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/ 19
UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL DE EDUCACION A DISTANCIA
Mi i |
MONOGRAFICO
Entre el cielo
y la tierra
Las elites eclesidsticas en la
Europa Moderna
Revista del Centro Asociado «ANDRES DE VANDELVIRA»
de la provincia de Jaén
N.° 13 « ANO 2009 MAGINA - Revista Universitaria
Numero 13 + Afio 2009
EDITA:
CENTRO ASOCIADO ALA UNIVERSIDAD
NACIONAL DE EDUCACIONA OISTANCIA
"ANDRES DE VANDELVIRA’ DE JAEN
IMPRIME:
GRAFICAS MINERVA. § L (Ubeda)
OEPOSITOLEGAL:
5270-1998
ISSN 1136-768
Las opiniones contenidas on esta revista no vinculan a fa Instiucién editora
CONSEJO DE EDICION
Directores:
José Fernandez Ga
Andrés Medina Gomez
Consejo Editorial:
Joaquin Arias Vilchez
José Manuel Fuentes Garcia
José Herrera Hernandez
Juan Ruiz Carrascosa
CONSEJO DE REDACCION
Coordinador:
Andrés Medina Gomez
Coordinadora de este nimero:
M* Amparo Lépez Arandia
Vocales:
Pilar Bautista Gonzalez
José Miguel Delgado Barrado
Juan Gamez Carmona
Joaquin Montes Bardo
Aurelio Valladares Reguero
Portada:
Caricatura contra los jesuitas
BnF - EST -QB-1 (1759/1761) HOW TO BE A COUNTER-REFORMATION
BISHOP: CARDINAL BALTASAR DE MOSCOSO
Y SANDOVAL IN THE DIOCESE
OF JAEN, 1618-1646"
RESUMEN
Se conoce al Cardenal Baltasar de
Moscoso y Sandoval, obispo de Tagn desde
1618 a 1646, mayormente pot sus esfuer-
208 a favor de las reliquias descubiertas en
Arjona (Jaén) in 1628. Sin embargo, la
importancia de esos acontecimientos no se
ha situado en el amplio contexto de su larga
carrera en Jaén y como arzobispo de Toledo
Este articulo intenta detallar los esfuerzos de
Moscoso para reformar la iglesia segiin los
requisitos del Concilio de Trento durante su
larga carrera, sobre todoen Jaén. Se sugiere
gue los esfuerzos de Moscoso a favot de
muevas devociones religiosas apoyadas por
elcronicén de Flavio Lucio Dextro— como
Jos nuevos santos de Arjona -encajaban con
sus preocupaciones tridentinas. Ademas,
€n estas preocupaciones, Moscoso se asi-
tnilaba a otros prelados contrarreformistas
espafioles, como Tuan de Ribera, arzobispo
de Valencia, y Pedro de Castro, arzobispo
de Granada
KATRINA OLDS
University of San Francisco
ABSTRACT
Cardinal Baltasar de Moscoso
y Sandoval, bishop of Jaén from 1618 to
1646, is known for his involvement in the
discovery of relics in Arjona (Jaén) in 1628,
but the place of these events in the broader
context of his career in Jaén — and, later, as
archbishop of Toledo — are less familiar to
historians. This atticle provides an outline
of Moscoso’s tenure in Jaén, and details his
efforts to conduct reform along the lines
mandated by the Council of Trent. It sug-
gests that his promotion of new religious
devotions authorized by the cronicon of
Flavius Lucius Dexter —such as to the saints
of Arjona — were of a piece with his overall
aims as a Ttidentine prelate, and connect
‘him to well known figures such as Juan de
Ribera, Archbishop of Valencia, and Pedro
de Castro, Aschbishop of Granada
Palabras claves/Key words: Arjona; Bonoso, San; Castro, Pedro de; Contrarteforma catélica;
Counter Reformation; Cronicones, Dextro, Flavio Lucio; Jaén; Maximiano, San; Moscoso
¥ Sandoval, Baltasar de; Ribera, Juan de
Rome 60 (1992)
-197-
——
“Toul like to acknowledge my great debt of gratitude to those who welcomed me so wasmaly in Jaén in the fall
912004, expecially Maria Amparo Lépez Arandia, Suan del Arco Moya atthe Archivo Histsico Provincial de Taén,
te sai ofthe Bibliotce del Tnstiute de Estudios Giennenses, and, above all, Fanciseo Juan Martinez Revas,
ie very generously shared his extensive expertise in all things giannense, im the Archivo Diiocesano de Joén and
‘yond Thanks also to Marfa de los Santos Mozas and Tuan de Colmenarcs, as well asthe town of Arjona Title
[ih spologies to Peter Burke and Simon Ditehficld Peter Burke, “How to Re a Countet-Reformation Sain
Historical Anthropology of Early Modern Maly (Cambridge: 1987). Simon R. Ditchfield. “How Not to be a Coun-
pr Reformation Saint: The Attempted Canonization of Pope Gregory X, 1622-45," Papers ofthe Brtsh Schoo! at
The Jin “ANDRES DE VANDELYIRAY UNED
Centro Asovindo dla provi
At the end of the scorching Andalucian summer in 1628, residents of Aijona,
a town about thirty-eight kilometers northwest of Jaén, began staying up until the wee
houts of the moming to gather around the crumbling citadel on the hilltop at the center
of town. In the last weeks of August and into September, news had spread that many
arjoneros ~ sometimes individually, but more often in the company of neighbors, friends,
and relatives ~ had been experiencing otherworldly visions, smells, and sounds in and
around the fortress and old city walls, believed to be Arjona’s oldest structures. Word of
these experiences circulated quickly in this community of about 3,000 people, and soon
virtually the entire town — including members of the clergy, and Jay men and women of
all ages ~ regularly began to gather around the castle late at night in the hopes that they,
too, might behold ghostly apparitions of priests or Roman soldiers floating around the
castle; glowing orbs or flashing lights flickering around its towets; and the tolling of
celestial bells; or sweet and heavenly odors? Remarkably, this late-summer climate of
expectation, as well as the sensational ielic discoveries that would soon follow, could be
traced back to a single line of Latin text In May of 1628, Francisco Hafiez de Herrera,
professor of theology at the University of Baeza, had notified village authorities that,
according to a tecently-discovered fourth century chronicle, Arjona possessed a price.
Jess “treasure;” namely, two native mattyrs, Bonosus and Maximianus, fourth-century
Christians who had been tortured and killed by the Roman governor Dacian in 308 A D
for refusing to renounce Clnistianity. Upon 1eceiving this news from Hafiez, Arjona’s
secular and ecclesiastical leaders promptly decided to adopt the mattyrs, as new patron
saints, and honor them with a festival on August 21%, the day on which the brother-saints
were commemorated by the Roman Martyrology? Soon thereafter, residents of Arjona
began to experience supernatural phenomena neat the castle, and it seemed to’ many that
the saints were sending heavenly hints that the saints’ relics were buried somewhere in the
vicinity, By late September, the site was excavated. The scores of skulls, bones, and piles
of ash unearthed were embraced as relics of Bonosus, Maximianus, and othe: anonymous
*Sabelete Moya asserts that Arjona had a population of 3,000 in 1614, and of 2,800 in 1628 Unfoxuanately, he gives
xno source for this information. José Ignacio Sabalete Moya, “El Sacromonte de Arjona,” in Religién y cultura [Con
_gre30 de Religiosidad Popular. 1997 Andijar}, ed. Selvador Rodriguez Becerra (Junta de Andalueta - Fundacién
Machado, 1999). However, his estimate is plausible in ight of other contemporary evidence In his 1628 history
of Jaga, Ximénez Patin estimated that Arjona had 973 veeinos or heads of household Bartolome Ximnénez Patsn,
Historia de la antigua y continuada nobleza de la ciudad dle Taen, micy famosa, muy noble. y muy teal garda, ¥
defendimiento de los Reynos de Espatia (Taen: Pedto de 1a Cuesta, 1628) Another contemporary estimate put the
{otal of households at 1,006. “Lugares del Obispado de Jaen y las leguas que ay de un lugar a otro,” in Bibliotoca
Nacional [hereufter 'BN'] Ms. 4033,,f 731, For a discussion of how to calculate total population from vecinos, 300
David Ringrose, Madrid and the Spanish Economy, 1560-1850 (University of California Press, 1983) , 24, who |
suggests using a coefficient of anywhere from 2.7 0 5
* The Roman Martyrology had been revised in the late sixteenth century by 2 commission of cardinals led by Ce-
sae Baronio Since Baronio had been unable to locate the martyrs’ passio ot acias, the Martyrology simply listed
them as having died on Angust 21%, bt without specifying a geographical location Dexter's Chranicon gave these
‘martyrs procise geogtaphical and chronological coordinates, and, thanks to the advocacy of Professor Hisiez, these
‘osphans’ were connected with a home base. For a detaited analysis of Baronio’s role in revising the Marsyrology,
see Ginseppe Antonio Guazzelli, “Cesare Baronio e i Martrologium Romanum: Problem interpretativi ¢ liose
evolutive di un rapporto diacronico,” in Numc alia tempara, alii mores. Storici¢ storia in ota posnidentina, Atti
del Convegno internazionale, Torino, 24-27 settembre 2002, ed. Massimo Fipo, Studi e Tesn, 25 (Figenze: Leo S
Olschi Editore, 2005) :
- 198 - PRO eNO ueNnS
jona soon became a shrine
Christian. martyrs, and the old castle in the center of Ar
enter for regional pilgrimage.
Hiafiez’s source for the information about Bonosus and Maximianus had been
she recently-published Chronicon omnimodae historiae — “The Chronicle of Universal
flistory”- 4 Jong-lost text attributed to Flavius Lucius Dexter ~ known in Spanish as
tro. Dexter’s text and its continuations, attributed to Marcus Maximus,
jjavio Lucio Dest
iprandus, and Julian Pérez, are usually referred to collectively as the cronicones, and
“poder. scholars have identified them as forgeries, fabrications of a sixteenth-century
Jesuit from Foledo, Jeronimo Roman de la Higuera* Lined up chronologically, the cro-
nicones provided an unbroken outline of ecclesiastical history from the time of Christ to
‘he twelfth century such as the Therian Peninsula had never before possessed $
Héiez’s felicitous apptaisal of Dexter *s text set inmotion a series of events which,
siong with the participation of several hundred Arjona residents, the active intervention of
the Bishop of Jaén, and a sematkable archaeological coincidence, would yield new sacred
objects, spaces, and historical narratives, beginning in 1628. Yet although it was Hafiez’s
attention to detail which brought the martyrs to ‘Arjona’s attention, and the arjoneros’ as-
siduous embrace of the story which brought the relics to the surface, none of this w ould
have been possible without the sponsorsbip and support of Jaén’s bishop, Baltasar de
Moscoso y Sandoval. Tt was with Moscoso’s approval that the town had adopted the saints
as the town’s patrons, and it was under the supervision of his vicars that the many of bits
of bone and piles of ash discovered in Axjona were collected, catalogued, and examined
After the discoveries, clerics in Moscoso’s service conducted research into the history
of the Arjona saints, helped convert the Arjona site into a proper sanctuary, and debated
how to evaluate the ‘authenticity and identity of the anonymous human remains emerging
from the ground.
ov
‘Tho historical Dexter was a fourth-century 808 of the bishop of Barcelona, and an acquaintance of
See ferome, Apotogy Against Ruginas, book 1h paragraph 28 and his On Mustriows Men, SS cis hav
veg could refer to two different people named Dexter; see José Godoy Alciniara, Histo.
pointed out that these passags
ao tica de los jaisas cronicones, Reprint of "go8 Madd edition; Sorward by Ofelia Rey Castelan, ed (Granada:
‘Universidad de Granada, 1999) » 17
derided the cronicones” influence. José Godoy ‘Alcantara and Julio Caro Baroja, respectively,
a carnesment that heir easly mosdera compasses let themselves be hoodwit
Julio Caro Baroja, Las falsificaciones dela So ae ion
(Baroelona: ‘Seix Batral, 1991), Godoy Alcdntara, Historia critica de los falsos cronicone: Se
re endvice who adopted less of an outraged POSS Oy Gosoy ot Cato Barois, and approached the topic ith the
aso eat qmusement of an outside observer: FRE ‘D Kendtick, St James in Spain (London: Statin & Co,
Tas jasc), For more recent analyses of the oe rome cronicones in eatly modern Spain, see, for ramp, Richer
Hitchcock, “The falsos chronicones and the Mozarabs,” Journal of the Institute of Romance Studies 3 19945). 1 6
Martinez de la Bscalera, “Jer6ninno de ia Higuera, $ 3 ,Falsos eronicones, historia de Toledo, culto de San Tirso, mi
Tolade et la’ expansion urbaine on Espagne ‘Rencontres de la Casa Yeldequez OMfadrid: 1991) Femando Marines
Gil, "Religién eidentidad urbana en el et pispado de Toledo (sighos NVEXVTD,” in Relk losidad popular ee
core dentidad en Bspaia y América 2d. SANG “Gjovete Mendoza and Palma Martinez-Burzos eat uenca
(Spain): Ediciones de la ‘Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, 2000). fa (Cuenca
- 199 - Centro Asociad dea provincia de Ja “ANDRES DE VANDEL’ UNED
In my larger project, T detail the steps by which the bishop and his scholars
wrangled with the difficult theological and historical questions which the emergence of
this new cult prompted ° Here I would like to focus on the Cardinal-Bishop himself, and
the place of the Arjona discoveries in the broader context of Moscoso’s tenure in Jaén,”
Recent scholarship has illuminated the remarkable careers and ambiguous legacies of a
number of early modern Spanish prelates, such as Juan de Ribera, Archbishop of Valencia
from 1568-1611, and Pedro de Castro, Archbishop of Granada from 1590-1610." Like
these more familiar figures, Moscoso was a Counter-Reformation bishop who, in the
uadition of great Tridentine prelates such as Carlo Borromeo in Milan, was not aftaid to
antagonize local elites in order to assert his own expansive sense of episcopal jurisdic-
tion, In the spirit of the Council of Trent, Moscoso forwarded a vision of ecclesiastical
reform in which all aspects of religious life would be subject to the prelate’s complete
authority
Atthe same time, like Ribera —and, especially, Castro ~ Moscoso had the interests
of local religion close to his heart ? During his long career — first as bishop of Jaén for over
thirty years, and then in his nearly twenty-year stint as Archbishop of Toledo ~ Moscoso
consistently demonstrated an active interest in creating, nurturing, and legitimizing new
Tocal religious devotions. How did Moscoso himself understand his own efforts to create
and support local religious devotions? And how did these efforts fit within the broader
context of his career as bishop of Jaén? Would he have concurred with the assessment
of the Jesuit Alonso de Andtade, who believed that Moscoso was the “perfecto prelado”
of his 1668 biography of the same name?
In the telative absence of archival records of his labors as bishop of Jaén," most
of the details regarding Moscoso’s efforts come from two seventeenth-century biogra-
STeddress the cronicones’ remarkable career as one of the most popula texts of late antique and medieval Spanish
history inthe sixteenth and seventeenth cenfuries, and I attempt to explain why and how they were written, read, and
interpreted. Katrina Olds, History and Holiness in Seventeenth-Cenrury Spain: Forgery, Tradition, and the Inven-
ton of Texts and Relics, 1595-c.1670, PhD) Thesis, Prineeton University 2009
"1D del Moral Martinez azd J Moral de la Vega, “Don Baltasar Moscoso y Sandoval, el Cardenal de Santa Poten-
ciana, personaje clave em el desarrollo cultural de Jaén durante Ia primera parte del siglo XVIL," Boletn del Instituto
de Estudios Giermenses 184 (2003). Space does not permit an extensive treatment of his time in Toledo, which aso
‘merits further scholaily attention -
"Castro was subsequently archbishop cf Seville from 1610 to 1623. On Ribera, soe Benjamin Aten Ehlers, Between
Christians and Moriscos: Juan de Ribera and Religious Reform in Valencia, 1568-1614 Baltimore: The Johns Hop-
‘kins University Press, 2006), A D. Wright, “San Juan de Ribera and Saint Charles Borromeo: the Coonter-Refoma-
tion in Spain and Italy Compared,” in Miscellanea historiae ecclesiasticae VII. Colloque de Strasbourg, Septembre
1983, 0d Betnard Volger, Bibliotheque de la Revue d'Histoire Bcclésiastique, fase 72 (Braxclles; Louvain: Editions
Nauwelaerts; Bureau de la R ILE Bibliothéque de l'Université Louvain et Louvaia-Ja-Neuve, 1987). On Granada
under Casio, see Justing Antolinez de Burgos and Manvel Sotomayor (ed), Histovia eclestdstica de Granada (Gra~
nada: Universidad de Granada, 1996), A Katie Haris, From Muslim to Christian Granada: Inventing a City’s Past
in Barly Modern Spain (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press 2007)
° For Ribera's support of locat Valencian saiats, see Ehlers, Befrreen Christians and Moriscos
" Madrid: Joseph Fernandez de Buendia, 1668
" Unlike Ribera, for example, Moscoso did not leave behind any sermon collections or theological treatises The
Cathedral archive of Taén — Archivo Histérieo Diocesano de Jaga — contains fee documents specific to Moscoso y
Sandoval; its strongest collections are the papers of the cathedral cabildo, parish baptismal and marriage registies,
= 200- UNED ‘KATRINA OLDS PREC es
pies: Alonso de Andrade’s modestly-named tome, Idea del perfecto pretado, en la vide
del Eminentissimo Cardenal don Baltasar de Moscoso y Sandoval, (1668) and Antonio
de Jestis Maria’s Don Baltasar de Moscoso, i Sandoval (1680) 2 These works provide
awealth of detail, which, however, are shot through with the authors” ‘pagiographic aims.
Both Andrade: and Jestis Maria wrote to glorify the figure of Moscoso as the ideal Triden-
tine prelate, who deftly negot the disparate realms of diocesan administration and
pastoral care and who balanced the jmperiousness of a centralizer with the humility of
asaint Yet since they are the most substantive source of information about Moscoso’s
episcopacy as a whole, they ment significant discussion and seratiny
“Anaade’sis the earlier and more concise of the two works, published only three
years after the Cardinal's death wr Hie dedicated his volume to Moscoso’s succet™ as
‘Aachbishop of Toledo, Don Pascual de ‘Aragon ® Alubough he never met the i
personally, the Jesuit Andrade claims to have drawn upon the direct Testimony of those
‘eho worked closely with Moscoso in an srat to depict his subject without distortion
‘npdeade imagines his Idea as the type of tstory evoked by Luis Vives when he called
history an “imagen de la verdad” which, like the midday sun, casts nO distorting shad-
ows’ To this end, Andrade drew on signed statements from people who knest ‘Moscoso
—_—————
Galibe record of capellantes The published SO sonic survive from Moscoso's én pelo is eonFe
sae enpublished correspondence with Bis etre out Spain, and especially in Jaén, Mase and Rome,
Speak broadly this pastoral ggeaphic-bistrical, and abmiestative COmecT ‘They include Baltasat Moscoso
Stodoval, Consiaclones snadales et “doispad de Iaen (Baeza: Pedro de Ia Cues 1626), —-{, JAlos nues-
yams vonerables y amados hermanos et De 1 de ietaa de nuestra Sea Igesia de Jaen ‘Notorio £5, BO”
ro dal Re Profeta, qua precixas S60" 21 spade Dis tas orosas meres det Nos ‘Martires { -]
‘pation lacna srs de Tul de milly siscloney quarontaaos (hs LAO), Rega) ‘onstituciones del Convento
Dae nia Mario Mogéatena deta chudad de TOE reg Orden det. San Agustin.mnandadas Fever” examina? ©
‘primir por don Baltasar de Mos20%9 de Baett Cr, Francisco Prez de Castile 140) ‘endo cada dia
irmores Los excessos gue causa ol TOR? “ eA odes las personas que se alan &” 0°
rian Los nuevos aprieios en que cada 4 mespiremos todas en ayudar co” espa,
Guatfrescos de oraciones. Y eT¥0T0SaS PBA i sretad bien y felmeln|te sacado del Avio
Troveyao por [7 Cardendl Sandowe Miley que se &tratado por parte det ® “presentado Fray Melchor
Peres por el Convento de N Seta de Se ita Cludad |) Sobrey enrol] War renueve com
see aden ta cgi del Sano Mart Der fay Pedro Pascual de Valencia, Obispo a¥e jue deste Obispado, ¥
“ligiono de dicha Onden dela Merced Qt Trine con el Abito delle (1640).
Rese de Andiade, Idea del perfecto plage, wa del Eminendssio Cardenal don Baton de Moscoso
3 Sandoval, Arobispo de Toledo Prinade Tad er panos. Por ef Padre Alonso de Andiads ide [a Compattia de
Fenn] de Toledo Calificador det Conseio Supreme de la Sante,» General Ingusicion “(viadrd: Soseph Fernandez
‘fe Bucndia, 1668), Antonio de Jess on pataser de Moscoso, Sandoval. [res Cardenal de la SIR
11 jarcobiso de Toledo, Primado de 6s ‘Ropes Caciller Mor de Castle de! ‘Consejo de Estado. | (Madeids
eg devilasDiego. mprescr del Rei SP) Cae able to consid Pasane ce Exemplar
aso de prélados. impresso en él coraen > S80 pan fa vida, yacciones del imo St "Baltasar de Mosc050
Sandoval. (Toba: Francisco Calvo, 1670)
aarti wok seems ave ben complet st he censuras end Hcencia date from 4666-7 indicating thatthe
ai ofthe ext was aleady wrt within @ beat teoy Sandoval’ death, Andrade, del de perjecto pretado
ta Spel a gnty 30 Talavera in 169 Tee carved as a moderator bosween Mona ‘Sandoval and the
‘Felego enthedsal cobildo ina dispute jens Marfa, Don Baltasar de Bfoscoso, i ‘Sandoval, 91490
Hip history, the author “se conforame Com A ancora 1 AUEAT AP alguna de To que
pan, pongue no sera imagen, 0 0m
