3.

3 The Struggle for Autonomy, War of Liberation and Creation of Bangladesh

The negative hope of Bengalis to end the discrimination as long as Ayub Khan remained in
power resulted in radicalisation of provincial autonomy

*COP was an alliance of Awami.League (led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman), the Council Muslim
League (a splinter group of the Muslim League headed by Khwaja Nazimuddin), and Jamati
Islam and Nizam-i-Islam, boch religiously oriented panies.

*Khan, Mohammed Ayub (1967)

.
Movements in East Pakistan. From 1962-1965, political movements in East Pakistan aimed at
the democratisation of the political system, but after 1965 all he movements in the eastern wing
took on a strongly regional aspect largely because the Ayub regime's political institutions had
failed to provide Bengalis effective participation in the whole system.
The centre-province relationship in East Pakistan from 1962 onwards also deteriorated. The
centre, through its Bengali loyal governor Monem Khan, launched a policy of extreme
suppression of opposition political leaders and their political parties in East Pakistan. Although
the constitution legalized the free political process, Monem Khan's administration frequently
harassed and prosecuted leaders and workers of political parties. During the election campaign
of 1964-65 (presidential election), the Combined Opposition Party (COP) in East Pakistan
complained that more than five hundred of its political workers were arrested by the
government. The failure of Ayub Khan to induce the Indian government to carry out a United
Nations mandate to submit India's claim to Kashmir to a plebiscite, plunged Pakistan into a war
with India in 1965. Although the war ended shortly within two months through the mediation of
the USSR, it left a permanent legacy of domestic troubles for Ayub's regime especially in East
Pakistan. During the war, the East Pakistanis found themselves in an exposed military posture,
although India for the reason of future diplomacy and tact made go significant hostile
encroachment on Bengali territory of East Pakistan. During the war, when the two physically
separated wings of Pakistan were virtually cut off from each other, East Pakistan realized more
than ever the economic difficulties involved in depending too much on the centre. While East
Pakistan was totally isolated and left to fend for itself, it did not have enough resources within
the province to work with. The prices of most of the essential commodities, which were usually
imported from West Pakistan (because of the internal colonial policy), went up. The 1965 war
for the Bengalis meant general economic depression. Scheduled economic development
programs were cut because of increased military costs. In the first year of the third five-year
plan of 1965-69, which was to mark the beginning of provincial economic parity, funds from the
central government were reduced by more than 20 percent while military expenditures for 1965
and 1966 doubled.
The factors of negative centre province relationship and the effect of Indo-Pak war of 1965
brought a new man ready to challenge the authority of the president - Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
The Awami League, in disarray after the death of Shurawardy, regrouped following the
presidential election of 1965, and Sheikh Mujib emerged as its new leader. Awami League
under their new leadership shaped increasingly vocal Bengali opposition to the inequitable
economic policies and programs of the centre into a campaign against the Ayub government
and a plea for provincial autonomy.“ The platform of discrimination rallied members of the
growing middle class and the peasantry to Sheikh Mujib's party and gave his supporters a
popular base from which to criticize the regime. Having considered the weakening position of
both central government (in explaining the widening discrimination) and position of other political
parties in East Pakistan,“ Sheikh Mujib decided to capture the public support by raising popular
demand for autonomy in more radical and concrete terms. In February 1966, in the Awami
League council meeting held at Dhaka, the famous 'Six Point Formula' for the autonomy of East
Pakistan was adopted. In the same meeting, Sheikh Mujib was also elected President of the
Awami League. In March 1966, he was in Lahore the same month and the same city where the
famous Lahore Resolution (adopting the creation of Pakistan) was passed in 1940. In a meeting
of the leaders of various political parties in West Pakistan, Sheikh Mujib placed his Six Point
Formula claiming to have been based on the principles of 'Lahore Resolution', to save Pakistan
from disintegration. In the same meeting, Sheikh Mujib distributed few hundred copies of the
booklets he carried with him with an explanatory note in reply to the criticisms already raised
from various quarters in West Pakistan. The Formula containing the explanatory note was
circulated with the sub-title 'our right to live in the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the
President of the East Pakistan Awami League." The Six Points were:

1) Federal parliamentary government based on adult franchise;

2) Federal responsibility for defence and foreign affairs;

For Incquitable economic policies (economic disparity), refer Mahbub-ul Huq, The Strategy of Economic Planning
(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1967); includes an indictment of economic discriminations against East Pakistan.
Rahman Subhan, "Cost of a Strong Centre", Forum (Dacca), January 3, 1970, pp. 15-16. Azizur Rahman Khan, "A
New Look at Disparity", Forum Dacca), January 3, 1970, pp. 89. Rounag Jahan, Pakistan: Failure in Narional
Integration, New York: Columbia University Press, 1972), pp. 3038 and 68-89, W. H. Morris Joncs, “Pakistan Post
Monem and the Roots of Bangladesh“, Political Quarterly 43, No
2 (April-June 1972). pp. 191-192.

Two other political parties were relatively popular in East Pakistan; they were NAP (National
Awami Party) headed by Moulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Jamari-Islam.

Many political pundits, till today, argue that it was not the intention of Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman and his Six-Point Formula to secede East Pakistan from the union and obtain independence for Bangladesh,
but subsequent events from 1966 compelled Bengalisto opt for ultimate secession and independence from Pakistan.

Rahman, Sheikh Mujibur (March 23,1966), Six Point Formula: Our Right to Live, Dhaka:. Pioneer Press.

3) One currency if a system could be devised to prevent flight of capital

from one region to another, otherwise two currencies;
4) Fiscal policy and power of taxation with federating units who should
assume requisite revenue assignments to the federation on a mutually
agreed terms; .
5) Maintenance of separate foreign exchange accounts by the federating
units and conduct of foreign trade and foreign aid by them;
6) Maintenance of military or paramilitary force by the federating units
and building up defence potential in both regions.
The six-point demand was a remarkable document. Unlike many previous Bengali demands, it
did not mainly call upon the central government to do more for East Pakistan; it however, asked
the central government to let East Pakistan do more for itself. The Six Points differed from
earlier Bengali autonomy demands, in fact, for all practical purposes this remarkable document
envisaged a confederation rather than a federal structure. For the first time, industrial workers
and general public,"s in addition to student literate alliance played a leading role in the
autonomy movement. Unlike any previous movements, the participation of all grass roots
population made this a more 'violent movement'." On the other hand, to the critics of Six Point
Formula mainly from West Pakistan, was the concern of political implications rather than
economic. They said Sheikh Mujib's proposal for substantial control of the economy by the
provinces would split West Pakistan in an unidentified number of separate communities leaving
East Pakistan by far the most populous federating unit. A central goverament almost wholly
concerned with external affairs, it was argued, would have little influence on the overwhelming
authority of the federating units, creating ultimately nothing but the separation of East Pakistan."
As soon as the Six Point Formula was made public, the entire government machinery was
geared to discredit Sheikh Mujib and his Formula. The government levelled it as the work of the
enemies of Pakistan. In a meeting of his own political party - Muslim League in Dhaka in March
1966, Ayub Khan warned that should it be necessary he would not hesitate to use the
"Jahan, R (1994). Op. cit, p. 168.
By 'Public' I meant heterogeneous participants as rickshaw pullers, small shopkeepers, bus,
truck and taxi drivers, day labourers and general population.
* The demonstrations and agitations were aiming at industrial units, police stations, looting of
arms, banks, and violent confrontations with government machineries including police forces. “
Pakistan Observer, Dacca, February 15, 1966.

'language of weapon' against the disruptive elements who would call "Six Point Formula'.“ Ayub
Khan called the Formula a 'secessionica which would cause Pakistan to disintegrate." The
'military-bureaucrarina command in the centre also had the same view and considered the
Formi. against the very existence of a united Pakistan. In addition to the well-planned anti Six
Point Formula propaganda of the central government, and the criticisms launched by the right
wing political parties mainly from West Pakistan, political persecution began at a large scale in
East Pakistan. The very vocal Bengali Vernacular daily “Ittefaq', which was working as the
mouthpiece of the Awami League and a champion of Bengali autonomy movement since long
was banned, its press confiscated and its editor was arrested and jailed.So The Awami League
was singled out as a political party wanting to destroy Pakistan in the name of the Six Point
Formula and provincial autonomy. When Sheikh Mujib was touring East Pakistan explaining his
Six Point Formula to the people in order to seek grass roots support, he was arrested and
released three times on the warrants issued by the Magistrates in Dhaka, Sylhet and
Mymensingh. Ultimately, in the early morning of May 9, 1966 Sheikh Mujib was finally arrested
under Section 32 of the Defence of Pakistan Rule, in the interest of state security and
maintenance of public order. This was followed by the arrest of several thousand Awami League
supporters including almost all the important leaders. In protest of these arrests, a province-
wide strike was called on June 7, 1966 on which date 41 persons were killed by police gunfire
and about 1000 Awami League supporters were arrested.52 Due to these arrests Awami
League as a political party was isolated and (although temporarily) the public expression on the
Six Point in East Pakistán died down. The government of Pakistan, as it appeared, was feeling
successfüt in its efforts to preserve the unity of Pakistan. Since the crushing of the 'Six Point
Formula' movement in June 1966, the political situation in the country had become very calm.
Ayub Khan's ruthless tactics created a political vacuum where politicians and political parties
had
* Ahmed, Moudud (1991). Bangladesh: Constitutional Quest for Autonomy. Dhaka: University
Press Limited, p. 87. * Ibid, p. 87. * The editor of 'Ittefaq' Tofazzal Hossain, popularly known as
Manik Miah', was a very
popular and courageous journalist of that time. He was very close to Subrawardy, the mentor of
Awami League and used to exercise considerable political influence on Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman. * Section 32 of the Defence of Pakistan Rule' was an emergency provision for
preventat
detention of individuals imposed during the 1965 War with India. » Ahmed, Moudud (1991). Op.
cit, p. 89.

little role to play in national affairs. During this quiet period between June 1966 and most of
1967, Ayub Khan with the help of his Beagali Governor in Fast Pakistan, Monem Khan, was
plotting to launch a conspiracy case against Cheikh Mujib and others to decisively crush the
autonomy movement in East Pakistan. Accordingly, on January 6, 1968 Ayub Khan's
government announced that a conspiracy by some Bengali civil and military officials in Collusion
with Indian military officials had been unearthed. The conspiracy centred an armed revolt in
East Pakistan. Subsequently, on January 18, 1968 through a third announcement regarding this
conspiracy, Sheikh Mujib was also implicated. This case was known, in the history of the
struggle of independence movement of Bangladesh, as the 'Agartala Conspiracy Case'." As
Sheikh Mujib was already in jail, other named persons in the conspiracy case were arrested for
trial with Sheikh Mujib. Meanwhile, the students of East Pakistan started a strong anti-Ayub
movement mainly supporting the Awami League's position. Under the leadership of Tofael
Ahmed, Vice President of Dhaka University Central Students Union. (DUCSU); they formed an
all Parties Students Action Committee, and on January 14, 1968 adopted an ‘eleven-point'
programme covering academic, social, economic and political demands. , The trial of Agratala
Conspiracy Case commenced on June 19, 1968 in Dhaka before a Special Tribunal constituted
for this purpose. It was remarkable that a famous lawyer and politician represented Sheikh
Mujib from England Sir : Thomas Williams Q.C, MP, through a reputed firm of solicitors 'Bernard
Sheridan' of London with active cooperation of some Bengalis residing in England. 5* At the
end, through a writ petition challenging the validity of the special tribunal, the East Pakistani
High Court ordered the government to show cause why the trial could not be declared illegal.
Under the considerable political pressure already in the country, and the impending writ
petition : success, Ayub Khan released Sheikh Mujib and all others accused from Jail on
February 22, 1969; sometime afterwards the High Court also dismissed the case.
Commentators on Sheikh Mujib's release suggested that the president, worried by the violent
reaction of the Bengalis to the trial, feared that the proviacial government would collapse and
the separatist movement might
As per the press release (Pakistan Observer, Dacca, January 19, 1968), twentyeight persons
were allegedly conspiring to bring about the secession of East Pakistan. Some of these
dividuals were in touch with Mr Ojha, who was the First Secretary of Indian Highway
commission in Dhaka, and reportedly some visited Agartala in Ladia (Henceche name of the
case), where they discussed their plans with some other high ranking Indian armed services
officials.
Ahmed, Moudud (1991).
gather popular support. The Agartala Conspiracy case thus had a very dominating role in the
autonomy movement of the Bengalis. A large number of people in East Pakistan began thinking
in terms of real secession. The proceedings of the case helped surface the feelings of the
Bengalis, which had so long been nurtured secretly. Sheikh Mujib who was in jail for nearly
three years at that time and facing a trial which could have cost him his life and political career
came out of prison as a national hero of 75 million Bengalis. He, all of a sudden, found himself
without any political rival in East Pakistan and in an unique position of command and authority.
His political party, the Awami League was rejuvenated and emerged as the largest and the most
influential political party in the country. Between February 22 and March 26, 1969 Sheikh Mujib,
representing the people of East Pakistan, had various negotiations including a failed 'Round
Table Conference with president Ayub Khan and various other political leaders from both wings
of Pakistan. As all these negotiations failed to produce any acceptable results to both parties
especially to the people of East Pakistan, Ayub Khan resigned on March 26, 1969 admitting
'that his government had lost control of the country'. He abrogated the 1962 Constitution and
dissolved the National and Provincial assemblies, declared Martial Law and named General
Yahya Khan, the commander in chief of the army as Chief Martial Law Administrator.
Thereafter, Yahya Khan proclaimed himself president of Pakistan on April 1, 1969 predating his
takeover from March 26, 1969; the day Ayub Khan relinquished his office, · Yahya Khan's
assumption of the presidency from Chief Martial Law Administrator may be interpreted as a
promise to carry out constitutional reforms that would reconcile East Pakistan's grievances
against the central government. The new regime of Yahya Khan had hardly any positive solution
to offer at this late stage.considering the complex dynamics of politics in Pakistan. He came to
power at a time when the country was passing through the worst political crisis of its existence.
However, right from the beginning it appeared that Yahya Khan's approach was different than
his predecessor's. On assuming power Yahya Khan, on March 26, 1969 addressed the nation
saying that he had no intention of remaining in power, and that the representatives of the people
would be elected freely and impartially on the basis of universal adult franchise whose
responsibility would be the task of giving the country a workable constitution. Thereafter, a
reasonable normalisation of political environment commenced with all political parties again
allowed to function. A Legal
"O'Donnell. C. P (1984
** Ahmed, Moudud (1991

Framework Onder (LFO) was promulgated on March 31, 1970 containing the provisions relating
to the conduct of the proposed countrywide election." Soon afterwards, elections to the
Assemblies were announced to be held from December 7, 1970. Sheikh Mujib and his party,
although not happy about the provincial autonomy features and other parliamentary nature of
the proposed constitution, decided to participate in the forthcoming democratic process hoping
that once elected he would be able to negotiate and bargain the long awaited autonomy for the
Bengalis. All political parties including the Awami League prepared their election manifesto.
Awami League based its manifesto on the Six Point formula programme with its central feature
‘regional autonomy' for the Bengalis in East Pakistan as well as others in the Western wing. In
midst of the election fever, on November 12, 1970 a devastated cyclone hit East Pakistan where
nearly half a million people lost their lives. But surprisingly, the central government in West
Pakistan did not rise up to the occasion where they could provide funds, seek international
assistance and mobilise resources to minimize the huge effect of the devastation. The
government of East Pakistan with its meagre financial and physical resources could not make
much headway. The Bengalis again felt neglected in their needs, and leaders of various political
parties including Sheikh Mujib from East Pakistan publicly indicted the government of Yahya
Khan for its failure to rise to the occasion. This disaster aroused sympathy from international
community and assistance of about US$ 75 million was pledged.co Under the climate of huge
dissatisfaction in East Pakistan, the long awaited general election took place between
December 7, 1970 and January 17, 1971. Total seats in the National Assembly were 313. Out
of 169 National Assembly seats from East Pakistan, the Awami League captured 167 seats.
Total seats in the Provincial Assemblies were 619. Out of 310 Provincial Assembly seats from
East Pakistan, the Awami League secured 298 seats. In the National Assembly, the Awami
League by winning 167 seats out of a total of 313 secured a position of absolute majority. As the
constitution could be passed
» The Legal Framework Order (LFO) contained provisions relating to the composition of the
Nacional and Provincial Assemblies, principles and conduct of election, qualification of
members to be elected, summoning of the Assemblies, election of Speaker, privileges of the
members of the Assemblies, etc. The LFO purported to have laid down the fundamental
principles of the future Constitution of Pakistan. * As already mentioned, Sindhis, Beluchis and
Pathans from West Pakistan already were
demanding their regional autonomy. » Muhith, A. M. A (1992). Op. cit, p. 189. 60 Ibid. p. 190.