small arc
above it.
In the list of Old Testament writings, preserved on papyrus and
the like, which O. MONTEVECC.HI gives in La Papirologia, Torino, 1973,
pp. 296-309, 7 texts of the first psalm are mentioned.

1 -f 5^0H «.EN nZWI>l HIBl HV

2 Max[d\Si:0; àvrjq, <3c ovx amooevOrj èv ßovhfj äasßtciv xal èv

3 }.ûi<v> ovx ëoriv xal élu xaOédoa<v>

ainâOtiaev, cU<A'> 17 cv T<;> vópu
4 xvniov <TÔ Oéhj/ta avrof, Kat èv T<û vófua avrov> fie/.eTrja?i
>lfiéf)a; xa! vi-jxrô;. xal carat ibç TÙJ (vA«)v
5 <CTÔ 2ie<pvTsvnévov> ."râpa âàc ote£oôov<^> rùv vèdrov, o
T(Ï>V XdftTKOV aVTOV TtfJOEt
6 èv xaiQw avTov K

2 r. è.ioptt'orç ; r. óatö.
3 MSS. FaTtj, probably not a new reading, bill caused by ilacistic rt'a<iinfi of the
U-xt : xaQebga is also Ui? reading of A, but the writer of this papyrus often
leaves the final ny unwritten ; r. /.ot/(wv ; r. èxdQtaev.
f r. rvxTÓc ; r. TO £v?,ov.
5 r. Tcic ; the v of roàtaiv ex )] ; r. róv xaoTióv ', r. bttiofi

N n les :
1) « For all matters » is the customary manner in which a Coptic
text may begin (cf. for instance W. C. TILL, Die koptischen Ostraka der
Papgrussammlung der Österreichischen Nalionalbibliolhek, Wien, 1958,
nos. 290/291). One expects a continuation with "t"t9lNe or something
similar, but on the papyrus there seems to be an H (although the pos-
sibility of it being "h cannot be excluded) and an 8«. set higher than
the other letters for which we have no explanation. For the forms
used, see W. E. CRUM, A Coptic Dictionary, Oxford, 1939, 653a. The
Coptic text begins with a chrismon (cf. M. CRAMER, Das altägyptische
Lebenszeichen im christlichen (koptischen) Ägypten, Wiesbaden, 1955),
that is written straight through another letter. In front of it one can
still recognize a (washed out'?) my. Did our writer wish to begin his
psalm text as early as this point?
2) Our writer has the tendency to leave out the final -v (in line 5
he also leaves out the final sigma). For this phenomenon, see E. MAYSER,
315
 EGYPTE GRECO-ROMAINE

Grammatik der griechischen Papyri aus der Pti>lemäerzeil (2nd ed. by

H. SCHMOLL, Berlin, 1970) I, l, pp. 180 sqq. and pp. 160 sqq.
3-4) Our writer has omitted the section after xvotov : from ev ro>
rófict) XVQIOV he has jumped to èv rf> vópiu avrov (as the manuscripts
show). This is a mistake which it would have been even easier to make,
it seems to us, if his example had had the variant xvglov instead of
avrov ; all the more so as he has written xvolov at the start of a new
line. For the jumping from same to same see B. A. VAN GRONINGEN,
Traité d'Histoire et de Critique den Textes Grecs, Amsterdam, 1963,
pp. 94-95 ; A. D AIN, Les Manuscrits2, Pari?, 1964, p. 48.

3) A CHRISTIAN PRAYER WITH \ QUOTATION FROM II GOH. l, 3.

P. Vindob. Gr. Inv. No. 39935. A mid-brown papyrus whose origin

is unknown. Height 9.2 cms, width 8 cms. The badly damaged text,
which runs against the grain of the fibres, is cut off evenly only along
the top edge. Two horizontal folds are visible.
In this case also it is not possible to decide with any certainty what
kind of text we are concerned with (cf. the preceding papyrus). The
interesting thing about this text, which was in all likelihood a prayer
for something or other (cf. ènàxovaov t'ntiuv in line 3), is that it begins
with a quotation from the second letter to the Corinthians.
MONTEVECCHI, op. cit., pp. 309 sq., in her list of New Testament
writings preserved on papyrus and the like, gives 8 passages from the
2nd letter to the Corinthians.
1 'O narr/g rôv IxrsiQutuv'
2 Kai 6(eà)ç Ttdatj; naoaxfaj-
3 aeioç ênàxovaov fj/jitti'v'
4 a]sßo/i4r(uv[
5 àya9<m;To|;] xai fi[
6 . .a el^ fitc r^[
7 ..[.].[..M
l r. TWV oiKTtQfimv ; pap. fxTeiyfiajv 2 pap. 0;

Notes :
1. The v of IxiEiQpwt, like that of fjfiiav in line 3, is rendered by a
horizontal line above the omega.
316

„
 LITERARY AND SEMI-LITERARY PAPYRI

Fig. 1. — P. Vinrfud. Gr. Inv. No. 39935

2. As a tinmen sacrum Oso; is written 02.', cf. A. H. R. E. PAAP, JVo-

mina Sacra in the Greek Papyri of the First Five Centuries A.D. =
P. L. Bat. VIII, Leyden, 1959 ; J. O'CALLAGHAN, « Nomina Sacra» in
Papyris graecix saeculi III neolestamentariis, Analecta Biblica 46, Roma,
1970.
3. In all probability the goodness of God is meant by ayadorrj;
(cf. W. BAUER, Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament, Berlin-New York,
1971, s.v.). One can imagine that the lost part at the end of line 4
originally read : ae ôtà -cfjc.

4) MYTHOLOGICAL FRAGMENT.

P. Vindob. Gr. Inv. No. 26727. A light-brown papyrus of good quality,

which is fairly evenly broken off on the right and left-hand edges,
and the bottom edge likewise. On the top edge a small piece has dis-
317
 EGYPTE GRECO-ROMAINE

appeared out of the papyrus. Height 14.5 cms ; width 5.9 cms. The
text, which is written in black ink, runs parallel with the fibres. In the
centre of the papyrus some horizontal fibres (1.6 cms) have worked
loose from the vertical layer underneath and been lost. As appears
from the traces of ink in line 16 these fibres were probably (at least
partically) written upon. The empty margin below (1.5 cms) makes
one believe that the papyrus at the bottom edge is complete. It cannot
be made out if there was more than one column on this papyrus. The
reverse side is not written upon.
Two different hands are to be distinguished on the papyrus : the hand
of the actual text and the hand which has made a note in the margin
at the bottom edge of the papyrus. The hand that has written the
first 23 lines can be dated to the 2nd cent. A.D. (cf. W. SCHUBART, Pa-
pyri Crete« Berolinenses, Bonn, 1911, no. 30a and no. 31).
The lines 4, 8, 9, 21 and 22 do not run as far as the right-hand edge,
but are only partially covered with script. This could indicate that
this papyrus does not tell a continuous story, but that we have to do
with short extracts or notes.
A kindred text has been published by S. DARIS, P. Med. Inv. 123,
Proceedings of the Twelfth Intern. Congr. of Papyrology, Toronto,
1970, pp. 97 sqq.

1 (I e main) ].A(ye[
2 ]
3 J
4 ]
5 ]reQec • aï rot; 6eot; /t\
6 \ac xal Sa

9 \.v àvofitara \
10 ]<f(uv ovo/tara r&v .[
11 tyevopévdiv al xaAovv\Tai
12 j .Alyhvi Evipoóvrj nav[
13 Aevximz]iÔ£ç 'A/MfiOéaç xaî Aev[xtnm>v
14 KdaztuQ] xal IJohvóevxijc ëa^ov[
15 ] . 0oißi) 'Ihóga 'Aoaivóri[
16 "]..[
17 6e\0Tlov xai rfjc Aevgwvo; AF[
318
 LITERARY AND SEMI-LITERARY PAPYRI

18 I{[°]V
19 ]. via; de "Itfixboç, Evmno[ç
20 /7A]//f(.T.TOc EvQvitvhoc, Aoav[
21 ]aéQ(t)v IJcoKÓwv [
22 Ohó]rgoxot \
23 ]ae 'Avion rov 'Am}/.A(ovoc.[
24 (2" main) vim..
3 pap. t!,-r[ 15 pap. i/.aou IS pap. vx£Qfiv[

The fact that we are concerned with a mythological subject becomes

clear through the mention of a number of names of persons. It is less
easy to determine which passage of mythology our text refers to. A
number of persons (cf. comment on lines 7 and 17-21) are completely
unknown. The lines 1-12 give no definite clue to the subject. In lines
13-15, the Leucippides are spoken of and in the lines 17-21, the Thestiades
are mentioned. In the framework of Greek mythology these two families
are linked together by the mythographs that have been preserved (cf.
P. J. SIJPESTEIJN, The Rejuvenation Cure of Pelias, ZPE 9, 1972,
pp. 104 sqq.) only in connection with the hunt of the Calydonian boar.
Against that, however, is the fact that a number of the persons men-
tioned are not linked with this story anywhere in the Greek and/or
Latin tradition which has come down to us. If we assume that we
have to do with the Calydonian hunt, a link can be established between
the majority of the persons mentioned. It is possible that we have
here a version of the story which has not been otherwise preserved
for us.
The wording of the text creates the impression of wanting to give
brief information about mythological persons and their genealogies,
such as those which we find, amongst others, in Hyginus (cf. J.
SCHWARTZ, i'ne source papyrologique d'Hygin le mylhographe, Studi in
Onore di A. Calderini e H. Paribeni, II, pp. 151 sqq. = Pack2 2452).
The saga concerning the Calydonian hunt is broadly as follows (cf.
A. SURBER, Die Meleagersage : eine historisch-vergleichende Untersuchung
zur Bestimmung der Quellen, Diss. Zürich, 1880 ; PW-RE XV, s.v.
Meleagros, Sp. 446-488 (VAN DER KOLF), W. H. RÖSCHER, Ausführliches
Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie, Bd. II, 2, Sp. 2591
sqq. s.v. Meleagros (E. KUHNERT) : at a harvest festival, the king of
the Aetolian Calydon, Oineus, offers hecatombs to the gods, but in
doing so passes over Artemis who in revenge sends a wild boar, which
319
 EGYPTE GRÉCO-ROMAINE

commits great ravage in the country. Meleager, the son of Oineus and
Thestius' daughter Althaia, assembles an array of heroes, including
Asclepins, Leucippus, the Dioscuri and the virgin Atalanta. In the
course of the hunt, the animal is captured and killed. According to
one particular tradition, a fight between Aetolians and Curetés, the
inhabitants of Pleuron, breaks out over the boar's hide. During this
struggle some sons of Thestius lose their lives (cf. Schol. Iliad IX, 529 ;
Apollod. Bibl. I, 8, 3. According to another version, Meleager wishes
to give the boar's hide to Atalanta and in a fight kills some of his un-
cles : Apollod. Bibl. I, 8, 3 ; Hyg. Fab. 174).
A previously published papyrus that refers to the Calydonian hunt
is M. PAPATHOMOPOULOS, Un poème élégiaque inédit sur ^léléagre el
le sanglier de Calydon, Recherches de Papyrologie, II, 1962, pp. 99 sqq. =
Pack2 1756.

Noies :

1-4) It is impossible to establish how many letters on the right and

left-hand edge have been lost.
Nv/jt<fif (line 2) could well refer to Atalanta, who is often referred to
in this way. According to most sources (Apollod. Bibl. I, 8, 2 ; Pausa-
nias VIII, 45, 2, Ovid. Mel. VIII, 379) she strikes the boar the first
blow, after which Meleager deals the beast its death blow. 'Axeatpdyri
(line 4) could refer to the boar and ßiaaa/uvt)^ (line 3) to Atalanta (the
name is possibly partially hidden in the lacuna at the beginning of
line 3) ; <5(u» (line 2) may be a part of KaÀvôwv.
5-8) In line 5 the restoration /trj]re(>Ec or 6vya]-régeç seems obvious.
Concerning the birth of Satyrs in combination with other mythological
figures, little is known. The only author in whom we find something
about this is Hesiod (frag. 123 MERKELBACH-WEST), who relates that
the daughter of Phoroneus (cf. RÖSCHER, op. cit., Bd. III, 2, Sp. 2435
sqq. (WEIZSÄCKER)) had five daughters who brought Satyrs, Nymphs
and Curetés into the world. The names of some children of Phoroneus,
not mentioned by Hesiod, we find in Schol. Eurip. Orestes 1246 : 0og«>-
VEV; ' ïa%et ôè naïoaç ex IletSovç AlyixAéa • *Amv ' EvgôiTtar • Nió-
ßtjv. In the light of the Hesiod fragment the restoration 6vya]ré(>eç
seems more probable. At the end of line 5 there seems to have been
a form of the verb pstyvvvat. Basing oneself on the Hesiod fragment,
a conjecture can be made with ]aj in line 7, making it KovQiji]ac
320
 LITERARY AND SEMI-LtTERARY PAPYRI

(cf. RÖSCHER, op. cit., Bd. II, l, Sp. 1588-1591 (IMMISCH)) or vv/i<p]a;
(cf. PW-RE XVII, Sp. 1528-1530 (F. HEICHELHEIM)). According to
some sources (Hom. Iliad IX, 529 sqq. ; Bacch. Epinic. V ; Antoninus
Liberalin II), a struggle between the Aetolians and the Curetés broke
out after the killing of the boar over the possession of the animal's
hide. If we here restore Kovofjia; (yvfupac is of course also not im-
possible ; indeed either of the two words can have been in the lacuna)
the connection between these lines and the Calydonian hunt can be
established. Lines 7 and 8 present difficulties, although all letters
(with the exception of the second omikron of ovxaheovaa, which is
somewhat damaged on the left-hand side) have been read with complete
certainty. One expects here a summary of the « daughters » who in
relation with the gods brought forth Satyrs, (Nymphs and Curetés).
If in line 8 -i/tr/ forms the ending of a proper name (with a superfluous
iota adscriptum ; possibly instead of an iota subscriptum) we could
restore these letters, obtaining 'I<p6]l[it]. Iphthime, the daughter of
Dorus, is known, with Hermes, to have begotten Satyrs (cf. RÖSCHER,
op.dl., Bd. II, l,Sp.317(STOLL». The letters a.yla.vt] (line 7) may form
either the ending of a female name, or be themselves a proper name.
A name Aglaue (or a name ending in the letters ayAavt)) is not known
to us. Theoretically one can split ovxaXeovaa into ovx àXéovaa or
ov xaAéovaa. In the first case it escapes us absolutely what the verb
àielv = « grind finely », can signify here ; in the second case we note
(and this also holds if we read ovx àiéovaa) that the verbal form
xaUovaa is not contracted, while it is in line 11. We would suggest,
tentatively, that ayAavrj and ovxaÂéovaa should be considered as thus
far unkown female names. In these lines then, women would be men-
tioned who brought forth Satyrs, Nymphs and Curetés. If the text
had remained fully preserved these speculations would perhaps have
been unnecessary and maybe a minor correction (r. ou«aA«<y>o«<ja?)
would have been sufficient to restore the context.
The traces of ink following ovxaÀéovaa are difficult to explain. They
are most likely a trema and the upper part of an ypsilon.
9-12) In view of the way in which these lines have been written on
the papyrus, it seems correct to interprète them as a coherent whole.
Problems are raised by the juxtaposition of the names Aigle and Eu-
phrone. Aigle is mentioned as being one of the daughters of Asclepius
(Schol. Arisloph. Plutus 701 (ed. DÜBNER) ; Pling N. H. XXXV, 137)
who himself took part in the hunt of the Calydonian boar (cf. Hyg. Fab.
321

21
 EGYPTE GRECO-ROMAINE

173). In the same scholion IJavdxeta is named as another daughter

of Asclepius. flav at the end of line 12 could be restored to Uavaxeia.
The difficulty is, however, that nowhere in the tradition is Euphrone
mentioned as being a daughter of Asclepius. A different approach is
to see in Aigle the wife of Helius and the mother of the Charités. One
of the Charités bears the name Euphrosyne (cf. RÖSCHER, op. cit., Bd. I,
I, Sp. 153 (KOSCHER) ; Anümachus in Pausanias IX, 35, 5). Euphrone
is also identified with Euphrosyne, the daughter of Erebus and Nyx (cf.
Hyg. Fab. Praef. 1). Euphrone/Euphrosyne may also be an euphemistic
name for Nyx. We could then complete nav at the end of line 12 to
Uavdca, the daughter of Zeus and Selene (cf. Hom. Hymn El; Ze^rrfv,
XXXII, 15 ; Hyg. Fab. Praef. 28. IJavdla is sometimes used as an
epithet for Selene herself). Aigle could be understood in this connec-
tion as a personification of sunlight (more probable than moonlight ;
cf. LSJ* alyli] = « the light of the sun or the moon »). In the latter
explanation a link with the Calydonian hunt is non-existent. We
consider it more plausible that Euphrone is the name of a daughter of
Asclepius which has thus far not been known to us.
13-15) In line 15 we come across a number of female names, which
belong to the daughters of Leucippus. At the end of line 13 we read
A.SV. These facts and the mention of (Castor) and Polydeuces (line
14) prompt one to restore Aevxain]iôe<: (cf. RÖSCHER, op. cit., Bd.
II, 2, Sp. 1988-1999 (E. KUHNEHT/STOLL)). According to the tradition
(Schol. Lycophron Alex. 511) Leucippus was married to Philodice.
Amphithea (a name that we encounter several times on various oc-
casions in the mythological tradition ; cf. RÖSCHER, op. cit., Bd. I, l,
Sp. 317 (STOLL)) is nowhere mentioned as the wife of Leucippus. About
the relationship between the Dioscuri and the Leucippides there are
various traditions. What is certain is that there was a struggle between
the Dioscuri and the Apharides, Idas and Lynceus (Apharus was a
brother of Leucippus). According to one tradition they joined battle
because the Dioscuri were insulted by the Apharides during a banquet.
When the Dioscuri then stole the cattle of the Apharides, a fight broke
out in which Castor was slain. In a subsequent combat Polydeuces
killed both the Apharides in revenge. In this version the daughters of
Leucippus, Phoebe and Hilaeira, are the wives of the Dioscuri. Another
tradition has it that the Apharides are engaged to Phoebe and Hi-
laeira (cf. P. Oxy. XXXIV 2389, frag. 4=Alcman, frag. 8 PAGE) and
that the two girls are abducted by the Dioscuri. Leucippus (Hyg. Fab.
322
 LITERARY AND SEMI-LITERARY PAPYRI

173 ; Ovid. Met. VIII, 306) as well as the Dioscuri and the Apharides
(Ovid. Mel. VIII, 304 ; Apollod. Bibl. I, 8, 2) take part in the Calydo-
nian hunt. The third daughter of Leucippus named here, Arsinoe, is
probably mentioned for the sake of completeness (other daughters were
perhaps referred to in the lacunae). A direct link between her and
the Calydonian hunt cannot be made. What is known about her is
that she was married to Apollo and gave birth to Asclepius (cf. RÖSCHER,
op. cit., Bd. I, 1, Sp. 557 (STOLL)).
17-21) According to tradition (cf. RÖSCHER, op. cit., Bd. V, Sp. 779-
781 (HÖFER)), Thestius was the son of Agenor and the grandson of
Pleuron, the eponymous hero of the town in Aetolia that bears the
same name. His wives are named as Deidameia, Laophonte (a daughter
of Pleuron, cf. KOSCHER, op. eil., Bd. II, 2, Sp. 1849 (STOLL)), Leucippe
and Eurythemis (in P. Oxy. XXVIII 2481, frag. 5b, col. Ill, 9 a certain
Kurythemiste is spoken of ; cf. the note of LOBEL on line 34 sq.). If we
interprète our text as it stands on the papyrus, yet another new wife
of Thestius is mentioned. The name Leuron does not occur, however,
in the Greek onomastica (indeed female names ending in -tav scarcely
occur at all ; cf. \V. PAPE-G. BENSELER, Wörterbuch der griechischen
Eigennamen, Bd. I3, p. XX). \Ye consider it probable that the text in
this place is corrupt and that it must be corrected as follows : rij;
< II>HeVQÛrroç. One would be inclined to write rij; <Aaoifovr>];
IJ>/.ei'go}vo;, but then this would be in contradiction with the words
of Apollod. Bibl. I, 7, 10 : Seaziia f>i If EvQvQéftiàoi: rfj; KKeoßo-
ia; êyévovru dvyaréoe; /jèi' 'AMaia Aijda 'Yxeijfiv-ijaTßa, äpgeve; ôè
"Icfix).o; Eï'ijijiof nÂri$iïino: EwgróitUoc. For the children of Thes-
tius, compare RÖSCHER, op. cit., Bd. V, Sp. 777 (HÖFER). The use of
the singular Sv-ydri/g ftév is striking (line 18 ; we may assume that
the other daughters of Thestius are mentioned in the lacunae. In any
case Althaia, who was married to Meleager, and as such forms a fur-
ther link with the Calydonian hunt) as is via; Se (line 19) although
more than one name follows. Nowhere in the tradition did we find the
name beginning with Agav[, nor that ending in \aKdiav nor Procoon
mentioned as sons of Thestius. In Schol. T Hom. Iliad IX, 567 as also
in P. Oxy. XXIII 2359, 4 (= Stesichoms frag. 45, 4-5 PAGE) and P.
Ashmol. 20 (= Bacchyl. Dithyr. 25, 29 SNELL-MÄHLER)we come across
the proper name Proeaon (with Clytius as his brother). Procaon and
Clytius are, in the places referred to, sons of Thestius. Procaon and
Procoon are most probably one and the same person (the note in the
323
 EGYPTE GRECO-ROMAINE

critical apparatus to the T scholia (ed. E. MAASS) : « a non certum »

is missing in the edition of H. ERBSE). The letters -aeätav can, according
to F. DoRNSEiFF-B. HANSEN, Rückläufiges Wörterbuch der griechischen
Eigennamen, Berlin, 1957, only be restored to the proper name <7W-
6(uv. On the basis of the correlation in meaning between the names
Clytius (cf. RÖSCHER, op. cit., Bd. II, l, Sp. 1247 (STOLL)) and Phaethon
we may possibly identify the bearers of these names.
22-23) The Oinotropoi were the daughters of Anius, the son and priest
of Apollo (cf. RÖSCHER, op. cit., Bd. I, Sp. 352 (OERTEL) ; G. M. SIFA-
KIS, Studies in the History of the Hellenistic Drama, London, 1967,
p. 7, note 1). A connection between this family and the Calydonian
hunt appears nowhere in the sources. After the alpha of Anius there is
a small vertical line on the papyrus, the meaning of which escapes us.
Perhaps it was intended to indicate a division of the words and was
placed here mistakenly.
24) The meaning of the letters written in a different hand in the
empty space beneath the main text eludes us. The letters slant upwards
towards the right. Perhaps the last letter was raised out of line. It
does not seem possible to read a proper name (of the author?).

5) LtSTS WITH WORKS OF CLASSICAL AUTHORS AND UNIDENTIFIED LITER-

ARY TEXT

P. Vindob. Gr. Inv. No. 39966. A dark-brown papyrus, which has

been cut off evenly only on the right-hand edge. It measures 37.3 cms
in width and 26 cms in height. 6 vertical folds are visible. 8.5 cms
from the right is a xóXAripa. The papyrus, which consists of (at least)
2 separate papyri pasted to each other, is written upon on either side.
The side not published here contains a passage from a document (writ-
ten against the grain of the fibres) on which traces of 9 lines have been
preserved. The text of this part of the papyrus is at right angles to the
text of the following document (a text that is identical to P. Lond. II
256d (pp. 97-98). It is striking that on the reverse side of the London
papyrus a (sub-)literary text also occurs ; cf. P. Lond. Lit. 138) written
in 2 columns (24 and 12 lines long respectively). We shall publish both
these documentary texts along with a number of other Viennese texts
in our forthcoming Fünf unddreissig Wiener Papyri. The 2 papyri have
been glued to each other in such a way that, on the side that we publish
here, all the fibres run in the same direction. On this side 3 texts have
324
 LITERARY AND SEMI-LITERARY PAPYRI

been written by 2 different persons : column 1 (10 x 6 cms) is placed

above left ; column 2 (6.5 x 7.5 cms), which is by the same hand as
column 1 and at an interval of some 20 cms from column 1, is set above
right ; column 3 (9 x 4 cms), of which the text is placed upside down
in relation to column 2, is below right. All texts are written against
the grain of the fibres. Later on, a demotic text was inscribed diagonally
across column 1, but columns 2 and 3 have been spared. The demotic
text, written with a very thick nib and strong black ink, virtually
effaces the text of column 1 which is written with a fine nib. The
handwriting of column 3 shows a resemblance to that illustrated in
plate 37 in E. G. TURNER, Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World,
Oxford, 1971, that of columns 1 and 2 with that illustrated in plate
15 of the same volume. We date the texts on this side to around the
middle of the 1st cent. A.D. This is in accordance with the dating of
the texts on the other side : the first text is dated to Hathyr 15 of
the year 40 in the reign of Augustus (= 11.11.10 A.D.); the second
text to Hathyr 1 of the year 42 in the reign of Augustus (= 28.10.12
A.D.). Cf. E. G. TURNER, Recto and Verso, JEA 40, 1954, pp. 102 sqq.

Column I :

2 ]. .. 'OjU?Jo(otv) '/[AÎCÉ(OO^) ] • [ • ] • -^ 0 [t] y, }. ft v £ o it g ff T[

8 ].. AaA<A>i//cé^[oî' ]. y e [ . j ó ( [ . ] . traces gi..»[
4 IIi\v6âoov[ }.. .ôe[.].. .ta. riooaooUa[v
5 traces
6 'H]atooov rvvat[xaiv ]y [d] e. "Egy'a xai 'Hfie(Qai)
&soy[o(rîa)
7 ].tpov; .. .[ ]. ..a
8 ] av 'o/( ) traces

Column II :

1A
ivj ct o T i i Q G T t i i t p Y W f t t ] I '/"}A
c/oi'(7(/ tJÊtoc)
' ^
d\ IK /. u v

12 a ß {e}« @soyo(vîa) "Egy'a Kai 'Hft(égai) Ka).<?.>i/t'â'(xov)

13 Ahlaty) a , [.] "Y/t(vai) ['Eji]iyQafi\ftara\
325
 EGYPTE GRECO-ROMAINE

Hg. 2. — J'. Vinrfoft. Cr. Inv. No. 3Ö06B, col. II.

 LITERARY AND SEMI-LITERARY PAPYRI

14 'ExâXvi '-EyAoyai. 'Pi)T\OQ(ov ]...

15 owgo(tJ) .[. . .]wv [a] ß 7 f t; 0 [x] A ^i v
16 Jtori v eF»'[o]« . . . ' . ' ( ) [ . . .].'/i'() i4îAja»[o«. . . ] . . .

18 gi K7»/i[onj]:;.

19 Ala%tvov; Kara Kr[r)]atifi7>v^r'(o;) .aro[

'20 ot'ou 77fo(' èniftovfj; Ar)/toa8er[ov]f
'21 Hegi TO« (TTeçiâïoii

Column III (2 e main) :

23 [
24 .).0t;[
25 .)(onff[
26 .]6e'.\
27 atyjor)
28 To9i)ru|

30 xaxm\v
31 «TOD;
32 vovaiov
on _ r

35 (5eT«xn.xoi',-
36 TJ^.XOU

Columns 1 and 2 are clearly to be distinguished from column 3, both

as far as the nature of the handwriting, its position on the papyrus
and also its contents are concerned. Column 3 consists of a number
of words which are placed beneath one another (probably not more than
one word per line). In front of this column, which is a good example
of MAAS' Law (cf. TURNER, Greek Manuscripts.... p. 6), about 1 cm
has been left free. Although it is not possible to establish it with cer-
tainty, we consider it improbable that these words are explanations
of words which might have been written on the left-hand side on a
part of the papyrus that is now missing. We have been unable to find
an explanation for this column. Prof. C. J. RUIJGH (Amsterdam) thinks
327
 EGYPTE GRECO-ROMAINE

it not inconceivable that the text of this column is to be associated

with a \vork of a medical nature.
The texts of columns 1 and 2, which were written by the same
hand, belong together also as regards their content. In both, a number
of (known and unknown) classical authors and works by them are
enumerated. The big question is what the purpose of these lines was.
As a result of a similar Florentine papyrus published by M. NORSA,
Elenco di opère leiterarie, Aegyptus 2, 1921, pp. 17-20, the most di-
vergent explanations have been preferred (cf. in latest instance P. J.
SUPESTEIJN, Einige Bemerkungen über einen Kataloy mit Werken klas-
sischer Schriftsteller, Aegyptus 44, 1964, pp. 20-25. A discussion of
previously expressed opinions is also to be found here). Without
wishing to exclude other possibilities, we consider it as the most probable
explanation that we have here to do with catalogues of books belonging
to a particular person or body. Our strongest argument for this is
that each book of Homer is separately enumerated (books 3 and 4 of
the Odyssey later on turned out to be present nonetheless in the library,
cf. line 11). Also the fact that not all parts of certain works by certain
authors are present (only books 1, 2 and 5 of the five volume work of
Hesiod's Karàï.oyos Fwaix&v, lines 11/12, and only 3 volumes of the
four volume work Aïrta of Callimachus, line 13), points in this di-
rection, as does the probable arrangement of the books according to
subject matter (cf. the space left between lines 18 and 19). In the
two enumerations neither the sequence, nor the writers mentioned with
their works, nor the number of books present, are alike. If our sup-
position that we have to do with catalogues is correct, then we must
assume that two different collections have been catalogued.

Note:

The fact that the demotic text has been written straight through the
Greek one, and the damage to the papyrus at this place, make it not
only impossible to decipher certain places, but make the reading at
certain points extremely dubious, as may be seen from the dots under
many letters.
1) It is possible that one or more lines used to precede our line 1.
Above ^ and x the small dash, which indicates that the letters are
a number, has been lost.
328
 LITERARY AND SEMI-LITERARY PAPYRI

2) After the 0 a trace of the number dash can only be seen above
the ;..
If our reading 'Ofi>jo(oi') 'I?.tâ(ôo;) at the beginning of this line
is correct, one wonders whether no volume of the Odyssey was pre-
sent in the library at all, or whether the volumes of the Odyssey
which were present were enumerated in line 1. In the latter case the
repetition of the author's name is striking.
The trace of the letter that has been preserved after the big lacuna
points to a <p.
3) At the end of this line we would favour the reading of one of Cal-
limachus' works beginning with Ut-ijl (cf. Suidae Lexicon, ed. A. ADLER,
s. v. Ku/Mpiiyn- and the edition of R. PFEIFFER), but the traces are
too faint to provide any certainty.
4) It is well known that Pindar wrote ÏÏQoaàbia, of which very little
has been preserved (cf. P. Oxy. XXVI 2441 = Pack2 1370 ; B. SNELL,
Pindari Carmina cum Fraymentis, Vol. II, Leipzig, 1964, fr. 89(a)-94).
We are unable to decipher the work which preceded the Prosodia.
Where the writer, when a certain number of columns of a certain
work are to hand, puts the title of the work in the genitive (and then
indicates the volumes available), we may assume, seeing that that does
not occur here, that the work in question either consisted of a single
volume, or was present in full in the library.
It is not certain that the title of this work began with an e, because
there seems to have been a small number dash above the epsilon, which
would imply that the work mentioned in the first place consisted of
(at leasi) 5 volumes ; yet as appears from W. ScHMiu-O. ST.UILIN, Ge-
schichle der griechischen Literatur, I, 2, München, 1934, p. 575, there
are no known works of Pindar consisting of 5 or more volumes.
6) The a of "Ecyti is unnecessarily raised above the )/(our writer ab-
breviates by placing the last letter he writes slightly above the rest)
something which also occurs in line 12.
7) The letter before yot>; could be an ?/. \\'e have not been able to
trace the name of the writer. We can only say that he wrote a work
that consisted of (at least) 18 books.
9) At the end of this line there is enough space to place 'lAtd(6o;)
and the figures a up to and including v.
10) Between the I and the o there is the « tail » of a long letter from
the line above.

329
 EGYPTE GRECO-ROMAINE

Behind the <o is a horizontal dash to separate the Odyssey from the
preceding work.
In the lacuna between a and x there is sufficient space for the figures
ß, and e up to and including I to be placed.
11) The omission of Karâ^oyo; (-foi,) before Pwatxi'iv is striking,
something which in all probability also occurs in line 6.
12) The third letter on this line looks like an epsilon (without a
number dash), but could be meant to be a à (cf. the theta of 0£oyo(v!a)).
The writer believed that only volumes 1 and 2 of the Catalogus Gynai-
con were present in the library, and began with the theta of Theogonia,
and then discovered the 5th volume of the Catalogus Gynaicon.
Seeing that the third letter of this line is somewhat fainter than the
others, it could be that the writer made an attempt to wash it out.
14) A work with the title 'ExAoyal 'Ptfcooiov by Callimachus is not
known to us. In frag. 430 PFEIFFER (cf. also frags. 431 and 432) \ve
read : Ka/.A.i/j,ayo: Iv rfj tviv ÔÏJTOOIX&V avaygayfj («. /. : anoygafffj).
These 'Exhoyai 'Piqioonv could be a subsection of the fllvaxe; T<J>V
êv TiUGij Ttaioeia otaÂaftipâvTov xal wv Gvvéyvayav èv ßißhtot: x xai (t
15) The name of the writer mentioned here, part of which was most
probably on the previous line together with the work written by him,
which consisted of (at least) 13 books, we are unable to decipher.
16) Seeing it is no longer possible to read the name of the work
mentioned here, we cannot say which Oionysius (among the large num-
ber of possibilities) is here in question.
If the name Alitavov (the same name is possibly also to be read in
line 8) has been correctly read by us, we must assume that it concerns
a writer who is not known to us. The only writer of that name who is
known to us is Claudius Aelianus, but, seeing he lives in the 2nd cent.
A.D., while our texts seem to have been written around 50 A.D., he
must be left out of consideration. The reading is so dubious, that we
may also consider /U[o]A/ôai a possibility.
19-20) Difficulties are raised by the work IJegi èxtfiovfj; (as also
in lines 17/18) of a wiiter whose name ends in -gi'oti. The traces at
the end of line 19 will only permit the conclusion that no other work
of Aeschines followed here, none at least of those known to us (the
letter before the alpha may be a pi, but the reading nagaxQeaßeta;
is excluded). 'Eitt/tovrj is a figure of speech which consists of persisting
with a particular point and various of the writers included by L. SPEN-
GEL in his Rhetores Graeci devoted one or more paragraphs to it (cf. Index
330
 LITERARY AND SEMI-LITERARY PAPYRI

Rhetoricus s.v.), but a separate book on this subject is not known. The
placing of this work between Aeschines' speech « Against Ctesiphon »
and Demosthenes' speech « On the Crown », which are closely connected
with each other (the title of Demosthenes' speech « On the C r o w n »
is, in most manuscripts 'YneQ Krrfai^'ojvTo^ nzQi TOV ffT£(pdvov ; cf.
F. BLASS, Die atiische Beredsamkeit, III, l, Leipzig, 1893, pp. 419sqq. ;
III, 2, Leipzig, 1898, pp. 208 sq.), may put us on the track. It is well
known that Aeschines had no success with his speech against Ctesi-
phon, that he did not even obtain one fifth of the votes and that, as
a direct result of this, he left his native soil (cf. BLASS, op. cit., III, 2,
pp. 162 sq.). 'Eni/iovi'i can also, however, have the meaning of « resi-
dence ». It is not to be excluded that we have to do here with a speech
by an unknown orator who was dealing with (the effects of) exile.
I'niversity of Amsterdam P. J. SIJPESTEIJN - K. A. WORP

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