Week 8 Transcript
Week 8 Transcript
VARIETIES OF ENGLISH
for weeks (8-11)
English is the most widely-spoken language in the world, having the distinct status of
being the official language of multiple countries. While the English language is uniform
with major variations in spelling present between American English and British English,
the dialect or accent is usually the factor that enables one to distinguish the various
types of English out there. Like most languages, there are varieties of English too,
however, the difference is not as prominent as you may see in other languages.
From the thick Ugandan English to the French-themed Canadian English, the varieties
of accents present are both diverse and beautiful. Apart from accents, there is a
tendency for people to mix English with their local lingo to form a hybrid variety of
English language that is as colorful as the culture in that country.
During your senior high school, you must have encountered the term World Englishes
(WE) or varieties of English in class. WE actually stands for the localized varieties of
English as they are used or spoken in certain areas.
In the Asian context, the concept was introduced by Braj Kachru. The famous "Three
Concentric Circles of Asian Englishes" attributed to Kachru presents the three circles:
Inner Circle with ENL (English as a native language) member countries; the Outer Circle
with ESL (English as a second language) member countries; and the Expanding Circle
with EFL (English as a foreign language) member countries. Examples of countries
belonging to the Inner Circle are the USA, UK, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand.
Kachru's Outer Circle is comprised of Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, and
Pakistan, among others while the Expanding Circle is composed of countries such as
China, Japan, Taiwan, and Thailand. Aside from the fact that the Outer and Expanding
Circles are ESL- and EFL-speaking, respectively' they have been colonized by some
member countries in the Inner Circle making the varieties they speak as post-colonial.
It is then to be understood that people have different linguistic and cultural backgrounds
making intercultural communication a significant variable in communication.
According to Bautista and Gonzalez (2006), the structural characteristics of these new
varieties differ. This is brought about by the mother tongue or home languages of those
who learn or acquire English. And even in terms of social features, differences can also
be highlighted in that there is a continuum of basilectal, mesolectal, and acrolectal
varieties of English within the same speech community. The acrolect then comes
closest to the standard while the basilect digresses thoroughly from it and comes
closest to the pidgin. Mesolect or the middle variety is midway between the acrolect and
basilect. Bautista and Gonzalez use the term edulects for these varieties resulting from
certain types of education ascertained by social class but are conveyed or transferred
by the kind of instruction of the school system especially for those coming from higher-
income families and/or better educated classes.
As regards structural variation, Kachru and Nelson (2006) claim that these varieties of
English are influenced by the local language(s) in various areas of their grammars and
exhibit specific phonological, lexical, syntactic, and discoursal characteristics (p. 35).
For instance, in terms of stress and rhythm, Outer and Expanding Circle varieties
observe syllable-timed rhythm rather than stress-timed rhythm. Nigerians say 'success
for suc'cess and Indians and Nigerians say recog'nize for 'recognize. Moreover,
speakers from the Outer and Expanding Circles do not make any changes in their
pronunciation to make a distinction between nouns and verbs in pairs which Inner Circle
countries observe as in the case of 'import and im 'port and do not utilize contrastive
stress for focusing (Bamgbose, 1992 & Gumperz, 1982a, 1982b, as cited in
Kachru & Nelson, 2006). As regards sounds, Outer and Expanding Circles do not
observe initial aspiration of voiceless plosives such as p, t, k and these are often
perceived by Inner Circle countries as b, d, g. Some speakers of Expanding Circle
varieties, as in the case of Japanese speakers, do not properly distinguish between r
and l.
According to Pope (1976, as cited in Kachru & Nelson, in the case of syntactic
features, question-answering systems differ between Inner and Outer-Expanding
Circles. While the former observes the positive-negative system where the answer
follows the polarity of the question (i.e., If the question is in the positive, the answer
confirming the assumption of the questioner is in the positive, and the answer
disconfirming the assumption is in the negative. If, however, the question is in the
negative, the answer confirming the assumption of the questioner is in the negative as
well, while the answer disconfirming the assumption of the questioner is in the positive),
the latter observes the agreement disagreement system which poses difficulty to
speakers who follow the positive-negative system particularly in interpreting the yes or
no of the response unless it is followed by a clarification (i.e., Yes, I think you're right;
No, that's not so) (p. 45).
With respect to lexicon, vocabulary words peculiar only to some English varieties in
Southeast Asia can be noted as seen in the following examples (pp. 189-190):
1. Singapore English: actsy'show off,' missy 'nurse,' chop 'rubber stamp,' Marina kids
'youngsters who spend their leisure time at or around Marina Square, a shopping
centre'graduate mothers 'graduate (well-educated) married women, encouraged to
have more children and accorded certain privileges in Singapore,' as compared to
non-graduate mothers (Pakir, 1992, as cited in Kachru & Nelson, 2006);
When Bautista's monograph on Defining Standard Philippine English: Its Status and
Grammatical Features came out in 2000, she answered the usual questions asked
about Philippine English: Is there a Standard Philippine English? and When does an
error become a feature of Philippine English? She stressed that just like any other new
variety of English (Indian English, Singaporean English and Nigerian English),
Philippine English is legitimate, having its own grammatical, lexical, and syntactic
features. Gonzalez (1985, as cited in Bautista, 2000) identified the following lexical
features in Philippine English (p. 76):
1. Preference for specific words and collocations specifically shall, could, such,
wherein, of (to signal possession);
2. Unusual words and collocations, specific terms, and word combinations which may
have been originally confused with other collocations but which, because of frequent
use, have become fixed combinations in their own right (e.g., results to instead of
results in); and
3. Unusual prepositional usage, including omission of prepositions in two-word verbs,
addition of prepositions to verb phrases, local use of different prepositions in noun
phrases following certain verbs or adjectives.
When do these errors cease to be errors and become part of the standard? If enough
educated elites in the society 'commit' these errors, then these errors in effect have
been accepted by the society as the standard (p. 189).
The foregoing discussion only shows how dynamic English is. These are only some of
the essential features of some varieties of English which should be given full attention
by users coming from different cultures. From the variety of English used by the native
speakers such as British, Americans, Canadians, Australians, and New Zealanders,
English has evolved into post-colonial varieties and should not be mistaken as errors
most especially if they have become the standard in the speech community and have
been codified. As the poet Gemino Abad (1997, p. 8) aptly put it: "English is ours. We
have colonized it too."