KHALSA TERCENf'ENARY CELEBRATION

Sikh History from

Persian Sources
KHALSA TERCENTENARY CELEBRATION

Sikh History from

Persian Sources
Translations of Major Texts

Edited by
J.S. GREWAL
and
IRFANHABIB

•]Tulika
Indian History Congress 2001
Published by Thlika
35A/I (third floor), Shahpur Jat, New Delhi 110 049, India

© Introduction: J.S. Grewal

©Translations: Aligarh Historians Society

Published in India 200 I

ISBN: 81-85229-17-1

Typeset by Aligarh Historians Society, Aligarh, and

printed at Chaman Enterprises, 1603 Pataudi House,
Daryaganj. Delhi 110 006
 The costs of publication of this
volume have been met by
generous grants from

ANANDPUR SAHIB FOUNDATION

and
DEPARTMENT OF CULTURE.
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA

to whom grateful thanks are due

.,..·
 Contents

Preface xi
Introduction by J.S.Grewal 1
Translators' Note 48
Maps 51

TRANSLATIONS
Text 1. Akbar Meets Guru Arjan- From Abu'l
F~l, Akbarnama
translated by SHIREEN MOOSVI · 55
Text 2. Guru Arjan's Martyrdom, 1606
-From Jahangir, Tuzuk-i Jahang"ir"i
translated by SHIREEN MOOSVI 56
Text 3. Sikhism and the Sikhs, 1645-46 ......- From
'Mobad', Dabistan-i Mag_ahib
translated by IRFAN HABIB 59
Text 4. A Visit to the Tomb of Gurii Njinak,
before 1647- From $iirat Singh, Tag_kira
P"ir lfassii Tell
translated by S. ALI NADEEM REZAVI 85
Text 5. The Sikhs and Their History, 1696
-From Sujan Rai Bhandari, Kl!ula~atu 't
Tawiir"ikh.
translated by IQBAL HUSAIN 90
Text 6. Documents on the Sikhs and Guru Gobind
Singh - From A}Jkam-i 'Aiamg"ir"i, 1703-07
translated by IRFAN HABIB 96
•
vii
 CONTENTS

Text 7. The Martial Exploit and Tragic End of a

"Son" of Gurii Gobind Singh, 1708
- From 'Abdu'r Rasiil, Nairang-i
Zamana
translated by IRFAN HABIB 100
Text 8. GurU Gobind Singh - Notice by
Bhimsen, I 708
translated by IRFAN HABIB 104
Text 9. GurU Gobind Singh and the Sikhs of the
Khal~a - Reports from Bahadur Shah's
Court, 1707-12
translated by IRFAN HABIB I 06
Text I 0. Guru Nanak, Guru Go bind Singh, and the
Revolt Under Banda Bahadur, 1709-10 &
1713-16- From Mu)Jammad Qasim
'"I brat", 'lbratnama
translated by IRFAN HABIB II 0
Text 11. Banda Bahadur's Rebellion, 1710-16
- From Mirza Mu)Jammad, '/bratnama
translated by IQBAL HUSAIN 131
Text 12. Banda Bahadur's Rebellion, 1710-16
-From Mu)Jammad Hadi Kamwar Khan,
Tag_kiratu 's Salii(in Chaghata
translated by S. NADEEM A. REZAVI 142
Text 13. Banda Bahadur and his Followers
- From Kh.afi Khan, Muntakhabu 'I
Lubab
translated by MAJIDA BANO 155
Text 14. Banda Bahadur and his Followers
- From Mul.tammad Shafi' "Warid",
Mir •at-i Waridat
translated by IRFAN HABIB 160
Text 15. Gurii Go bind Singh and his Family, after
his Death to 1759-60- From Chaturman,
Chahar Gulshan
translated by IRFAN HABIB 163
Text 16. Re-emergence of Sikh Power in the
Punjab, 1748-64 - From T.ahmis Khan,

viii
 Contents

Qi~~a-i T.ahmas-i MiskTn or T.ahmas

Nama
translated by IRFAN HABIB 169
Text 17. Re-emergence of Sikh Power in the Punjab
- News Reports from Delhi, 1759-65
translated by IRFAN HABIB 187
Text 18. Sikh Resistance to Al,lmad Shah Abdali's
Invasion of the Punjab 1764-65
translated by IQTIDAR ALAM KHAN 204
Text 19. An Account of the Sikhs, 1808 - From
Ghulam 'Ali Khan, 'lmadu 's Sa 'adat
translated by IRFAN HABIB 212
Text 20. The Sikh Community, 1825 - From
James Skinner, TashrT/Ju 'I Aqwam
translated by SHIREEN MOOSVI 217
Index 220

ix
 Preface

The Indian History Congress at its fifty-ninth session at

the Punjabi University, Patiala, in December 1998, decided to observe
the tercentenary of the Khalsa Panth by a special programme of
research and publications. A Panel on Sikh History was organized at
the sixtieth session of the Congress at Calicut University on 29
December 1999, for which a number of research papers were
especially prepared.
The panel itself was not an isolated event, but in line with
the effort that has been consistently made at the Indian History
Congress to develop all fields of Indian history. Thus we were able
to issue in 1999, as part of our programme, a volume of important
papers on Sikh history selected from the previous Proceedings of
the annual sessions of the Indian History Congress. It came in the
form of a paperback entitled History and Ideology: The Khalsa over
300 Years, edited by Professors J.S. Grewal and Indu Banga.
While the papers presented at the panel at our sixtieth
session are now being published as a separate volume, the Indian
History Congress decided that a fruitful contribution could be made
by filling a serious void: the absence of a collection of accurate
translations of major Persian sources of Sikh history, down to 1765,
when Sikh dominance over the Punjab came to be firmly established.
Professor J.S. Grewal very kindly agreed to guide the
project, and scholars associated with the Aligarh Historians Society
divided up the work of translating the different texts among
themselves. Professor Irfan Habib not only translated a number of
the texts, himself, but co-ordinated the work of the translators and,
with their agreement, went over all the translations to ensure
uniformity and consistency. Finally, the translations were submitted

xi
 PREFACE

to Professor Grewal, who supplied a number of explanations that

appear in the footnotes, suggested some new textual readings, and
proposed corrections in the translations at some places.
Professor Grewal then wrote the Introduction which gives
an assessment of the historical value of the information yielded by
the texts translated here. He has done so by tallying it with the
evidence of the Sikh sources, mainly preserved in Gurmukhi, and so
marking out areas where, often enough, later Sikh sources are
corroborated by earlier Persian sources and vice versa, and other
spheres where the Persian texts, especially in relation to details of
political and military history, remain our main source.
It is hoped that all students of history will find in this
volume a taste of the way history is recorded: behind the biases of
narrators one can still discern the truth; and not all the narrators who
appear in this volume are slaves to blind prejudice.
For bringing this volume to fruition, many thanks are due
to both the editors and the contributors. Tulika continue to be our
co-publishers, and I am most grateful to Ms Indu Chandrasekhar
and Mr Rajendra Prasad for their kind cooperation.
The work of both word-processing and preparing the
camera-ready copy was carried out most conscientiously by Mr
Muneeruddin Khan.
Mr Faiz Habib, with the collaboration of Mr Zahoor Ali
Khan, has drawn the three maps which appear on pages 52-54.
The publication of this voiume would not have been
possible but for the generous grants received from the Anandpur
Sahib Foundation, Chandigarh, and the Department of Culture,
Government of India, New Delhi.
The Aligarh Historians Society provided the required
computer and photocopying facilities, enabling us to deliver the
camera-ready copy on schedule to publishers.

SHIREENMOOSVI
Secretary
Indian History Congress

xii
 Introduction

J.S. Grewal

I
This is a unique collection of translations from non-Sikh
sources of Sikh history, made from a score of works only a few of
which were translated before, and that too not together as a form of
evidence on Sikh history. Hardly any significant wqrk up to the
eighteeNth century is left out. All the translations are made afresh
from the most reliable texts; each translation is preceded by a brief
introduction and followed by notes.
Such a comprehensive collection of evidence in English
translation may be expected to revolutionize our understanding of
the Sikh past. Ifit does not appear to do so, it is only because much
of this evidence has been used by a number of historians to
reconstruct the Sikh past. In other words, a sort of historiographical
•revolution' is behind us. Teja Singh and Ganda Singh, for example,
have made piecemeal use of fifteen out of these twenty works. No
single historian has used all this evidence before. It makes a
tremendous impression in its totality. Only the Indian History
Congress could take the initiative and the Aligarh Historians could
render this commendable service to the study of Sikh history.
The bulk of this evidence comes from about 1600 to
1765. However, several of the writers look back on Gurii Nanak
and his successors, and two of the works selected were written in
the first quarter of the nineteenth century. The selections thus cover
in a sense the whole span of Sikh history up td the early nineteenth
century. However, the entire span of Sikh history is not evenly
represented. This is understandable: each individual author wrote
for his own specific purpose, and not as a historian of the Sikhs.
Furthermore, with the exception of the Dabislan, information on
Sikhism and the Sikhs before the time of Gurii Gobind Singh is
rather meagre. Then, there is a much greater concentration on Banda
Bahadur than even on Gurii Gobind Singh. Banda Bahadur had
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

defied the Mughal authority and established what the Sikhs regarded
as a sovereign state. The serious nature of the challenge to the
established authority, with all its implications for a whole host of
beneficiaries of the established order as much as the rulers, called
for attention. The grave nature of the conflict also explains the
language of ridicule, contempt, anger or resentment used by some
of the writers for 'the destroyers of peace and order'.
The political concern of the writers is amply reflected in
their concentration on the phase in which the Sikhs re-established
their power in the third quarter of the eighteenth century, particularly
from 1757-58 to 1765, that is, from the assumption of direct rule
over the Punjab by the Afghans to the striking of the Sikh coin at
Lahore. These seven or eight years decided the issue between the
Sikhs and the Afghans. And these years have received the maximum
attention from the authors selected for this volume. ·
As may be expected, the bulk of the information relates
to political history. This by itself is not a limitation. There is little
information on political history in the contemporary Sikh sources.
Therefore, this information from non-Sikh sources is all the more
valuable. In conjuction with later Sikh sources, this information
forms the bedrock of the political history of the Sikhs during the
first three quarters of the eighteenth century. It must be added,
however, that evidence of the authors selected for the volume is
not confined to politics. Not only the Dabistan but also a number
of other works provide information on the social and religious life
of the Sikhs, which can provide useful insights in the light of
evidence coming from Sikh sources. In any case, the image of the
Sikhs which the non-Sikh writers formed from time to time is in
itself a form of evidence for a social historian.
The authors belonged to several religious faiths. Apart
from Hindus and Muslims, there was a Parsi and a Christian writer.
They did not write necessarily from the viewpoint of their religion
but some of them were influenced in their attitude by their religious
affiliation and social identity. Some of them were catholic or liberal;
others were sectarian or conservative. Their attitudes range from
empathetic appreciation to hostility. They represent a wide range
in terms of social positions too - from the emperor and members
of the ruling class to petty officials and candidates for employment.
Personal advancement, political purposes, literary or creative talent,
and curiosity to know and inform provided the motives for writing.
They could be ill-informed, and they certainly had very many
unconscious limitations as distant observers - distant in spatial,

2
 Introduction

temporal and social terms - but many of them wrote on the basis
of personal observation and experience, and none of them appears
to have deliberately falsified his report.
A number of genres are represented in this collection,
which in itself is a reflection ofthe intellectual and cultural richness
of the period. First of all there are the well known general histories,
like the Akbarmima, the Khula~atu 't Tawarlkh, the Tag_kiratu 's
Sa/Q_(in-i Chagh.ata, the Munta!f!labu'l Lubiib, and the Mir 'at-i
Waridat. Then there are histories of short periods or regions, like
the Nuskha i Dilkusha, the 'Ibratnamas of Mul:tammad Qasim and
Mirza Mui:tammad, and the 'Imadu 's Sa 'adat. There are memoirs
of the emperor Jahangir and a one-time slave T.ahmas Khan. Official
and semi-official documents are represented by the A~kam-i
'Alamglrl, the Aklzbarat-i Darbar-i Mu 'alia, and the Reports sent
from Delhi by the representatives of other courts. There are
descriptive works like the Clzahar Gulshan and the Tashri}J.u '/
Aqwiim. And then there are works which refuse to be easily
categorized, like the Dabistan, the Tagkira Plr lfassii Tell, the
Nairang-i Zamana and the Jangnama of Qa~i NUr Mul:tammad.
Two of these twenty works were meant primarily to
provide.information on the contemporary Sikhs with an eye on their
past. The contents of the other works relate to four phases of Sikh
history: the Sikh Gurus and their followers before the time of GurU
Gobind Singh; the life of GurU Gobind Singh; the Sikh uprising
under Banda Bahadur; and the Sikh resurgence from about 1750 to
I 7 65. Before turning to the last two writers, we may look at the
treatment of these four major themes in all the other works. ·

II
It is significant that the two earliest passages relate to
the fifth GurU Arjan and two of the Mughal Emperors. Towards the
end of the sixteenth century the Sikh movement was becoming
important enough to attract the notice of 'outsiders', including the
state. Akbar's visit to GurU Arjan in 1598 is presented by AbU'I
Fa~ I as a matter of imperial grace. But this gesture of goodwill had
an in-built political dimension too.
I The term used by AbU'I Fa~l for the religious position
of GurU Arjan is 'Brahmanical', which is either an intentional slip
or just shows is that AbU'l Fa~l had little knowiedge of the religious
aspect of the Sikh movement.
In the Tuzuk-i Jahanglr"i, the emperor claims to have
watched the Sikh movement with disapproval, presenting the other

3
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

side of the same political coin. He did not like GurU Arjan converting
'ignorant' Muslims to his own faith. Indeed, we know that the Sikh
faith was open to Muslims. Bhai Gurdas mentions Mian Jamal
among the prominent Sikhs of Gurii Arjan. However, this was not
the only professed reason for Jahangir's action against Gurii Arjan.
His blessings to the rebel Prince Khusrau become the crowning
cause of capital punishment. There is no doubt that GurU Arjan had
to undergo tortures. Was this the mode of punishment ordered by
Jahangir? 1
Incidentally, Jahangir does not figure prominently in the
works of Sikh writers, or he does not figure at all, in connection
with the martyrdom of GurU Arjan. Ratan Singh BhangU, who wrote
his Panth Prakash in the 1840s, does refer to Jahangir in contrast
to his predecessors who had done and said nothing against the Gurus
and their Sikhs. Jahangir came under the influence of mul/as and
qazis and played false with GurU Arjan. Even so, BhangU passes
the blame to a Khatri. 2 Kesar Singh Chhibber, writing in 1769, does
not mention Jahangir at all. He refers to Turks in general as the
rulers but the initiative against GurU Arjan is taken by his elder
brother Prithia who claimed Guruship. He conspired with Chandu
Shah, a Sahi Khatri and a Diwan, who had his own score to settle
with GurU Arjan, and he was called to Lahore for interrogation.
Thus, the primary villains in the whole situation are Khatris. The
fault of the Turks was that they did not do justice to Gurii Arjan.
He was "tortured, bound, and thrown on the sand in the hot month
of Jeth. A Mughal threw a brick at him and his forehead began to
bleed. He died of this wound. No Hindu came to claim his body
and it was thrown into the river. At a later stage, the Emperor handed
over the Sahi Khatris to GurU Hargobind for retaliatory justice. 3
The author of the Dabistan refers to the blessings of
Guru Arjan for the rebel Prince Khusrau. A heavy fine was imposed
on Gurii Arjan, which he was unable to pay. He was bound and
kept on the hot sands of Lahore. He died due to the heat of the
summer and the tortures inflicted by the officials responsible for
collecting the fine. Even GurU Hargobind was sent as a prisoner to
the fort of Gwalior on account of the arrears of fine imposed upon
GurU Arjan. However~ this was not the only cause of GurU
Hargobind's difficulties. He had begun to wear the sword and
adopted the appearance of a soldier; he used to hunt and to maintain
servants. He came into armed conflict with the gumiishtas (officials)
of Shah Jahan and had to leave Ramdaspur for Kartarpur in the
Jalandhar Doab. There too he had to fight quite a few battles before

4
 Introduction

he moved to Phagwara and then to Kiratpur in the territory of the

refractory hill chief Tara Chand. There too, Guru Hargobind
maintained seven hundred horses in his stables, three hundred
horsemen, and sixty musketeers. His headquarters served as a place
of refuge for refractory individuals. The Dabistiin, thus, provides
extremely useful evidence on the change in the attitude of the
Mughal Emperors towards the Gurus and the change in the attitude
of GurU Hargobind towards the State. 4
The author of the Dabistiin refers to the belief of the
Sikhs iq the unity of Guruship. The spirit of .GurU Nanak entered
the bodies of his successors - GurU Angad, GurU Amar Das, GurU
Ram Das and GurU Arjan. That was why each GurU was referred to
as mal;lal: GurU Nanak as the first mal;lal, Guru Angad as the second
ma/:lal, and in this way Guru Arjan as the fifth mal;lal. A Sikh who
does not regard GurU Arjan as Baba Nanak is not a true Sikh. The
firm belief of the Sikhs is that all the Gurus are Nanak. Indeed,
Bhai Gurdas underscores the unity of Guruship from GurU Nanak
to GurU Hargobind in one of his Viirs. 5 This is reiterated in another
Viir in which the metaphors of light and water are used to emphasize
that they all are the same. 6 The idea of the unity of Guruship
emphasized by Bhai Gurdas legitimized the succession of GurU
Hargobind to face the rival claim of Prithi Chand and his
descendants.
The author of the Dabistiin does notice the claim of Prithi
Chand and his descendants. He says in fact that after the death of
GurU Arjan his brother Prithia became the GurU, and his followers
used to call him 'GurU Miharban'. Actually, Prithi Chand was
succeed,ed by his son Miharban as the seventh.GurU. At the time of
writing the Dabistiin, 'GurU Harji' was Miharban's successor. The
successors and followers of Prithi Chand thought of themselves as
bhagats or the devotees of God but the followers of GurU Hargobind,
who too claimed Guruship in his father's place, called them mTnii
which was a term of reproach. Bhai Gurdas looks upon Prithi Chand
and his successors as 'rebels' and 'false gurus'; he denounces the
mzniis in choicest terms in a whole Viir.'
According to the author of the Dabistiin, in the
compositions of GurU Nanak God is Niranjan, Parbrahm, or
Parmeshwar who does not take any physical form, and GurU Nanak
himself is a human being, but the Sikhs had begun to regard GurU
Nanak as God and the creator of the world. In the compositions of
GurU Nanak God is also the GurU (Preceptor). Therefore, an equation
between the Guru and God is implied. However, the equation is

5
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

metaphorical rather than literal. The Vars of Bhai Gurdas throw

some light on the problem. Gur Parmesar ek hai: The Guru and
God are one. The Sikh regards the GurU as God. He lives in
accordance with the Word (sabad). 'Regarding the Guru as God'
appears to be the operative idea in Bhai Gurdas. 8
The Dabi.vtiin refers to the compositions of GurU Nanak
as replete with praises of God and ethical instruction. The bulk of
his poetry is on the greatness and purity of God. All of it was in the
language of the Jats, the peasants who belonged to the lowest
category of the Vaishyas ofthe Punjab. According to GurU Nanak,
as quoted in the Dabistan, there are innumerable skies and earths.
The nabls, the aulla, the avtars and the siddhs have attained
perfection by devotion to God. Whosoever worships Him sincerely,
whatever his path, would attain nearness to God. Non-injury to
living beings is the means to this goal. There are two points in this
statement which do not find support in the compositions of Guru
Nanak: ahimsa and plurality of ways to God. The author of the
Dabistan relied probably on respectable Sikhs for information on
the compositions of GurU Nanak. It is interesting to note that he
does not refer to the Granth compiled by Guru Arjan, nor to the
compositions of the successors of GurU Nanak who used the epithet
'Nanak' for themselves in their works.
Bhai Gurdas refers to the Granth compiled by GurU Arjan
and equates the sabad of the GurU with the GurU: Regard the sabad
of the GurU as the Guru; the sabad of the Guru is veritably his
form. 9 A phrase which occurs frequently in the Vars ofBhai Gurdas
for the path of GurU Nanak is 'beyond the Veda and the Book', that
is, the Indian and Semitic scriptures. The path of GurU Nanak is
superior to all others; it is the only highway, compared with
numerous foot-paths. 10 Bhai Gurdas insists on exclusive affiliation
to the GurU.' 1 The author of the Dabistiin refers to the practice of
the Siktrs to request the entire congregation to pray for the fulfilment
of an individual's wish. Even the GurU was not an exception. Like
Bhai Gurdas, the author of the Dabistiin uses the term sangat for
the Sikh congregation and dharmsiil for the Sikh sacred space. The
importance given to the sangat is amply underscored by Bhai
Gurdas. The congregation of the pious Sikhs (sadh-sangat) is the
true abode (sachch-khand) of God and the Formless One resides in
it; the sadh-sangat is the locus of Parbrahm Satgur Purakh. 12
There are some other points in th~ Dabistan which bear
comparison with the evidence of Bhai Gurdas. For example, the
belief that Guru Nanak was the incarnation of Raja Janak figures in

6
 Introduction

Bhai Gurdas who refers to its significance too. Janak combined in

himself both temporal and spiritual power (Raj-Jog). 13 This idea is
closely related to the ideal of living pure ami-dst the impurities of
the world, to live in the world but to remain detached. The phrase
'miiyii vich udas' occurs frequently in the Viirs of Bhai Gurdas. 14
The Dabistiin too mentions that renunciation (udiis) was not
approved of by the Gurus. The swordsmanship of GurU Hargobind,
to which the author of the Dabistiin makes a reference, is
emphasized in Sikh sources. 15 The Dabistiin illustrates the devotion
and dedication of the Sikhs to GurU Hagobind and the consideration
which the GurU showed for the Sikhs. They should serve other Sikhs
as they would serve the GurU. Complete dedication to the GurU is
emphasized by Bhai Gurdas. A Sikh of the Guru serves the Sikhs
of the GurU like his mother, father, brother and friend. 16
The idea that the position of the GurU and the Sikh was
interchangeable occurs frequently in the Viirs of Bhai Gurdas. Its
origin lay in the belief that Guru Nanak had made Angad his Guru,
'reversing the course of the stream'. They became one light in two
bodies; the GurU became the disciple and the disciple became the
GurU. 17 The fruit grows on the tree and the tree springs from the
fruit; th~ GurU becomes the Sikh and the Sikh becomes the GurU;
the GurU and the Sikh are the same. 18 In the Dabistiin, the GurU
tells a Sikh: 'regard every Sikh who comes to your home in his
name as the GurU'.
The author of the Dabistiin indicates at several places
that the Sikhs were not much concerned about caste distinctions.
There was no restriction on a Brahman becoming the Sikh of a
Khatri, or a Khatri subordinating himself to a Jat. A Sikh named
Sadh did not hesitate to remove his sacred thread to help the author
of the Dabistiin who was travelling with him from Kabul to the
Punjab. Among the Sikhs there were no such modes of worship
and austerities as the Hindus felt obliged to observe, and there was
no restriction on food and drink. Bhai Gurdas refers to a prominent
Sikh of GurU Arjan who was formerly a Chandii/. 111 All the four
varnas were reduced to one and the pauper was made equal to the
prince. 20 There was no difference between the young and the old,
as there was no difference between the pauper and the prince. The
house-holding Sikh of the GurU avoids the sacred thread like dirt. 21
The author of the Dabistiin indicates in several ways
that the Sikhs had a religious identity of their own. At places, he is
quite explicit. The Sikhs did not believe in idols or idol-worship.
Like Muslims, Guru Nanak believed in the Oneness of God, but he

7
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

subscribed to the idea of transmigration as well. He did not believe

in incarnation, and regarded the gods and goddesses of the Hindus
as creatures of God; they did not worship the idols of Hindu gods.
The Sikhs did not recite Hindu mantras, and they did not care for
Sanskrit, regarded by the Hindus as the language of angels. On the
whole, thus, the Sikhs are presented as distiQct from Hindus and
Muslims. Bhai Gurdas also talks ofthe Sikh Panth (calledgurmukh,
sachcha, nirol or nirmal panth) as distinct from both Hindus and
Muslims. The salient features of the Sikh Panth are: renuciation of
renunciation, equality of castes, a new scripture, and transcendence
of former pan·ths. 22 The True GurU is also the True King whose
emblems are sadh-sangat and Gur-sabad, which are open to both
Hindus and Muslims. 23 In comparison, the worldly rulers are false. 24
The Dabistan contains extremely useful information on
the organization ofthe Sikh community. The Gurus appointed their
representatives, called Masands, for the twin purpose of initiating
others into the Sikh faith and collecting offerings from the Sikhs.
The use of the term masand was significant: derived originally from
masnad-i a 'ala, the elevated seat of the Afghan nobles, it was
appropriate for the representative of the GurU who was known as
the True King. 2s The Masands had their own deputies. The persons
initiated by the latter were known as me/is of the Masand.
Presumably, the persons initiated by the Masand were known as
his sahlangs. 26 What is much more certain. is that the persons
initiated by the GurU himself were known as his Khalsa. 21 Since
the Sikhs disfavoured renunciation, they pursued agriculture,
followed the profession of trade, or that of service. The Masands
used to bring to the GurU the offerings collected from the Sikhs at
the time of the Baisakhi when the Sikhs could also come with them.
A turban was conferred on the Masand at the time of his departure. 28
The author of the Dabistan (especially in its Version A)
gives information on some of the important masands of the GurUs.
Chanda (or Jhanda), the grandson ofBaba Buddha who had become
a Sikh of GurU Nanak, was a wealthy Jat and a devout Sikh of Guru
Hargobind. His melis regarded him as their guru, and without his
orders would not even see the GurU or enter his dharmsal. This
piece of information is unusual only in the sense that Chand's melis
regarded him as their guru. As for going to the Guru and, therefore,
to his dharmsa/, the melis of a mas and were expected to accompany
him when he visited the GurU. Possibly, Chanda was a little more
autonomous than some other masands, suggesting that the
relationship of the masands with the GurU was not uniform or rigid.

8
 Introduction

Debi Chand, son of Pirana, was also a Jat masand who

lived at Chak Ramdas near Wazirabad. Healing powers were
attributed to him, as to his father - a belief opposed to the ideals
underscored by Bhai Gurdas. That no Hindu or Muslim could
approach him is also opposed to the Sikh ideals propounded by
Bhai Gurdas. If taken as authentic, this information would indicate
a certain degree of difference between norms and actual practice.
Paraya Murari, another masand, was a descendant of the masand
Parmanand. Was the office in some cases becoming hereditary?
Murari had a sah/ang called Anantnand Jogi who was actually a
trader and lived at Shamsabad near Attock. H~ was made a masand
and was a sincere follower of the GurU, serving every Sikh as he
would serve the GurU. As stated in the Dabistiin, this was in
accordance with the injunctions of Guru Hargobind.
Bidhia, another Jat masand, was formerly a robber who
was reputed to help the needy and the poor. He was asked by GurU
Hargobind to abandon robbery, and he was given the blessing of
abundance. A Sikh who was sent to collect offerings on his behalf,
distributed them among the poor on the plea that Bidhia himself
would have done precisely that on receiving the offerings. According
to Kaiwan Parra, Bidhia and his people still practised robbery on
behalf of the Guru. The stories about his past generosity towards
the poor were regarded by the people as fables. In the Sikh tradition,
Bidhia or Bidhi Chand was a Chhina Jat who was formerly a robber.
As the Sikh of the GurU, he stole horses meant for the GurU but
forcibly snatched from the Sikhs by the Mughal administrators.
There are a few more points which call for attention.
There was little trace oflslam in the hills, it is ~rue, but the author's
statement that most people from amongst the masses were the Guru's
followers does not appear to be true. The author of the Dabistan
ascribes to GurU Hargobind the idea of the unreality of the universe,
like things seen in a dream. It is true that the metaphor is used in
the Granth Sahib but the idea that the world is an illusion is not
characteristic of Sikhism. In the Dabistiin, it is said that the title
'Nanak' was used for its author by GurU Hargobind in letters
addressed to him. This does not make any sense, but the authenticity
of the sentence in the printed edition of the text need not be
doubted. 29 That GurU Hargobind was expected to pay appropriate
respect to persons of known sanctity belonging to other faiths is
evident from the reference to Parra Kaiwan's visit to Kiratpur.
Guru Hargobind wanted to install his eldest son, Baba
Gurditta, in his place as the Guru, but disobedience cost him his

9
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

life. His elder son, Har Rai, was designated in his place as Guru
Hargobind's successor. The robe of honour was draped on his body
to mark his succession, and all other members of the household
were ordered to obey him. This description of Guru Har Rai's
succession in the Dabistiin suggests that he was installed as the
Guru in the lifetime of Guru Hargobind. It harmonizes with the
Sikh belief that Guru Nanak had installed Lehna (Angad) as the
Guru in his lifetime.
We have dwelt a little long on the Dabistiin to underscore
its importance for our understanding of the pre-Khalsa Panth. The
information it gives is not only comprehensive but also extremely
significant when combined with the evidence of Bhai Gurdas who
wrote mostly in the early decades ofthe seventeenth century. If the
Dabistiin does not provide information on all the dimensions
covered' by Bhai Gurdas, the Viirs of Bhai Gurdas do not contain
all the informatoin which the Dabistiin has to offer in rather concrete
detail. On GurU Hargobind in particular there is no contemporary
evidence which is so valuable as that of the Dabistiin.
The author of the Dabistiin does not say much about
Guru Angad, Guru Amar Das, and Guru Ram Das. The descendants
of Guru Nanak were there in the Punjab (presumably at Kartarpur
on the Ravi). They were called Kartaris, or the worshippers of Kartar
(God). In the opinion of some people, Guruship did not descend to
the sons of Guru Nanak. A Trehan Khatri, Angad, succeeded him
in accordance with his decision. After him came Guru Amar Das, a
Bhalla Khatri, and then Guru Ram Das, a Sodhi Khatri. Guru Arjan
was his son and successor. The number of Sikhs increased under
every Guru so that in the time of Guru Arjan some Sikhs were to be
found in most of the cities of the inhabited world. On the argument
that Guru Nanak had forbidden meat eating, GurU Arjan forbade it
all afresh. But the practice was re-introduced by GurU Hargobind. 30
The founder of the panth, Guru Nanak, receives
considetable attention as we have noticed already. He was a Bedi
Khatri who served as a modi (store-keeper) under Daulat Khan Lodi
and became famous in the time ofBabur. The author of the Dabistiin
refers to his renouncing the family as well as his occupation to
undergo austerities. There is a mere reference to his travels which
figure so prominently in the Janamsiikhls and in the Viirs of Bhai
Gurdas, connected with the idea that Guru Nanak 'saved' people in
all the four directions through the propagation of his message. The
followers of Guru Nanak attributed many miracles to him. Indeed,
the Janamsiikhls dwell on his miracles. Significantly, one of his

10
 Introduction

miracles was that being unhappy with the Afghan rulers he brought
· in the Mughals. Some of the later Sikh writers look upon GurU
Nanak as the bestower of rulership. 31 The image of Guru Nanak
among the common people, according to the Dabistiin, was that he
used both Hindu and Muslim symbols- the image thus being that
of both Hindu or Muslim, or being equidistant from Hindus and
Muslims.
The author of the Dabistiin approached the Sikhs as a
researcher; the author of the Tazkira Plr lfassu Tell approached
Guru Nanak as a believer. Though a disciple of Pir I:IassU Teli,
~Urat Singh was attracted by GurU Nanak's spiritual reputation and
his compositions. He undertook a pilgrimage to the maziir of GurU
Nanak at Kartarpur on the Ravi. There he saw a marhl, beside the
maziir. For explanation he turned to the keepers of the marhl who
told him a story that ~urat Singh narrates. It is interesting to note
that a similar story is narrated by Kesar Singh Chhibber, writing
more than a century later ( 1769), who also visited Kartarpur
personally and saw there a mosque and a well. in an enclosure with
a single ·entrance. The well had been dug by Hindus and the mosque
built by Muslims. 32
Sujan Rai, a Bhandari Khatri ofBatala, a place associated
with the marriage of Guru Nanak, may be expected to have reliable
information on the Sikhs. But he does not seem to have been a
·close observer or a meticulous researcher. His account of the Gurus
is rather brief but full of mistakes. He refers to Guru Nanak's
gnosticism and his verses. Guru Nanak, he says, was born in 1469
at Talwandi Rai Bhuna where his maternal grandfather had a house.
He showed miracles from a very young age. He travelled widely
before he got married at Batala and settled in a village on the Ravi.
He died at the age of70 to 80 years in the reign of Salim Shah. This
date is wrong, like several other dates in Sujan Rai's account of the
Gurus.
At the time of his death, Guru Nanak appointed a Trehan
Khatri named Lahina as his successor with the title of Guru An gad
who occupied the seat for thirteen years. This duration, like the
durations given for the other Gurus, is correct. But Sujan Rai goes
on to say that GurU Angad had no son and, therefore, he appointed
his son-in-law, Amar Das, a Bhalla Khatri, as his successor. GurU
Amar Das had sons but he nominated his son-in-law, Ram Das, a
Sodhi Khatri, as the succeeding Guru. His son, GurU Arjan, then
occupied the sacred seat to be succeeded by his son, GurU Hargobind,
who was succeeded by his grandson, GurU Har Rai. His younger

11
\
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

son, Guru Har Kishan, succeeded him. Guru Tegh Bahadur, the
younger son of Guru Hargobind, succeeded Guru Har Kishan. Guru
Tegh Bahadur was imprisoned in 1670-71 or 1673-74 and executed
at Deih; in accordance with the orders of Aurangzeb. He was
succeeded by his son, Guru Gobind Rai. 33
This bare outline is not free from mistakes but sets the
. line of succession straight. Writing in 1695, Sujan Rai remains silent
on the martyrdom of Guru Arjan and the martial activity of Guru
Hargobind and Guru Gobind Singh.
Sujan Rai underscores the religious life of the Sikhs.
There were many mystics, ascetics, prayerful men and discoursers
among them. Reading and singing the verses of their Guide was the
essence of their worship. They had great faith in their Guide and
served even strangers and thieves who took the name ofBaba Nanak.
They treated all men alike, whether friends or enemies. Sujan Rai
refers to Udaszs as the followers ofBaba Nanak. They praised and
glorified God in a manner which Sujan Rai associates with the Sikhs
in general. Was it asceticism and celibacy which made the Udaszs
different from the other followers of Guru Nanak? 34
Sujan Rai refers to Akbar's visit to Guru Arjan who was
highly reputed for his knowledge of God. Akbar was pleased with
the recitation of Guru Nanak's verses. Guru Arjan acknowledged
the honour conferred on him and made a suitable offering to the
emperor. Akbar accepted his plea to reduce the revenue demand
which had been raised due to the Emperor's presence in the Punjab.
The reduction in the rate of revenue-demand is mentioned in the
Akbarnama but not in connection with the Emperor's visit to Guru
Arjan. In about a hundred years, the two incidents coalesced into
one. This could enhance Guru Arjan's prestige in the eyes of the
people, as suggested by a modem historian. 35
Sujan Rai is the only historian who refers to Guru Har
Rai's association with Dara Shukoh in his flight to the Punjab.
Outwardly preparing to fight but inwardly meditating escape, Dara
Shukoh alienated the support of Raja Rajrup of Nurpur and Guru
Har Rai. Both of them left Dara Shukoh's camp on the pretext of
collecting more men. Guru Har Rai is said to have gone to Dara
Shukoh with 'a large force'. Presumably, Guru Har Rai had kept
up a force like Guru Hargobind. According to the Sikh tradition,
Guru Har Rai was called y Aurangzeb, and he sent his elder son
Ram Rai to Delhi, which does suggest that Guru Har Rai was
supposed to be associated with Dara Shukoh.
Non-Sikh writers continued to take notice of the Sikh

12
I
 Introduction

movement and some of them are included in the present selection.

Bhimsen refers to GurU Nanak's service (naukari), his association
with religious men, his disciples in the territory of Lahore and
Multan, his compositions, and his deputies. No country, city,
township or village was there now without his followers. Offerings
were carried to his 'descendants' who are his 'successors'. They
spent their life in splendour and some of therp took to the path of
rebellion. GurU Tegh Bahadur was among them. He called himself
Padshah and a large number of people gathered around him. When
Aurangzeb came to know of his activity, he summoned the GurU to
the Court, and he was executed. We may be sure that Bhimsen relied
on what he had heard from some people who had only a general
and rather vague idea of the early Sikh movement. Nevertheless,
Bhimsen 's reference to the cause of GurU Tegh Bahadur's execution
is significant. Most of the non-Sikh sources mention GurU Tegh
Bahadur's militancy as the reason for Aurangzeb's action. By
contrast, the Sikh sources dwell exclusively on the religious
dimension of the situation. 36
In the Akl!barat, the reporter who submitted a brief report
on the Khalsa refers to GurU Tegh Bahadur as Tiyag Mal, a successor
of GurU Nanak and the predecessor of GurU Gobind Singh, who
was associated with 'Maharaja Ram Singh'. The reporter does not
refer to GurU Tegh Bahadur's execution. MulJammad Qasim in his
'/bratnama refers to GurU Tegh Bahadur having come under the
wrath of Aurangzeb to be condemned to death. The Emperor had
regard for royal power but he also associated with religious men.
Some of the mystics aligned with him of their own accord. Others,
like Sarmad, tasted martyrdom. GurU Tegh Bahadur was in the latter
category. He was condemned not only for religious reasons but also
because he lived in great splendour and his followers claimed
sovereignty for him. In fact, a large number of people had begun to
follow GurU Har Rai (who is wrongly mentioned as GurU Tegh
Bahadur's father), and to glorify him. GurU Har Rai was a successor
of GurU Angad (no other GurU is mentioned). It is quite obvious
that MulJammad Qasim was trying to make some sense of whatever
little he had heard from other people. In this context, his image of
GurU Nanak becomes interesting. GurU Nanak associated with
Muslim mystics, scholars and learned men; he also went in step
with the Veda-reading Brahmans. In the midst of prevailing duality,
he maintained good relations with all people. If he built a temple at
one place, he built a mosque at another. He went on pilgrimage to
both Mecca and Kashi. His 'words' created uproar in every country.

13
\
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

He was indebted to Shaikh Farid and Shah 'Abdu'r Ral)man

Bakhtyar for spiritual attainment. Guru Nanak is presented here as
almost a Muslim and a Hindu at the same time, a sort of' Hindu kii
Guru, Musa/miin kii Plr'.
Writing in 1759-60, Rai Chaturman takes notice of
'Hindu Sects' in his Chahiir Gulshan. 'Nanak-Panthis' are included
in this section of his work, but he was not sure. In his view, GurU
Nanak was a Vaishnava who worshipped Ram (which is obviously
wrong). But his followers held that he was opposed to the Veda.
Sikhism had become a separate faith, whether because Guru Nanak
himself established a new path or because his s.uccessors introduced
innovations. In any case, it was necessary to give an account of the
Nanak-Panthis because in every country and city they were found
in thousands. Rai Chaturman's account of the Gurus from Guru
Nanak to Guru Tegh Bahadur is based on Sujan Rai Bhandari:s
work. He tries to improve upon his source but without any success.

III
Guru Gobind Singh receives considerable attention from
the non-Sikh writers but almost entirely for the post-Khalsa phase
of his life, that is, the last eight or nine years. Even the institution
of the Khalsa does not receive much attention. What gets emphasized
in the non-Sikh sources is the political activity of Guru Gobind
Singh and his followers. By far the most important evidence on
GurU Gobind Singh comes from the Al,zkiim and the Akhbiiriit.
The extracts from the Al,zkiim-i Alamglrl have an
importance of their own. The first one refers to the destruction of a
Sikh temple in the town ofBurya in accordance with imperial orders.
The mosque built in its place was destroyed· by the followers of
Guru Nanak who killed its custodian too. The primary concern of
the emperor was with the conduct and appointment of the qii?l and
the mul;ztasib in Bury a. What is significant for us is the date of the
event, the early years of the eighteenth century. Why was a Sikh
temple destroyed now? Instituted in 1699, the Khalsa were
aggresively active in the countryside as well as in towns like Delhi
and Ramdaspur and the Mughal authorities had to intervene.l' Could
they be active in Burya? Presumably so, because the mosque built
there in place of a gurdwara was destroyed by 'the worshippers of
Nanak' -probably, the Khalsa. The spirit of aggression against
the Mughal authorities, and even more so the confession of murder,
strongly suggest the reaction of the Khalsa against the aggressive
action of Wazir Khan, the faujdiir of Sirhind, who had already

14
 Introduction

provided support to the vassal chief ofBilaspur against Guru Gobind

Singh. 38
The second extract from the A/Jkiim-i 'A-lamglrlleaves
no doubt that detailed report of Wazir Khan's action against Guru
Gobind Singh was sent to the Emperor and seen by him. The letter
refers to a commander of700 cavalry with a park of artillery having
been sent against Guru Gobind Singh, the Guru taking refuge in
the house of the Zamlndiir of Chamkaur, the death of his two sons
and other companions in a battle, and the capture of one son and
his mother. According to the Sikh tradition the two younger sons
of the Guru were betrayed into the hands of Wazir Khan. Both of
them were killed in cold blood and their grandmother (not mother)
died of grief. There is no mention of Wazir Khan's action against
the sons ofGurti Gobind Singh in this letter but it alludes to 'matters'
mentioned in an earlier despatch by Wazir .Khan. The ?,afarniima
of Guru Gobind Singh, assumed to have been addressed to the
Emperor, refers to the death of all his four sons.
The third extract from the A/Jkiim is an order addressed
to Mun'im Khan, the Deputy Governor of Lahore, in which he is
told that on a petition from Guru Gobind Singh to be allowed to see
the Emperor in person, a mace-bearer and Shaikh Mul}ammad Yar,
a man~abdiir, had been sent with an order for Guru Gobind Singh
through Mun'im Khan who was asked to approach the Guru through
a tactful person to bring him round to accompany the mace-bearer
and the man~abdiir. All this information is given to Wazir Khan in
the fourth extract which mentions the name of the mace-bearer as
Mul}ammad Beg. It is added that Mun'im Khan was ordered to
summon Guru Gobind Singh to his presence and then convey him
to the imperial court. Wazir Khan is told that when Guru Gobind
Singh reaches the environs of Sirhind he should be provided with
an escort to let him pass through the territory under his jurisdiction.
Guru Go bind Singh should be reassured of safety and if he needed
any money to meet the expense on travel, it sh_ould be provided out
of his e·ffects seized by Wazir Khan. This, in all probability is a
reference to the plunder of Anandpur after its evacuation by GurU
Gobind Singh and his Khalsa. 39 These extracts from the A/Jkiim are
useful in themselves. What is even more important, they add a new
dimension to the evidence of the ?,iifarniima, and the Gursobhii. 40
'Abdu'r RasUI's Nairang-i Zamiina is an account of his
journey through Rajasthan. Among other things, he describes an
armed conflict between the followers of GurU Gobind Singh and
the Rajput garrison of the fort of Chitor. The. leader of the Sikh

15
\
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

party was a young son of Guru Gobind Singh. His name is not
mentioned. In the Gursobha, a work on Gurii Gobind Singh
completed in 1711, the name is given as Zorawar Singh who,
according to the author of the Gursobha, had fought earlier in the
battle of Chamkaur. 41 Nevertheless, we cannot accept as a fact that
Zorawar Singh, or any other son of Guru Gobind Singh, participated
in the fracas at Chi tor because of the weightier evidence for the
death of all the four sons of Gurii Gobind Singh much before he
met Bahadur Shah. What the Nairang-i Zamiina establishes beyond
any doubt is the fact of armed conflict between Sikhs and Rajputs.
But this was by no means the first incident of its kind. The Khalsa
of Guru Gobind Singh had fought battles with the hill Rajputs before
the final evacuation of Anandpur and, according to the Gursobhii,
with the Rajputs in Rajasthan after that event. 42
Bhimsen's Nuskha-i Dilkushii does not take much notice
of Gurii Gobind Singh who is stated to be a 'descendant' of Gurii
Nanak. After his decisive victory over Prince A '~am, when Bahadur
Shah was at Agra, Gurii Go bind Singh obtained the good fortune of
presenting himself before the Emperor. The fact of Gurii Gobind
Singh's meeting with Bahadur Shah is found in both Persian and
Punjabi (Gurmukhi) sources. What is interesting about Bhimsen's
notice is that it was not based on information coming frorri Sikh
sources. He had 'heard' about the Sikhs, as he heard that Gurii
Gobind Singh did not follow the ways of religious men and was
proud of his soldierly profession.
In the Akhbarat from the court of Bahadur Shah, the
first extract refers to Gurii Gobind Singh coming armed to the
presence of Bahadur Shah and offering one hundred ash rafts. He
received from the Emperor a robe of honour and a medallion set
with precious stones. This gets confirmation from a hukamniima
of Gurii Gobind Singh addressed to the Khalsa in the Punjab which
reveals also the purpose of his meeting the Emperor. He wished to
get Anandpur back. This can be inferred from the hope he expressed
to return to Kahlur before long. 43 But this did not happen, and Gurii
Gobind Singh remained close to the imperial camp virtually till his
death. Another extract refers to the death of Jamshed Khan Afghan
at the hands of Gurii Go bind Singh. A mourning robe was given to
the Khan's son. To Gurii Gobind Singh's son too a mourning robe
was given after the GurU's death. When the question about the
property left behind by Gurii Gobind Singh was presented to the
Emperor, he ordered : "Let them not interfere with the property of
dervishes". The mourning robe after Gurii Gobind Sin~h's death

16
J
I
 Introduction

was given presumably to an adopted son. 44 The identity of Jamshed

Khan Afghan is not clear. Why was his son given a mourning robe?
Were they connected with the camp ofBahadur Shan in some way?45
By May 1710, the activities of Banda Bahadur were the
subject .of rumours. A vakil at Delhi sent a report on the Khalsa.
According to him, GurU Gobind Singh used to exercise authority in
the submontane tract of Kahlur. In his conflict with the hill chiefs,
the Mughal imperial forces supported the vassal chiefs. After much
armed contention, GurU Gobind Singh was ejected from that
territory, and his children were killed. Aurangzeb called him to the
court but was overtaken by death. After Bahadur Shah's accession
to the throne, Guru Gobind Singh met the Emperor through the
mediation of Mun'im Khan and received his attention. Finally, he
died at the hands of an Afghan who too got killed.
The report goes on to add that Guru Gobind Singh had
dismissed the Masands to establish the Khalsa for whom it was
obligatory to keep uncut hair. The institution of the Khalsa created
tensions between the Khalsa and the other Sikhs, notably the Khatri
Sikhs. Marriages between them were given up. 46 The Khalsa and
the other Sikhs actually fought each other at Chak Guru (Amritsar)
and the Khalsa were victorious. A force was sent from Lahore but
it failed to control matters. 47
Mubammad Qasim's account of GurU Gobind Singh was
based on what he had heard from others. GurU Gobind Singh
increased his resources to vie with the mansabdars of 5000, or
even with rulers ofprincipalites. People began to flock to him from
all directions. Some zamindars, having come under his spell, refused
to pay tribute to the Emperor. Imperial orders were issued to Wazir
Khan to ask GurU Gobind Singh to discard the customs of royalty
and live peacefully like his ancestors. If he did not desist, Wazir
Khan should expel him from those territories. GurU Gobind Singh's
refusal to accept the Emperor's authority led to contention and
slaughter. Two infant sons of the GurU, and some women, were
captured by Wazir Khan and killed. Consequently, a large number
of people became hostile to Wazir Khan, and even towards the
Muslims. 48 GurU Gobind Singh abstained from cutting his hair, gave
up the sacred thread, and began to wear a chain of iron. His followers
began to imitate him. They were called Khalsa. Many low-class
people took to this mode of life for securing better means of
livelihood. The others were known as chakar. This hearsay account
highlights the political concerns of GurU Gobind Singh, and betrays
almost total ignorance of the institution of the Khalsa.

17
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

Encouraged by Bahadur Shah, Gurii Gobind Singh

accompanied the imperial camp in the hope that he would receive
imperial favours for performing service. 49 A quarrel with some
Afghans who had sold horses to the Guru resulted in his death. The
assailant, however, was killed by him. The Guru's body was
cremated. His death gave a fresh cause of mourning to his followers.
In suggesting the motive of revenge, arising out of resentment,
Mul].ammad Qasim is akin to many a Sikh author. In both, the
political aspirations ofthe Khalsa are generaHy ignored. 50
Mirza Mul].ammad in his 'lbratnama looks upon Gurii
Gobind Singh as introducing "some new customs" in the tradition
of Gurii Nanak and his successors who are seen more or less as
Hindu recluses. The Sikhs who accepted Gurii Gobind Singh's
innovation came to be known as the Khalsa. With their support he
began to establish his power over zamlndars of the neighbourhood
through warlike means. Wazir Khan repeatedly sent forces against
him and the GurU lost two of his sons in battles. When Bahadur
Shah was marching from Peshawar to Delhi, Guru Gobind Singh
accompanied the imperial camp. Actually, GurU Gobind Singh was
in Rajasthan at that time. Mirza Mul].ammad rightly says later that
the Guru accompanied the Emperor to the Deccan. There he was
killed by an Afghan who bore enmity towards him. He was cremated
according to the custom of the Hindus. Ajit Singh, popularly known
as his son, received the Emperor's favours and continued to remain
in his suit.
According to Rai Chatunnan, Guru Gobind ascended the
spiritual seat of his father in the reign of Bahadur Shah in 171 0-11
(actually, 1675). He guided his disciples for twenty-one years (which
would place his death in 1731-32!). He himself instigated an Afghan
to take revenge for the death of his father at the hands of GurU
Tegh Bahadur, and the Afghan killed him. Rai Chaturman 's
evidence on GurU Gobind Singh is grossly wrong.
Rai Chaturman goes on to talk of Ajit Singh, Hathi Singh,
Mata Sundari, and Mata Sahib Devi as the surviving members of
Guru Gobind Singh's family. Ajit Singh, who had been recognized
by the Guru as his son after the death of all his 'three sons', with
permission from the Imperial court, was enthroned on the spiritual
seat. This probably was a view popularized by the followers of Ajit
Singh. A contemporary Sikh writer states explicitly that Guru
Gobind Singh did not select any single person to be his successor.
Instead, he declared that Guruship henceforth was vested in the
Khalsa and the scripture. 51

18
 Introduction

In the reign of Farrukh Siyar, Mata Sundari established

a separate spiritual seat and some Sikhs deserted Ajit Singh to join
her. In the second year ofMul_tammad Shah's reign (1721-22) Ajit
Singh was unjustly killed on the false accusation that he had killed
a Muslim dervish. His son Hathi Singh was a mere child at that
time. His well-wishers took him to Mathura to ensure that he was
not harmed in Delhi. He was alive in 1759-60. Some of the Nanak-
Panthis had turned away from him but many were still attached to
him. When Mata Sundari died, people turned to Sahib Devi, known
as the Kanwiira Do/a (virgin bride). She too died after a year. Now,
there was only one place of prayer for the Sikhs, the place of Hathi
Singh, son of Ajit Singh, who lived in Mathura with a following of
one hundred to two hundred persons. Chatutman is not the only
writer to talk of Ajit Singh, Hathi Singh, Mata Sundari and MaUi
Sahib Devi as claimants to Guruship. Even a Sikh writer does that
in the case of Ajit Singh and Hathi Singh. 52 But, during the course
of the eighteenth century, the doctrines of Guru-Panth and Guru-
Granth were well established among the Khalsa. 53

IV
The non-Sikh writers of the early eighteenth century took
much greater notice of Banda Bahadur than that of Guru Gobind
Singh. This may safely be attributed to the political activities of
Banda and his success in holding power for some time. Significantly,
the first report mentions the Khalsa of Guru Gobind Singh rather
than Banda Bahadur. When Wazir Khan, the faujdiir of Sirhind,
sent commanders with troops against the Khalsa in the Jalandhar
Doab, his commanders were defeated. The Khalsa were hostile to
Wazir Khan because he had killed the young sons of their Gurii.
Disorders spread in his territories and he was obliged to stay at
Sirhind.' The factious zamindars began to plunder parganas in the
name of the Khalsa. It was rumoured that Guru Gobind Singh
himself was leading the Khalsa. A later report refers to the defeat
and death ofWazir Khan on 24 May 1710. The Khalsa established
their authority in Sirhind, and forbade the killing of animals. 54
Mul:lammad Qasim, the earliest writer to give detail of
Banda Bahadur's activities, based himself partly on what he had
heard from close quarters and partly on what he had seen. Banda
Bahadur is not mentioned by name. He is called 'Guru' but he was
a bahrupiya who resembled the Guru and could, therefore, easily
become an imposter. People responded to him as they would have
responded to Guru Gobind Singh to take revenge for the humiliations

19
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

inflicted on him. They were also in want of daily sustenance. The

'GurU' obliged the peasants to submit, and plundered the travellers.
Eventually, he defeated Wazir Khan jn a battle in which Sher
Mul_1ammad and Khwaja Ali of Malerkotla were also killed.
Mul.lammad Qasim's sympathies are obviously with Wazir Khan
and the Muslims in general. He underscores the atrocities of Banda
Bahadur. Wazir Khan's peshkar, 'Sachadanand', was his special
target because of his earlier acts of cruelty to the young sons of
Guru Gobind Singh. The city ofSirhind was destroyed. Some people
were compelled to accept the Sikh faith. None was allowed to retain
arms, horses, and other goods and chattel of chiefship. Baz Singh
was appointed as the ~ubadar of Sirhind, and officers were
appointed over the parganas. All territory from the river Sutlej up
to Karnal passed under the government and control of Banda
Bahadur. He established his headquarters at Mukhlispur near
Sadhaura, and sent out commanders for further destruction and
subjuga\ion of territories. This description le~ves no doubt that an
independent state was sought to be established by Banda Bahadur. 56
The news of Banda Bahadur's uprising encouraged other
Sikhs to rise. A large gathering of Sikhs at Amritsar, where they
used to meet annually at the time of Baisakhi, went on a rampage.
Aslam Khan, the Mughal governor of Lahore, dared not move
against them. 57 The city of Lahore remained safe but important
parganas like Batala and Kalanaur were devastated. In due course
Lahore was also threatened. The inaction of the governor induced
the learned and pious Muslims to organize defence, and they were
supported by Shaikhs, Saiyids, Afghans and Mughals. Some of the
Paracha traders gave financial support to "the Holy War". 58 Aslam
Khan felt constrained to send two commanders with 500 .horse and
foot to join the volunteers. The Sikhs took shelter in a fort, but its
sustained siege obliged them to evacuate it in the darkness of night.
The "army of Islam" returned victorious to Lahore. Some of its
'soldiers' were vile and mean enough to commit shameful acts upon
the Hindus of the city. In another campaign ~gainst the Sikhs the
peasantS on the route to Kotla Begam, about fifty miles from Lahore,
were plundered. 59 The campaign in all probability was unsuccessful.
What is more important for us to note is that the Khalsa became
active in the Bari _poab in 1710 when Banda was still engaged in
the Sutlej-Yamuna Divide. 60
In view of Banda Bahadur's uprising, Bahadur Shah
postponed the intended suppression of the Rajputs and moved
directly towards Mukhlispur which was fortified by Banda as his

20
 Introduction

headquarters. Banda Bahadur was besieged; he defended the fort

for two months; and then made his escape ~nto the inaccessible
hi lis to ihe chagrin of the Emperor. Bahadur Shah moved towards
Lahore.
In the reign of Farrukh Siyar (1713-19), Mul_lammad
Amin Khan was sent from the court to support "Abdu'~ Samad
Khan, now the governor of Lahore, for action against Banda Bahadur
in the Jammu area. Banda was forced to retreat into the hills.
Mul_lammad Amin Khan returned to the Imperial Court and" Abdu'~
Samad Khan to Lahore. A year later, Banda appeared in the upper
Bari Doab and defeated Shaikh Mul_lammad Daim, the faujdar of
Batala. The Emperor issued strict orders for Banda's suppression.
'Abdu'~ Samad Khan took the field against h_im with the support of
a number offaujdiirs and a few zamlndiirs. Eventually, Banda was
besieged in the garhz of Gurdaspura. Many of the Sikhs deserted
him, and cut off their hair for safety. Mul_lammad Qasim was an
eye witness to the sorties of the besieged. The Mughal commanders
were so struck with fear that they prayed that Banda should take to
flight so that their prestige was saved without risking their lives.
The siege continued for three or four month~. Wrathful farmiins
were iss·ued by Farrukh Siyar to' Abdu'~ Samad Khan. To reinforce
him, Qamr'udin Khan Bahadur, son of Mul_lammad Amin Khan,
was sent from the Imperial Court. After a further siege of over two
months, which m~de Banda's position utterly hopeless, he offered
to surrender on the promise of safety. About 200 men came out
with him and they were placed in the custody of daroghas. The
fort was thoroughly plundered. Zakariya Khan, the son of 'Abdu '~
Samad Khan, escorted the prisoners to Delhi where they were
executed. Banda Bahadur and his five or six years old son were the
last to be executed near the holy shrine of Khwaja Bakhtyaruddin
Kaki.
Mul_lammad Qasim's resentment against Banda Bahadur
and the Khalsa is writ large on every page and he looks upon them
as a threat not so much to the state as to Muslims. He uses harsh
and contemptuous language for Banda and the Khalsa and praises
the Muslims who promoted the cause of Muslims and participated
in 'the holy war'. Nevertheless, there is hardly any doubt that
Mul_lammad Qasim provides much useful information, particularly
on the events of the years 1710, 1713, and 1715-16. He does not
touch upon Banda's renewed activity in the Sutlej-Yamuna Divide
after the death of Bahadur Shah early in 1712.
Mirza Mul_lammad's '/bartniima also contains derogatory

21
\
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

language for Banda Bahadur and the Sikhs but his account is even
more important as a contemporary witness. On 23 December 1715,
which marked the anniversary of Farrukh Siyar's coronation, the
Emperor received the news of the capture of 'the accursed Guru'
(Banda Bahadur) along with more than 2000 Sikhs. The "victory
of Islam" was celebrated for a whole month.
In 1709-10, we are told, an obscure man of dark design
had appeared in the territory of Sirhind and proclaimed himself to
be Guru Gobind Singh. A large number of the Khalsa gathered
around him from all parts of the Punjab. He first attacked the
pargana of Sadhaura because its plrziidas had shown great enmity
towards Guru Gobind Singh. The Khalsa in the Punjab also rose in
revolt and penetrated the Jalandhar Doab. Banda Bahadur brought
many parganas under his control and ordered a general massacre
of Muslims. He sent his troops across the river Yamuna and himself
marched towards Sirhind. Wazir Khan came out to meet him with
12,000 horse and attained martyrdom. The city of Sirhind was
sacked and the only Muslims who saved their lives were those who
took refuge in Hindu homes. 61 Saharanpur was plundered by the
troops sent across the Yamuna by Banda. Muslims began to leave
the territories from Thanesar to the river Sutlej, which had come
under Banda's control. On the other side of the Sutlej, Shams Khan
Khweshgi, the faujdiir of the Jalandhar Doab, defeated and killed
the Sikhs in large numbers. Jalal Khan Ruhel.a defeated the Sikhs
in Saharanpur and Sardar Khan Rajput defeated the Sikh force
moving from Thanesar to Delhi. Thus, the capital was saved.
However, mosques and dargiihs were destroyed by the Sikhs in all
their territories. 62
Patching up an unsatisfactory arrangement with the
Rajputs, Bahadur Shah moved towards Sadhaura. The Sikhs began
to retreat from thiinas on his approch. They reinforced the Sikh
forces under Banda Bahadur who showed defiance for two months
and then fled into the hills. The fort of Sirhind was captured by
Mu}.lammad Amin Khan. Many Sikhs were slain. About three
months later, in the beginning of 1711, Banda Bahadur appeared in
the Bari Doab. He killed Shams Khan Khweshgi and spread terror
in Batala and Kalanaur. The Sikhs sacked Aurangabad and Parsrur
across the Ravi. Bahadur Shah deputed Mul)ammad Amin Khan,
Ghazi Khan and Hamid Khan to suppress the renewed insurrection.
It was not yet suppressed when the Emperor died early in 1712.
In the uncertainty that followed Bahadur Shah's death,
Mul)ammad Amin Khan retired from the Punjal> and Banda Bahadur

22
I
 Introduction

reoccupied Sadhaura and built the fort of Lohgarh. After Jahandar

Shah's accession, Mul;lammad Amin Khan was deputed once again
to exterminate the Sikhs. Thefaujdiir ofSirhind, Zainuddin Al}mad
Khan, was ordered to support him. Sadhaura was besieged for some
months. He was recalled when Jahandar Shah had to fight Farrukh
Siyar. When the latter gained the throne, some leading Mughal
commanders were sent with Mul)ammad Amin Khan to deal with
Banda Bahadur. In the beginning of 1713 ~Abdu'~ $amad Khan
also reached Sadhaura, having been appointed by Farrukh Siyar.
Both Sas;lhaura and Lohgarh were captured in the beginning of 1714
but Banda escaped into the hills.
~ Abdu '~ $amad Khan was made the govt?rnor of Lahore.
Banda Bahadur reappeared in the Bari Doab. He was besieged in
Gurdaspura and the siege went on for a year. A number of battles
took place but Banda failed to escape. He was obliged at last to
surrender on the promise of safety. More than two thousand Sikhs
were made prisoners along with Banda on 18 October 1715. In
accordance with the imperial order they were sent to Delhi under
the escort of Qamruddin Khan, son of Mul].ammad Amin Khan,
and Zakariya Khan, son of ~Abdu'~ $amad Khan. They reached
Delhi on 11 March 1716. Their entry into the capital is described in
some detail.
Mirza Mul;lammad saw the procession from the salt
market to the imperial fort. There was no sign of humility and
submission on the faces of the Sikhs. Most of them kept singing
and reciting melodious verses. They attributed their defeat to fate
and had no fear of death. They were kept in custody for some days
before Qrders were given for their execution: On 16 March 1716
one hundered of them were beheaded at the chabutra-i kotwiilf. In
a week's time all the Sikhs were beheaded in batches of one hundred.
Mul;lammad Mirza makes no specific mention of the execution of
Banda Bahadur.
Mul;lammad Hadi Kamwar Khan's Tag_kiratu 's Salq{in
Chaghatii is remarkable for the precise dates it gives for the events
he narrates. Banda Bahadur's rise to power in 1710 is briefly
described. It is followed by details of the action taken by Bahadur
Shah and his commanders and faujdiirs from 13 October to 12
December 1710 against Banda and the Khalsa. For the year 1711,
from 24 March to 31· August, only a few incidents are mentioned.
There is nothing about the Sikhs in the year 1712. In 1713, from 9
July to I 0 October, only two incidents are mentioned. There is
nothing for the year 1714 either. Then, an account of the last phase

23
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

of Banda Bahadur' s career from 21 March 1715 to 20 June 1716 is

given.1'hus, Kamwar Khan's information relates largely to the first
and the last phase of Banda's political activity. ·for four years from
I 7I 1 to 1714 there is very little information.
This does not mean, however, that the information for
the years 1711 and 1713 ·is not valuable. Bahadur Shah marched
from Lohgarh towards Lahore on 24 March 1711 after Raja Bhiip
Prakash of Nahan was ordered to be put in the iron cage meant for
Banda, and sent to Delhi as a prisoner. The Raja was supposed to
have connived with Banda in his flight through his territory. The
Raja's mother offered over thirty Sikhs to secure her son's release.
They were all executed, but the Emperor made Banda's capture the
condition of the Raja's release. On 5 June 1711, it was reported
that Shams Khan and his brother were killed in a battle with the
Sikhs; 'lsa Khan was appointed as the deputy-faujdar of the
Jalandhar Doab. On 15 June it was reported to the Emperor that
Mui:tammad Amin Khan had defeated Banda near Parsrur but he
had escaped into the Jammu hills. On 31 August it was reported
that Ghazi Khan had abandoned Banda's pursuit without imperial
orders. Therefore his arrest and imprisonment in the fort of Lahore
was ordered by the Emperor. There is nothing more about Banda in
the reign of Bahadur Shah, but all this information has its own
peculiar value.
On 9 July 1713, it was reported to the new Emperor that
'Abdu' ~ ~amad Khan and Al,lmad Khan, a zamTndiir, had fought an
indecisive battle with the Sikhs on 3 July. On 10 October it was
reported that the Khalsa had fled from Sadhaura. Obviously, Banda
had re-occupied some territory in the area around Lohgarh and
Sadhaura. Indeed, in 1712-13 he had remained active in the Sutlej-
Yamuna Divide. Dislodged from there, he became active again in
the Bari Doab.
Kamwar Khan's account of the first campaign ( 171 0-
1 I) against Banda Bahadur is the most deta .. ed. He underscores
"the base and lowly castesn of Banda's followers who were mostly
sweepers, tanners and banjiiras. He highlights Banda's atrocities,
especially the slaughter of Muslims and destruction of mosques
and tombs. The plunder ofSirhind amounted to more than two crores
of rupees. Before the arrival of Bahadur Shah, Shamsuddin Khan
in the Jalandhar Doab and Firoz Khan Mewati in the Kamal area
had defeated the Sikhs. The Emperor came with nearly 100,000
cavalry, infantry and artillery. Mul)ammad Amin Khan was sent to
recover Sirhind, and the Imperial Camp marched towards Sadhaura.

24
 Introduction

Detached Sikh forces were defeated in a few battles before the

assault on Lohgarh. The imperial forces moved cautiously to capture
the hill tops under the contro-l of Banda and his commanders. A
terrifying sound at mid-night served as the signal for the final defeat
of the Sikhs: they had filled a wooden gun with powder, exploded
it, and fled. All the wealth, goods, women and children, horses and
camels of the Sikhs fell into the hands of the victorious army. Three
pieces of cannon, five elephants, seventeen gun-carts, one canopy,
and a few silver sticks of Banda were brought before the Emperor.
Nearly twenty lacs of rupees, including gold coins (ashrafis), were
collected from Lohgarh. Twelve of Banda's companions, led by a
tabacco-seller named Gulaba, were executed by the kotwiil. But
Banda had escaped. Bahadur Shah was not happy over the victory.
In the last phase, 'Abdu'~ $amad Khan was supported
by some Mughal nobles from Delhi and the vassal chiefs of the
empire to lay siege to Gurdaspur in April I 715. It ended early in
December when Banda offered to surrender on the promise of safety.
The report of his fall reached Farrukh Siyar on 11 December 1715
when he was celebrating the anniversary of his victory over Jahandar
Shah. He was all the more joyous and merrier to receive the news.
Qamruddin Khan and Z.akariya Khan escorted Banda and his
companions to Delhi, reaching there on 11 March 1716. Apart from
some gold ornaments and coins of gold and silver, which were
deposited in the Imperial Treasury, the swords, shields, bows,
·muskets, dagger~, and knives recovered from the Sikhs were
deposited in the fort. The first batch of Sikhs was executed on 21
March 1716. Banda was executed after much torture on 20 June
near the maziir of Khwaja Q4tbuddin along with his three-year old
son and twentysix of his companions.
The extracts from Khafi Khan's Muntakhabu 'I Lubiib
reinforce Kamwar Khan's account of Bahadur Shah's assault on
Banda's forces at Lohgarh, and the entry and execution of Banda
and his companions at Delhi. The followers of Banda raised the cry
of "Fateh Darshan"63 and "Sachcha Badshah"64 at the time of the
battle. The Khatris of the Punjab were colluding with Banda and
the Jats" were supporting him. The majority of Banda's followers
were foot-soldiers. They did not hesitate to die in battle. The factor
of greed was added to their faith. Their spirit of sacrifice, and their
achievement through it, was attributed by the common people to
magic and sorcery.
The procession of Banda and his companions entering
Delhi is graphically described by Khafi Khan. They were executed

25
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

in batches of two hundred or three hundred every day. Some of the

Khatris of Delhi offered money to Mul;tammad Am in Khan to save
Banda's life. During the execution, the mother-of one youth pleaded
his innocence and the Emperor ordered his release. But her son
cried out that she was telling a lie and that he should be executed so
that he may join his companions. Banda himself said that he was a
divine instrument of punishment for the excesses of his enemies.
But now he was being punished for his own atrocities.
Mul;tammad Shafi' Warid's Mir'iit-i Wiiridiit attributes
he uprising of Banda Bahadur to the assassination of GurU Gobind
Singh at the hands of an Afghan. The leaders of the community
entrusted to a person who resembled GurU Gobind Singh in
appearance the task of leading the Sikhs in their bid for independent
rule. Letters were sent to the zamzndiirs that GurU Gobind Singh's
soul had entered the leader's body. 65 When he appeared suddenly
at Kharkhoda, its zamzndiirs flocked to him in the belief that he
was Guru Gobind Singh. After the conquest of Sirhind, Banda
ordered that both Hindus and Muslims who became enrolled as Sikhs
should take their meals together to obviate the distinction of the
lowly and the well-born. Consequently a pauper was made equal to
a prince.. 66 With the help of the Sikhs who joined him from all parts
of the country, he built a fort near Sadhaura and made it the
headquarters of his administration. Not only Banda himself, but
also the administrators appointed by him belonged to lowly ·
positions, including that of a sweeper or a cobbler. 67
The information on Banda Bahadur in these sources is
uneven, somewhat repetitive, and occasionally contradictory in
deail, but it remains more valuable than all the other known
evidence. In the light of this information the later Sikh sources,
like the Bansiivafiniima of Kesar Singh Chhibber and the Panth
Prakash of Ratan Singh BhangU, begin to make better sense.flK
However, they also provide addition~} information. Bhangu clearly
states that Banda started a new panth, which alienated him from
the staunch followers of GurU Gobind Singh. 69 Chhibber states that
many people regarded Banda Bahadur as the eleventh Piitshiihi
(GurU). 70 Both Bhangu and Chhibber state that Banda established
an .independent rule. with government and administration of his
own. Bhangu states that Banda's aspiration to become a sovereign
ruler was one more reason for the alienation of the Tat Khalsa who
believed that GurU Gobind Singh had bestowed rulership upon
them. 71
Neither Chhibber nor Bhangu refers to. any coin struck

26
 Introduction

by Banda Bahadur. The non-Sikh sources refer to coins as a part of

the booty but do not state whether these were Mughal coins or coins
struck by Banda Bahadur. Ganda Singh, basing himself on the
Furrukh-Siyar Namah and the J:lacliqatu 'I Aqiilim, gives the Persian
inscription on the coin struck by Banda which he translates as:
"Struck coin in the two worlds, by the grace of the True Lord.
Victory to Gobind Singh, the King of Kings; The sword of Nanak
is the grantor of desires." The inscription on the seal used by Banda
on his orders bore a Persian inscription that is translated into English
as: 'Kettle (the means to feed the poor), Sword (the power to protect
the weak and the helpless), Victory and Unhesitating Patronage
(are) obtained from Nanak GurU Go bind Singh'. 72 Both these
inscriptions reveal that Banda did claim sovereignty for the state
he established, or tried to establish, but not in his own name.
Sovereignty was believed to be derived from GurU Nanak, and
through the grace of GodY

v
The evidence of non-Sikh sources on the resurgence of
the Khalsa, like their evidence on Banda Bahadur, is extremely
valuable. Understandably, these sources are silent about the post-
Banda phase until the Sikhs reappear on the political scene rather
obtrusively. There is nothing about their activity before the
governorship of Mu'inu'l Mulk. Till 1758-59 then, only T.ahmas
Khan relates some important events. From I 758-59 to 1764-65,
T.ahmas Khan's evidence overlaps with that of the reports of Vaklls
in Delhi and the Jangnama ofQa~i Nur MuQammad. The collective
evidence of these sources covers all the important stages from about
1750 to 1765 with only one important omission- the incursion of
the Marathas into the Punjab and their politico-administrative
arrangements in 1758-59.
According to T.ahmas Khan, Mu'inu'l Mulk made special
preparations to suppress the Sikhs and offered incentives to those
who might join his plan of suppression and persecution. This piece
of evidence carries the implication that the Sikhs had become a
serious menace by the time Mu'inu'l Mulk took over the
governorship of Lahore. AQmad Shah's second invasion came as
an interruption. After his departure, the Sikhs raised disturbance
even in the Batala area. In fact, a pitched battle was fought near
Amritsar. Muinu'l Mulk died in 1753 without suppressing the Sikhs.
In the time ofMughlani Begam, Qasim Khan marched towards Patti
but met opposition from the Sikhs and, eventually, tried

27
 . SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

unsuccessfully to forge an understanding with them. Failing in his

objective of reaching Patti, he returned to Lahore. T.ahmas Khan
knew about these events as they were taking place not far from the
provincial capital. Probably, similar incidents took place elsewhere
in the province.
In 1757, Jahan Khan, the Afghan commander, fought a
pitched battle with the Sikhs near Amritsar. He was on the verge of
defeat when J:laji 'AJa Khan came to his aid with the royal army.
Sometime later, Jahan Khan sent special troops to deal with a Sikh
leader. Their harshness obliged him to retire to some secret place.
The tropps returned empty-handed. "From .that moment", says
T.ahmas, "the shape of administration, which in that country had
been in good order, was disrupted, and from every side tumult and
rebellion began to be raised by the Sikhs. Wherever the (Afghan)
army went, it came back defeated, till things came to such a pass
that the environs of the city of Lahore were affected. Every night
in bodies of a thousand, the Sikhs attacked the city and sacked the
quarters outside the city wall. No one came out of the city to disperse
or stop them."
In 1757-58, thus, the Afghan administration of the
province was thrown into disorder. 74
In 1760, when Al)mad Shah Abdali and the Marathas
were preparing for a decisive battle, Rustam Khan Bangash, who
had been appointed by Al)mad Shah to the Chahar-Mal)al (Sialkot,
Gujrat, Pasrur and Aurangabad), marched against the Sikhs but only
to be captured. According to T.ahmas, "the Sikhs and the zamlndars"
assembled at ths time were nearly 20,000 strong. Rustam Khan had
to promise a heavy ransom. A few days later, 40,000 Sikhs marched
upon Si.alkot, and Rustam Khan paid 22,000. rupees to the Sikhs
through the Raja of Jammu to obtain his release. After the battle of
Panipat, Khwaja 'Abd Khan, the new Afghan governor of Lahore,
marched against Charhat Singh but only to be defeated by the
combined forces of the Sikhs. He fled back to Lahore. The Afridi
Afghans, Sa 'adat Khan and ~adiq Khan, who had been appointed
to the Jalandhar Doab, were also defeated by the Sikhs and thrown
out. Thus, "from the Attock river to the river of Sirhind" the Sikhs
acquired dominance and possession.
Al)mad Shah Abdali now came specifically to suppress
the Sikhs. He killed thousands of them in the action known as the
Great Carnage in Sikh sources. T.ahmas, who was an eye witness,
estimated that about 25,000 Sikhs were slain. 7s But T.ahmas had
lived through the struggle for over a decade and had the gut feeling

28
 Introduction

that the Sikhs would rise again in a matter of months. His 'reason'
told him that all the routes would be closed again and disorders
would arise. After Al}mad Shah Abdali's departure from Lahore in
the summer of 1762, disorders arose "in the entire country in his
possession". T.ahmas Khan congratulated himself on his foresight.
Early in 1764, he heard the news in Delhi that the Sikhs had killed
Zain Khan, the Afghan commandant and governor of Sirhind, in a
battle and sacked the city. From that time onwards, the Sikhs crossed
the Yamuna every year to plunder the territory of Najib Khan.
T.ahmas does not say so explicitly, but the Sarkar of Sirhind had
been occupied by the Sikhs.
The Reports sent out from Delhi to the Maratha courts,
and a few possibly to Hyderabad, provide some new and very
significant information. There are fifteen reports in all. The first is
undated. and the last is dated 1765, Of the remaining thirteen, there
is one each for 1759, 1760 and 1761, and five each for 1763 and
1764. We know that the Marathas were actively interested in the
Punjab in 1758-59 and they were eliminated from its practical
politics at least for over a decade after their defeat at Panipat in
1761. The parties now left in the field were the Afghans and the
Si.khs. Therefore, the reports of 1763-64 present a crucial kind of
evidence on the process through which the Sikhs emerged as rulers.
We know that they declared their sovereign status by striking a
coin at Lahore in 1765.
The first report refers to good relations between Adina
Beg Khan, presumably the governor of Lahore on behalf of the
Marathas, and the Sikhs; their plan was to obstruct the Delhi Wazir
in his march from Sirhind to Labor~. Early in 1759 the Sikhs were
plundering the environs of Lahore, reducing its dwindling
population to a state of starvation. Adina Beg's successor, Mir I:Iasan
'Ali Khan, was negotiating terms of peace and cooperation with
the Sikh leaders. According to the report of October 1760, the Sikhs
establisl'ted their control over Lahore but proclaimed the authority
of Bhau Sahib, offering a prayer (ardas) for his victory and the
defeat of A}.lmad Shah Abdali. Incidentally, the controversial coin
of Jassa Singh is said to have been struck at this time. The territories
of the province of Lahore, including the Jalandhar Doab, were
occupied by the Sikhs and they were making collections. According
to one estimate their cavalry numbered 40,000 to 50,000. In the
report of May-June 1761, Al,lmad Shah Abdali is said to be returning
to Afghanistan, having appointed Sarbuland .Khan as his governor
at Lahore and Sa'adat Khan Afridi as thefaujdar of the Jalandhar

29
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

Doab. The Sikhs, coming down from the 'hills, laid siege to
Jalandhar. They were collecting revenues from the countryside and
Sa'adat Khan had no power to contend with them.
There is no reference to 'the great carnage' of 1762.
However, when Al}.mad Shah Abdali was returning to Afghanistan
early in March 1763, he suffered humiliation at the hands of the
Sikh chiefs who took possession of the ma~a/s of Sialkot and
Gujarat up to the river Jhelum. Raja Ghammand Chand of Kangra,
who had been given charge of the Jalandhar Doab, retired into the
hills out of fear, leaving his officials behind. The Sikh chiefs met
at Chak GurU (Amritsar) for consultations at the time of Baisakhi
for occupation of territories. Khwaja 'Ubaid Ullah, the Afghan
governor at Lahore, with Kabuli Mal as the Diwan, was negotiating
terms with them. Zain Khan, the Afghan administrator at Sirhind,
was not in a position to oppose the Sikhs. The calamity of Abdali
had gone, says the report, but the calamity of the Sikhs has now
arisen. 76
The Sikh chiefs wrote to Shuja'uddaula and Najibuddaula
that they had expelled Al)mad Shah Abdali from the province of
Lahore as 'servants' ofthe Mughal court, incurring large expenditure
in gathering troops. Therefore, the amount of money stipulated to
be paid to Al:tmad Shah Abdali should now be paid to them. They
go on to add that if this was not done they would not be responsible
for the action of the Sikh forces which were likely then to attack
the capital. This is hardly the language of "servants". Zain Khan
moved out of Sirhind with his five thousand cavalry and five
thousand infantry, not to oppose the Sikhs but to obviate their attack
on Sirhind.
In July 1763 it is reported that Al)mad Shah Abdali had
sent Jahan Khan as the governor of Lahore to quell the Sikhs. The
Sikh chiefs were preparing to meet at Amritsar for gurmatii to
coordinate action. 77 Jassa Singh (Ahluwalia) and others from the
Bari Doab, and Charhat Singh from the other side of the river of
Jhelum were to participate in the proceedings. Shuja'uddaula's
envoy met Jassa Singh with his letter and a robe of honour from the
Emperor. Jassa Singh replied that he would place the 'elevated
orders' before the Sikh chiefs at Amritsar wh'cre they would meet
for consultations. Meanwhile, Zain Khan bound himself to pay three
lacs of rupees to Jassa Singh through the mediacy of Ala Singh (of
Patiala) whose force was collecting revenues on behalfofZain Khan.
In the report of October 1763, Jahan Khan is said to have
crossed the Indus and encamped at Hasan Abdal, waiting for the

30
 Introduction

Shah's arrival. Charhat Singh and other chiefs were encamped on

the Jhelum to oppose Jahan Khan. Jassa Singh was collecting
revenues in the Jalandhar Doab and another force had raised
disturbance in the neighbourhood of Lahore~ A large number of
Sikhs gathered at Amritsar and started construction work, employing
some Durranis as labourers. 78
Early in 1764 Al,tmad Shah Abdali crossed the Indus.
Charhat Singh, Thoka Singh (Jassa Singh Ramgarhia) and others
were in the ma/.lals of Sialkot and Gujarat. Jassa Singh (Ahluwalia)
and others had laid siege to Sirhind which was being defended by
Zain Khan's deputy. Sirhind eventually was sacked and plundered.
Zain Khan was killed in a battle that followed and his goods and
money worth fourteen to fifteen lacs were siezed. Al,tmad Shah
Abdali marched to Hasan Abdal and Rawalpindi, along with his
commanders Shah Wali Khan, Shah Pasand Khan, Jahan Khan and
others. The Sikhs gathered at Amritsar and resolved to attack the
Shah. Al,tmad Shah halted at Rohtasgarh before crossing the Jhelum.
The Sikhs divided their forces into two or three divisions with the
idea of giving battle to him. He was on the other side of the Chenab
with nearly 40,000 horse and the Sikhs were on this side of the
river with more than 100,000 horse and foot. The Shah crossed the
river to fight a decisive battle. Among the Sikh~ were Charhat Singh,
Hari Singh (Bhangi), Thoka (Jassa Singh Ramgarhia) and others.
After much slaughter on both sides, the Afghan troops suffered
defeat. Many o.f them who missed the ford in their flight were
drowned, and Abmad Shah Abdali himself put his horse into the
river. Troop after troop crossed the river and fled pellmell. It was
rumoured that the Abdali ruler had been killed.
Meanwhile, Jassa Singh (Ahluwalia) sacked and
plundered some ma/.lals of the Yamuna Doab and recrossed the
Yamuna to collect tribute from the Zamlndiir of Kunjpura. Charhat
Singh, Hari Singh, Thoka (Jassa Singh Ramgarhia) and other Sikh
chiefs came to Amritsar for Hola, and then marched back to establish
their posts at various places. Their intention was to occupy the
Pathohar. Significantly, they sent messengers to the Afghan
governers of Multan and Kashmir, and to Zamlndiirs, to demand
the money they used to pay to Al,tmad Shah Abdali.
The process of territorial occupation was not always
smooth. When Hari Singh (Bhangi) and his men went to occupy
Lahore, Charhat Singh's men also reached .there. Two hundred
persons·were wounded and killed on both sides in the conflict that
ensued. When peace was arranged, Charhat Singh's men entered

31
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

the city and its residents were forced by Kabuli Mal to collect large
sums of money to be paid to Charhat Singh. 79
According to the report of June 1764, a battle ·had taken
place between Charhat Singh and the Gakkhar Zamindars of the
upper Sindh Sagar Doab. The Gakkhars were defeated and Charhat
Singh had settled some mal;zals. Hari Singh Bhangi appointed Wali
Mu~ammad Khan as the deputy governor of the province ofMultan.
Kabuli Mal was paying tax-money to Hari Singh Bhangi. The Raja
of Jammu sent a stipulated amount of money to the Sikh chiefs.
Their combined forces were plundering villages in the mal;za/s of
Ambala, Shahabad, and Kunjpura. Their intention was to march
into the Ganga Yamuna Doab. Ala Singh at Patiala, who was
preparing to fight the Sikhs, actually joined them. But he was asked
to pay money.
The report ofNovember 1764, states that Charhat Singh,
Hari Singh, Sukha Singh, Nihal Singh, Gujjar Singh and others
have proceeded towards Gujarat with 60,000 horse, after their visit
to Amritsar. The two Jassa Singhs, Khushhal Singh, Kardar Singh
and others had come to the Jalandhar Doab. Jahan Khan was
gathering troops in Ka~ul but the Afghans were much awed by the
Sikhs. Jawahar Singh of Bharatpur was supported by the Sikhs.
In March 1765 it is reported that A~mad Shah Abdali
was in the Jammu region where his camp had been raided by a Sikh
force. Jassa Singh Ahluwalia and others had collected thirteen lacs
of rupees from Jawahar Singh as the balance due from him. A~mad
Shah reached Jalandhar, crossed the river Sutlej, and encamped near
Sirhind: The men he left behind in the Jalandhar Doab deserted
their posts to join him for safety. Nothing was achieved in quelling
the Sikhs. Ala Singh of Patiala sent 40,000 rupees to the Shah and
it was rumoured that he would settle for an annual tribute of three
lacs of rupees. The Sikh chiefs did not allow the men of Al)mad
Shah Abdali to establish thanas anywhere and he moved from place
to place with his whole army. The Sikh troops did not engage the
Afghan army in a close battle. The Shah too was unable to chastise
them. There was no possibility of a settlement. Jassa Singh and
others told Ala Singh not to accept the Abdali's suzerainty; he replies
that he was •a zamlndar' and, therefore, could not refuse to submit
to his authority. But the Sikh chiefs could confront A~mad Shah
Abdali 'on equal terms' .80
Q~i NUr Mu~ammad'sJangnama presents Al)mad Shah
Abdali's campaign of 1764-65 in the Punjab, or at least the
participation of Na~ir Khan of Qalat in that campaign on his own

32
 Introduction

initiative, as a holy war. The Sikhs had not only come to dominate
Multan and Lahore, they had also overthrown the religious practices
of Islam. 81 During the campaign, Al;lmad Shah Abdali was keen to
destroy the Chak (Amritsar) once again. He marched for three days
and nights to arrive there. Only a few Sikhs had stayed back inside
the central enclosure with the idea of making a deliberate sacrifice
for the GurU. Thirty in all, they showed no dread of death, and died
fighting. From a Sikh source we know that the leader of these Sikhs
was Gurbakhsh Singh, a celebrated martyr. 82
Qa~i NUr Mul;lammad praises the Sikhs for their courage
and valour, their martial prowess, and their ethics in war. They
were ad,ept in the use of the sword, the spear-, and the bow. They
were exceptionally skilful in the use of the musket, as if it were
their own invention. Thirty of them could engage thirty thousand
men in battle, using hit-and-run tactics to scatter the enemy forces.
They did not pursue a fugitive; they did not plunder women; and
there was no adultery among them. The Singhs of GurU Gobind
Singh, the last successor of GurU Nanak who had shown a separate
path to the Sikhs, were not from amongst the Hindus. They had 'a
distinct religion of their own. ' 83
Many of the chiefs who had occupied territories in the
sarkar of Sirhind, the provinces of Lahore and Multan, and in the
Derajat are named by Qa~i NUr Mul;lammad: Jhanda Singh Bhangi,
Hari Singh Bhangi, Gujjar Singh Bhangi, Lehna Singh Bhangi,
Charhat Singh Sukerchakia, Jai Singh Kanhiya, Jassa Singh Kalal
(Ahluwalia), Jassa Singh Ramgarhia, SUba Singh, Sobha Singh,
Natha Singh, and Karam Singh, among others. Qaz;i NUr
Mul;lammad's evidence leaves no doubt whatever that the Sikhs were
de facto rulers of the Punjab before they struck the Sikh coin at
Lahore jn 1765.

VI
The last two works in this selection were actually meant
for the East India Company, or the British, as the new rulers of
India. Ghulam •Ali Khan wrote on the eighteenth-century Awadh
for the British Resident John Bailie whom he had met in 1807.
James Skinner, who rose to be a Lieutenant-Colonel in the British
Royal Army, had served under the French Generals of the Marathas
in 1796-1803 and then under Lord Lake, which made him somewhat
familiar with the Sikhs and their chiefs. In fact his Tashr'i}Ju 'I
Aqwam was completed at Hansi in 1825.

33
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

Ghulam 'Ali Khan's 'lmadu 's Sa 'adat contains a short

account of the genesis of the Sikhs. He refers to the founder of the
community, Guru Nanak, as a renunciant who attained to "full
spiritual knowledge in the Hindu way". His gnosticism was evident
from his compositions.
GurU Nanak's followers were of two kinds: the Khalsa
who kept uncut hair, and the Khula~a who were beardless. 84
However, only one or two of the latter category were found 'in a
thousand, or rather ten thousand', Sikhs. In other words, the Khalsa
component was overwhelmingly predominant. Ghulam 'Ali Khan
underscores the willingness of the Sikhs to die for their GurU. Such
orders were actually issued by some of the successors of GurU
Nanak, to their later regret. 85
In all there were ten Gurus from GurU Nanak to GurU
Gobind Singh. Among them, however, is placed Bhagat Bhagwan,
the son .of a Muslim carpenter. 116 The Sikhs believed that the ten
spiritual masters of the Sikhs presented a parallel to the ten Mughal
Emperors up to Mul_lammad Shah as masters of the temporal world.
There was indeed a saying among the Sikhs: 'das Babe de, das
Babar de' .R7 Ghulam 'Ali Khan goes on to give a brief description
of Suthra-Shahis, the followers of Suthra who was a disciple of
GurU Gobind Singh.H8 ,
For Ghulam 'Ali Khan, the Sikhs had become completely
a political community from the time of GurU Gobind Singh. The
beginning was made in the time of GurU Tegh Bahadur. 119 By the
early nineteenth century they had come into possession of the entire
country from the river Indus to the river Sutlej, up to Multan, 911 and
from the banks of the Sutlej up to Karnal outside the Punjab. 91 The
leaders of the Sikhs belonged mostly to the meaner classes, such as
carpenters, leather-workers and Jats. 92 They referred to their armies
as the army of Baba Nanak,93 and demanded tribute for the sacred
food called karah. 94 They were wil1ing to compromise on the amount
of ransom. Their army, called Dal, consisted of about two lacs of
horsemen. Some of the Sikh soldiers were strong enough to kill a
good horse with a kick. Their musket could pick a man nine hundred
steps away. Each of them could cover two hundred kurohs at one
stretch.
The proof of the effectiveness of the Sikh sword was the
success of the Sikhs against the Durranis who were regarded as the
best fighters. After Mu'inu'l Mulk's death and Adina Beg Khan's
period of regime at Lahore, Prince Timiir Shah had begun to hold
court at Lahore as the deputy of his father, Al_lmad Shah Abdali. To

34
 Introduction

all appearances the Sikhs were subserviant to him but inwardly they
harboured hostility towards him. If a few Sikh chiefs professed to
be loyal, a few others kept the market of disturbance warm. Neither
TimUr Shah nor Al}mad Shah Abdali succeeded in containing them.95
GhuHim •Ali Khan defines •Punjab' as the country
between five rivers. He names Sutlej, Beas, Ravi, Chenab and
Jhelum, leaving out the Indus. Probably, he was misled by the word
'panj-iib' to come up with an arbitrary definition. Till the time of
Ghulam •Ali Khan the Punjab was generally taken to mean the
former province of Lahore which was also known as the Punjab."'(!
There were millions of Sikhs in the Punjab, the number having
been swelled by yogurt-sellers, confectioners, fodder-vendors,
grain-sellers, barbers, and washermen. 97 Groups of Sikhs were found
in the whole of Hindustan from Delhi to Calcutta, and even in
Haidarabad and Chennai. Only a few of them were well-born. They
were mostly the market people. The Sikhs kept uncut hair, used
"Wah Gurii di fateh" as their form of greeting, and interdined with
one another. They were hostile to hookah-smokers but they were
addicted to hemp (bhang). 98
On the whole, QhuUim •Ali Khan rs highly selective in
his presentation of the past and present state of the Sikh community.
The accuracy or inaccuracy of his information depended on the
character of the source of his information, mostly oral. But he also
relied on his observation. The most interesting and useful part of
his account of the Sikhs is based on his personal observation in the
late eighteenth or the early nineteenth century. In other words, not
his image of the past but his picture of the present is really useful
to the historian of the Sikhs.
James Skinner equates the Sikhs with the followers of
Guru Go bind Singh who belonged to "the family of Baba Nanak":
The Sikhs used to follow the way of the mendicants before Guru
Gobind Singh but they became "men of state and government" from
his times. Along with his spiritual position, he attained the position
of a Raja, and had the sermon and coins contain his name, which
were still current in the Punjab. The coins current in the Punjab did
contain the name of Guru Gobind Singh but he never struck any
coin. As we noticed earlier, Banda Bahadur struck a coin which
contained the name of Guru Gobind Singh, and the inscription on
his seal also contained Guru Gobind Singh's name. The coins current
in the Punjab, known as Gobind Shahi and Nanak Shahi, bore both
the inscriptions used by Banda. This could easily mislead Skinner
to believe that Guru Gobind Singh had struck coins in his name.

35
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

The reference to sermon (kh~lba) is merely figurative to imply

declaration of sovereignty.
Skinner's explanation of how the Sikhs came to keep
uncut hair comes from a source far removed from the Sikh tradition.
GurU Gobind Singh worshipped at the shrine of Naina Devi 99 for
one year and did not cut the hair of his head; arm-pits and pubes.
He returned to his own place with the sa.me appearance and
instructed his followers to follow the same practice. Equating the
Khalsa with the Sikhs, Skinner states that GurU Gobind Singh gave
"the name Sikh" to his religion. The purpose for which the GurU
worshipped the goddess was "the banishment ofMuslims". 100
The Sikhs were divided into two components: the
ordinary Sikhs and the Akalis. The latter put on blue attire which
GurU Go bind Singh used to wear in the time of battle. They were
particularly courageous and warlike. But they were not well-versed
in fighting with the sword, and did not perform well in close
fighting. They harboured bitter hostility against the Muslim
community and regarded it meritorious to kill Muslims. 101
All Sikhs were brave and followed the profession of
soldiery .102 They were without peer in the art of musketry and mobile
warfare. 103 Most ofthe ordinary Sikhs wore blue turbans, and none
wore red. 104 The wearing of kachhchha (short breeches) was very
common among them. 105 They avoided smoking as much as the
razor, and they did not eat ~alii/ butjha.tka meat. 106 They did not
eat beef but ate the meat of other animals and birds, including the
wild pig. 107 They consumed liquor and did not abstain from
anything. 108 Anyone from any caste, whether Brahman or sweeper,
could join their faith. There were no distinctions among them in
eating and drinking. 109
The Sikhs glorified and praised God. They did not believe
in anyone except their own Master. Their worship consisted of
reading his verses which they recited with song and music. They
worshipped the Bani of their Master. Rather vaguely, Skinner
appears to refer to the belief of the Khalsa in the Gurus and the
Granth. 1·10

VII
The non-Sikh sources of Sikh history selected for this
volume contain some information which is not to be found in Sikh
sources. Similarly, the Sikh sources contain some infonnation which
is not there in these non-Sikh sources. T.hen, there is some
information that is common to both, or which is supplementary or

36
 Introduction

complementary. Thus, the Sikh and non-Sikh evidence is mutually

iII uminating.
Only a few of our authors appear to have used the work
of their predecessors. A considerable portion of what they say came
from sources distant in space or time, whether Sikh or non-Sikh.
But they heard from close quarters too. Furthermore, their
information was often based on personal observation or experience.
Every work is not necessarily even in terms of its reliability. The
official documents have a unique significance, followed closely by
semi-official contemporary reports. The collective evidence of the
selections is peculiarly important for chronology and political
history, especially for the period of Guru Arjan and GurU Hargobind,
the post-Khalsa phase of Gurii Gobind Singh's life, the political
activity of Banda Bahadur, and the resurgence of Sikh political
power from 1758 to 1765.
Many of the writers tend to assume that the Sikh
movement before Gurii Gobind Singh was pacifist and that it was
made militant primarily by him. This stereotype was popularized
by the early British writers who gave preference to Persian sources
for various reasons. However, the Sikh sources do not present a
clean rupture between the early Sikh movement and the Khalsa,
though the Sikh sources too emphasize the importance of the
institution of the Khalsa. Whereas the Sikh writers were familiar
with the doctrines and institutions of the Sikhs, most of the non-
Sikh writers were more interested in the external manifestation of
their intentions and purposes.
GurU Nanak is often presented as a mystic, whether
Hindu Clr Muslim. However, a distinct identity was seen emerging
under his successors, particularly after the institution of the Khalsa.
The non-Sikh sources say hardly anything about the institution of
the Khalsa itself. Their explanation of how the Sikhs came to keep
uncut hair is not based on any empirical evidence. A few of them
refer to the removal of Masands. Nearly all the writers treat the
Khalsa as by far the most dominant component of the Sikh
community, if not the only component. The relative egalitarianism
of the Sikhs in religious, social and political spheres is emphasized
in the non-Sikh sources. The gurmata is mentioned, but not the
doctrine of Gurii-Panth. The Sikh scripture is mentioned, but not
the doctrine of Gurii-Granth.
The Sikh community is not a monolithic whole in the
collective evidence of the non-Sikh sources. Apart from the
difference between the Sikhs and the Khalsa, and between the Khalsa

37
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

and the Akalis, some other internal differences, and even tensions,
are mentioned. The Sikh sources confirm the observations of the
outsiders. If the Sikh sources are indispensable for the Sikh self-
image, the non-Sikh sources enable us to see how others looked
upon the Sikhs. In both cases, we come upon multiple images and a
variety of attitudes towards the Sikhs and their past. Each work has
to be seen, therefore, as a whole and in conjunction with other
sources, both non-Sikh and Sikh, for proper and meaningful use as
evidence. The important question to ask is not ''who says what" but
"what does it mean?"

Notes
For publication details of works cited in these notes sec References
on page 47.
1 The terms used in the Tuzuk arc siyiisat and yiisii, which do suggest

capital punishment. Was this punishment to be inflicted without

shedding the blood of Guru Arjan who was a religious leader even in
Jahangir's eyes'?
1
Bhangu, 265-66.
3 Chhibber, 45-46, 54-SS & 65.
4
The evidence of the Dabistiin reinforces the suggestive evidence of
BMii Gurdas who was acutely consc1ous of the change after the
martyrdom of Guru Arjan. As his opponents pointed out, Guru
Hargobind was different from his predecessors. Formerly, the Emperors
used to visit the Gurus, but now Guru Hargobind was imprisoned in a
fort by the Emperor. Guru Hargobind kept dogs for hunting and
preferred the company of persons who presented a contrast to the old
Sikhs. Bhai Gurdas adds that the true Sikhs were still devoted to him,
knowing that he was silently bearing an unbearable burden. He was
leading others on a path that was sharp like the edge of the double-
edged sword. Bhai Gurdas, XXIV, 20; XXVI, 24.
5 Bhai Gurdas, XIII, 25. The word maranka in the text could be

mannwkh (self-centred), as suggested by Ganda Singh. It could also

be murakh (ignoramus) which too occurs prominently in the Viirs of
Bhai Gurdas. In the Bachillar Nii!ak the wise look at the Gurus
as one and the fool looks upon them as different.
6 Ibid, XX, I & 2. .
7
Ibid, XXXVI, especially 1-8. According to Kesar Singh Chhibber,
Guru Arjan had used the word mlnii for Prithi Chand when he posed
to be innocent about his own misdeed, and the name stuck to him, his
descendants, and their followers. Chhibbcr,.49 & 50. For cleavage in
the Panth of Guru Niinak, Grewal, 39-4 7.
x Bhai Gurdas, I, 17; XII, 5; XX, 4 & 21.
11 Ibid, III, 4; VIII, 20; XXXII, 2.
111 Ibid, XVI, 20; XVIII, 14; XIX, 19; XXVIII, 22.
II Ibid, XXVII, 6, 12, 16, 17; XXVIII, 2.
11
Ibid, VI, 4; vii, 18.
ll Ibid, XXIV, II.
14
Ibid, V, 13; VI, 2, 13; X, 5; XV, 21; XVIII, 14; XXIII, 19.
15 Kesar Singh Chhibbcr dwells on the martial prowess of Guru

38
 Introduction
Hargobind. Chhibber, 7 I. Ratan Singh Bhangu says that Guru
Hargobind demonstrated mirf as well as pfrf: he took up the sword,
killed Painda, Lalla and Kambar, and defeated the armies of Shah
Jahan. Bhangu, 33-34.
16
Bhai Gurdas, V, 2; XIV, 17; XX, I I. The service of the Khalsa as the
Guru is emphasized by Koer Singh in similar terms. Koer Singh, 138.
17
Ibid, IX, 16.
18
Ibid, VIII, 20; VI, 5; IX, 8, 9, I 6; XI, I I; XII, I; XV, 16; XVIII, 20;
XXVI, I 7; XIII, I.
19
Ibid, XI, 24.
10
Ibid, I, 23; XI, 7.
21
Ibid, XXIII, 20; VI, 8. Cf. Banerjee,·I, 118-19.
22
Ibid, XXIII, 19.
23 Ibid, V, 2 I.
24
Ibid, XV, I.
2
' Contrary to the general impression, the term 'true king' was used for all
the Gurus. The equation of the True Guru with the True King was relevant
here. Significantly, Guru Ram Diis is pillar of din and dunya; Guru Arjan
has established an everlasting raj. The tokens of royalty arc used
metaphorically for the Guru. Even a Gurmukh by the grace of the Guru is
the king ofkings. (Bhai Gurdas, V, II: XXIV, 14, 15 & 19.
16
The word sahlang occurs in the compositio"ns of Guru Amar Das and
Guru Ram Diis, as pointed out by Ganda Singh. Malsll.a6., 34n2. It occurs
in the Vars of Bhai Gurdiis (XII, 8; XXVI, 25), and in a hukamnama
of Guru Gobind Singh (Hukamnamay, I 55). Therefore the shahlang
of the Dabistan may safely be taken as sahlang of the Sikh sources.
In the Granth Sahib and the VarofBhai Gurdas it means 'linked with'
or 'associated with'. In the Dabistan and the hukamnama of Guru
Gobind Singh, it means a person or a sangat linked with the Guru
through a Masand.
27
The word Khalsa occurs in a composition of Kabir included in the
Granth Sahib. If refers to a person of exalted spiritual status. In due
course the word •Khalsa' came to be used for a Sikh or a sangat directly
linked with the Guru. In a hukamnama of Guru Hargobind, the sangat
of 'the east' are told: 'You are my kha/sa'. Hukanmamay, 67. The
sangat of Pattan of Fa rid is called 'the Khalsa of the Guru' in a
hukamnama of Guru Tegh Bahiidur. (Ibid, 77). The term khalsa is
used more frequently in the hukamnamas of Gum Gobind Singh after
1699. (Ibid, 157, 159, 161, 163, 165, 167, 169, 171, 173, 175, 77,
179, 181, 183 and 187). For the use of khalsa by Guru Gobind Singh
before I 699, Baagha ( 1969). The evidence of the Dabistan enables us
to infer that the words melf and sahlang were used for the Sikhs linked
with the Gum through the mcdiacy of a Masand, and the word lsll.alsa
for the Sikhs directly linked with the Guru ..
21 The turban was a mark of personal respectability and honour. Bhai
Gurdas talks of the truth as beautiful like the turban. Bhai Gurdas,
XXX, 8.
29 Professor Irfan Habib points out that by adding the word lsll.wud in the
sentence in the Dabistan the problem is not solved. The crucial part
of the sentence is: dar makafib namanigar ra. If kh.wud is added before
ra, then makatib namanigar has to be read as makafib-i namanigar,
or 'letters of the author.'. To make sense, however, it should be 'letters
to the author'. Could makatlb-i namanigar bear this sense'! In any

39
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

case, since the attribution of 'Nanak' to the author of the Dabistan

docs not make any sense, Ganda Singh suggests that there is something
wrong with the statement made (Makhaz. 44n). The usc of the name
'Niinak' in the case of the successors ofGurp Nlinak is meant to imply
unity between the founder and the successors. According to Kesar
Singh Chhibbcr, the usc of the word 'Niinak' by the minas was regarded
by Guru Arjan as a reason enough to compile the Granth so that the
spurious compositions of the minas remained separate from the
authentic Bani of the true Gurus. In other words, none other than the
true Guru was entitled to usc 'Nanak' for himself. Chhibbcr, 50.
30
In his compositions, Guru Niinak appears to have no objection to the
eating of meat.
31
The best exponent of the idea that Guru Niinak had bestowed rulcrship
upon Biibur for generations on the condition that his successors would
not harm the followers of Guru Niinak is Ratan Singh Bhangu: The
oppression and persecution of the Sikhs by the Mug hal rulers became
the cause of their decline and fall. Sovereignty was justly claimed by
the Sikhs as a gift from Guru Niinak.
31 Chhibber, 21-22.
33
Most of the contemporary and near-contemporary writers refer to Guru
Gobind Singh as 'Gobind Riii '. However, in two of the hukamnamas
of his father, Guril Tegh Bahiidur, the name given is 'Go bind Diis'.
Hukamnamas, 55 & 63. The epithet 'Das• was replaced by 'Singh'
when he took baptism of the double-ended sword from 'the cherished
, five' (panj piaray) who had been baptized by him and, among other
things, given the epithet 'Singh' .
• 34 Contemporary evidence on the Udasrs is very meagre. That

renunciation and asceticism were the marked features of their life is

built into the epithet Udasr. In what other ways their beliefs and
worship were different from those of the Sikhs of the Gurus is not
clear. Sujan Riii does not appear to treat them as radically different.
For their later history, Sulakhan Singh ( 1999).
35 G.C. Narang states that Akbar's friendship increased 'the prestige of

the Gurus and made their mission more popular with the higher classes
of society'. His homage to the Guru 'brought crowds of followers to
the fold of Sikhism'. Narang, 37.
36
The contemporary Sikh works like the Bachittar Na!ak and the
Gursobha underscore the religious dimension of the martyrdom of
Guru Tcgh Bah!dur in a situation of confrontation with Aurangzeb.
Guru Tcgh Bahlidur stood for religious freedom and Auragzcb for
coercion in support of his own faith. Sainapat's statement is suggestive
of a general principle, the freedom of human conscience, upheld by
Guru Tegh Bahiidur who became a protector of 'the honour of the
whole world' Uagg chadar). Sainapat, 10-11 & 14-15.
37 A contemporary Sikh writer, Sainapat describes at some length the

situation of internal conflict that arose in Delhi, after the institution

of the Khiilsa. The Khatris in particular were opposed to the injunction
regarding keeping the hair uncut because ceremonial cutting of the
hair was a part of their traditional practice.s. The state functionaries
had to intervene. Similar things happened at many other places.
Sainapat, 42-55 & 56.
38 The pre-Khiilsa battles of Guru Gobind Singh against the local chiefs

and the Mughal faujdars arc briefly described by the contemporary

40
 Introduction
Sainapatt Even before the final siege of Anandpur, the faujdar of
Sirhind had supported the hill chief against Guru Gobind Singh.
Sainapat, 14-28.
39
The Sikh writers like Sainapat and Ratan Singh Bhangu do not refer
to the sack of Anandpur, but complete evacuation of the town is either
explicitly stated or it is assumed. In any case, there could be no
resistance to plunder which was a normal feature of warfare.
"" The ~afarnoma of Guru Gobind Singh relates to the situation of the
evacuation of Anandpur and its aftermath. The primary emphasis of
the composition is on breach of promise after a solemn oath on the
Quran by the Mughal Bakhshi and Diwan. The well known reference
to the necessity of taking up arms comes in this context:
Chun kiir az hama hflotay dargu6_asht
lfalal ast burdan b 'shamshfr dast.
For an English translation of the ~afarniima, Duggal ( 1980). For an
analysis of the ~afarniima, Grewal, 63-67.
41
Sainapat, 93-94, 122 & 124-25. In the Sikh tradition, generally,
Zorawar Singh is one of the two sons of Guru Go bind Singh who were
executed at Sirhind. The ~afarnama states that all the four children of
the Guru had been killed. The presence of Zorawar Singh at Chi tor in
1708 is problematic, notwithstanding the explicit statements made by
the two writers.
41
In 1707, a serious battle was fought ncar Baghaur in Rajasthan.
Sainapat, 107-1 1.
43
On 2 October 1707 Guru Gobind Singh wrote to his Khalsa at Dhaul
and Khara, two villages of the Punjab, that he had received a robe of
honour (siropao) from the Piitshiih, along with a dhukhdhukhi studded
with precious stones. He expected to be back in Kahlur after a short
• time and asked the Khalsa to come there fully armed. Hukamniimay,
187 & 189.
44
According to Chhibber, Jit Singh, a Sikh of the Guru who accompanied
Mita Sundari and Miitii Sahib Devi to Delhi in 1707, was adopted by
Mlitii Sundari as .her son. He was treated as a Sahibziida. Chhibber,
178-79.
4
~ One view is that Jamshed Khan was acting on behalf of Wazir Khan,
thcfaujdiir ofSirhind, who was afraid of Guru Gobind Singh's success
with Bahadur Shah. Kirpal Singh, 126-29.
46
In Delhi too, the persons to be turned out of the sang at were Khatris.
The leaders of the opponents of the Khalsa were rich Khatris. Sainapat,
43-44 & 46.
47
According to Ratan Singh Bhangil, Guru Gobind Singh sent baptized
Singhs to Guru Chak (Amritsar). They occupied the gurdwiira and
constructed bungas. The activity of the Khalsa in the region led to
conflict with the Mughal authorities. Bhangu, 47 & 49.
48
The Sikh writers of the eighteenth century generally talk of'the Turks'
as the enemies of the Khalsa. The 'Turks' could stand for the Muslim
rulers and their supporters. But it was not easy to keep a distinction
between individuals and the community. Kesar Singh Chhibbcr talks
of the Muslim community as the enemy of the Sikhs, and he is hostile
to Islam and the Prophet. But Chhibbcr looks upon 'Khatris' too as
the enemies of the Gurus and the Sikhs. He brackets them with Muslims
in the phrase tattay-khattay (Muslim-Khatri).
49
That Guru Gobind Singh received 'a military command' from Bahiidur

41
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

Shiih is accepted by Cunningham as a fact on the basis indirectly of

Khiifi Khan's statement. However, Cunningham docs not look upon
the situation as one of genuine reconciliation. 'The emperor perhaps
thought that the leader of insurrectionary Jats might be usefully
employed in opposing rebellious Marathas, and Gobind perhaps saw
in the imperial service a ready way of disarming suspicion and of
reorganizing his followers'. Cunningham, 72 & n 2. Cf. Grewal, 67-
72.
Sll The motive of revenge is emphasized by both Sikh and non-Sikh
writers. However, it does not go far in explaining all the facts provided
by these writers themselves.
51
Sainapat, 133-35.
s: Writing a decade after the Chahar Gulshan, Kesar Singh Chhibber
devotes some pages to Banda Bahadur, Ajit Singh, Miitii Sundari and
Mata Sahib Devi. Banda was not a Guru for him though some people
regarded him as the eleventh Guru. Banda was a ruler. Chhibber, 176
& 178. For Ratan Singh Bhangu, Banda was neither a Guru nor a
Piitshiih. Bhangu, 131. Jit (Ajit) Singh, presumed to be a Guru for
twelevc years, did have a specific following called Jit-Mallias, and he
was succeeded by his son Hathi Singh who left Delhi and went to
Mathura along with the family of Jit Singh. However, neither Mlitii
Sundari nor Miitii Siihib Dcvi assumed Guruship. They were revered
and followed as the widows of Guru Gobind Singh. Chhibber, 178-
82.
In the hukamnamas of Miitii Sundari, included in the H11kammimay
edited by Ganda Singh, issued in 1717, 1721, 1722, 1723, 1728 and
1730, and those of Miitii Sahib Devi issued in 1726, 1729, 1730, 1731,
1732 and 1734, there is no indication that they claimed to be the Guru.
They address the Sikhs as "the Khalsa of Akiil Purakh" and ask for
offerings in the name of the Guru; they represent "the house of the
Guru" and the Khalsa arc their "sons". Obviously, there is no claim to
Guruship. The mere fact that the Sikhs sent offerings to them could be
seen by outsiders as an acknowledgement of their Guruship. A
hukamnama dated 12 April 1759, addressed to the Sikhs of Patna by
"the Khalsa of Sat Sri Akiil Purakh Ji", equates the Khalsa with the
Guru. Hukamnamay, 233.
sJ The evidence of Sikh writers on the issue ofGuruship docs not support
the idea that any person after Guru Gobind Singh could be regarded as
Guru. In the contemponiry work of Sainapat, Guruship is vested by
Guru Gobind Singh himself in the K.hiilsa and Shabad-Biini. Sainapat,
133-35. Around the mid-eighteenth century, Chaupa Singh's Rahit-
Nama refers to Guruship vested in the Granth Sahib and in the K.h.alsa,
the entire Kf!alsa or the entire Sikh Sangat. Chaupa Singh, 76, 98,
100, 116 & 120. Koer Singh, who is placed in the mid-eighteenth or
the early nineteenth century, refers to Guril-Khalsa and Gurii Granth.
Koer Singh, 138, 139, 283 & 284. Kesar Singh Chhibber in 1769 refers
to the 'ten forms' as lamps lighted by one another. He refers to the
Adi Granth and the Khalsa as the Guru. Chhibber, 29, 36, I 12, 126,
136 & I 63-64. Ratan Singh Bhangu in the 1840s talks of the Khalsa
and the Adi Granth as the Gurii. Bhangu, 297, 298 & 389. Thus, the
evidence in favour of corporal and scriptural Guruship is
overwhelming. The individuals who claimed Guruship did so in spite
of the doctrines of Gurii-Granth and Gurii-Panth. Grewal, 133-39.

42
 Introduction
54 This may be a reference to ban on cow-slaughter.
55 According to Ratan Singh Bhangu, Fateh Singh was made thefaujdiir
of Sam ana after its conquest. Baj Singh, a Bat Jat of Patti, was made
the administrator ofSirhind after its conquest and Ali Singh was made
his deputy. Two of his brothers were made Thanadars and thanas were
established in forts. Bhiii Fateh Singh was made the leader of the Malwa
Sikhs with the title of nawiib. It is interesting to note that Bhangu
blames Banda Bahiidur for not destroying Sirhind. Bhangu, 89, 97-98,
99 & 100.
56 The political motive from the very inception of the Khalsa is
underscored by Ratan Singh Bhangu who talks of the feeling of revenge
too in a later situation. Banda's commission was not merely to take
revenge but also to establish the rule of the Khalsa.
51 Ratan Singh Bhangu too refers to Aslam Khan's fear and his reluctance
to move against Banda Bahiidur. Bhangu, I 03.
58
The Parachas, like the Khojas, were converts to Islam mostly from the
tradng communities of the Punjab. Some of them carried extensive
trade with the cities of Central Asia, chiefly in cloth, silk, indigo and
tea. In the central districts they were generally looked upon as petty
traders. Rose, III, 200-02. The Parachas of.Lahore, apparently, were
affluent.
59
The author disapproves of the anti-Hindu attitude of the fanatically
inclined Muslims but does not say why they treated Hindus as their
enemy. Were they supposed to be sympathetic to the Khalsa'!
That Banda Bahiidur also made a clear distinction between Hindus
and Muslims for revenge is mentioned by Ratan Singh Bhangu.
60
This would lend support to the idea that hukamniimas in the name of
Guru Gobind Singh were sent to many places in the Punjab.
61
Ratan Singh Bhangu mentions that the Muslims ofSadhaura who took
refuge in Hindu homes remained safe. Bhangu, 91.
62
Ratan Singh Bhangu refers to Banda's atrocities against Muslims in
general and against some individuals in particular without any
hesitation. He appears to assume that Banda's action was justified in
·terms of retaliation. Kesar Singh Chhibbcr has a special praise for
Banda Bahiidur's principle of retaliation.
63 This early mention of "Fateh Darshan" is important because Ratan
Singh Bhangu, writing more than a hundred years later, makes much
of this evidence to assert that Banda Bahlidur deviated from the true
faith of the Khalsa by replacing "Wiihigurii ji kii Khiilsa, Wiihigurri ji
klfateh" with "Fateh darshan". He also mentions the introduction of
red dress in place of the blue, and vegetarianism. Bhangu, 132-33.
Kesar Singh also refers to the opposition between "Fateh Darshan"
and ''Wahiguruji kifateh". Chhibbcr, 185. tn a hrtkamniima of Banda,
"fateh darshan" is the greeting used and vegetarian diet is insisted
upon. Hukamnamay, 193.
64
The term "Sachchii Piitshah" is used for God and the Guru in the
sixteenth and seventeenth century Sikh literature. The term occurs in
an order of Banda Bahadur which also contains the greeting "Fatch
Darsan". 'Sachcha Patshah' could refer to Banda himself but the
persons addressed are also called 'the Khalsa of Akiil Purakh '.
Hukamnamay, 193. Already, in a hrtkamniima of Guru Gobind Singh
the term "the Kh.iilsa of Wahiguruji" was used. Hukamnamay, 191.
65 Ratan Singh Bhangu refers to letters written by Banda to the Khalsa

43
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

in the Punjab to the effect that GurU Gobind Singh had sent him to
uproot 'the Sirhindis' and 'the hilly' (chiefs) who were the proven
enemies of the GurU. Bhangu, 86.
Kesar Singh Chhibber uses the metaphor of the same sword in a
different scabbard for Banda's relationship with Guru Gobind Singh.
Chhibber, 173.
66
The abolition of all distinctions of social background in the Khalsa is
emphasized in Sikh sources too. Ratan Singh Bhangu looks upon the
introduction of vegetarian diet, and the ritual of chauka, as a deviation
from the sarhangi tradition of Guru Gobind Singh in which all the
Khalsa ate together, irrespective of their social background or caste.
Bhangu, 133.
67
According to Ratan Singh Bhangu, even before the institution of the
Khalsa the Sikhs belonged to castes who did not take up arms, and
were mostly lower caste and outcaste people. Bhangu, 41-42.
68
Chhibber, 170-77. Bhangu, 74-158.
69
Bhangu, 141.
7
° Chhibber, 178.
71
Bhangu, 131.
72
Ganda Singh (1976), 9-10.
73
Though Ratan Singh Bhangu does not refer to any inscription or coin,
he puts forth the general proposition that Sikh sovereignty was a gift
of GurU Nanak. Bhangu, 20-21 & 213.
74
T.ahmiis K.hiin's reference to disorders is a euphemism. In fact some
Sikh leaders had started occupying pockets of territory even in the
upper Bari Doab by the mid-eighteenth cenrury. The seal of Jai Singh
Kanhiya, who became a well known chief with his headquarters of
Batala in the third quarter of the century, bears the date 1750. There
are other orders of Sikh chiefs during the 1750s. B.N. Goswamy and
J.S. Grewal, Documents XVIII & XX. The documents in the collection
ofthe Vaishnavas ofPindori obviously relate only to those chiefs who
gave them grants, or confirmed their grants. There were other religious
establishments in the Punjab which received similar grants from other
chiefs at the same time, suggesting in fact that the area of territorial
occupation was much wider than the upper Bari Doab.
75 Details of the Gballughara of 1762 from the Sikh side arc given by
Ratan Singh Bhangu, highlighting the distinguished role of both
Charhat Singh Sukerchakia and Jassa Singh Ahluwalia. Bhangu, 360-
73.
76
It is interesting to note that Ratan Singh Bhnagu returns the compliment
by saying that the Marathas who came from the Deccan to fight A~ mad
Shah Abdali were "the friends only of money, being foreigners
(pardesi)". Bhangu, 382.
77 There are frequent references to gurmatas, or resolutions of the entire
body of the Khalsa present, in Ratan Singh Bhangu. Bhangu, 222, 270,
318, 320, 328, 385-86, 389, 399-400, 405, 416, 430 & 440. Bhangu
makes the general statement too that the Khalsa used to visit Amritsar
at the times of Diwali and Baisakhi after plundering the country to
pass gurmatas at the Akal Takht. Ibid, 331. These resolutions were
generally passed at Amritsar, but not always. The term gurmato
signified that the resolution was passed in the presence of the GurU in
the form of the Khalsa and the Guril-Granth.
18 The Harmandar Sahib at Amritsar was destroyed and desecrated by

44
 Introduction
A\lmad Shah Abdali on two or three occasions. Evcrytimc it was rebuilt
through the collective effort of the Khalsa.
19
Unless a gurmata was passed, there was competition and contention
among the Sikh leaders concerning occupation of territories. Lahore
could hold a special importance. The incident mentioned here is
interestng because Lahore would be occupied later by Bhangi and
Kanhiya leaders in 1765 and Charhat would arrive there rather too
late.
80
Ala Singh's comment is very significant. Tho descendants ofChaudhari
PhUI had risen into power within the framework of Mughal rule. But
the Khalsa of the central Punjab had risen into power by disrupting
the Mughal administration and refusing to acknowledge Mughal
authority. Whereas the former did not hesitate to accept political
subordination as vassals, the latter were jealous of their sovereign
status.
81
The author of a Var composed after the establishment of Sikh rule
does talk of the downfall of Muslims and Islam. The Quran, the mosque
and the p"irs arc no longer dominant. They have been subdued and
overshadowed by the faith of the Khalsa. Freedom ofworship has been
ensured for Hindus as well. Bhai Gurdiis, XLI.
u Ratan Singh Bhangu dwells on the martyrdom of Nihang Gurbakhsh
Singh and his companions in defence of Harmandar Sahib in
Ratridaspur (Amitsar). Bhangu, 414-25.
83 Several of the Sikh writers assert that the Khalsa had an identity distinct

from that of Hindus and Muslims. Chaupa Singh, 92; Chhibber 128;
Bhangu, 40.
84
It is interesting to note that the word khulasa occurs in the work of
Sainapat completed in 1711, that is, nearly a century earlier. It was
used for those who had abandoned the Khalsa code of life. Sainapat,
47.
15 This may be a vague reference to the sacrifice of life demanded by

Guru Gobind Singh, according to the Sikh tradition, for instituting

the Khalsa on the Baisakhi of 1699.
86 Bhagat Bhagwiin was an Udas'i. His successors and followers claimed

that he had founded a centre on the authority of Gurii Har Rai. They
were more popular in Bihar than in the Punjab, but they were influential
in the Punjab too. Sulakhan Singh, 12, 20, 21, 22, 71, 73, 90 & 91.
It is likely that Qhulam •Ali Khan received this garbled information
from some Udasi follower of Bhagat Bhagwiin.
117 In the early nineteenth century, "ten o.f the Biibii, ten of Babar" would

carry the implication that for the Sikhs, just as Guruship had ended
after the tenth master, so had imperial sway ended after Mu\lammad
Shah. The first part of the saying was a statement of Sikh doctrine,
and the second part a political statement.
88 For different versions of the origin of the Suthra-Shahis, their

appearance, and beliefs and practices, Rose, Ill, 445-48. Qhulam 'Ali
Khan's statement appears to be based on personal observation. The
Suthra-Shahis were also Udasi. It appears that in the early nineteenth
the Udasi groups were better known outside the Punjab than the
religious representatives of the Khalsa.
19 This version of Gum Tegh Bahiidur's activity appears to have become

a stereotype by the early nineteenth century.

90 Mu1tan was conquered by a Sikh chief but it was recovered by the

45
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

Afghans a few years later. In 1808, it was not yet conquered by Ranjit
Singh.
91
The Punjab ended at the river Sutlej for our author, as for the earlier
writers.
92
The majority of the Sikh chiefs were Jats. Only one was a kala/ and
another a carpenter. There were two Khatri chiefs also in the late
eighteenth century but no leather-worker. For details, Sachdeva ( 1994).
91
The reference to the army ofBabii Nanak appears to replicate the belief
of the Sikhs that their sovereignty was derived from Guru Niinak.
94
Karah could carry the wider implication of a kitchen that was open to
all.
9
' The point is not made explicit but the implication is absolutely clear.
96
Possibly, the Punjab originally was meant to cannote notpanj-ab but
panj-doab. In any case, the province of Lahore contained five doabs.
97
In the early nineteenth century, the majority of the Sikhs were Jats,
followed by outcastes.
91
The eighteenth and early nineteenth century Sikh writers mention the
use of bhang without any inhibition. The Nihangs generally keep the
deg of sukhkha (bhang) at their deras ready all the time for anyone to
drink.
119
Nainii Dcvi, on the top of the first high range from Anandpur, was the
place where according to the Dabistan a Sikh of Guru Hargobind had
cut the nose of the goddess. Nevertheless, the myth of the goddess
being invoked by Guru Gobind Singh had developed in the late
eighteenth century. and this popular belief is reflected in Skinner's
statement.
100
Sainapat, who makes no reference whatever to the goddess, talks of
the mission of Guru Go bind Singh as the extermination of evil-doors
and exaltation of the pious. Ratan Singh Bhangu mentions sovereign
rule as the purpose of instituting the Khalsa. Both the authors looked
upon the contemporary rulers as the opposing party and not the
'Muslims'. Skinner appears to reflect a popular impression rather than
a view based on reliable evidence.
101
In Ratan Singh Bhangu's Panth Prakash the Akiilis arc depicted as
deeply religious and staunchly committed to the cause of the Khalsa,
fighting in the van and ready to lay down their lives. The British writers
of the early nineteenth century do refer to t~c anti-Muslim bias of the
Akalis or Nihangs. But to kill Muslims in cold blood is nowhere
sanctioned in any work.
102 That all Sikhs were soldiers canno't be taken literally. In the early
nineteenth century there were several categories of Sikhs who did not
follow the profession of arms.
103
Sikh skill in musketry and mobile warfare were appreciated by Qii~i
Niir Mu~ammad in 1764-65.
104
The preference for 'blue' and rejection of'rcd' is mentioned by Ratan
Singh Bhangu in the context of the differences between the Tat Khalsa
and Banda Bahiidur.
10' Kachhchha is now regarded as one of 'the S ks', that is, obligatory
items beginning with the letter k, like kesh, kirpan, kara and kangha.
A late eighteenth century Sikh writer refers to kachhchh as the symbol
of sexual restraint. Bhai Gurdiis, XLI.
106 All these injunctions arc found in the early eighteenth- century Sikh
works.

46
 Introduction
1117
Contrasting attitude towads beef and pork goes back to the early days
of the Khalsa.
•na The usc of bhang is not mentioned but it would be included in
.. anything".
109
That commensality was common down to the clean outcastcs like
barbers and water-carriers is evident from the Sikh sources. However,
the position regarding the sweepers and cobblers is not clear.
110
There is no explicit reference to the Granth and there is no indication
that Skinner had any idea of the authors whose works were included
in it.

References
Baagha, Ajit Singh. Banur Had Orders. Delhi: Ranjit Printers & Publishers, 1969.
Banerjee, lndubhusan. Evolution of the Khalsa. 2 Vols. Calcutta: A. Mukherjee &
Co., 1963 (2nd ed.).
Bhiii Gurdas. Varan Bhai Gurdas. [Early 17th century.] Ed. Giani Hazara Singh.
Amritsar: Khalsa Samachar, I 962.
Bhangu, Ratan Singh. Panth Prakash. (Written, I 84 I] Ed. Bhai Vir Singh. New
Delhi: Bhiii Vir Singh Sahit Sadan, 1993 (reprint).
Chaupa Singh. The Chaupa Singh Rahit-Nama. Ed. & tr. W.H. McLeod. Dunedin:
University of Otago Press, 1987.
Chhibber, Kesar Singh. Bansava/inama Dasan Patshahian Ka. [Written, I 769.)
Ed. Rata~ Singh Jaggi. Chandigarh: Panjab University, I 972.
Cunningham, J.D. A History of the Sikhs. Delhi: S. Chand & Co., I 955 (reprint).
Duggal, D.S. Fatehnama and Zafarnama. Jullundur: Institute of Sikh Studies, 1980.
Ganda Singh. Baba Banda Singh Bahadur. Sirhind: MaUi Gujri College, I 976.
Goswamy, B.N. and J.S. Grewal (ed. & tr.). The Mughal and Sikh Rulers and the
Vaishnavas of Pindori. Simla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study,
1969.
Grewal, J.S. Sikh Ideology, Polity and Social Order. New Delhi: Manohar, 1996.
Hukamnamay Shrl Gurii Tegh Bahadur Sahib. Ed. Fauja Singh. Patiala: Punjabi
Unviersity, 1976.
Hukamnamay. Ed. Ganda Singh. Patiala: Punjabi Universty, 1967.
Kirpal Singh. 'Facts About Martyrdom'. Ek Murit Anek Darsan. Ed. S.S. Amol.
Jalandhar: Lyallpur Khalsa College, 1967, 126-29.
Koer Singh. Gurbilas Patshahl 10. [Written, 175 I.] Ed. Shamsher Singh Ashok.
Patiala: Punjabi University, 1968.
Makl!ali-i Tawarlkl!-i Sikhan. Ed. Ganda Singh. Amritsar: Sikh History Society,
1949.
Narang, G.C. Transformation of Sikhism. New Delhi: Kalayani Publishers, 1989
(reprint of 5th. ed.).
Rose, H.A. A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West
Frontier Province. 3 Vols. Patiala: Languages Department Punjab,
I 970 (reprint).
Sachdeva, Vccna. Polity and Economy in the Punjab During the Late Eighteenth
Century. New Delhi: Manohar, I 994.
Sainapat. Shri Guru Sobha [Written, 1711 ]. Ed. Shamsher Singh Ashok. Amritsar:
Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee, 1967.
Sulakhan 'Singh. Heterodoxy in the Sikh Tradition. Jalandhar: ABS Publications.
1999.
Teja Singh and Ganda Singh. A Short History of the Sikhs. Patiala: Punjabi
University, I 989 (reprint).

47
 Translators' N·ote

The Persian texts here translated relate to the history of

the Sikhs up to about 1765, the year by which their dominance over
the Punjab had been established, and which in a sense marks the
close of one period of their history. It is for this period too that
Persian supplies the major source material for Sikh history, apart,
of course, from the Gurmukhi corpus. Some of the compositions of
the Gurus (a Persian poem by Guru Nanak in the Gurii Granth
Sahib and the ~afarniima of GurU Gobind Singh in the Dasam
Granth) are in Persian; but the Persian texts here translated are
entirely from squrces external to the Sikh community.
The texts begin with a brief record of Akbar's meeting
with GurU Arjan in 1598, in AbU'l Fa~l's celebrated Akbarnama,
constituting the first known reference to the GurUs or Sikhs in
Persian by any outsider. In all, we have twenty texts of varying
lengths. Some of these have been translated previously, but the bulk
of the material has not been rendered into English uptiii now, and
some of the original texts have not even been printed. Even where
previous translations exist, the rendering here is made afresh; and
the attempt throughout is to present a. translation as accurately
representing the sense of the original as possible. For reasons of
space, it has not been possible to indicate, except in a few important
cases, where our renderings are different from those of the earlier
translators. It may be pointed out that Texts 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 , 12,
14, 15, 17, 19 and 20 have not been previously translated at all;
Texts 13, 16 and 18 have had only abridged translations made of
them; and the very important Text 3 (Dabistan-i MaG..iihib), though
translated earlier, here incorporates a version of the work, giving
us much additional information not so far available to historians of
the Sikhs. ·

48
 Translators' Note

A word may be offered about selection. This volume

cannot claim to include everything written in Persian about the Sikhs
before l765. Even among selected texts such. as Texts 13, 14 and
18, only extracts from portions dealing with the Sikhs, have been
included either to avoid repetition of what has already been given
from earlier sources or (as in the case ofText 18) to avoid excessive
and not very relevant detail. Texts 19 and 20 do not strictly come
within the compass of this volume, since they were written much
later than 1765 (in 1808 and 1825); but they are brief descriptions
of how Sikhs as .a community appeared to outsiders after their
successes of the 1760's and may be taken to form a kind of
conclusion to the volume.
Some of the texts contain derogatory expressions for the
GurUs and the Sikhs. Yet these very sources provide many facts
not otherwise known. In including them in this collection, we have
been guided by the precedent of the great historian of the Sikhs,
the late Professor Ganda Singh, who, while publishing the text of
Qi~i Niir Mubammad's Jangnama in 1939, argued that, when the
historical value of a text "outweighed the objectionable character
of its language," the interests of history should prevail. We have,
however, not translated the derogatory expressions in most cases,
but ma;ked the places where they occur with an asterisk (*).
Otherwise, the translations are as closely literal as possible, given
the different idioms of the two languages, Persian and English.
The texts have been translated by a group of members
of the Aligarh Historians Society (Majida Bano, Irfan Habib, Iqbal
Husain, lqtidar Alam Khan, Shireen Moosvi, and S. Ali Nadeem
Rezavi). Irfan Habib has gone through all the translations so as to
ensure uniformity and avoid duplication in annotation. Each extract
is preceded by a note from the translator indicating briefly the nature
of the source and giving the necessary data about manuscripts and/
or editions from which the translation has been made. Footnotes
cover problems of text, senses .of words, chronology and
corroboration with other sources. Locations of well-known places
are not generally indicated; but it is hoped that the three maps will
adequately serve readers who wish to be better informed on
geography.
It may be borne in mind that the karoh or kos, by the
Mughal imperial standard, was equal to about2 ~miles. This is the
most usual measure for road distance mentioned in our texts.
We have generally followed the transliteration system
followed by Steingass in his Persian-English Dictionary, simplify-

49
 TRANSLATORS' NOTE

ing it in some cases, notably in respect of representations of the

Arabic article, a/. Thus we have read Shihabuddin, •Abdullah, and
so on, rather than Shihabu'd-din, 'Abdu'llah, etc. Well-known place
and river names have been given their modern English spellings;
where the form of the name in our source is substantially different
from the modern, we have given both the form as it is found in the
text and the one currently employed. In the place names, we have
generally omitted diacritical marks, though in personal names and
terms we have tried to be rigorous in the matter. From early
eighteenth century the word guru came in Persian writing to be
spelt also as goru, to prevent it being pronounced as garii: this
convention was adopted even by Professor Ganda Singh while
writing in Urdu. It seems, however, needless to persevere with the
spelling 'goru' in English, where the orthographic probJem does
not exist; and the form guru is used throughout in these translations.
The translators are grateful for the guidance and help
they have throughout received from Professor J.S. Grewal, who
gave advice on the texts to be translated and on their arrangement.
He also made available his copy of Professor Ganda Singh's Makhag_-
i Tawarlkh-i Sikhan, not obtainable at Aligarh. Finally, he went
through the entire texts of the translations and suggested many cor-
rections and improvements. Professor Grewal's own contributions
to the footnotes sometimes bear his initials, J.S.G., but he has also
clarified many points elsewhere as well. His introduction to this
volume·has given an authoritative assessmenl of the significance
of these texts for reconstructing the history of the Sikh community;
and after such assessment it would be superfluous for the transla-
tors to say anything further in justification of their undertaking.

50
 Translations

I-"
 MAP1

THE GEOGRAPHY OF
EARLY SIKH HISTORY,
TO 1716

[J Ar•a above 600m. -.s•• Old riv•r cours•

=c Brld~• built by Oor~ohi Nanakshohi
 LOHGARH AND ITS VICINITY
Sikh Resistance, 1710 MAP2

Boaed on lA Shnt 4& 0861)

 MAP3
,.. ,,.
PANJAB
1765

..
10 100 110 ....

,
 1
Akbar Meets Guru Arjan, 1598
From Abii'l Fa~l, Akbarnan1a

Translated by Shireen Moosvi

Abti'l F~l in his great history, the Akbarnama,

reports Akbar's visit to Gurii Arjan on his final departure from
Lahore in 1598. Abii'l F~l's slip in describing Guru Arjan as
leader of a 'Brahmancial' sect may be explained by his own
absence from the Imperial Camp at this time, which meant
that he was describing the meeting second-hand, presumably
on the basis of a news-report.
The translation is made from the printed text, ed.
Agha Al)mad Ali and Abdur Rahim, Asiatic Society, Calcutta,
1886, Ill, p. 746. Our version is independent of that of the same
passage in H. Beveridge's translation of the Akbarnama, III,
Calcutta, 1921, p.l11 5.

TRANSLATION
Text, Ill, p. 746
On 13 A~r [4 November I 598] His Majesty crossed the
river Beas on an elephant near Gobindwal, while the troops crossed
over by a [boat] bridge. On this day, the house of Arjan Guru [spelt
'Gor'] received fresh lustre through His Majesty alighting there. He is
a leader of the Brahmanical faith, the position descending from one
generation to another. And he has great store of [spiritual] love. Since
his hope [for a visit from His Majesty] arose out of[sincere] devotion,
His Majesty accepted his invitation.

55
2
G·urtt Arj an's :M.artyrdoJn, 1606
Frorn Jahangir. Tuzuk-i Jah(7nglrl

Translated by Shireen Moosvi

Jahangir in his memoirs, Tuzuk-i Jahonglr"i (ed.

Saiyid Ahmad, Aligarh, 1864, p.34), says that after entering
Lahore on 8 Ml$mam 1015 AH ( 16 May 1606), he ordered
the execution of Guru Arjan since he had enrolled a number
of Hindus and Muslims as his disciples, and had blessed the
rebel prince K.husrau, the eldest son of Jahangir. The passage
occ\}rs comes immediately after Jahangir· has described a
promotion in man~ab made on 22 M~arram (30 May 1606).
However, according to the reports of the Jesuit
fathers at Jahangir's court, as summarised by Fr. Guerreiro
(Jahangir and the Jesuits, tr., C.H. Payne, London, 1930,
pp.11-12), Jahangir had ordered Guru Arjan to be imprisoned
to force him to pay a heavy fine, and he died out of torture
inflicted upon him by his surety who had pledged to pay the
fine on his behalf (See Appendix). This is also corroborated
by the Dabiston: a translation of its sub-chapter on the Sikhs
is given separately in this volume. For the traditional Sikh
accounts, see Macauliffe, Sikh Religion, Ill, pp.84-1 00:
according to these, the Guru's death occurred in June 1606.
The translation of the passage in the Tuzuk has been
made directly from the printed Persian text, checked with the
MS text presented from Jahangir's own library to Saif Khan,
now in the Central Record Office. Hyderabad (photocopy in
CAS in History Library, AMU, Aligarh). The present
translation will be found to differ in some particulars from the
one given in the translation of A. Rogers and H. Beveddge,
London, 1909, p.72.

56
 s
Guru Arjan Martyrdom

TRANSLATION
text, p.34
In Gobindwal, which is on the river Beas, a Hindu
named Arjan used to live in the garb of a spiritual master and
mystic guide, under the influence of which he had induced a large
number of simple-minded Hindus and even some ignorant and
silly Muslims, to become attached to his ways and customs. He
had the drum of his spiritual leadership and sainthood loudly
beaten. They called him Guru. From all sides and directions
ignorant ones and dervish-garb worshippers• inclined towards him
and reposed full faith in him. For three or four generations they
[he and his precursors] had kept this business brisk. For a long
time the thought kept coming to me of either putting an end to this
shop of falsehood or to bring him into the fold of the people of
Islam. It happened now that Khusrau was passing by that route.
This useless manlet wished to attend on him. Khusrau halted at
the place where he had his seat and residence. He saw him and
conveyed to him some far-fetched 2 things and on his forehead put
a finger-mark in saffron, which in the usage of Hindus is called
qashqa [Pers. for .tzka] and is held to be auspicious. When this
matter was brought to the notice of this glorious court and I realised
the full extent ofhis false conduct, I ordered that he be brought to
my presence [at Lahore]. I gave over his homes and houses and
children to Murta~a Khan [Jahangir's Mlr Bakhshi], 3 confiscated
his goods and ordered him to be capitally punished. 4

Notes
1
Gaul-parastiin. Gaul means a dervish's coarse woollen garment;
parastiin, worshippers, followers.
1 Farti-yQftii. In the Haidarabad MS some one has alteredfarii-ytijia,

as original written, to qariir-yiijia, •settled'.

3
The minister in charge of man~ab (rank) awards and military
contingents, as well as the inte11igencc system. He was next in rank
to the first minister, the D"iwiin-i A 'Iii, in charge of finance and
revenue.
.. Siyiisat literally means punishment, and yiisii is the Mongol term for
law, and by extension, punishment under law. In Mughal times both
words were used for capital punishment. Under the yiisii of Chengis
Khan, the blood of princes and honoured persons was not spilled;
such means of killing were employed for them, as to prevent this
happening. Professor Grewal suggests in the introduction that this
might be Jahiingir's meaning here.

57
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

APPENDIX
Fr. Guerreiro's Account of Gurii Arjan's Martyrdom
Payne's transl., Jahanglr and the Jesuits, pp.ll-12
While the Prince was flying from Agra, he passed the spot where
there dwelt one whom the Gentiles call Goru, a title equivalent to
that of Pope amongst the Christians. This person was looked upon
as a saint, and was greatly venerated. On account of his reputation
for holiness, the Prince went to see him, hoping apparently that
this would bring him good fortune. The Goru congratulated him
on his new royalty, and placed his tiara• on his head. Although
the Prince was a Moor, the Goru deemed it lawful to bestow on
him this mark of dignity, proper only to a Gentile, since he was
the son of a Pagan woman; and the Prince accepted it, believing
the Goru to be a saint.
When, after his son's capture, the King heard of this
circumstance, he ordered the Goru to be apprehended, and for some
time kept him a prisoner. However, certain Gentiles interceded
on behalf of their holy man, and in the end he was allowed to
purchase his freedom for a hundred thousand crusados, for which
sum a wealthy Gentile became his surety. Now this man thought
that either the King would remit the fine or that the Goru would
himself provide, or at any rate find some means of raising, the
sum required. But in these hopes he was disappointed, and in
consequence he proceeded to take from the wretched pontiff all
his worldly possessions, including the furniture of his house, and
even the clothes of his wife and children; for these Gentiles regard
neither Pope nor Father where money is concerned. And when
this did not suffice to pay the fine, he subjected him to every kind
of ill-usage, causing him to be beaten with slippers, and preventing
food from being given to him, in the hope that his victim, to escape
from his sufferings, would produce the money which he still
believed him to possess. But neither the Goru nor those about him
could meet the demands of his tormentor; and at last the poor man
died, overcome by the miseries heaped upon him by those who
had formerly paid him reverence. The Gentile sought to escape
his obligations by flight, but he was taken, and having been
deprived of everything that he possessed, was thrown into prison,
where he died.

1 'Tiara' is a mistake here, perpetrated by Guerreiro, not by his source.

As Payne points out, Fr. J. Xavier in his Jetter from Jahiingir's court has
'tiqa', i.e. {ika: "elle Jhe deo o parabcm do nouo rcynado c lhc pos o
tiqa na testa."

58
3
Sikhism and the Sikhs, 1645-46
Front 'Mobad', Dabistiin-i Ma;.ahib

Translated by lrfan Habib

The Dabistan, or, as it is popularly known,

Dabistan-i Mag_ahib, is a unique work on the various
religions and their sects, compiled on the basis of a
consciously impartial collection of material on each
religion or sect, made by the author through a reading of
their texts and by obtaining oral reports. The last year,
given in the work, is A.H. 1063 (A.D.1653), so that the
work must have been completed that year or shortly
afterwards. Within the account of the Sikhs, given as a
separate chapter in the section on Indian sects, the current
year is given as A. H. 1055 (A.D. 1645-46), while in what
we describe as Version A, the year when he "encountered",
that is, mainly gathered his information on the Sikhs is
said to have been A.H.1 053 (A.D. 1643-44).
The author in his work does not give his name
but only the poetic title •Mobad' (Parsi priest). The
attribution to Muttsin •fani' has no justification in the text,
nor has the one to Mirza Z.u'lfiqar. Internal evidence,
comprising a fairly large amount of personal details of
the author, indicates that he was brought up in the Sipasi ·
or Yazdani sect of the Pars is, which was founded by Az.ar
Kaiwan (d. 1618) at Patna. The author was possibly a
grandson of A~ar 'Kaiwan himself (a recent identification
with Az.ar's son Kaikhusrau Isfandyar seems improbable,
owing to A~r Kaiwan having died at the age of eighty-
five, while the author was yet an infant). The facts that the
author gives for himself show that he was born c.161 S
and in the 1630's lived mostly in Kashmir, though he then

59
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

probably also visited Lahore and other places in the

Punjab. In 1640-41 he was in Gujarat (West Punjab) which
seems to have become for some time his family seat. In
1642-44 he was at Lahore, and from there he travelled to
Gurii Hargobind's seat at Kiratpur in 1643-44. In 1644 he
visited Meshed, returning thence via Kabul, and visiting
Multan in 1644-45. The next year found him back at
Gujarat, and early in 1646 at Lahore. In 1646-47 he left
the Punjab for a visit to western India and the Deccan,
returning only in 1649. But we find him in Orissa (on the
Q4tbshahi side of the frontier) from 165 f onwards. These
facts confirm the statement in Version A that his account
of the Sikhs is based on information mainly collected in
1643-44, when he met Gurii Hargobind himself, with
whom he claims to have had correspondence as well. He
also claims good personal acquaintance with the next
Gurii, Har Rai. But the chapter on the Sikhs also contains
some further information received until 1645-46,
whereafter he was in the Punjab only once, in 1649.
On the author and the work as a whole, an
important paper by the late M. Athar Ali, has appeared
posthumously in the Journal of Royal Asiatic Society,
London, Vol.9(3), 1999, pp.365-73.
There are many surviving MSS of the work, and
a type-set edition of the work printed by Nazar Ashraf
was issued from Calcutta, 1809. This is now very rare.
Ibrahim b. Muhammad's ed., Bombay, 1875 (reprinted
Tehran, 1961) and Nawal Kishor ed., Lucknow, 1877, are
more commonly used. All references iri our translation
are to the Bombay edition.
On consulting MSS of the work the present
translator found that these printed editions, which have
so far been used by students of Sikh history, carry what
appears to be a revised, somewhat abridged version. The
earlier (and generally lengthier) text is to be found in M.A.
Library, Aligarh MS: University Library Coil., Box 2,
No.2 (transcribed 1792); Farsiya 200/1 Shu 'ba-i 'Am;
transcribed in 1763); and M.A.O. Coli. Collection F.
Akhbar/8 (transcribed, 1829). The additional information
provided in this version ('Version A') has been
incorporated in our translation. Wherever it has been used,
this has been indicated either in the text itself or in the

60
 Sikhism and the Sikhs

footnotes. The additional information provided by Version

A is not inconsiderable; and it is hoped that this would
add to the value of the present translation.
The Dabistiin was rendered into English by D.
Shea and A. Troyer, The Dabistiin or School of Manners,
3 vols., London, 1843. Though widely used it had many
errors: some of these, occurring in the sub-chapter or
section on Sikhism, have led to much criticism. (See M.A.
Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, Oxford, 1909, IV, 21-22n.)
Dr Ganda Singh published the text of the Dabistan 's
chapter on the Sikhs (with no reference to Version A, of
which he was, of course, unaware) with a translation of
the chapter as a separate monograph, Lahore, 1940 (the
text has also been reprinted with Urdu annotation in the
same scholar's Miikhag-i Tawiir"ikh-i Sikhiin, Amritsar,
1949, pp.23-50). The present translation has been made
independently, but has been compared throughout with
Dr Ganda Singh's version (referred to by the abbreviation
'G.S. '). It may be noted that Dr Ganda Singh maintained
the traditional view that Mul_lsin Fani was the author of
the present work.
In the Addendum to the translation is given a
passage containing references to Sikhs, drawn from the
notice of PraUip Mal Chadda given in another part of the
work. It may be observed that it is throughout the practice
of the author of the Dabistiin to give freely the criticism
of one persuasion by the followers of another. And the
critical remarks on the Sikhs by Pratap Mal, therefore,
form no exception.

TRANSLATION
Dabistiin, Bombay ed., pp.178-93 ·
The Nanak Panthis, who are popularly known as "'GurU-
Sikhs", do not believe in images or idol-temples. Nanak was a
Bedi, and the Bedis are a sub-caste of the Khatris. He acquired
repute during the reign of His Majesty King Firdaus Makani 1
~ahiruddin Babur [1526-30 A.D.]. Before the victory of Firdaus
Makani over the Afghans, he was a modi of Daulat Khan Lodi,
who was one of the great nobles of Ibrahim Khan, the ruler of India.
The modi is a person who has charge of the grain [stores].
The mystical spirit2 came over him and acquired power
over his heart. Thereupon he went to the shop, and whatever of his

61
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

own grain and ofDaulat Khan he had in the shop or in his house, he
gave away, and broke the ties with his wife and children. Daulat
Khan was astonished on hearing the news. [But] when he found
Ninak to be under mystical influence, he refrained from injuring
him.
To be brief, Ninak took to severe austerities, and first
of all reduced his food. After some time he contented himself with
drinking a little of cow's milk; then, he took only ghee; then, only
water .. Finally, he only swallowed air, such persons being called in
Hindi pawan-ahiir'i. 3
Many persons became his disciples. Ninak believed in
the Oneness of God and in the way that it is asserted in
Mul}ammadan theology. He also believed in transmigration of souls.
Holding wine and pork to be unlawful, he had [himself] abandoned
eating meat. He decreed avoidance of causing harm to animals. 4 It
was after his time that meat-eating spread among his followers.
Arjan Mal, who was one of his lineal successors, found this to be
evil. He prohibited people from eating meat, saying: "This is not
in accordance with Ninak's wishes". Later, Hargo}?ind, son of Arjan
Mal, ate meat and took to hunting. Most of their [the GurUs']
followers adopted his practice.
Just as Ninak praised the Muslims, he also commended
the avatiirs, gods and goddesses of the Hindus, but he regarded
them all as created beings, not the Creator. He denied the
[possibility of] Descent [of God into human soul] or Union [between
God and man]. 5 They say, he held the Muslims' rosary in his hand
and put [the Hindus'] sacred thread on his neck. (He recited the
formula of faith and offered prayers in the Muslim manner, and
recited the mantras and gayiitr'i and offered pUjii according to the
Hindu religion). 6
His followers describe so many of his miracles that this
short account cannot find space for them. One is that Ninak, having
suffered at the hands of the Afghans, set the Mughals over them, so
that in [A.H.] 932 [A.D. 1526] His Majesty King Firdaus Makini
~ahiruddin Mul}ammad Bibur obtained victory over Ibrahim
Afghan. 7
They say that in one of his various journeys BabaNinak 8
was spending a night in a fort. He became immersed in enjoying
the sight of God. Some children were playing around; however
much they laid his hands on his body, there was no reaction from
him. They sewed up the openings of his eyes, nose and ears, and
strongly tied his hands. When Ninak recovered from his trance, he

62
 Sikhism and the Sikhs

found himself tied up in this manner. He thereupon walked towards

one of the houses and, reaching the door of the house, cried out, "Is
there someone in this house who can untie my eyes and hands?" A
handsome woman took him inside the house, untied his hands and
opened up whatever they had sewn. She had tb cut by her teeth the
threads closing up Baba Nanak's eyes. Necessarily, some of the
colour of the woman's forehead mark was Iefton Nanak's forehead.
Her tilak, that is, the woman's own forehead-mark, was also
disturbed. As Nanak came out of the house, the neighbours saw
him, and thought he had had intercourse with· the woman. As a
result, the woman became a butt of scorn among the people, and
her husband too began to spurn her. One day, the woman came to
Nanak and told him, "I, for the sake of God, rendered you service,
and now they all suspect me." Nanak said, "Tomorrow the gate of
the fort will be shut, and will not open until touched by your hand."
The next day, however much they tried to open the gate, it did not
open. The people found themselves in a condition of distress, since
it was an elevated place, far from water. Animals too could not be
taken out. The residents of the fort went to persons in whose virtue
they had faith. But the gate did not open at those persons' prayers
as well. At last the people went to Nanak, and asked him, "0 dervish,
what is to be done in this matter?" He replied, "This gate will not
open, except by the hand of a woman, who has not done anything
with a stranger that is not proper." The people of the fort took to
the gate women in whose virtue and piety they had faith; but it
proved to be of no avail. This went on till every woman who was
in the fort went to the gate, but to no profit. As a result, the people
gave up, sitting down in despair. At the time of the [Muslim]
afternoon prayers, the woman who had sincerely helped Baba Nanak
came. Seeing her the people laughed, and her husband and relations,
being ashamed, scolded her. But the woman lent no ear to her
family's words, and putting her hand to the door-ring pulled it.
The closed gate swung open. People, taken by surprise, now fell at
the woman's feet.
Nanak's Bani, that is, his verses, 9 are concerned entirely
with inward addresses [to God],[good] counsels, and exhortations;
and most of his utterances are in respect of God's greatness and
His sanctity. All those [verses] are in the language of the Jatts of
the Punjab. "Jatt" in the dialect of the Punjab means a villager, a
rustic. His followers have no attachment to the Sanskrit language.
The rules and regulations that Nanak introduced wi11 be described
hereafter.

63
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

In his verses Nanak says, "There are many skies and

earths. The prophets, saints, avatars, and siddhs have obtained
perfection from serving God. Whoever strives in worshipping God,
can reach Him by whatever path he chooses. One can reach God
by abstaining from causing harm to living things." 10 [Persian] verse:
Bring forth rectitude, so that you may be safe
Rectitude from you; Victory from God.
Nanak's descendants [lit. children] are found in the
Punjab; they are called kartiiris." But in· the view of some,
succession [to Nanak] was not obtained by Nanak's children. They
say that after Nanak, Guru Angad, from the sub-caste of Trehan. 12
of the Khatri [caste], succeeded Nanak at his orders. After him,
Guru Amardas, from the Bhalla sub-caste of the Khatris, became
his successor. Thereafter Guru Ramdas succeeded: he was a Sodhi
Khatri, and was popularly called Sri Gora. 13 After Ramdas's death,
his son Arjan Mal sat in his father's seat, and in his time the Sikhs,
that is, [his] "disciples", became quite numerous. They began to
introduce exaggeration in their belief, and said that Nanak is God,
and the world is his creation. But in his verses Baba Nanak regards
himself a servant of God and speaks of God as Niranjan, 14
Parbrahm, 15 and Parmeshar,' 6 Who does not have a body nor a
material existence and does not attach Himself to any person. The
Sikhs say that Nanak [too] was just like this: he did not have a
body; but by his own powers, he showed himself to us. They have
come to believe that when Nanak abandoned his body, he entered
that of Guru Angad, his close servant. Guru Angad thus means
Nanak.. Afterwards, Guru Angad similarly descended into
Amardas's body; and he in the same way placed himself in Ramdas's
body; and Ramdas the same way came into Guru Arjan. They call
each one of them maiJ.al, 17 the first maiJ.al, being Nanak, the second
Angad, and so on, till the fifth maiJ.al, which is Guru Arjan. They
said, whoever does not regard Guru Arjan as identical with Baba
Nanak, is a marankh, that is an infidel (kiifir). 111
They tell many stories [ofNanak]. They say Baba Nanak
in ancient times was Riija Janak. When Sukhdev, son of Biyas
Rakhisar, 19 came to him in order to learn the way to reach the Truth,
he found the Riija sitting with one foot thrown into fire. The people,
mounted and on foot and in ranks, [and] the deputies and ministers,
were engaged in transacting affairs of state; elephants and horses
passed in review. Sukhdev felt that such a [spiritually] perfect man
should not be tied up with, and interested in, worldly affairs. The
Riija, who possessed the knowledge of [people's] hearts, discoverd

64
 Sikhism and the Sikhs

[what thoughts were passing through Sukhdev's mind] and with

his power created the illusion of fire breaking out in the houses and
ultimately fully destroying the horses and palaces. The Riija heard
and saw all of it, but paid absolutely no attention to it, till the fire
reached the place where the Raja and Sukhdev themselves were.
The Raja did not even look at it. Sukhdev had with him a wooden
vessel for water, which they call karman(ial. It now caught fire.
Sukhdev involuntarily jumped from his place and got hold of the
karmandal [to put out the fire]. The Raja laughed and said to
Sukhdev: "All these goods and valuables and such things that I had
were destroyed, and my heart showed no attachment to them. They
were thus destroyed, and I felt no sorrow. And you, just for the
sake, of ~he karmandal, jumped up from your place. Who, now, has
his heart tied to worldly things?" Sukhdev (hearing this] repented
his own ill-condition. This story has been heard from the Sikhs of
Guru Nanak. In the Jog Basisht, which is one of the authoritative
books of the Hindus, the story is recorded in the following
manner... [Story omitted in this translation]. 20 Till this point we have
followed the account [of Raja Janak as given] in the Jog Basisht.
To be brief, in the view of Nanak's followers, Guru
Nanak in one of the past worlds was Raja Janak, and, along with
temporal sovereignty, had performed righteous spiritual deeds and
called upon people to turn to God. This writer heard from
trustworthy Sikhs that when Baba Nanak exhibited himself in Satjug
[the earliest of ages], and a large mass of Sikhs collected togeth.er,
he sent a cow to the raso"i, or kitchen. When having cooked its
flesh, they brought it to the sangat, or assembly, some ate it, and
some fled from it. The Guru offered a prayer so that the cow [became
alive and] stood up. Those who had fled, saw what had happened,
and, coming back, pleaded that now they would eat whatever is
ordered.[by the Guru]. The Gurii, that is, Nanak, said: "This cannot
be done [now]. The compact between us is for the Tareta-jug."
Thus in the Tareta-jug, the Guru exhibited himself, and the disciples
collected together. He killed a horse and, in the manner I have
stated, brought it [horse-meat] to the assembly. Some ate it and
some shunned it. Thereafter he prayed, so that the horse became
alive. Those who had fled [from its meat] made the same past plea.
He said .in reply, "The campact between us and you is for the
Dwapar-jug." In the Dwapar age, they brought an elephant to the
rasol. At that time the same things happened that I have spoken of,
and the compact was referred to the Kal-jug. 21 In the Ka/-jug, they
brought a man into the rasoi. Whoever ate [his flesh] obtained

65
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

liberation, whoever shunned it, fell into torment.

[F~om] a Sikh, who called Nanak an intimate servant of
God, it was heard that, in the Sat-jug, Nanak severed all attachments
to the body, and his soul then made its way to a fork, one road
leading to heaven, the other to hell. Nanak chose the road to hell,
and betook himself to hell. He took the people living in hell out of
hell. God Almighty addressed him, saying: "These disobedient ones
cannot be admitted to heaven. You should go to the earth, and set
free this group there." Of necessity, Nanak came to the earth. Today,
the people from hell are those who have become his followers. The
Gurii comes to this world, and departs, with the aim that all these
people may receive salvation.
Except this inan, I did not see any Sikh who does not
consider Baba Nanak to be God. 22
To be brief, Nanak's followers scorn images. Their belief
is that all Gurus are Nanak, as has been said above. They do not
recite t~e mantras of the Hindus and do not. pay respect to their
idol-temples. They do not count the avatars for anything. They
do not have any attachment to Sanskrit, which the Hindus call the
language of angels.
In short, in every mal;zal [each Gurii's reign], the Sikhs
increased in numbers, till in the reign of Gurii Arjan Mal, they
became very numerous. Not many cities remained in the inhabited
region, where the Sikhs had not settled in some number. Among
them there is no restriction such as that the Brahman may not become
a disciple (sikh) of a Khatri, since Nanak was a Khatri. No Guru of
theirs has been a Brahman, as has been related. Similarly, they
have made Khatris subordinate to the Jatts, who are the lowest caste
of the Bais [Vaishyas]. Thus most of the leading masands of the
Gurii are Jatts, and the Brahmans and Khatris [only] me/?3 and
sah/ang, 24 that is, disciples and followers of the Gurii. And the
status of disciple and follower of the Gurii is approved through the
mediation of the masand.
It should be known that during the time of the Afghan
sultans, the nobles were designated masnad-i a 'Ia [lit. the elevated
cushioned-seat]. Ultimately, through frequent use, the Indians
converted the word into masand. Since the Sikhs regard the Guru
as the Sachchii Piidshah, that is, the True King, 25 the latter's
representative is known as masand, and also Ramdas. During [the
period of] the Mal;zals previous to the fifth [Guru Arjan], no bhe,t,"6
that is tax, was taken from the Sikhs. Whatever they, on their own,
presented as offerings was accepted. In his reign, Arjan Mal

66
 Sikhism and the Sikhs

appointed a person over the Sikhs of every city so that he might

collect tax and tribute from them. Through the mediation of that
masand, people began to be enrolled as Sikhs of the Guru. The
great m~sands, through whose mediation a large number became
Sikhs of the Gurii, appointed their own deputies, so that in every
place and location, a person would be made Sikh of the Gurii,
through the mediation of the agent of the masand, who had become
a meli of that masand. They have held that the udiisi, 21 that is, a
religious recluse, is not of commendable faith. Thus some Sikhs of
the Guru pursue agriculture; some, the profession of merchants;
and some, that of service. Every one each year, according to his
own resources, puts together money and takes it, by way of his
offering (n~ar), to the masand. The masand does not keep it for
himself. Whatever else in that year they bring for the mas and
[himself] [as offering] for his taking the bhe! to the Guru's
establishment (sarkiir), 28 the masand keeps it for himself, in case
he does not have any means oflivelihood himself. But if he follows
a business or profession, he never touches this offering also. He
brings forth everything [collected by him] and takes it to the Gurii.
In the month of Baisakh [April-May], when the Sun is in the sign
·of Taurus, the masands assemble at the court of the Guru. Of their
melis, whoever so desires and is possessed of the means of travel,
goes with the masand to the Guril. At the time of departure, the
Guru confers a turban on each of the masands.
Now that a little of the beliefs of the Sikhs has been
written about, on the basis of research, something is written of the
great men of this sect seen by me.
The sixth MaiJ,al is Sri Guru Hargobind, the son of Gurii
Arjan. When after the capture of [prince] Khusrau, His Majesty
king Jannat Makani Niiruddin Mul}ammad Jahangir punished and
mulcted Gurii Arjan Mal, on account of his having prayed for the
welfare of Prince Khusrau, the son of His Majesty Jannat Makani,
who had rebelled against his father, and a large amount was
demanded from him [Gurii Arjan], he found himself powerless to
pay it. He was tied up and kept [in the open] in the desert around
Lahore. He gave up his life there owing to the strong sun, summer
heat and the injuries inflicted by the collectors. This happened in
(A.H.] 1015 [A.D. 1606-7].29 Similarly, His Majesty exi1ed Shaikh
Ni~am Thanesari from India for his joining, and uttering a prayer
for the welfare of Khusrau. 30
In short, after Arjan Mal his brother Pirtha, 31 whom his
followers call "Guru Mihrban" 32 ['the kind Gurii '] sat in his place;

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 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

and today, when it is 1055 Hijri [A.D. 1645-46], Guro Harji is his
successor. They call themselves "Bhagats" or Devotees of God;
but the followers of Guro Hargobind, the son of Arjan Mal, call
them "Mina," which name is regarded as derogatory among them. 33
After Arjan Mal, Hargobind also made a claim to
succession and sat in his father's seat. He always accompanied the
victorious camp of Jahangir. He encounter~d many difficulties.
One was [i.e. arose from the fact] that he adopted the style of
soldiers, and, contrary to his father's practice, girded the sword,
employed servants and took to hunting. His Majesty Jannat Makani
[Jahangir] sent Hargobind to Gwalior on account of the demand
for the balance of the fine he had imposed on Arjan Mal. He
remained in that place for twelve years. He was not allowed salted
food. During that period, the m~sands and Sikhs went and knelt
down in sijda [i.e. with foreheads touching the ground] before the
wall of the fort. At last, His Majesty Jannat Makani, out of kindness,
released the Gurii.
After His Majesty Jannat Makani's soul left the body
and he died [A.D. 1627], he [GurU Hargobind] remained in
attendance on 34 His Majesty, Commander of the Faithful, Abii'l
Mu~affar Shihabuddin Mul}ammad $al}ib Qir'an ~ani Shahjahan
Padshah Ghazi. Since his native place was in the territories of the
Punjab, he returned and offered good service to Yar Khan, the
Eunuch, 35 who was faujdiir in the territories of the Punjab, and
obtained many triumphs. He then returned t9 Ramdaspura, [now
Amritsar] in which place Guru Ramdas and Arjan Mal had built
high buildings and a good tank. He had a battle with the forces of
officers of His Majesty the Emperor Shahjahan, who by His
Majesty's orders were sent against him. The Guru's baggage and
goods were plundered, and leaving that place [Ramdaspura], he
went to Kartarpiir. There too a battle occurred. In this battle, Mir
Badahra and Payinda Khan, who [was] the son ofFatl.l Khan, 3" were
slain. Before it, and after it, many powerful forces were sent to
attack him, but with God's aid, he came out safe, although he lost
whatever he had possessed.
From one [Sikh] named Sadh [or Sada] I heard that a
man in that battle swung his sword towards the Guru. The Guru,
turning to him, told the swordsman: "One does not wield.the sword
like this. This is how one strikes"- and with that stroke he finished
off the foe. One of the Gurii 's companions asked this writer, "What
is the reason that the Guru, while giving the stroke, said, 'See, this
is how one strikes!'?" I replied, "It seems to me that the Guru's

68
 Sikhism and the Sikhs

striking with the sword was only by way of instruction, since an

instructor is called guru; it was not by way of anger [that he said
so], since that would be unworthy."
In short, after the battle of Kartarpur he went to
Phagwara. From there, since it was difficult for him to stay in any
place near Lahore, he proceeded to Karaitpur [Kiratpur] which is
situated within the Punjab hills. That area belonged to Riija
Tarachand, who did not pursue the path of allegiance and obedience
to King Shahjahan.l' The people of that area worshipped images.
On the top of the mountain an image of a goddess, known as Naina
De vi has been set up. lK Rajas and others from the territories around,
going t~ that place. followed the custom of making a pilgrimage
[to it]. When the Gurii settled himself there, a Sikh of his, Bhairu
by name, going to the temple, broke· the nose of the goddess. The
Riijas got the news of it and complained to the Guru, taking his
[Bhairu's] name. The Guru summoned Bhairu. Bhairu denied it.
The Rajas' servants said, "We recongnise this [man]." He replied,
"0 Riijas, ask the goddess. If she takes my name, you can kill me."
The Riijas said, "Fool, how can the goddess speak?" Bhairu broke
into laughter, saying, "One now knows who is the fool. When she
cannot prohibit anyone from breaking her own head, and cannot
identify the person who has attacked her, what good do you expect
from her, and why do you worship her?" The Rajas were put to
silence.
Today most people from amongst the masses (ri 'aya) of
that territory are the Gurii 's followers. In that mountainous region
up to the borders of Tibet and China there is no trace of Islam. The
writer was told by Guru Hargobind, "In the Northern Mountains
there is a riija of great grandeur. At one time.he sent me an envoy
and enq'uired [through him], 'We have heard there is a city called
Delhi; what is the name of its Raja, and whose son is he?' I was
astonished that he does not know the name of the Commander of
the Faithful, ~~ib Qir'an ~ani [Shahjahan]."
He [the Guru] had seven hundred horses in his stable.
Three hundred battle-tested horsemen and sixty musketeers 39 were
always in his service. Among them a set of persons occupied
themselves in trade, service and work [on his behalf]. Whoever
left his own place, took refuge with him. .
He [the Gurii] was a man, firmly believing in One [God]
and comprehending the Unique One. Someone asked him about the
reality of the existence of the universe and condition of being and
existence. He replied, "The world is a mere appearance without

69
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

[real] being, something seen without existence. The [only] Reality

in it is the Supreme God; and all these physical bodies and angels
are just illusions. We may recall a story of the past. There was a
king who went out for hattajorl. [Hindi, 'joined hands'), which in
Turki is called qamargha and in Persian parra shikar [hunting
through circles ofbeaters). 40 A deer came within the troops' circle.
The king said that if the deer breaks out [of the circle] in the direction
of any one posted there, he should [pursue it and] not return until
he has seized it. It so happened that it broke out in front of the king
himself. The king rode after it, till he got far away from the troops.
He reached a place beyond which, owing to the density of trees,
there was no further passage. The king was happy that the deer
would come back. But there was a small opening; the deer leapt
through it. The king too made his horse leap after it. The horse
closing -upon itself passed through, but the king got caught in the
tree fork and his hands and feet got so much enmeshed that you
might say someone had deliberately tied him up. For two days he
remained in that spot, till two persons, wife and husband, who
collected dry wood, reached that place. The woman said to her
husband, 'See the king has put a thief on the stake?' The man said,
'This is not the place for a thief. Let us find out.' When they went
up further, they saw him and recognised him. They said to each
other, 'If we release him from here, he will be of use to us.' The
woman said, 'He is the king. Once he separates from us, who will
let us approach him. If he establishes a connection with us and
marries our daughter, we will set him free.' They told the king [of
this condition]. The king agreed to this. When they got him out of
that place and took him to their dwelling place, they gave their
daughter to him. He remained there for some time. Then they took
him to his army. When he wished to enter his palace, the doorkeeper
hit him with a spear. The King trembled and woke up. He saw he
was sitting on the throne. He saw in front of the throne his liege-
men standing in [an attitude of] servitude. Now with this dream, he
woke up from his sleep of forgetfulness. He realised that the visible
world is mere appearance without [real] being: Whatever one thinks
in wakefulness is also a dream. He discovered that lite consists in
difference of appearances and the separateness ofform. In reality,
the [only thing] existent is a single Substance, possessed of
numerous qualities."
There is a man called Deva, a Brahman of Gobindwal in
the Punjab, who cans himself Gyiinl. 41 He went to the Guru and
one day sat on the pa/ang, that is, the cot, of Gurditta, who,

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 Sikhism and the Sikhs

popularly known as Baba Jiii, was the Guru's son. People said,
"Don't sit here." He asked for the reason. They replied, "This is
the place of the Guru." Deva said, "Perhaps, the Gurii's body is
not made ofthe elements, or I do not have any command over reason.
Or what he eats, I do not have the ability to eat." These words
were reported to Guru Hargobind. He called him and said, "0 Deva,
the whole universe is one existence." He replied, "Yes". The GurU
pointed to a donkey and said, "What is it? Do you recognise it?''
Deva replied, "You are the Absolute God. It too is you."42 The Guru
laughed and did not feel hurt.
Deva wished to marry his own sister. People said, "This
is unlawful." He said, "I fit were unlawful, it would not be possible
for the male organ to go into the female. For, since God did not
wish us to fly, He did not give us the power to fly."
The Sikhs worshipped Guru Hargobind as a deity, and their
belief was that he is God, who has appeared six times in this Age
[GurU Hargobind being the sixth MaiJal].
A person Parra Kaiwan by name,43 hearing of his virtues,
came to see the Guru. The Guru, not recognising him, did not pay
him appropriate respect. Consequently, Parra Kaiwan went away.
After becoming aware of this, the Gurii sent messages to him and
invited him back. Parra Kaiwan did not agree to return. 44 A whole
week had not passed after Parra Kaiwan 's departure, that, on
Sunday, 6 Mul}arram l 055 Hijr"i [5 March 1645],45 the Guru
departed from this world. When his body was put upon firewood
and the pyre was lighted, and the flames rose, Raja Ram, by name,
a Raj put, threw himself into the fire: he walked a few steps through
the fire in order to reach the Guru's feet, and put his own head
upon the soles of his feet and did not move, till life became extinct.
Then a Jatt boy, who attended on the Gurii 's son-in-law, jumped
into the fire. Thereafter a number of people thought of jumping
[into the fire], but Guru Har Rai stopped them. Daulat Khan Qaqshal
says: [Verses]
Out of the hundred sayings of my Guide, I remember just
one:
The universe will not be desolate, so long as the wine-shop is
frequented;
So long as life is given away, and the heart is stolen;
For the giving away of [one's] life and the stealing of
[anothers'] heart, are both gifts of God.
Guru Hargobind in his letters [courteously] called this
writer by the title of"Nanak", who is the Teacher (Murshid) of this

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 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

sect. 46 I saw him in I 053 A. H. [A.D. 1643-44] in Kiratpur.

Gurii Har Rai is the grandson of the said Guru, his father
being Gurditta, popularly known as Babi Jiwan (Jiii]. Guru
Hargobind had earlier desired to pass on the reins of succession
into his [Gurditta's] hands. At that time Guru Naghora, who is a
Sikh, (living in Sariii Pakkii, which is situated on the route between
the Punjab and Peshawar), 47 took his daughter for [marriage to]
Saba Jiii. Baba [Jm] wished to send her to the women's apartments
[that is, marry her], but Har Rai's mother, owing to the neglect
shown to her by Saba Jiii, wished that woman to be [married] to
some other man. She went to Hargobind to complain. Having heard
her. Hargobind told Baba Jiii, "Naghora is one whom I have called
•my son'; my own son cannot take to wife his daughter." Naghora
did not agree to take back his daughter and take away the marriage-
bed [sent with the bride]. Owing to his insistent plea, Baba Jm did
not reject his wish. Hargobind exclaimed, uLet this marrige tie and
consummation not occur, nor be attained!" Baba Jiii, while in the
very clothes of a groom, departed from this life, and Guru Naghora's
daughter returned to her home a virgin. Thereafter the grandfather,
the Gurii, raised Har Rai, who was the eldest son of Baba Jiii, with
much kindness, and addressed him as Baba Jiii. At the time of his
own death, he nominated him to his own place, and had the robe of
honour of succession draped on his body. He ordered his sons,
family members and all persons of the household to obey him.
Har Rai stayed in Kiratpur for one year. When in the
year 1055 [A.D. 1645-46], upon King Shahjahan's orders, Najabat
Khan, son of Shahurkh Mirza, led an expedition, conquered Tara
Chand's territories and captured the Raja himself, 48 Guru Har Rai
betook himself to Thapal, in the dominions of Raja Karm Prakash,
near Sirhind. 49 The Sikhs call Har Rai the Seventh Mal;lal. He is
very closely acquainted with this writer.
Of the reputable masands and pious Ramdiis 's
[•attendants of God'] of this honoured [spiritual] line, this writer
has encountered some; and he shall now write about them and
describe some of the manners of this sect. They [the Gurus] also
call their deputies Ramdiis. King Jannat Makani Jahangir and King
Shahjahan call the Guriis, Riimdiis, meaning 'God-worshipper' .50
Riimdiis Chanda51 is one of the missionaries of the Guru.
(He is the grandson of one named Buddh who was a disciple of
Baba Nanak). 52 He is a wealthy person. He does not speak to anyone,
and has no concern about any one's good or bad things. One day, a
foot of his had a wound. Hargobind told him, "Don't wear shoes."

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 Sikhism and the Sikhs

Immediately on hearing these words, he took off his shoes, and for
three months went bare-foot. When the Guru came to know of it,
he said, "Do wear [shoes]. I had only spoken [that way] to enable
the wound to heal." Some days [later], one morning the Guru told
him, "Tell the Sikhs to bring firewood for the kitchen, so that they
may obtain merit." Chanda disappeared the next day, though on
other days he did not wake up from sleep till mid-day. People
suspected some insanity affecting his brain. They thought he had
gone out and the Guru and the people went in search of him. They
saw him carrying a full load of firewood on his shoulder. The
Guru said, "I did not order you to do so [yourself]." He replied:
"You had spoken of Sikhs. I am a Sikh, and I don't know of a
station above this one."
Once the Guru went into a garden and asked Chanda to
stand outside. By chance, the Guru came out by another door and
went home. Chanda stood there on foot for three days, until
Hargobind heard of it and called him back.
[The following three paragraphs ar.e from Version A.]
The me/is of Chanda, that is, those who at his instruction
have taken to the path of the Guru, consider Chanda to be (their)
guru, to the degree that without his orders, they do not go to the
Guru's dharm-siil, 53 and until he so orders, they do not even go to
see the Guru. Dharm-siil is the place where the Sikhs sit and engage
themselves in praising the Lord. Chanda is of Jatt lineage.
Another Riimdiis is Debi Chand/Diini Chand, son of
Pirana, the Jatt. They tell so much about the miraculous powers of
Pirana, that these cannot find space here. They say Pirana's foot
can cure any pain that medicine cannot cure. Pirana had· a shoe
which sti11 remains, and they strike with it [at the affected part].
The Sikhs believe that this secures release [from the pain]. Debi
Chand himself rubs his foot on the injuries and pain-affected parts
of Sikhs. Debi Chand is a religious-minded person. His kitchen is
always open. But neither a Hindu nor Muslim can approach· him.
His seat of residence is a village near Wazirabad in the Punjab,
known as Chak Ramdas.
Pirana Murari is of the lineage of Parmanand, who had
become a Sikh before the Sixth Ma~al [i.e. in the time of GurU
Arjan or earlier]. Parmanand was a man of handsome appearance
and heart-captivating eye. Owing to this, women were attracted to
him, and he never left off practising adulterous acts, until as a result
of the increasing effect of leprosy, he had to leave his native place.
He encountered a Sikh, and swore to him by the Guru that he should

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 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

take him to the GurU. He took him to the Gurii 's seat of residence
in Ranir(?}. They say that when that Sikh came near the Gurii, before
he himself could speak out what was in his mind, the Gurii called
out for Parmanand. When they took him to the Gurii, he ordered a
Sikh to give his virgin daughter in marriage to him. The Sikh obeyed.
After the marriage the Gurii called him and cast his eye of favour
upon him. As a result of the affect of the grace of the Gurii 's eye,
his wounds began to heal. The Gurii asked him, "Show the sole of
your foot to me." He did not agree [out of respect for the Gurii]; as
a result, the affect of leprosy remained in the sole of his foot.
Thereafter the Gurii called him his son, and appointed him to the
position of a masand.
BidhHi is a Jatt from amongst the people of Sarmali, 54
which is a village near the capital city of Lahore. In his youth he
used to engage in robbery. Whoever asked him for a thing, he used
to do his best to procure it for him. His house was always filled
with the needy and the poor. When he came to Gurii Hargobind,
the Gurii forbade him from engaging in robbery. He pleaded that if
he could secure water and bread for his guests, he could abstain
from that profession. The Gurii prayed for his welfare and gave
him the position of masand and appointed him [to collect offerings]
from the cultivated fields of people and the disciples. Now all the
time there are guests in his house. Once he sent a Sikh to collect
one hundred ass-loads [of grain]. When that Sikh reached the
. appointed place, he distributed it all among the people. When Bidhia
came to know of this, he asked him why had he done so. He said,
"Had it reached your house, you would have given it to the poor
and spent it in feeding guests. I too gave it away to the needy and
you have been saved the cost of transport." Bidhia was pleased
with him. I have heard this story from his admirers. Kaiwan Parra,
who is one of the great (spiritually) enlightened ones, says he
[Bidhia] is not possessed of these qualities, and the followers have
attributed them to him out of a desire to inflate the repute of their
master. But he [Bidhia] endeavours greatly to carry out the Gurii 's
orders. He still engages in robbery along with his people. His belief
is that whatever they take for the Gurii earns them unlimited merit.
For Har Gobind has decreed, "On the Day of Judgement, my
disciples will not be asked about their deeds." It is possible that
now, his [sense of] compassion has declined or altogether
deteriorated. People who see him now, consider these stories [about
his past] to be fables.
Sadh [or Sada] is another disciple of the Guru. (He is a

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 Sikhism and the Sikhs

Sethi Khatri. When he became a Sikh of the Guru he heard that the
Guru was telling other Sikhs: "If you can, bring for me horses from
the country of 'Iraq [Iran]." Sadh has his residence in Balkh.) 55 By
the Gurii 's orders, he started from Balkh towards 'Iraq [Iran] to
bring horses. He had a son, who, upon reaching [Balkh], fell ill.
People told [Sadh]: "You are still in Balkh, one stage of journey
away from home. Do [go back and] see your son." He replied: "If
he dies, there is ample firewood in the house to cremate him. I have
started on the Guru's work and will not go back." So the son passed
away and he did not return. By much endeavour he brought three
'Iraqi horses, twenty-five Turki horse and one camel besides many
other valuable articles. When he reached Ghorband, belonging to
Kabul province, and which by orders of His Just Majesty King
Shahjallan, was under the charge of Khalil Beg, Khalil Beg seized
all the three Turki horses and the camel. However much Sadh tried,
it was of no use. This incident occurred in the year 1053 [A.D.
1643-44]. After GurU Hargobind's death towards the close of this
[sic! the next] year, 'Ali Q~li Beg, the son of Khalil Beg, who had
been the most forward in seizing the horses, passed away, and in
the year 1055 [A.D. 1645], Khalil Beg lost repute owing to the
negligence shown by him in defending the fort [of Ghorband]
against the people of Balkh, whom he had provoked into fighting.
Couplets:
Until someone hurts the heart of the possessor of a heart
He is not humiliated by God
Whomsoever God wishes to overthrow
He makes him strike at the dervishes. 56
Sadh is a man who is happy when joyful things happen,
and is not given to grief from sad things. Once this writer was in
his company on a journey from Kabul to the Punjab. When we
reached Rib~t, which is adjacent to the country of the Gakhars, in
the morning while on the way, I said, "The fastening at the head of
_ my leather garment is missing."57 Immediately, Sadh took out his
sacred thread and tied the joint at the fastening. I asked him, "Why
did you do so?" He replied, "Tying the sacred thread amounts to
making a pledge to serve. If I am tardy in serving friends, I should
not be a sacred-thread wearer." Couplet:
This one yarn without a joint, although it is of a single line of
yarn,
Becomes a rosary in the monastic cell, and a sacred thread in
the idol-temple.
[Version A adds here the following paragraph:]
Antyanan [Anantnand? - J.S.G.] Jogi is one of the

75
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

sah/angs of Murari Parmanand. He lives at Shamsabad, one of the

places subordinate to Atak Banaras [mod. Attock]. He earns his
livelihood by trade and Murari has appointed him to the position of
masand of Atak Banaras and its dependencies. Antyanan and his
father are the Guru's sincere followers, truly firm in faith. Every
Sikh who comes to their house, they regard him as the Guru and
gird their loins to serve him.
From Guru Hargobind, a Sikh enquired, "When at a
distance, how do I find the Guru?" He replied, "Every Sikh, who,
saying Wahi Guru, 58 comes to your house, regard him as the Guril."
Among the Sikhs it is customary that every desire they have, [they
put] in an assembly where the Sikhs gather. They lay whatever they
can before the masand or a Sikh, and then ask that they [the Sikhs]
should join their hands and pray towards the Guru, so that the wish
is attained. 59 The GurU too similarly consults the sangat60 or the
assembly of Sikhs about his own wishes. This also is the practice
of the Sipasis, that is, the Yazdanis: their belief too is that when a
large body of persons attends to get a thing done, it assuredly gets
done, since a number of persons [acting together] obtain a total
effect.
Among the Sikhs, none of the austerities and customary
forms of worship of the Hindus have any currency. Thus when
Pratap Mal Gyan? 1 saw a Hindu youth who wished to become a
Muslim, he told him. "Why do you become a Muslim? If you are
inclined to eat everything, become a Sikh of the Guril and then eat
everything you wish."
The Sikhs believe that the followers of the Guru will all
attain heaven. Whoever takes the name of the Guru and enters the
house of a Sikh, they do not stop him. It is said that once a thief
entered a Sikh's house uttering the name of the GurU. The Sikh
busied himself in entertaining him. In the morning the Sikh went
out so as to have better things cooked for him. The thief found the
Sikh's wife to be wearing much jewellery. Within a [short] while
he killed her and, taking the articles of jewellery, stepped out. He
met the man of the house on the way. The S.ikh forcibly brought
him back. When they reached the house, he found his wife murdered.
The thief realised that the Sikh has found out [his crime]. He
confessed the truth. The Sikh responded: "You did well." He closed
the door of the cell, and told the neighbours: "My wife is ill." He
cooked the food and ate it, and gave it to the thief. He told him,
"Go out," and did not take away the jewellery from him, gifting it
to him. He then cremated his wife.

76
 Sikhism and the Sikhs

Similarly, they say: There was a mendicant staying in

the house of a Sikh. One day the mendicant said to the Sikh's wife.
"Forth~ Gurii 's sake, satisfy my lust." The woman said: "I am in
some one else's possession. Restrain yourself." The mendicant,
out of fear, ceased to come to the Sikh's house. The Sikh asked
[his wife]: "Why does not the mendicant come inside [the house]?"
The woman recounted his solicitation. The Sikh said: "Why did
you reject his solicitation?" The woman went out, and pleading
with the mendicant brought him home, and had intercourse with
him. When in the month ofBaisakh, they went to visit the Guru-
and that Guru was a predecessor of Hargobind - the Guru looked
angrily at the mendicant, and said, "I strike at this [man]." The
mendicant was struck with leprosy.
Similarly, they say: One ofthe Gurus, seeing a speaking
parrot, admired it. A Sikh heard of it. He went to the parrot's owner,
who was a soldier, and sought the parrot from him. The soldier
said, "If you give me your daughter, I'll give you the parrot." The
Sikh agreed. He [the soldier] laughed and said further: ••Jf you
[also] give me your wife, the parrot is yours." The Sikh agreed
and, taking the soldier home, gave him his wife and daughter. When
the sold.ier came home and told the secret to his wife, the woman
upbraidded him until he gave the parrot to him [the Sikh] and [also]
returned his wife and daughter to him. Joyfully, the Sikh went to
the Gurii. End [of the story].
These things occurred before [the time of] Guru Hargobind.
The persons mentioned above were from amongst the notable Sikhs
belonging to this sect. The writer encountered this sect in A.H.
1053 [A.D. 1643-44].62

Addendum
[From sub-chapter on Vedantists] 63
Dabistan, Bombay ed., p.137.
Pratap Mal Chadda: Chad4a is a sub-caste of Khatris.
He is a gyani, that is 'arif(mystic). Sialkot is his native place. He
has served 'arifs possessed of perfection. He does not recognise
the ties of any religion or law. He regards all religions to be paths
leading to the Creator. He recognises in every physical form a
manifestation of the Beloved. Once, owing to some need, he became
a follower of a man named Dwara, who "is the deputy of a
representative of Hargobind Nanakpanthl, and made himself out
to be a disciple of his. 64 Dwara washed his feet, and therafter the
persons of that faith present there drank of that water, since

77
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

whenever they [the Sikhs] admit anyone to their own religion, they
do likewise. 65 But, finally, some argument broke out between Pratap
Mal and Dwara. Dwara said to Pratap Mal, "Yesterday, I washed
your feet, that is, I made you my disciple, and today you fight with
me." Pratap Mal said, "0 fool, my foot is always washed by Jatts
like you, I never let my hands touch my feet." The Jatts are a lowly
people in India; and Dwara was a Jatt.
Among Nanak's followers, it is customay that when they
seek the fulfilment of a wish, they put a copper coin before the
teacher's representative or the teacher [himself] and state their wish.
Pratap Mal put some copper coins before one Kabuli, by name,
who was the representative of Hargobind, and was in Kabul. 66
Folding his hands, he [Pratap Mal] said: "I have something to ask."
All tpe followers ofNanak [present], prayed together, according to
their custom, for the wish to be accepted. Kabuli, before
pronouncing [the prayed-for wish], asked, "Perhaps, you aspire to
have a sight of Hargobind?" Pratap Mal said, "It is much more
valuable than this!" Kabuli asked, " What is that?" Pratap Mal
replied, "That the comedians, dancers a~d musicians should come
from Peshawar to Kabul, so that I may see their movements, poses
and countenances!"

Notes
1
"Firdaus Makini" was the posthumous title by wbich Biibur was
remembered.
2 DarveshT. It could be read 'a mystic' (darveshe), as is done by G.S.,

who translates, 'a saint', but see the use of the same word a few lines
below. Moreover, the context also suggests mystical feeling rather
than persuasion by a person.
1 Pawan = air; aharl = one who cats.

• Version A makes a more detailed statement in the passage

corre-:a1onding to the last four sentences and the first sentence of the
next paragraph:
Ninak asserted the Onenes of God, and believed in the Bridge across
Hell, the Day of Judgement, Hell-fire, Hell and Paradise and all the
rules of Muhammadan Law (Shar'-i Mu~ammadi) and the Word of
God. He also forbade as unlawful things like wine and pork in the
some very way as is held to be forbidden by Muslims and His Holiness
Mu~ammad, Peace be on him; and whatever it is permissible to cat,
under Muslim law, he did not forbid, except for beef and meat. He
taught that the cow be honoured, and himself abandoned eating meat.
He commended all Muslims. He believed too in avatars [incarnated
deities]. deva.s [gods], devl.s [goddesses] and rakhlsars [saints] of the
Hindus. He also held as true what they say in respect of sarg [Sanskrit,
.svarga] and narak [Sanskrit, naraka], that is heaven and hell,
according to their own belief, and of transmigration of souls

78
 Sikhism and the Sikhs
(tanasukb). But be regarded all of them [the dicties] as servants of the
Unique Creator-Lord, and denied [the phenomena of] God's descent
into man (~ulul) and communion between God and man (illi~ad).
' /fulul o itti~ad, the word ~u/ul standing for God's alighting to dwell
in a human soul, and itti~ad for the soul's communion with God, both
being sufic concepts.
6
Sentence within parentheses is added in Version A.
7
For this tradition and an appropriate verse from the Guru Granth $a~ib,
see Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, I, I 09- I 0.
8 Baba, Persian for 'father', whence in Hindustani, 'a holy man', has

been popularly prefixed to N!nak's name; and the usage, as we sec

here, goes back at least to mid-17th century.
9
Bani: "Word, speech, language, the devotio'nal service of the Sikhs; a
sacred utterance, usually of a holy man such as Kabir or one of the
Guriis" (Maya Singh, The Punjabi Dictionary, Lahore, 1895, s.v.)
10
The precise verse here apparently quoted from the Gurii Granth $a~ib,
which contains Guru Nanak's bani, as weJJ as the verses of his
successors and other monotheistic preachers, has not been traced.
11 That is, devotees of Kartar (God, Creator).

u So clearly spelt in both MSS of Version A. 'Sarin' in printed text is a

misreading. Guru Angad, according to tradition, belonged to the
Trehan sub-caste of the Khatns. Sarin too is a Khatri sub-caste.
13
Thus in the Bombay ed. G.S.'s text reads "Sri Guru."
14
Niranjan, void of passion, the Supreme Being.
15
Sanskrit, Para-brahman
16
Supreme Lord (from Sanskrit parm+ lshvar).
17
This is the Arabic original form for what is written in the Granth
$a~ib as ma~ala. It is derived from the meaning of ma~ral as station,
stage of journey, and not, as Macauliffe, I, Ji, thinks, from mahal/a, a
ward or quarter of a town, the Granth Sa~ib being thereby ''likened to
a city"!
18
G.S. suggests maranka is a mistranscription of man-mukh (a reading
supported by one MS of Version A), which in Punjabi means "self-
willed; one who does not follow the advice of his guru or religious
leader" (Maya Singh, Punjabi Dictionary,·p.116). Professor Grewal
suggests that the word intended may be murankh,.a variant ofmurakh,
murakhni, meaning a fool, idiot.
19
Sukhdeva, son of the sage Vyasa. Rakhisar means "a great man, a
saint" (Maya Singh, s.v.).
20
Since from here onwards the story of Raja Janak is not derived from
Sikh sources, but is confessedly based on the Yoga-vasishJha, its
inclusion is not very relevant here. The Yoga-vasishfha is recognised
as an 'appcndix'to the Ramayat;ra. Our author (Dab/stan, Bombay
ed., pp 111-12), had access to Mullii Mubammad $iifl's Persian
translation of an abridgement of the full Sanskrit work made by "a
Kashmiri Brahman". This translation was considered inadequate when
under Diirii Shukoh's patronage a full translation was made by
l:fabibuJUih in I 655-56 (Sec Tarjuma-i Jog BashishJ, text, cds. Tara
Chand and S.A.H. Abidi, Aligarh, 1968). This fresh translation came
too late for its being used by the author of the Dabistan.
11 The four ages (yuga), viz. Sat-jug, Tareta-jug, Dwapar-jug, and Kat-

jug are respectively the Satya Yuga, Trela Yuga, Dvapara Yuga and
Ka/i Yuga of Purlioic mythology.

79
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

n The negative na-shumardalnashumrad is clear in both MSS of Version

A. The printed text has bi-shumrad, 'considers, regards', etc., in the
positive, which must be an error for na-shumrad, the dot having been
placed below, instead of above, the initial letter. If we accept bi-
shumrad and translate as G.S. does, it would mean that, except for the
single man whom the author has just quoted, no Sikh among those
met by the author had claimed Baba Nanak to be God. But the Sikh,
said to be an exception, is quoted above by the author himself as
explicitly saying that Nanak was "an intimate servant of God," and so
not God himself. Moreover, it has been stated a little earlier that Sikhs
have begun to say "that Nanak is God," so that a general Sikh belief to
this effect is implied. The Gurii Granth ~a/Jib contains a verse of Gurii
Arjan (quoted by J.S. Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab, Cambridge,
1990,p. 57), which shows that the near-unanimous belief of the Sikhs,
as reported by our author, had now scriptural sanction: "Do not be
misled by his human form; the Gurii is the veritable God (niranjan)."
23
Punjabi for friend, companion; associated, connected.
24
Both MSS of Version A read sahlang, not shah/ang as in the printed
text. G.S. suggests mistranscription for satsang, true fellowship (Maya
Singh, p.l 025), but in that case one would expect the form satsangi,
one who belongs to the satsang. As Professor Grewal points out in the
Introduction (note no.26), sah/ang occurs in the Guru Granth ~a/Jib,
a fact recognized by Ganda Singh himself (Mak.b..az-i Tawar'ikh-i
Sikhan, Amritsar, 1949, p.34), and should mean "a person or sangat
linked with the Gurii through a masand."
25
Sachcha. true.
16
Lit. 'a sacrifice, an offering' (Maya Singh, s. v. bheJ).
27
From udas, retirement, renunciation. Besides meaning "one who has
retired from the world," udas'i was also the name given to mendicants
of "an order founded by a son of Guru Nanak" [Sri Chand) (Maya
Singh, s.v. udasl).
28
Sarkar signified in the seventeenth century the establishment,
administrative, financial or fiscal, of the king, prince or noble. It also
was the designation of a territorial division below the ~uba or province.
It did not necessarily mean sovereign government.
29
These details may be compared with those given in the contemporary
reports of the Jesuit fathers at the Mughal court (C.H. Payne, tr.,
Jahanglr and the Jesuits, ... from the Relations of Father Fernao
Guerreiro, London, I 930, pp.l I -12, and the traditional Sikh accounts,
as set out in Macauliffe. Ill, pp.87~ I 00. In the latter his death is said
to have taken place in Jeth 1663 V .S., or June 1606 (ibid., p.l 00).
This would fall in Mu~arram-~afar lOIS A.H.
311
This theologian needs to be identified. He cannot be •Abdu"l Quddus
Gangohi's well-known k.b..allfa, or successor, Shaikh Ni~amu'ddin
Thanesari. who had died early in I 582.
31
That is, Pirthiii. of Sikh tradition, his formal name being Prithi Chand.
See Macauliffe, IV, pp.l ff., for Pirthiii.'s animosity to his younger
brother, Gurii Arjan.
32
'Mihirvan' in Version A.
33 Maya Singh, s.v. mina: • A bull or ox with the horns inclined
downwards along the face; a nickname given by the Sikh Gurus to
those who pretended to be Gurus, but were unfit for the noble work,
as m'ina masand'ia.'

80
 Sikhism and the Sikhs
34
"dar bandag"i-1... " The term bandag"i need not have the definite sense
of service, and probably implies no more than that the Gurii remained
in the suit of the Imperial camp.
35
No reference to this personage is indexed in M.Athar Ali, Apparatus
of Empire: Awards of Ranks, Offices and Titles to the Mug hal Nobility
(1574-1658), New Delhi, 1985.
36
None of these persons are indexed in Athar Ali. Apparatus. Piyinda
.Khan appears in Sikh tradition as a renegade, who led the Mughal
troops against the Gurii; he was killed after a personal combat with
the Gurii (Macauliffe, IV, pp.208-9).
37
This must be the ruler of this name, who had his capital at Kot Kahlur
(Bilaspur State). He was the son and successor of Kalyan Chand. He
is assigned a short reign. c. 1645, and is said to have built the fort of
Taragarh (J. Hutchison, and J.Ph. Vogel, History of the Punjiib Hill
States, Lahore, 1933, 11, p.50 I).
38
The temple of Naina Devi stands on the highest point of the Naina
Devi dhar (hill range), at the altitude of 3,595 feet. in old Bilaspur
State (Hutchison and Vogel. II, p. 494).
39
Aligarh MS. Univ. Coli. Box 2, No.2, f.l40a giving Version A, reads
banduqch'i; Aligarh MS F.200/1 Shu 'ba-i 'Am, f. 78, has tufangch'i.
The printed text has topch'i, gunner, which must be a slip.
40
Qamargka is considered a variant (used in Persian. Turkish and Arabic
languages). of the Persian word qamargiih, meaning "the hunting ring
formed to enclose the game" (Steingass. s.v.). Parra means "a circular
disposition of troops for hunting or other purposes" (ibid. s.v.) and so
parra-shlkiir would mean the same thing as qamargha.
41
Or gayiin'i. one possessing divine knowledge. Version A adds the
information that Dcva belonged to Gobindwal.
41
Version A gives Devii's reply as follows: "You arc Gurii Parmeshar
[Pannesvar], i.e. you arc God. This [the ass] too is You. Since God is
all-comprehensive (mu(IW. Existence is His alone; all else is non-
existent." Alig. MS Box 2, No.2 being corrupt here. the reading of the
other Aligarh MSS is here adopted.
43
So in Version A, which we follow in the initial lines of this paragraph.
The printed text calls him Parra Kaiwan Yazdini. "Yazdani" was one
of the names of the Sipiisi sect of the Parsis. founded by Azar Kaiwin
(d. AH.1027/A.D.I618), to which the authorofthc Dabistiiu himself
belonged. This sect was influenced by the Jshriiqi philosophy of
Shihabuddin Maqtul. Rejecting sectarian differences, the Sipasis
pursued contacts with all religious faiths. See the account of the sect
and its major figures in Dabistiin, Bombay ed., pp.J-44. In his account
of the Bairiigls, the author (printed text, p.l61) tells us that "Parra
Kaiwan Yazdani, who is one of the great (mystically) enlightened ones.
displays himself in the garb of every sect." He cites his report on the
Bairigis, just as in Version A. he records his comment on Bidhii. one
of the leading followers of Gurii Hargobind.
44
So reads Version A. The printed text, which omits the last sentence.
appears to say that the Gurii did pay the visitor adequate respect, but
this is owing to a misreading of two words. bi-shaniilf!!t for na-
shalliikht and pardiil!h.t for na-pardiil!h.t, both due to a misplacing of
dots. The word lii-jarm in the printed text is indication enough that
the verbs in question should be in the negative. Version A, in any
case. establishes what the author intended to say.

81
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

45
The text reads siyiim (third) Mu~arram, not shashum (sixth), but a
transcriptional confusion between the two is possible. Version A has
siyiim, which standing for 'a third' cannot be confounded with
shashum. 3 Mu~arram JOSS could not httvc been a Sunday. G.S.
suggests, in view of Sikh "chronologies", that the year itself is wrong:
it ought to be 1OS4. 3 Mul}arram 1054 could have been a Sunday, if
the previous month was extended to 30 days. The date would then be
13 March 1644.
46
The text in both MSS of Version A here is the same as in the printed
ed. I have found no variation in the third MS of Version A (Aiigarh:
Farsiya Akhbar 8), and two MSS of the text carried in the printed
version (Aiigarh: Shaifta Coli., F126/96 and Sir Shah Sulaiman Coil.
612/1 ). G.S. suggests that the author intended to say that the Guru
"remembered [himself] by the title 'Nanak'." But the construction of
the sentence is such that the insertion of a word like khwud (himself),
as proposed by G.S., would not be enough. One would also have to
read makatib ba- namanlgar ('letters to the writer' for makatlb
namanigar. Since these would amount to rather extensive interference
with the text, another solution is to suppose that namanigar here docs
not mean the author of the Dabistan, but simply means the writer of
the letters, i.e. the Gurii himself: "Guru Hargobind in his letters
remembered the writer thereof [i.e. himscl f] by the title of Nanak .... .,
Such a rendering, though possible, seems unnatural and forced,
especially with the expression, yad farmiid ('remembered'). The
natural meaning is as given in our translation, the Gurii having so
addressed him through an excess of courtesy, aided by his belief in
pantheism, as reported by the author. But as Professor Grewal
observes, it is "unthinkable" that the Gurii would have called someone
else Nanak. We must assume that the Gurii possibly wrote to our author
in Punjabi or in a Hindi dialect, and a misunderstanding arose out of a
confusion between the name of the addresser and the addressee.
47
Words in parentheses added from Version A. Professor Grewal
observes that Sarai Pakkii must be the place of this name mentioned
by Gancsh Das as belonging to tappa & pargana Dangli in the Sindh
Sagar Doab.
48
There seems to be no account of this invasion in official Mughal
sources. Hutchison and Vogel, II, p.SO I, also make no reference to
any Mughal invasion or to Tiirii Chand's captivity. They say, however,
that during his time "inroads were made into the country and much
territory was lost to the neighbouring States." Najiibat Khan's career
is traceable in Athar Ali, Apparatus (S 121, etc): Mirza Shujii'. son of
Mirza Shiihruk.h, received the title of Najiibat Khan in 1628-29. He
was posted for a little over a year asfaujdar of Kangra in 1634-3S. He
took part in the campaign against Jagat Singh of the hill state ofNurpur,
north-west of Kangra in 1641-2. But early in the summer of 164S he
is listed among the officers ordered to proceed to Kabul from where
he went on to participate in the Balkh and Badakhshiin expedition
(Uihori, Padshahnama, Bib. Ind., II, p.424). Thus, it is difficult to
sec how Najiibat Khan could have been contlucting a campaign in the
Punjab hills during the year 164S. Perhaps the campaign actually
occurred in 1644, the author's dates being too late here by one year,
as is possibly the case with that of Gurii Hargobind's death.
49
The principality to which Gurii Har Riii moved was Sirmur, of which

82
 Sikhism and the Sikhs
Raja Karm PrakAsh was the ruler, though his reign period is given as
1616-30, and the current ruler must have been Mandhiita Prakiish
(1630-47) (M.S. Ahluwalia, History ofHimachal Pradesh. New Delhi,
1988, p. 108). Thapal cannot be satisfactorily identified. There is no
reference to Guru Har Rai's journey into Sirmur in the traditional
accounts, as summarized by Macauliffc, IV, 275-314.
50
This entire paragraph is rendered from Version A. The printed ed.
reads 'Ramdes' for 'Ramdiis' later in the paragraph and says it means
'God of the idol-worshipper', reading khuda'i but-parast instead of
kh.uda"i parast. Both the form 'Riimdes' and its meaning as given in
the printed text arc obvious slips.
51
So in Version A. Printed text reads Jhanda for Chanda.
52
Statement in parentheses added in Version A. Budha (spell 'Bodh')
must be the famous Bhiii Budha (cf. Macauliffe, I, p.l35).
Sl cr. India Library (London) MS Panjabi B40, an 18th-century transcript
of a 17th-century janam-sakh"i (quoted by W.H. McLeod, The
Evolution of the Sikh Community, Delhi, 1975, p.31 ): "the dharamsala,
where the Sikhs sang hymns and performed k'irtan [singing hymns in .
praise of God]."
54 'Bidhitii', 'Bidhnii', in the text, but 'Bidhiii' in Version A. G.S.'s
suggestion that the dots have been misplaced in the printed text, and
Bidhiii should be read, is, therefore, legitimate. In Sikh tradition his
name is given as Bidhi Chand (Macauliffc, IV, pp. 153-78). This entire
paragraph is from Version A. In the printed text the account of BidhUi
is greatly abridged. As for Sarmali, Professor Grewal suggests it could
possibly be Sarhali, on the road from Harikc to Tam Taran, not very
far from Lahore.
55 The portion in parentheses is inserted from Version A.
56
The incident involving Khalil Beg is translated here from Version A.
The printed text is much shorter and docs not indicate the place or
date of the incident, and mentions only three 'Iraqi horses as having
been brought by Siidh. During 1642-45, Khalil Beg was the tha11edar
(commander of military post) of Qhorband and qil'a-dar (castellan)
of ~u~~ak, on the route connecting Balkh with Kabul (Athar Ali,
Apparatus, S.2902,2948,3212); and in 1647-9 he was the commandant
of Kahmard further north on the same route, a place occupied during
Shiihjahiin's Balk.h expedition (S.4278, 4458). G.S., p.22n., is,
therefore, mistaken in placing the seizure of these horses at Uihore.
Khalil Beg's misery after this incident must have been short-lived,
because in 1652-53 we find him possessed of the title ofRi'iiyat Khan,
and of the office of the Bakh.sh"i of a~adis (Athar Ali, Apparatus, S.
5778).
57 I have followed Version A in rendering this sentence, it having more
details than the printed text.
58 I have followed Version A here. The printed text has "taking the
Name", instead of"saying Wahi Guru". The sanctity of the word wah
(literally, an expression of admiration or praise), to be used for God/
Guro alone, is proclaimed in the hymns of Guro Amardiis (Maeauliffc,
II, pp.207-09). Wahi Guro, or simply, Wah Guro, is usually held to
mean 'the Great God' (cf. ibid., IV, p.l35).
59 For this practice sec also the Addendum to this chapter, and the
quotation from a 17th-century janam-sakh'i and comment thereon in
W.H. McLeod, The Emlution of the Sikh Gommrmity, pp.31-2.

83
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

60
"3oth MSS carrying Version· A clearly read sangat; the printed text
has sang, clearly a slip.
61
A contemporary of the author of the Dabisttin. Sec the Addendum to
this chapter.
61
Last sentence added in Version A.
63
In version A, this passage is in a sub-section on "Gyan'is," and follows
the account of the Sikhs.
64
In Version A, this statement is made thus: •At one time he [Cha44a]
became a Sikh under B{h]ar"Dwara, who is the masand of Kabul on
behalf of Jhanda[=Chanda] Ramdas." Jhanda/Chanda was, as shown
in the main account of the Sikhs, a leading followerofGurii Hargobind.
65 Version A says this still more forcefully: ..When they make anyone a
Sikh, they wash his feet, and pass on the water to the [other) Sikhs so
that all may drink of it, and this they regatd as a curative."' But the
charnamat ceremony requires the novitiate to wash the preceptor's
feet and drink the water: it is curious that in this description the roles
are reversed (J.S.G.).
66
Version A says shortly: "Kiibuli by name, the masand of Kabul."

84
4
A Visit to the Tomb ofGt1ru Na11ak
before 1647
Fron1 ~Urat Singh . Ta;_kira Plr lfassil Te/1

Translated by S. Ali Nadeem Rezavi

The Ta~kiratu 'sh Shaikh wa '1-Kh..adam, also

known as T~kira Plr lfassu Telf, is a metrical work written
in the Panjab in the reign of Shahjahan. It survives in a
unique manuscript, possibly autograph, in the Library of
the Centre of Advanced Study in History, Aligarh Muslim
University. Its author began writing it in A.H. I 055 (A.D.
1644-45) and completed it in A.H. 1057 (A.D. 1647) (MS,
ff.I81 b-182a).
The author, ~Urat Singh, was of the Kambo
caste, the son of DUni Chand, and born at Natesar in
pargana Patti HaibatpUr (now Patti) in the Punjab. His
family were by profession traders, but ~Urat Singh took
to the career of a revenue official, holding posts at Lahore,
Bhatinda and other places. After his father's death, when
he was passing through difficult times, h~ and his brother
Gariga Ram were taken by Shaikh SitruiUih to Shaikh
Kamal, the chief disciple of Pir I:IassU, the oilman (teli)
saint (d.I603), to be enrolled among his disciples. This
was a ~Ufic sect, formally Maliimatyas, to which both
Hindus and Muslims were admitted.
For ~Urat Singh's Ta~kira which is partly an
autobiography, partly an account of the miraculous powers
of Pir I:IassU and Shaikh Kamal, M. Athar Ali's essay on
the work in Medieval India: a Miscellany, II, Aligarh/
Bombay, 1972, pp.l87-94, is a very good guide. From

85
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

the Taz_kira it becomes apparent that Gurii Nanak' s

religious status was widely accepted in 17th-century
Punjab; and he was popular among both Hindus and
Muslims. From the Tag_kira references to Gurii Nanak and
the power and popularity of his verses, it is clear that ~iirat
Singh held him to be a great teacher and a master of"Hindi
verses" (f.142b). He writes that at a time when his brother
was removed from the post of revenue-collector ( 'iimil)
at Jahangirpur, his mother took him to the "village ofBaba
Nanak" where they visited his "mari" (marhl, funereal
shrine). A translation of this portion, Aligarh MS, ff.122b-
123a, is offered below. From this it becomes clear that at
least till 1647 a shrine and a tomb of the Guru was extant
on the banks of the River Ravi at Kartarpiir. The popular
Sikh legend that both these monuments were washed away
providentially so as to avoid idolatrous worship of the
Guru's last resting-place, may be correct; but the event
would seem to have taken place after 1647, for had the
shrine disappeared by the time ~iirat Singh was composing
his work, he would probably have referred to the fact.
According to the Sikh tradition, Guru Nanak
did not leave behind two bodies, as related to ~iirat Singh
by the shrine's attendants. Rather, when the time for Guru
Nanak's parting from this world arrived, and the Muslims
wanted to bury him and the Hindus to cremate him, Guru
Nanak told them: "Let the Hindus place flowers on my
right and the Musalmans on my left. They whose flowers
are found fresh in the morning (after my death), may have
the disposal of my body." The Guru then drew a sheet
over himself and departed from this world. When the sheet
was removed the next morning it was found that the
Guru's body had miraculously disappeared and the flowers
placed on both sides were in bloom. The blooms were
then divided and partly cremated and partly buried. (See
Macauliffe, Sikh Religion, I, pp.l90-91 ).
From the Tag_kira it also appears that there was
a belief widely held among people like ~iirat Singh that
the spirit of GurU Nanak had become one with the other
great spirits. From two of his mystical experiences ~Urat
Singh claims that Guru Nanak and Pir J:Iassu Tell had
become one. He says (ff.142b-143a, 159a-b) that once he
was performing the Jawiif (cir~umambulation) of the

86
 Guru Nanqk 's Shrine

dargiih of his Pzr (f:lassii Teli) when 'Baba Nanak' passed

that way. On seeing him performing the circumambulation,
a person stopped him and enquired about the mystery
(asriir) of the graves there. When $iirat .Singh informed
him about Pir f:lassii, Shaikh Kamal and Sitrullah and their
miracles, he exclaimed, "Yes, if a beggar (gadii) begets
treasure, he starts performing like a professional dancer".
And then he started reciting some of his own "Hindi"
verses (sha 'r-i hindi) which were fit for the occassion.
While he was doing so his eyes were sparkling; and on
hearing and seeing this, it occurred to $iirat Singh tha~
this person was no other than "Guru Nanak". But then his
own Pzr whispered to him: "0 the knower of mysteries,
the truth is that he was not Nanak. If you see with the
eyes of belief, then you will realize it is I who comes before
your eyes time and again." $iirat Singh says that he took
this person to be Nanak because of his way of recitation
and his great verses. But then his Pzr warned him, "I tell
you, it was not Nanak but I! Whoever becomes your guide,
it is If" Does it, then, mean that $iirat Singh wants to
convey the message that the teachings ofGurii Nanak and
his own pzr were the same, and that they were united in
spirit?
At most of the places in his Tag_kira $iirat Singh
generally refers to Guru Nanak as 'Baba Nanak'. It is only
at one place (f.142b) that he refers to him as "GurU
Nanak".
$iirat Singh's work is an important historical
doc.ument for understanding how the message of Guru
Nanak was looked at by the mystically inclined in the
Panjab. It is one of the first statements in Persian on the
Sikh message, it belongs to just about the time the author
of the famous account in the Dabistiin-i Magiihib was
collecting his material on Sikhism. For this reason it should
surely be of interest to students of Sikh history.
The translation of the account of the author's
visit to Guru Nanak's shrine now follows.

87
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

TRANSLATION
T~kira, Aligarh MS, ff.122b-123a
My mother took hold of my hand and started the
journey; we went to the village (deh) ofBaba Nanak.
The attendants of the Blessed Shrine (l}arlm) gave the
intelligence about him that that beneficent one came by one [the
true] path and never came by another.
When we bowed our heads for pilgrimage to [the shrine
of] the Baba, [we saw that] there was a marl [marhl, funereal
shrine], and by the side of the marl, was his tomb (mazar).
Who can come between the pure body Uism-i piik) and
its frame (man) (lit. house) of dust? For the life of those whose
hearts have life, an arrow turns into a mere thorn!
They become bodies of air when they are reduced to
dust [if they are buried on death] and acquire the form ofwater,if
they are thrown into fire [i.e. are cremated].

Account of the Death of Bibi Ninak •••

How from the house do you take the warp? [It is] from
the shrine of the spiritually-sighted ones, [that] the collyrium for
the eyes [comes].
From their presence, the dust becomes collyrium, and
they leave in poor state, who draw their skirt through that dust
like wind or smoke.
I sought from those serving the marl, the mystery of
the shrine of the Baba. A narrator of the tradition gave me an
account of it.
That when he [GurU Nanak] died, leaving this for
another abode, Hindus and Muslims gathered around the Baba's
head.
The Hindus said that he was a Hindu, and thus he ought
to be cremated. The assemblage of Muslims desired to make a
grave for him.
Two bodies of his th~reupon came to view: One they
took and cremated; and the other was put in front for the [Muslim]
funeral prayer.
[But] he left both his bodies and went across to the other
side Qf River Ravi. There an Afghan disciple (murld) had the
privilege of a sight of him.
He [Nanak] laid out before him a floor-cloth containing
a variety of eatables. The Afghan ate his fill from that laid-out
meal.

88
 Guru Nanak 's Shrine

As is the convention of old, he [the Afghan] spoke and

cried out about the ordeal of his journey, in soldierly talk that
night.
When that traveller crossed over to this sid_e of the river,
he saw the grave and the flames of cremation.
He asked, "Why are these people making all this noise"?
[Someone] replied: "Nanak has passed away from this world!".
"The amazing thing is," [he was told,] "that after his
death, there came to be two bodies. One is being buried and the
other is being cremated".
[The Afghan] said that both [Muslims and Hindus] have
done wrong: "I have seen him well settled on the other side of the
. ".
nver
"I have eaten food and fruits and have talked with him
and I have come to this side after taking leave from him."
All became astonished on hearing this and the report of
his [Nanak's] moving himselfto another place became well known.
Having taken the benefit from the dust of his pure tomb,
whose name is shukr (thanksgiving), we returned contented to our
home.

89
5
The Sikhs and Their History, 1696
From Sujan Rai Bhancjari, Klzu-lii..~·atu 't
·ral'\;'tlrTkh

Translated by Iqbal Husain

Sujan Rai Bhancjari's Khula~atu 't Tawarzkh,

completed in A.H.1107/Aurangzeb's 40th Regnal Year,
corresponding to A.D. 1696, is a history of India, that
comes down to the War of Succession, 1658-59. The his-
torical narrative is preceded by an account of India and
the provinces of the Mughal Empire, each separately de-
scribed.
The main account of the Sikhs and their history
is given in the chapter on the province of Lahore, which
runs from p.64 to 80 in M. Zafar Hasan's ed., Delhi, 1918.
Jadunath Sarkar had translated this portion in his India of
Aurangzib, Calcutta, 1901, pp.&0-91, working only from
MSS. Except in part, his translation was found to be in
need of much improvement and so most ofit has practically
been recast in the rendering given below. The Addendum
includes extracts from other parts of the same work,
relevant to Sikh history, most of which are from portions
not translated by Sarkar. The annotation has also been done
afr~sh; Zafar Hasan's ed. has been used throughout.
Sujan Rai was a native of Batala (near Lahore,
now on the Indian side of the border) and may, therefore,
be expected to have been well informed about the Punjab.
In this, as in many subsequent Persian texts,
the word gurii is spelt gorii (the form also prevalent in
pre-194 7 Urdu of Sikh writers), presumably to prevent it
being confounded with other words in the absence of marks

90
 Sikhs ' History, to 1696

for short vowels in ordinary Persian writing. The

precaution being unnecessary in English, the word is
transliterated as guru in our translation.

TRANSLATION
Text, pp.69-70
Twelve kurohs (kos) from Batila on the bank of the
river Rivi, is the place of Bibi Ninak, whose descendants are
still [A.D.1696] living there. In his own days, he was the leader of
the caravan in the path of Truth, the torch-bearer in the course of
~ufic path, the manifestation of the splendour of God and the
beholder of the illuminations of Infinite Secrets. He composed
Hindi 1 verses revealing the Truth of the Absolute God in lucid
words and clear metaphors. It is said that this chosen one of the
world was born at Talwandi Rai Bhona [rect. Bho'a], in the year
1526 of Vikramajit, corresponding to 880 A.H. (1469 A.D.), in
the reign of Sultan Bahlol Lodi, and lived at the same place in his
maternal grandfather's house. 2 Since from the beginning ofEternity
he was destined to enjoy access to the bounties of God, he
exhibited, from a young age, 3 signs of the innate knowledge and
miracles and the practising of uncommon ha\'>its. A large number
of people came to believe in him. After travelling through many
parts of the world, he came to Batila, got married there and settled
in one of the villages of Batala on the bank of the river Ravi. The
fame of his knowledge of God and the effect of his sayings became
widely reputed and multitudes of people from all parts and lands
came to him and became his disciples. One of his close companions
was a singer named Mardana, who brought men into the ties of
faith by setting to music and singing in a captivating manner the
verses of [Ninak,] that intimate one of the Court of the Creator.
This leader of God-seeing men, left the transitory world, at the
age of 70 to 80 years during the reign of Salim Shah Afghan. 4
Though he had his elder son, named Lakhmidas,s yet, as he had
not been endowed with spiritual worth, Ninak at the time of his
death appointed as his successor a Khatri named Lahina alias
Trehan, 6 who was a constant and close companion of his, giving
him the title of Guru Angad. He [Angad] occupied the sacred seat
for a period of thirteen years before passing away. As he had no
son,' he appointed his son-in-law [sic!] Amar~as, alias Bhella,K as
his own· successor. He guided the people for twenty-two years and
then died. Although he had sons, yet at the time of passing away,
he nominated as his successor his son-in-law Rimdas, alias Sodhi,9

91
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

who received the adoration of his disciples for seven years. After
him Guru Arjan, his son, occupied the sacred seat. After twenty-
five years he passed away. Then, after him, Gurii Hargobind, his
elder son, adorned the seat for thirty-seven years. When he died,
Gurii Har Rai, whose father Gordita [GurditUi] by name, had died
in the life-time of Gorii Hargobind, succeeded his grandfather,
and for seventeen years acted as the guide of the believers. After
him, his young son, Guru Har Kishan, sat on the sacred seat for
three years. Then Tegh Bahadur, the younger son of Guru
Hargobind, occupied the seat for fifteen years. In the end he was
imprisoned under Imperial officers; and in I 081 A. H. [A.D.1670-
71 ], corresponding to the 17th regnal year of' Alamgir [A.D.1673-
74], 10 he was executed at Shahjahanabad [Delhi] in accordance
with 'Alamgir's orders. At the time of writing this book, Gurii
Go bind Rai, 11 the son of Guru Teg:h Bahadur, has been in
occupation of the sacred seat for twenty-two years.
To be brief, among the followers of Baba Nanak there
are many mystics, discoursers, ascetics and prayerful men. The
essence of the worship of this sect is the reading of the verses of
their Guide, which they sing with instrumental and vocal music
and with a heart-ravishing chant. They remove from one's mind
the anguish caused by [worldly] attachments and lift the obscuring
veil of impediments from the heart. In their eyes, kinsmen and
strangers are alike, friends and enemies are the same. They are
wholly one with their friends and do not quarrel with their enemies.
The faith which this sect has in its leader is seldom seen in other
sects. In the name of their Guide, which they continually have on
their tongue, they consider it a great act of worship to attend on
travellers. If a person arrives at midnight and takes the name of
Baba Nanak, though he be a stranger and unknown person, even a
thief, robber, or person of evil conduct, they treat him as a brother
and friend and serve him in a manner proper to his needs.

Addendum
Miscellaneous Notices
I
Text, pp.22-23
The Mendicants (Durweshan) of India.
The first class, Sanyasls ... Second class, Jogls ... Third
class, Bairagls ... Fourth class, Udiisls: 12 the followers of Baba
Nanak, [who] in accordance with the way and custom of their
Master occupy themselves in praising and glorifying the Creator.

92
 Sikhs' History, to 1696

The essence of their worship consists of the reading of the verses

of their Guide (murshid), which they recite, set to music and song,
and raise a heart-captivating chant, making both themselves and
their listeners [feel] fortunate and joyful.
Fifth class, Jain and Seora ...

II
Text, p.36.
[Account of Province of Delhi]
Nanak Mata 13 is a place where the disciples and
followers of Baba Nanak assemble and offer worship. In that
direction lie the Northern Mountains which they ca11 Kumaun.

III
Text, p.76
[Account of the Lahore Province]
The river Sutlej comes from the Mountains of Bhutant
[Tibet], and flows through the country ofKullu-Bashahr. Thereafter
it makes its way to the Sirkhad Hills 14 within the limits of Kahliir.
It protects that country from three sides. The ruler of Kahlur, from
the protection of this river, the difficult ranges and the strength of
his place of residence - for the town of Bilaspur is his capital -
offers defiance to the Imperial officers. Coming out of that
mountain, the river divides into two branqhes, passing below
Makowiil [mod. Anandpur-Sahib] which is the place of residence
of Gurii Go bind Rai, 15 and Kiratpur, where Guril Hargobind and
Gorii Har Rai had resided. It becomes one river before reaching
Rupar.

IV
Text, p.425
[Akbar's meeting with Guru Iujan]
Departing from Lahore ... [Akbar] crossed the Beas river.
He visited the house of Guru Arjan, the successor of Baba Nanak,
who was highly reputed for his knowledge of God. He was pleased
from listening to his recitation of the Hindi verses that had been
composed by Baba Nanak for expounding the knowledge of God.
Deeming it to be an honour conferred on him, Guru Arjan made a
suitable offering and pleaded that since, owing to the coming of
the Victorious Army to the Punjab, grain price.s had risen and the
jama' Tiand-tax demand] of the localities (parganas) had been
raised, now that the Imperial Army is leaving, the grain prices

93
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

have fallen, and the peasants are [therefore] unable to meet their
obligation to pay the jama '. In accordance with his plea, orders
were issued to the Imperial Finance Ministers that a reduction of
twelve-to-ten 16 be made in the jam a' and the revenue-collectors
be instructed to grant remissions to the peasants accord:ingly and
not to make dem~nds on them in excess [of the amount now
prescribed] ... 17

v
Text, p.SB
[Dara Shukoh at Lahore, after his flight from battle of
Samugar]
Although Dara Shukoh put up an appearance of
preparations for a fight, at heart he was a prey to demoralization
and fear. He thought it to be beyond his power to face the Imperial
Army [of Aurangzeb] in battle, and entertained the design of
proceeding to Multan and Qandahar. 18 This he indicated to his close
courtiers and confidants through hints and allusions. People
intuitively realised that once [Aurangzeb's] glorious camp moved
in this direction, he [Dara Shukoh] would take to flight without
daring to enter battle. As a result, they decided .to separate from
him. Thus Raja Rajrup 19 departed with the excuse that he needed
to go to his native territory (wq{an) to gather troops and conciliate
the local chiefs (zamlndiirs) ofthe [Punjab] Hills. From expediency,
he left his son as his agent at Lahore; but after some days, his son
also departed one night. So too Gurii Har Rai, the successor of
Baba Nanak, who had come with a large force, left on the excuse
of collecting [more] troops. Thus most people separated themselves
from Dara Shukoh ...

Notes
1 The designation 'Hindi' or 'Hindawi' was used for any local Indian
language and thus applied to Punjabi as well as other dialects, such as
Braj or Awadhi.
2 The date of birth given here corresponds to the one given in the Sikh
tradition (Macauliffe, I, p.1 ). The name of the zamindiir of the village
was Rai Bular (Macauliffc, I, p.2) which is apparently a variant of the
name .. Rai Bhona.. given in our text. Talvandi is now Nan kana Sa):lib,
renamed after Guril Nanak. It is in the District of Lahore, Pakistan.
3 MS var. 'from the age often years'.
4 Tradition, however, assigns his death to I 538 (Macauliffe, 1, 191 ),
while Salim [Islam] Shah reigned from 1545-53. One also gets I 539
if one totals up the periods of Gurilships of Niinak's successors, as

94
 Sikhs' History, to 1696

given by Sujin Rai, up to the death of Gurii Arjan, and deducts the
total from A.D. 1606, the known date ofthe latter's martyrdom.
' "Lakshmichand" of Sikh- tradition.
" A Khatri sub-caste.
7
GurU Angad, according to tradition, had two sons, Dasu and Dlltu, and
the latter claimed to succeed his father thereby denying Guru
Amardas's claims (Macauliffc, II, pp.l, 63).
1
That is, Bhalla, the name of a Khatri sub-caste.
9
A Khatri sub-caste.
111
As the editor notes, the Hijri and regnal years do not correspona. A
little further on, the author tells us that Gurii Gobind Singh had already
reigned as Gurii for 22 years. Since Sujan Rai was writing in 1696,
this gives 1674 as the year of GurU Gobind Singh's accession and so
presumably of Guru Tcgh Bahidur's martyrdom. The date preserved
in Sikh tradition is Maghar Samvat 1732 or A.D. 1675 (Macauliffe,
IV 387).
11
Note that the author docs not usc the suffix "Singh" for the Guru,
which he had not assumed at this time (1696).
12
Undasis in the text. The term Udiisi (from udti"s, renunciation,
sorrowful) came to be applied to the sect of recluses established by
Guru Niinak's elder son, Sri Chand, who did not recognise the
succession ofGurii Angad. See D. lbbctson, Panjab Castes, p.228:
13
In the plains ofNaini Tal Dist., U.P.
14
Sir Khad is the name of a tributary of the Sutlcj joining it from the
north; Sir Khad Hills must mean the mountains around its confluence
with the Sutlcj.
as Makhowal, where Gurii Tegh Bahadur established Chak Nanahi. Gurii
Gobind Singh laid the foundations of Anandpur nearby. (J.S.G.)
16
Literally. twelve-upon-ten, which would make the remission 120 per
cent. of the land-tax. The correction can be made by reference to the
report of this remission in the A.kbarnama, for which sec the next
note.
1
~ While Akbar's meeting with Guru Arjan (4 November I 598) is
recorded by Abu'l Fa~l in the A.kbarnama, Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1873-
87, HI, p. 746, the order for reduction ofthcjama • in the proportion of
twelve-to-ten is given (Ill, p. 747) as a subsequent measure, which
merely cancelled the previous increase of the jama •. That increase,
by a fifth ('ten to twelve'), had been made when the Court had moved
earlier to Lahore. It is not mentioned in the A.kbarnama that Guru
Arjan had made any plea in this behalf.
111
Dara Shukoh had reached Lahore on 3 July 1658 and abandoned it in
mid-August, making a hasty flight towards Multan. Sec K.R. Qanilngo,
Dara Shukoh, I, 2nd ed., Calcutta, 1952, pp.193-98.
19
Ruler of the principality of Niirptlr, in the north-western comer of the
Kangra District, Himachal Pradesh.

95
6
Documents on. the Sikhs and Gurtl
Gobind Singl1
Frotn A J_zkii1n-i (A /cnngTrl, 1703-07

Translated by Irfan Habib

Some time after 1712, 'lnayatulUih Khan "lsmi"

(d.l725), who had served as Emperor Aurangzeb's
secretary, with the function of writing (or drafting) orders
and letters to princes and nobles on behalf of the Emperor,
collected a number of such documents in a well-known
collection, Al,zkam-i 'Aiamg'lr'l, "Orders of [Aurangzeb]
'Alamgir". Many of these are l,zasbu 'I l,zukms, or orders
issued upon instructions of the Emperor; others are letters
written by 'Inayatullah Khan himself as is the case with
Doc.II below. Wherever the documents in the Al,zkam-i
'Aiamgiri give current dates, or refer to current events,
all these are found to belong to the last four or five years
of his reign.
The four documents on the Sikhs and GurU
Gobin£' •ccur in 1.0. MS 3387, ff.204a-b., 204b-205a,
243b and 24Sa-b. These have also been extracted from
the Ri~a Library Rampur MS by Ganda Singh and printed
in his Makl:!az.-i Tawar'lkh.-1 Sikhan, Amritsar, 1949, I,
pp.72-75. The names of addressees are not given in the
MSS, but they can be identified from the nature of contents
and cross-references within the documents themselves.
All the four documents are translated below.
~Ofthese Docs.IIJ and IV relate to negotiations with GurU
Gobind Singh, which seem to have formed the context
for GurU Gobind Singh's Persian poem ?:afarnama
addressed to Aurangzeb. Its text after careful verification

96
 Guru Gobind Singh and Aurangzeb

from MSS was printed by Ganda Singh, op.cit., pp.64-71-.

A full English translation (not entirely accurate and
missing some nuances, but generally serviceable) was
given in M.A. Macauliffe, Sikh Religion, V, pp.201-6,
having been made from a text which could not have been
very different from the one established by Ganda Singh.

TRANSLATION
I
[To Wazir Khan]'
In this while, Mul}ammad Auliya, resident of the
township of Buriya, in pargana Khi:z;rabad, sarkar Sahrind
[Sirhind], has reported through persons known to this just world-
adorning Court that his Highness [the addressee] had, in
accordance with imperial orders, and in concert with the qa~l,
destroyed a temple [lit. 'image-house'] of the Nanak-devotees
(Nanak-parastan) in the said township, and built a mosque,
installing a dervish Saiyid Mu~affar by name, for the offering of
Muslim prayers in that mosque. The said people [i.e. 'the Nanak
devotees'] raiding that mosque, killed the dervish; after
investigation, they have admitted having killed him. But, owing
to the representations made by some of them, who have come to
this benevolent Court, the qa~l and mu!Jtasib of that place have
been dismissed without any fault of theirs; and 'Alimullah has
been appointed qa~l. and his· father, the mu~Jtasib [lit. given (the
charge of) iiJtisab]. The world-binding order has been issued that
his Highness may be written to, as to why such negligence has
occurred. Amends should be made in a commendable manner. ''It
belongs to Him, and is on God's account." It was also ordered
that he should write the true facts about the previous qa~l and
mul)tasib, and, ti II the receipt of his reply, the orders of
appointment of the proposed qa~l and mul)ta-sib be not issued.

II
[To Wazir Khan]
His (the addressee's) letter has been received,
containing news of the encampment ofGobind, the Nanak devotee,
at twelve kurohs from Sahrind; of that Commander's despatch of
seven hundred cavalry with a park of artil.Iery; of that person 's·
taking refuge in the house of the zamlndar of the village of
Chamkaur; and of his two sons and other companions being killed,

97
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

and one son and his mother being captured; and other matters.
Since His Excellency's petition, comprising an account of these
matters, has already been seen by the Emperor, and His Highness
Mirza 'Ali Yar Beg has already conveyed the details to His
Majesty, the contents of the letter [now received] have not been
conveyed to His Majesty.

III
[To Mun'im Khan)2
In these victory-laden times, the world-ruling order has
been issued that His Ministerial Highness be written to, to the
effect that Go bind, the chief (ra 'ls) ofNanak devotees, has, along
with a vakil [representative], sent a petition to this sky-glorious
Court, expressing a desire to present himself at this court (lit. to
kiss the imperial threshold), and making a plea for the issuance of
a order in his favour. His Majesty, in his benevolence, has elevated
him by the issuance of such an obedience-requiring order, and a
mace-bearer and Shaikh Mul)ammad Yar, mim~abdar, have been
designated to carry the said order, with instructions to convey it
to His Highness [the addressee]. It is proper that His Highness,
summon him to his own presence, after giving him assurances.
After the receipt of the imperial order, he should arrange that a
trustworthy person, possessed of tact and vigilance, should bring
the said person [Guru Gobind], together with the mace-bearer and
the man~abdar, to the Imperial Court. In this matter he is to
recognise that strict obedience is being enjoined by the Imperial
Court.

IV
[To Wazir Khan]
A world-ruling l}asbu 'I l}ukm [lit. 'According to
(Imperial) Order'] is being sent to the effect that after the receipt
of a petition from Gobind, chief of the Nanak-devotees, expressing
a desire to present himself at the Court and making a plea for the
issuance of an imperial order in his favour, which he had sent
with a vakil. His Majesty in his benevolence, elevated him with
the grant of a Jarman. Mul)ammad Beg, the mace-bearer, and
Shaikh Yar Mul)ammad, man~abdar, were designated to carry the
Jarman and take it to His Excellency the Minister, Mul)ammad
Mun'im Khan. An imperial order was issued to the said Khan,
that he should give him [Gurii Gobind] assurances, and summon
him to his presence, and, after receipt of the Jarman, send a

98
 Guru Gobind Singh and Aurangzeb

trustworthy person to convey him to the imperial court, along with

the mace-bearer and the man~abdiir. Whenever the said Gobind
reaches the environs ofSahrind, His Highness [Wazir Khan] should
provide him with an escort to let him pass through the limits of
his own jurisdiction. Should he express some fears, either in
absentia or on personal appearance, he should reassure him. Should
he solicit expenses for the journey, he should be given money, in
accordance with requirements, out of his effects that His Highness
has seized from him.

Notes
1
Wazir Khan was then thefaujdar ofSirhind.
1 Mun'im Khan was then deputy-governor of ~iiba Lahore. the post of
governor being nominally held by Prince Mu'a7;7;am, with head-
quarters at Kabul.

99
7
The M.artial Exploit an.d Tragic en.d
of a '~.Son" of Guru Gobind Singh~
1708
Fron1 'Abdu'r Rasul.. lvairang-i Zanulna

Translated by lrfan Habib

Along with GurU Gobind Singh, who

accompanied the Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah's camp,
1707-8, there was another man, a resident of Lahore, who
too joined the camp, but only in search of employment.
'Abdu'r Rasiil left Lahore on 15 December 1707 and
making his way through Delhi and Ajmer, joined the
Imperial camp when it was pitched some 12 kurohs (less
than 30 miles) from Jodhpur, on 28 February 1708.
Bahadur Shah himself returned to Ajmer, and after utwo
or three months" began his march to the Deccan. Both the
Guru and 'Abdu 'r Rasiil went with him. It was in the
vicinity of Chi tor, where Bahadur Shah pitched his camp
on 13 April 1708 (Kamgar I:Iusaini, Tag_kiratu 's Sala;{in
Chaghatii, ed. Mu~affar Alam, Aligarh, 1980, p.26) that
the incident described below occurred. Its exact date is
not given by 'Abdu'r Rasiil, though Bahadur Shah stayed
for some time near Chitor. But he dates an event that
occurred at a much later stage of the march as happening
on 5 May 1708. The author, reaching Burhanpur, stayed
on there, while Bahadur Shah (accompanied by the Gurii)
marched onward (24 June) to prosecute his campaign
against Prince Kam Bakhsh. In his Preface, 'Abdu'r Rasiil
says that his brother asked him at Burhanpur on 21 July
1708 to write an account of his journey, in compliance

100
 A Tragic Martial Exploit 1708

with which request he produced this personal narrative,

entitled the Nairang-i Zamiina. From a MS (possibly an
autograph), Dr Mul)ammad Baqir has edited the text, and
published it from Lahore, 1960. This text is better and
fuller than the text of this portion of the work, copied from
a MS in Ri~a Library, Rampur, by Professor Ganda Singh
and·reproduced in his Miikh.~-i Tawiir'ikh._i Sikhiin, pp.76-
80. Mul_lammad Baqir's ed. has, therefore, been used here.
It should be remembered that 'Abdu'r Rasiil
wrote his account within three or four months of the
incident, at a time when Gurii Gobind Singh was still alive
(he died at Nander on 7 October 1708). The Sikh tradition
too records an incident at Chitor, where the Guru's
followers had a quarrel with the Rajpiits over grass for
their horses (Macauliffe, Sikh Religion, V, p.235). Since
the fracas at the Chi tor fort appears also to have taken
place with the Rajpiit soldiers of the garrison, the incident
is likely to be the same one. That 'Abdu-r Rasiil or his
reporters misidentified a young officer in the Guru's
retinue as a son of his is quite possible. (But it may be
noticed that Chaturman, in Chahiir Gulshan (see our Text
15), says a son of Gurii Gobind Singh had died in Ajmer;
and Chitor belonged to ~uba Ajmer.) The writer's general
sense of admiration and sympathy for the Sikh party may
be noted.
'Abdu'r Rasiil attempts a complex style of
composition, with words and phrases carrying double
meanings, intricate allusions and obscure suggestions. A
literal translation could not, in such circumstances, be
attempted, and what is offered is a rendering that aims to
contain all the substantive information. Even so, the reader
may feel that there is still too much superfluous matter
here.

TRANSLATION
Nairang-i Zamiina, printed ed., pp.35-40.
[The Imperial Camp was pitched in the vicinity of the
fort of Chi tor for some time, when Bahadur Shah was on his way
to the Deccan from Ajmer. The Emperor stayed here waiting for
the son of the Rana of Udaipur to appear with presents.]
One of these days, the son of Gurii Gobind, who is one
of the renowned successors of Baba Ninak,. urged by his young

101
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

age and the decree of fate, was seized by the desire to visit the
fort [of Chitor]. He rode out, brilliant on a bray horse, and took
along with him some friends of the same age, attached to him by
ties of affection, and all in the prime of youth, to see the flower-
gardens and the lofty buildings [ofthe fort]. When he had traversed
the long and winding path and approached the fateful river• [in
front of the fort], the guardians of the stone-faced fort-wall and
guards of the deathly gate, seeking to oppress such a handsome,
slim man of captivating appearance, spoke out, forbidding him
from entering the fort and barred him from fulfilling his wish.
They said that from the time of the conquest of this great fortress
by the sword ofthe victorious armies oflsHim, during the reign of
'Arsh Ashyani 2 Jalaluddin Mul)ammad Akbar Pad shah Ghazi, it
has been firmly decreed and established that no Hindu or Muslim
can come into this strong fort. And if perchance any person,
whether deliberately or in ignorance, crosses the foot of the gate
and does not listen to warning, his head must be severed from the
body by the sharp sword so as to send him to his doom .... [couplet
omitted].
That dashing horseman and brave spear-wielder held it
against his soldierly dignity to accept these admonitions and to
turn ba~k from that place. He bowed to tha decree of fate and
preferred the field of battle to any turning back. First, the sun rose
and illumined flower-beds and gardens and so he [this youth] drank
from a cup filled with wine and success fulfilling all desire ...
[Verses omitted, except the last couplet]
But be warned of the autumn wind,
Which turns to dust the garden's spring.
The time came for the sunset, and the black dregs of
night sprang forth pitch-like from the wine-store of the universe.
That model [lit. essence] of bravery, along with his
companions, determined upon opening the gate of that fort, and
he assigned different tasks to his companions. He ordered his force
to move like a flood, reminded them of the call of bravery and
instructed them how to take life. Every one of them moved like an
ar.row to perform his task. On the other side, the officers of the
gate prepared for battle and strife, and [couplet]-
Right and left of that fort
They closed with steel any opening, even for vapour.
When he [Guru Gobind's son] reached the site ofbattle,
the battle was joined from both sides, and much bravery was
displayed. Arrows flew, bows were bent, and spears were raised.

102
 A Tragic Martial Exploit 1708

The muskets searched for their targets among the foes' breasts.
The lasso was thrown; the wooden frame imprisoned the enemy.
The coat of mail blunted the arrow, the shield foiled the foe. The
field was reddened by the blood of heroes ... [Verses omitted].
After some time the enemy [the guards of the fort] began
to weaken, so that the strong-armed ones suffered a great defeat
from those frail of body. 3 But in the meantime another force [of
the garrison] came out of an ambuscade, and launched heroic
assaults. From the great mass of the spears (barchha) of the Rajputs
and daggers (ka_tiira) of the Hindus, 4 many swords fell into heaps.
From both sides, sharp sword blades cut down necks, and from
hidden places bowmen rained arrows ... [Couplets omitted].
The men [of the fort] by their heroic deeds, outdid the
heroes of Iran and commanders of Arabia, and by their greater
strength of arms and experience prevailed over the weaker, frail
warriors, who numbered more than fifty and less than sixty. That
is, surrounding all of them, they mercilessly cut them down with
stone hits, musket shots and arrows. The son of Guru Gobind, like
a fierce tiger, with a sword that cut through the armour, sent many
persons to death to join his own companions, and then he too,
falling, lay dead by their side.
Couplet:
With a diamond-like sword of DargbJin steel,
He slew many, but was, alas, himselfslain. 5
[The account of the incident closes here. The author
goes on to say that despite much time spent in waiting for the son
of the Rana, 6 that "dirty one" did not put in an appearance, and so
the camp moved on.]

Notes
1
Presumably, Bcrach R.
Akbar's posthumous title, correctly 'Arsh Astiini.
3 ?u 'f-i buniya. But, since buniya can also be read banya, docs the
author intend a double meaning here, equating the commercial Khatri
caste (to which the Guru's family belonged) with the Banya caste'?
4
This makes it clear that the fort was mainly guarded by Rajpiits and
other Hindu soldiers. This matches the Sikh tradition of a quarrel
between the Sikhs and Raj puts at Chi tor on this occasion (Macauliffc,
v, p.235).
5 This couplet is apparently from Firdausi's Shahnama, Darghiin, at
which the steel of the sword is said to have been made, was a well-
known town of Kh.warizm (Le Strange, The Lands of the Eastern
Caliphate, Cambridge, 1930, 45 1-2).
6 Not "Rata", as printed.

103
 8
Guru Gobind Sin.gh
Notice by Bhimsen~ 1708

Translated by lrfan Habib

Bhimsen's Nuskha-i Dilkusha, is a history of

Aurangzeb's reign, written largely in the form of memoirs.
An officer of Dalpat Rao Bundela, who perished at the
battle of Jajau, June 1707, Bhimsen not only gives an
account of that battle, at which he was present, but also
the proceedings thereafter of the victorious Bahadur Shah.
It is in connection with these that the folJowing notice of
the Sikhs and Guru Gobind Singh occurs. It is obvious
that Bhimsen wrote of the Guru when he was still alive.
Bhimsen himself gives a very short account of what
happened in the Deccan, as he rapidly mentions Kam
Bakhsh's death in January 1709, and then, with some
words about his own retirement from service, closes his
work.
The following translation is made from British
Library MS, Or. 23, ff. 168b-169a. The text has not been
printed, and the translation by Jadunath Sarkar, ed. V.G.
Khobrekar, Bombay, 1972, closes with Aurangzeb's death,
and, therefore, does not include the last portion of
Bhimsen's work where the notice, here translated, occurs.

TRANSLATION
ff. 168b-169a
Gor [Guru] Gobind is one of the descendants [sic!
successors] of the famous Guru Nanak, who, in the time of the
rule of the Afghans, used to live by the profession of service
(naukarl), and befriended religious men lfuqrQ), greatly honouring
them. Since fortune aided him, he reached such a [spiritual]
104
 Guru Gobind Singh

condition himself that many people of Multan and Lahore and

that territory, began to follow him, becoming his disciples. Nanak
wrote books in the praise and assertion of the unity of God.
Gradually it happened that in every country he appointed deputies,
so that they might guide people to his religion. Now it has been
seen and heard that no country, city, township and village is
without people believing in him. From every place, offerings of
large sums ofmoney reach his descendants, who are his successors;
they spend their life in much splendour. Some ofhis descendants
have been masters of mystic attainments and have adopted the
way of poverty and humility. Many took to the path of rebellion,
such as Tegh Bahadur, by name, who lived in the mountains near
Sirhind: he got himself called King (Padshah), and a large body
of people gathered around him. When the news was conveyed to
His Majesty Emperor 'Alamgir [Aurangzeb], it was ordered that
he should be brought to the Court. When he came to the Court, he
was executed. When His Majesty Emperor Bahadur Shah, after
his victory [over Prince A '~am] occupied the throne at Akbarabad
[Agra], he [Guru Gobind] obtained the good fortune of presenting
himself before him. [This writer] heard that he does not follow
the ways of religious men and devishes, but is proud ofhis soldierly
profession (sipahgarl).

105
 9
Gt1ru Gobind Singh and the Sikhs
of the Khiil~a
·Reports fron1 Bahadur Shah's Court, 1707-1 0

Translated by lrfan Habib

Every important noble had a vakl/ or agent at

the Imperial Court. He was expected to send to his principal
a daily report of what transpired at the Imperial Court,
where these agents were allowed access. Such reports were
called akhbiiriit-i darbar-i mu 'alia. They are not official
records of what transpired, but record only what the vakil
heard, or thought he heard. Part I below consists of extracts
from such akhbiiriit sent by the vakil of Sawai Jai Singh,
the Amber ruler, and now preserved at the Rajasthan State
Archives. The two reports under Part II below are not
akhbiiriit but reports on the Sikhs from. his vakil at the
Imperial court to Sawai Jai Singh. These extracts were made
from the original papers by Professor Ganda Singh and are
printed in his Makh.ag_-i Tawiir"ikh-i Sikhan, I, pp.82-85.
The spelling 'Gorii is transliterated as Guru
throughout.

TRANSLATION
I
5 Jumiida I, R.Y.1 [4 August 1707]
Gobind the Nanaki came armed, in accordance with
orders, and presented himself, making an offering of 100 ashrajis
[gold coins]. A robe of honour and padak [medaJlion], set with
precious stones, was given to him, and he was permitted to leave.
24 Sha 'ban, R. Y. 2 [8 November 1708]
It was reported that Gutii Go bind Rai has slain Jamshed

106
 Akhbarat on Guru Gobind

Khan A'fghan. 1 A mourning robe was given to the son of the said
Khan.
26 Sha 'biin, R.Y.2 [10 November 1708}
,. It was ordered that the son of Guru Gobind Rai
Nanakpanthi be given a mourning robe on account of his father's
death.
9 Ram~an, R.Y. 2 [22 November 1708}
It was reported that the deceased Guru Gobind Singh
has left behind much property. Orders are sought about
sequestering them.
It was observed [by the Emperor]: "The kings' treasury
does not get affluent by seizing such property. Let them not
interfere with the property of devishes."

II
25 Rabl' /, R. Y. 4 [24 May 171 OJ
It was desired that a written repot:t about the Sikhs. of
the Kb.allia be furnished. The facts are that Tiyag Mal, 1 the successor
of Guru Nanak was in the suit of the heaven-resident Maharaja
Ram Singh Jiii in Assam; and after him Guru Gobind Singh became
his successor. He exercised dominance and authority in the sub-
montane tract of Kahliir Hills. When his friendship with the
mountain riijas was disrupted, imperial forces from Lahore, Jammu
and Sahrind and all the riijas came and besieged him. After much
battle and contention, he came out of that territory; and his children
tf were killed. On account of certain matters, the late Emperor
Aurangzeb summoned him to the Court. Accordingly, he wanted to
make his way to the Court; but it happened that the war of royal
succession (badshah-gardi) intervened. Now he reached the Court
through the mediation of Jumdatu'l Mulk [Mun'im Khan], and the
Emperor [Bahadur Shih] gave him his attention. Finally, he lost
his life from a dagger thrust at the hands of an Afghan; that Afghan
too was killed in the course of that quarrel. But(!) the Sikhs used to
become Sikhs through the mediation of masands, and went on
making offerings, etc. Guru Gobind Singh di~missed the masands
by one stroke of pen and established the Klziil~a. It was settled by
him that the Sikhs of the Khiil~a would not cut the hair of the head,
moustaches and beard and would be known as Sikhs of the Khillia.
Among the community of Khatris, a great disturbance occurred,
and marriages and kinships [between the Khallia Sikhs and others]
were given up. First, at the village Chak, in pargana Patti, which

107
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

is known as Chak Guru, it came to a fight. The Sikhs of the Khii/~a

came out victorious. The force that had been sent from Lahore failed
to control matters. Thereafter that group [ofKhal~a Sikhs] dispersed
towards Jalandhar and began to engage in pillage and plunder.
During .these disturbances Wazir Khan sent his troops, but the
commanders of these troops got killed. They have a heart-felt
enmity towards Wazir Khan, who had killed the young sons ofGorU
Gobind Singh. As a result, disorder has spread in all the territories
under Wazir Khan. He himself stays at Sahrind, relying on the force
of money and men. Now the factious zamlndiirs have obtained the
opportunity of raising a rebellion and obtaining plunder. They
plunder parganas and take the name of Sikhs of the Khiil~a. They
say that Guru Gobind Singh has himself come and joined these
people; and some times they say a Saiyid has appeared from
nowhere, and that is why this sect has obtained so much power.
Ajit Singh, the elder son of Gobind Singh; who had been killed in
previous encounters, has come back to the capital [Delhi], and is
camping in Jaisinghpura and Ahkala. Many believe in him, and do
not quarrel.
[Undated/Date lost?]
Previously a detailed report was sent regarding the facts
about the Sikhs of the Khii/~a and the coming of GurU Gobind Singh
[Banda Bahadur]. This must have been conveyed to His Highness.
Until this time, Wazir Khan was an obstacle in the path of this sect.
Now, from the letters of the siihukiirs, it transpires that near the
pargana [of Sahrind] on Saturday 25 Rabi' I [24 May 171 0], on
akiidas? day, a battle with Wazir Khan took place. Contention and
slaughter continued til1 the third quarter of the day. Thereafter Wazir
Khan died from injuries suffered from arrows and musket shots.
His son and son-in-law were also slain, or, according to some, were
taken prisoner alive. Many of the companions of Wazir Khan were
either killed or wounded. The Sikhs of the Khiil~a have established
their authority in Sahrind and have decreed that no one should kill
any animal.

Notes
1
This gives us the authentic name of the assassin, who died at the hands
of the Guru after he had fatally injurrcd him. The name "found in Sikh
tradition is "Gul Khan" (Macauliffc, Sikh Religio11, V, p.241 ). There
seems, moreover, a month's difference between the date of death of
Guru Gobind Singh indicated by this rcport'and the one given in Sikh
tradition, viz. 7 October 1708.

108
 Akhbarat on Guru Gobind

Gurii Tegh Bahiidur. Cf Macauliffe, IV, pp.348-60.

3 Properly ekiidasi, eleventh day of each half of the lunar month; so 25
Rabi' would be ekiidasi of the second half.

109
10
Guru Nanak, Guru Gobin.d Singh..,
atld the Revolt t111der Ba11da
Bahad11r 1709-10 & 1713-16
From Muhatnn1ad Qasim '~'I brat'", 'fbratnii1na

Translated by lrfan Habib

Mul}ammad Qasim was a native of Lahore, who

pursued there a career as a government accountant until
1718, when he left for Delhi, to take employment there.
In 1723 he wrote the 'Ibratnama mainly based on what
he himself saw and heard. Thus, when the revolt under
Banda Bahadur took place, 1709-16, he was in Lahore,
and his information is especially detailed on what took
place in its vicinity. He begins his account with a long
passage in praise ofGurii Nanak, and his animosity seems
to be confined to Banda Bahadur and his followers.
The work exists in several MSS and has been
printed, ed. Zahuruddin Ahmad, Lahore, 1977. This is
fairly well edited; but there are misprints, and it has
therefore been compared carefully with the MS ofthe work
in the British Library, London, Add.26,245. The author
attempts a complicated style, with unfamiliar idiom, and
this has obviously led the scribes to make many mistakes
in transcription. Like other Persian narrators, he never uses
the name "Banda", except in a heading, which too is
possibly supplied by the editor himself (placed within
inverted commas on p.l80 of the printed edition), since it
does not occur in MS Add.26,245 (which is henceforth
referred to as "the MS"). Banda is generally styled Gorii,
a form of spelling adopted for Gurii in Persian (and later,

110
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

Urdu) writing to avoid it being pronounced as Garii; this

is in our translation uniformly restored to Guru.
This text is weak in chronology, which is best
supplied by the Tag_kiratu 's Sa14{fn Chag.b_ata, extracts
from which are translated separately (our Text 12).
The Appendix gives a report on the entry of
Banda Bahadur into Delhi and the execution there of his
companions, taken from a letter sent by the English
mission under Surman, then at the Mughal court.

TRANSLATION
I
Mubammad Qasim, 'lbratnama,
printed text, pp.133-146; British Library MS
Add.26,245, ff.26 b-35b .

••• The Appearance of the Evil c·urii 1

... In this while [that Bahadur Shah was away in the
south], as a magical happening of the Divine-ordained fate, a
wonderful calamity occurred in the country of the Punjab, and a
strange event raised its head out of the secret folds of time. That
is, the report of the martyrdom of the late Wazir Khan,faujdar of
Sirhind, the sacking of [many] parganas by the deceptions and
contrivances ofthe doomed• Gurii [Banda]', the exi1ing ofpersons
of status and the occurrence of strange astonishing things that defy
imagination, was received at the Imperial Court.

Occurrence of the Rebellion of the Sikhs2

To give the main particulars: In old times in a particular
year, there was a dervish by the name ofNanak, clothed in Reality,
rooted in Knowledge, endowed with spiritual perfections, rising
above physical repute and name. He regarded following the
constraints of the threads of Infidelity as absolute Infidelity, and
held [full] obedience to the faith of Islam as Islam. 3 On the one
hand, he conversed on the secret [virtues] of fast and prayer with
[Muslim] mystics, scholars and learned men, and, on the other,
went in step with the Veda-reading, Reality-comprehending 4
Brahmans. In the midst of [the prevailing] Duality he maintained
uniformity in his relations with all people; and amidst the mass of
contradictory elements, he was in every way free from [matters
of] peace-and-strife. Sometime he would engage in building an
idol temple (deora) of the Hindus and [at other times] devote

111
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

himself to laying the foundations of a mosque, in accordance with

the law of Islam. Some time he would circumambulate the House
of God [Ka 'ba] in accordance with the customs of the mystical
and spiritual people; and some times, he would go to visit the
tower of Jagannath 5 and Kashi. He had travelled to all the four
quarters of the world, and owing to his travels and journeys, his
entire legs up to the knees were worn down. In every land there
was an uproar over his words, and in every country there was
tumult from his Reality-surveying compositions. He had been in
the company of God-knowing saints and obtained favours from
the assemblies of masters of spiritual truths. For a while he
conversed with His Holiness Shaikh Farid Shakar-ganj, obtaining
thereby a treasure of sweetness, 6 and from attending for a time on
His Holiness Shah 'Abdu'r Ral)man Bakhtyar he drew vernal
favours. 7 He put his body under severe austerities. This great man
of the visible world and the beautiful one of the spiritual, following
the custom of the people, left behind his natural offspring in this
temporal world. But his own eye favoured more the group of
seekers and disciples, one of whom was Angat [Angad] Khatri.
As he was favoured by his [Nanak's] knowledge-laden eyes, he
became cognizant of spiritual truths and the foundations of the
commonwealth of faith. Some generations after him, Har Rai came
into the world [and became his successor]. Group upon group of
people bent their necks to follow and obey hiin, and glorified him
through a thousand ways of giving him respect and honour. After
him Guru Tegh Bahadur, his son(!), rose further in status in
comparison with his father. He spent much time in sport and game,
but because of the effect of the attention and pleasing ways of
acceptance of that accepted one, the inclinations of the people
and the flow ofworldly things [towards him], such as petty items
and valuables, money and goods, elephants and horses, did not
decrease, so that instead ofhimself[doing so], his followers from
time to time claimed sovereignty for him. A long time he spent in
this way in the mountainous country in the proximity of Sahrind
[Sirhind] and Bajwara. At last, the seat of sovereignty received
lustre by being occupied by His Majesty Mul)ammad Aurangzeb
'Alamgir, who, owing to his own passionate nature and regard for
royal power, did not like such meaningless tumult. In the beginning
ofhis reign he secluded himself in the company of many recluses,
and held discussions on spiritual and mystic truths with this set of
men, free of all [worldly] constraints. Some, like His Holiness
Shah Daula of Gujarat [Punjab], Shah $adruddin of Qasur, and

112
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

His Holiness Shah ijasan Durr, who has his elevated seat [shrine]
near Shah Dara on the opposite bank of the Ravi, at Lahore, sat
[in the Emperor's company], of their own accord, possessing hearts
that are free from cares. 8 Others, like Sarmad, the mendicant
(qalandar), entrusted their lives to Fate and tasted martyrdom from
the sharp sword. 9 To this latter group belonged Guru Tegh Bahadur,
who obtained the honour of saluting [His Majesty] upon being
summoned to the Court. Owing to what has been written above,
he came under [the Emperor's] wrath and saw himself condemned
to deatli.
He [ Gurii Tegh Bahadur] had a son called Gurii Gobind.
After his father's death, the crown of chiefship was put on his
head. More people came to serve him than his father or grandfather.
This young man, in comparison with his precursors, had more
abundant resources for comfort and material for entertainment.
The magnificence of his state grew to such extent that he was not
behind the nobles of 5,000 [z.at] or even· rulers of principalities in
anything concerned with greatness of splendour or accumulation
of resources. Thus in this way he spent his time in the mountainous
country in the proximity of chakla Sahrind in luxury and pleasure,
joy and delight. After some time, the inclination to serve him on
the part of all kinds of people exceeded every limit and there was
no month or year when the roads were not filled by caravans of
people carrying offerings to him. In the meanwhile, some
zamTndiirs adopted the discipleship sold to them by him, and, by
reason of the large number of retainers and abundant resources,
and upon incitement and spells from him, b~came contumacious
in the matter of paying the money [in tax or tribute] due to the
Emperor, and began to establish unprecedented innovations in cites
and villages. Although no one received any injury, yet the Imperial
officials submitted to the Imperial Court reports of his growing
splendour and prosperity (lit. perfection) and of [the large number
of] people coming to serve him. Honoured orders were issued
from the Imperial Court to Wazir Khan, 10 faujdiir [commandant]
of chakla Sahrind, that if Gurii Gobind lives like other recluses,
and his own ancestors, and shuns and avoids [unsuitable] words
such as his followers used by giving him the title of king (piidshah),
as well as the imitating of the ways and practices of sovereigns,
such as showing one's face in thejharoka 11 and receiving the sijda 12
from the people, this would be better. But if he insists on actions
that are against the regulations and does not shun them or act on
this reprimand, then he [Wazir Khan] should exert himself to the

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 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

utmost to devastate the places [under his control] and expel him
from those territories of his. In accordance with the binding
instructions of [His Majesty,] the Spiritual Guide, and the
information given to him by some self-serving persons, he [Wazir
Khan] sent to him harsh messages and such orders as are sent to
ordinary persons, [to the effect] that like other zamlndiirs he should
pay the land revenue on most of his hereditary lands (altamghiii)
reserved for the expenses of his mendicants. These turning out to
be disagreeable to that unfortunate man, intoxicated with the wine
of sovereignty, he struck out his harsh tongue like a sword, until
from both sides the matter led to battle and war. After much
contention and slaughter, Wazir Khan's troops, owing to their
having Imperial glory at their back, obtained success. Two infant
sons of Guru Gobind and some women [of his] were captured by
this army. He himself fled into mountainous country, hard of
access. In accordance with firm orders, these prisoners were kept
in the fort ofSahrind, without any of the necessities being denied
to therri.'"They passed their days, each darkened by misfortune till
the night came and waited for the dawn of their glory. 13 After this
occurrence thousands upon thousands of people, who by their
forehead mark were so much bound to his service, came to harbour
in their hearts seeds of enmity against Wazir Khan, and even
against the Muslims, though they could not do anything out of
helplessness [at that moment]. At the same time, Guru Gobind,
from grief at separation from his beloved sons and other [members
ofj his family and relations, withdrew his hand from enjoying 14
his means of living and luxury in diet and clothing and abstained
from cuttingthe hair of his head and dressing his beard and
moustaches; he [thus] spent his days in mourning. The sacred
thread was also given up for the chain of iron. His followers,
believing the imitation of his ways to be a form of worship,
t' postponed the taking of any degree of enjoyment of life until
revenge was take~ from the Muslims. Some beloging to this sect
[lit. garb], owing to their connections with, or their living among,
-. the Muslims or their being in service of the men of true faith
[Muslims], did not agree to having their hair of the head, beard
.. and moustaches grow in a way as left no distinction whatsoever
between man and beast. They confined themselves to the beliefs
they had in His Holiness Nanak Shah Dervish. Those who followed
his [Guru Gobind Singh's] ways, and denied themselves any
enjoyment of life, were called Khiil~a; and the others came to be
popularly called chiikar (servants). Many low-class people took

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 Banda Bahadur's Rebellion

to this unique mode for securing larger means of livelihood.

After some time, when the throne of sovereignty was
exalted to the status of a heavenly seat by the accession [in A.D.
1707] of His Majesty Mul}ammad Mu'a?;~am Bahadur Shah, the
adoption of mercy and diffusion ofbenevolence by this great man
of the temporal and spiritual world [i.e. the new Emperor]
emboldened every one to pursue his ambitions. 14 At the time that
he proceeded to the Deccan to make war on [his younger brother]
~am Bakhsh, 1411 Guru Gobind too, along with his tribe and troops,
accompanied the Imperial Camp in the march, [in the expectation]
that by performance of service he mtght receive imperial favour,
and the thorn of cruelty that had been struck into his breast by
Wazir Khan's men be removed. It seems that some Afghan horse
traders also accompanied him, in order to recover the price of .
some horses they claimed to be due from him. They began to
quarrel over this among themselves and one of those inconsiderate
persons struck him fatally with a dagger Uamdhar). He [the
assailant] wanted to run out swiftly, but the Gurii, getting the
opportunity of revenge, struck him with a knife, and the others of
his group finished him off. The Gurii 's followers assembled from
all sides, and, proceeding with their own prescribed ritual, cremated
his body with due ceremony, with sandal and aloe-wood. From
that time a fresh cause of mournirtg arose for that community
(qaum).
Many of those people moved about with filthy mounts
and melancholy hearts in [various] places and gave themselves
up to unrealistic plans, which could not be put into effect because
of their shortage of resources and lack of expertise, until the
material for tumult gathered together [in sufficient strength] within
the world's inner frame, and drew close to an outbreak. So, raising
to chiefship a manikin of unknown ancestry, whose body and
features [lit elements, matter] enabled him to assume various
appearances, a person like one who in the Hindwi language is
called a bahriipiya, they raised a noise in the mountainous country,
that the slain Gurii had appeared in another form 15 to take revenge
for the humiliations inflicted on him. The faithless, disloyal ones
obtained an opportunity to raise a tumult. Troop after troop of
such persons as would hurt their mothers and disgust their fathers,
who were in want for their daily sustenance, appeared before him,
and came to possess clothes and horses. In a short while, a large
body gathered [around him]. He se.nt messages demanding
submission from the peasants of many villages belonging to

115
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

Sahrind, and sat awaiting their allegiance. He also laid his hands
on the goods of travellers and those going to and fro. When the
news reached His Highness Wazir Khan, Faujdar of chak/a
Sahrind, he rode out with the troops he had with him, to punish
this evil rebel force. A great battle occurred twelve kurohs from
Sahrind. The young men ofthe army oflsUim, showing exemplary
bravery, tasted martyrdom, after obtaining repute in the field of
valour. Especially was heroism displayed in this battle by Sher
Mul:J.ammad and Khwaja 'Ali, Afghans of Kotla Maler, 16 who in
this sarkar were masters of a host 17 and commanded trust. After
much fighting, they stood firm like the Pole Star within that very
circle and surrendered their lives to the Creator. You may say,
they attained goodness and good name in that field of valour.
When the chiefs of the army, by the will of God, were sent to their
deaths, Wazir Khan, despite his old age, weakness ·of hand and
foot, and the decline of the strength of the body, strove to shoot
arrows and encourage his companions. But once the boat of hope
is destroyed by an accident, it cannot thereafter be set to sail by
the strength of the arm of any of the professional captains of the
world of strategem. At last, the wicked Infidels extended their
victorious hand for the plunder of the [Mughal] army and [the
seizure] of the commander's elephant. Treating the corpse of that
martyred Saiyid [Wazir Khan] with every visible indignity they
could devise, they had it suspended from a tree.
With such malevolence·they marched on the city [of
Sahrind]. When the news of this calamity reached the city, all
alertness and action deserted the luckless officials and the helpless
citizens (ri'ayti). Wazir Khan's own eldest son did not bother
about [his father's] treasure and hoard, but, taking the young and
old of his household with him, took the road to Shahjahanabad
[Delhi]. Everyone who, within that short time, abandoned goods
and property, and took to exile, with every humiliation and
dishonour, at least saved his own life. Any one who got involved
in thoughts of gathering his goods, or searching for mounts [or
carriages], or [other] various designs, fell prisoners to the cruel
hands of those wicked Infidels. Troop after troop of unfeeling
sweepers surrounded the city, in the manner of a thorn-bush
enclosing a flower garden, and laid their insolent hands on people's
possessions and proceeded to dishonour both the small and the
big.
They specially plundered the goods and houses of
Suchadanand, 18 Chief Clerk (Peshkar) of the late Wazir Khan. You

116
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

may say, he had gathered and set up these for this day, so that the
flower-garden may become the ground for the growth of thorn-
bushes and Paradise turn into the nursing ground of the vile crow!
Praise be to God, in the court of the Divine Avenger, a helpless
ant can be the cause of the death ofthe man-killing snake, and an
impotent and powerless gnat can bring about the destruction of a
bloodthirsty elephant! What has been heard from trustworthy
persons of that area is that this unjust, noxious raw man 19 in the
time of government of the martyred Wazir Khan had withheld no
cruelties from being inflicted on the poor and had laid every seed
of tumult for his own advantage; so he reaped the fruit of it all.
Otherwise, persons who were guarded by God's protection, scorned
their own large treasures and fled with their honour intact. Some,
by changing their clothing, remained cqncealed in that city and
stayed safe from the oppressive hand of that tyrannical crew. The
harm that came to persons and places and honour and dignity,
without precedent, a feeling of sadness and civility does not permit
one to record; 2" it is well known to contemporaries and eye-
witnesses. In short, that flood, which overthrew the foundations
of the honour of a whole world, left nothing undone in destroying
that city and the inhabited places of that neighbourhood. So far
as possible, they did not let any one else retain arms, horses, other
goo~s and chattel of chiefship. They called upon most people to
adopt their own disreputable faith; some willingly, and others under
compulsion, obeyed. A Jatt called Baz Singh, 21 one of the wretches
from pargana Haibatpiir, belonging to the ~iiba. of the Panjab, had
the accursed turban-tail of pseudo-chiefship tied on his head to
assume the ~iibadarz of Sahrind, appoint officers over the
parganas, and carry out destructive activities. He waited for the
coming of warriors from the void. Every day such cruelty-inspired
troops reached the surrounding parganas of Samana, Sunam,
Kaithal and Guram in order to stamp the picture of their
unmanliness upon the helpless ones. The gentry ofSamana fought
with valour and gallantry and nearly five thousand persons, from
amongst Saiyids, Mughals, Rajpiits and Marals 22 drank from the
cup oftT,lartyrdom. A similar number ofwomeR of honour, by either
drinking the bitter liquid of poison or by use of sword and dagger
[to kill themselves], displayed the essence Uauhar) of their gentle
birth and honour. All territory from the Sutlej river, which is
popularly called the Ludhiana River, up to Kamal, passed under
the government and control of that lying Infidel [Banda Bahadur].
That base person established himself in the ·protection

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 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

of the fort ofMukhli~pur near Sadhaura, forty kurohs from Sahrind,

which is in lowlying (dabar) land and the appointed hunting ground
of Kings. 23 He appointed other manikins in those territories to carry
out shameful cruelties such as destroying prosperous places, and
breaking and damaging mosques and tombs of men of God.
From the diffusion of this news, the seditious persons
of the country of the Panjab [were encouraged to rise]. In the
village of Chak Guru, which is at a distance of twenty kurohs
from Lahore, and is a pleasant and charming place, containing
gardens full oftrees, with sweet fruits, and a big tank, built in the
time of Gobind Singh, 24 a disciple of Nanak Shah Dervish, and
known as Amritsar, lakh upon lakh of these people coJlect on the
Baisakhi day, which is the same as the first ofFarwardi [21 March].
There, amidst various kinds of spectacles with illuminations, they
engage themselves in dance, sport and bathing. A great multitude
of these Singhs, 25 gathering there went on a rampage against the
people (ri taya) of the environs and neighbourhood the same way
as at Sahrind. At that time the office of the $iibadar"i (Provincial
Governorship) was vested in the late Saiyid Aslam Khan,
belonging to a family of theologians (maulaw"i-zadas) of Kabul.
This sagacious man, immersed in impractical thoughts, did not
dare to step forward to join battle and contention. He desired that
he might manage the affair through politic means. For a time,
whatever happened [outside], there was no disturbance in Lahore
owing to his good management. But such important parganas as
Batala and Kalanaur, which was the [first] seat of King Mul_lammad
Akbar Jalaluddin, 26 and which owing to its fine goods, products
and heavenly gardens is the envy of Kabul and Kashmir, were
burnt to black ash by the .tumult raised by this cruel sect. From the
lack of courage of the Governor of the Province, the ill-omened
steps of these dreaded men darkened [everything] up to the limits
of the city. They now created disturbance for the comfort-enjoying
citizens of the heavenly city of Lahore, and brought about
calamitous conditions by their mischief and noise.
When no action was taken in this regard by the Governor
and other commanders of troops to destory this dissolution-
deserving sect, the learned men, mystics, poor [scholars] and pious
men of the country ofthe Punjab, inspired by the care for the pure
[Muslim] community and a feeling for the honour for the luminous
[Muslim] law, without any help from the me11 of authority and aid
from possessors of rank, with all lack of resources and helplessness
and powerlessness, yet keeping their sight on God's benevolence,

118
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

girded their loins to engage in manly conduct. Thereafter, many

men of gentle and noble birth belonging to the city and villages,
from amongst the Shaikhs, Saiyids, Afghans and Mughals were
similarly aroused by their sense of honour.
Regarding their joining this spiritual army as an
auspicieus deed and a means of worship, they joined [the Muslim
scholars] in [the journey on] this road of difficulty and path of
adversity. One of these was Mu];lammad Naqi by name, one of
those attached to the late Shah Sa'dullah; [another was] Miisa, a
young man, the son of Kh.udavardi Beg Aghar Khan. Despite
limited means, they endeavoured valiantly to gather together arms
and men by selling away their inherited property and articles of
necessity, and joined with pure minds and sincere hearts. Some
of the Parachas27 of the trading profession, who in the Punjab are
known as Lakhls, ['possessed of lakhs'] obtained merit by giving
assistance through meeting the expenses on food and drink. Some
famous divines such as ijaji Saiyid Isma'il, l:faji Yar Beg, Shah
'lnayat, Mulla Pir Mu];lammad Wa'i* (sermon-giver}, p.ersonally
joined in the Holy War, despite weakness of body and lack of
experience in dealing with tumult and disturbance. The rallying
point of this godly army was fixed near the 'idgah Mosque, which
had a courtyard larger than the area of [the town of] Amul. 28 When
the Provincial Governor, Aslam Khan discovered that he had
become· notorious among people for lack of courage, he had no
option but to send Mir 'A.taullah, a notable from Piirab [East],
and Mu];lammad Khan Kadal [Kharal], 29 a zamlndar of Faridabad,
with five hundred horse and foot, to join them.
Those Sikhs, • upon hearing this news, collected from
all directions, and in pargana Tappa Pharli, where Bhagwant Rai
Mehta, Qanungo of that place, had built a fort, took refuge there
and busied themselves in setting up watch towers a~d preparing
materials, till this divine army, after two haltr;, arrived to confront
those Infidels, and made things difficult for them. Despite all their
boldness and fearlessness, they [the Sikhs] could not break out of
that encircle!llent. They did not show any laxity in shooting arrows
and firing from muskets, whatever they had in their hands, from
the tower and openings (bara). Some of this army, owing to
inexperience, rushed to the foot of the fort wall and manfully tasted
the cup of martyrdom there. But the sight of the large mass of
men and God's punishment so worked on their fear-struck hearts,
that one day-and-night, those unprotected manikins, being no
longer able to fight, took to flight taking advantage of the dark

119
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

curtain of the night, which was blacker than their evil fate. The
Army of Islam entered Lahore, victorious and triumphant, happy
and pleased. Since of this body, some were of a. vile and
ungentlemanly disposition, whose hereditary meanness had not
been removed by the nobility conferred by learning, being
intoxicated by pride and conceit, out of false pretensions, they
committed shameful acts upon the Hindus of the city and heaped
humiliation upon the city officers.
Since in the Divine court of justice, "every act has a
recompense, and every doer gets his deserts" (hemistich), when
the next time the lost tribe [the Sikhs] gathered en masse at Kotla
Begam, twenty-and-odd kurohs from Lahore, near the township
ofChamarhi [Chamiari], and indulged in their evil practices, these
gentlemen [of Lahore], in order to protect their honour, did not
occupy themselves in securing the respect due to their rank on
account of learning and literature, 30 [but] again girded their loins
to join the body of ordinary people and came out [of the City]
with an army that was more numerous than ants and locusts. While
they were coming out, there was also some plundering of the
peasants (ri 'ayii) along the route. Although the army leaders
ordered two or three to be beaten and cut down by the sword [for
the offence] near the township ofBhiluwal, yet the evil intentioned
mass did not cease taking their prize until they reached the fort
and joined the fighting. Relying on treachery, the Infidels came
out of the encirclement and advanced to meet them. The blame or
merit for the report must be laid at the d~or of the [original]
rtarrator, but I have heard from some persons that the Afghans of
the villages ofSuri, owing to their sharing their limits ofzamzndarl
with them [the enemy] and, [their bitterness at] the officials'
oppressiveness [against themselves] had a soft comer in their heart
for that sect. To appearances, a formidable force [of theirs]
accompanied this poor mass, but when there was prospect of battle,
the Afghan troops reined round their horses and rode back to their
homes. As a result of this unmeritorious act, many lost their
courage, until a number fell in the field and gave up their lives in
all wretchedness. Spectacular acts were performed by Saiyid
'lnayat, resident of village Bhinc.liyan, the above-mentioned
Mu]J.ammad Naqi and Mu]J.ammad Zaman Ranghar Rajput. They
pushed back the Infidels, by repeated attacks, to the gate of the
fort, and there cried out aloud to the poor people [within the fort]
to escape if they could use their legs. In this way they secured for
many a release from that calamitous torment. When the day set

120
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

and the glorious Sun in the heavens draped itself in the veil ofthe
night's darkness, and wind and rain too came in the way of[martial]
endeavours, the tumult died down of itself. People also could not
find their way to the gate. A group [from the Lahore forces] making
use of the night, and some, because they were weakened by anxiety
and fatigue, made their way [back] to their homes, becoming the
butt of scorn of some and held blamesworthy by people at large,
for how does it every time become obligatory [only] for those
unskilled [in soldiery], and living as recluses, to gird their loins to
engage in conquest and bloodshed. In any case from these tumults
who survives [but he] that does not have a ·care for, nor seeks,
worldly life? 31

His Majesty Mul}ammad Mu'a~~am Bahadur Shah's

march to the Country of the Punjab in order to
suppress the Refractory Sect of the Singhs (SikhsJ ..•32
In short, at this time the World-Emperor [Bahadur
Shah], after finishing the campaign against the late [Prince]
MuQammad Kam Bakhsh, had reached Ajmer [on his return
march]. The desolated peasantry of Sahrind and Thanesar, and
the poor people, deprived of livelihood and money, and the plr-
zadas [members of Muslim sufic families] of Sahrind and
Sadhaura, 33 being ruined, appeared at the Imperial Court and raised
a hue-and-cry over the oppression suffered by them, lodging a
bitter complaint. Though the Emperor's major object, then, was
to suppress and punish the mischievous Rajputs, he, of necessity,
postponed it for another occasion, and directed his attention to
securing the destruction of this dissolution-deserving sect. He
did not· even enter the capital Shahjahanabad [Delhi], but the
victorious camp passed on along a line ten or fifteen kurohs away.
It was proclaimed through the public crier that no one should go
.out from the ·Imperial Camp to any village, and the sky-reaching
Imperial banners should be carried directly to Sadhaura and
Mukhli~pur. High nobles like Firoz Khan Mewati and Mahabat
Khan, son of Khan-i Khanan Bahadurshahi, were sent forward in
the van. From Mahabat Khan, no action was seen that could suit
the honour of his father or himself. Firoz Khan [on the other hand]
engaged in a bitter battle close to Ainkheda [var. Amingarh], a
high village on the route, in the neighbourhood of Talaori-
' A~imabad 34 and Thanesar. After an effort and exertion exceeding
imagination the Army of Islam was victorious and successful,
owing to God's benevolence and the Emperor's glory. The carrion-

121
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

eating Sikhs, routed and humbled, with tongues lolling out, struck
their teeth into the dust of doom. With their long hair tied to their
necks they were hung up from the trees. From Bayazid Afghan of
Qa~ur,faujdiir of the Jammu Hills, who, becoming the leader of a
caravan of some thousand persons, had been stranded at Panipat
owing to the closure of the route, much exertion was seen at this
time, owing to the presence at his back of the foe-foiling Imperial
glory. His brother's son, Shams Khan, with a large army from
[Jalandhar] Doaba and Bajwara, thefaujdiirl of which district was
in his charge, came to Sahrind, in accordance with the fate-ordering
decree [of the Emperor], and shed the blood of the fleeing Sikhs.
Some were miserably killed in the field; others, taking refuge in
the fort, were killed• with the aid of rahkala ·andjazii'ir. Js
Thus the water that had deserted it returned to the
peasant's river of hope, and the times became friendly and
sympathetic to those unlucky captives of the dark day of cruelty.
'isa Khan Ma'in, zamlndiir of the [Jalandhar] Doab
territory guarded his jurisdiction well and barred the road to the
country of the Punjab to those doomed ones. When the Imperial
Camp was pitched in the Diibar tract, which was the appointed
hunting ground of Jannat Makani [Jahangir] [and] Firdaus Makani
[Shahjahan], that ill-flying falcon of a fox [Banda Bahadur] fled
into the fort of Mukhli~pur, which he had named Lohgat:h, fixing
muskets and rahkala on its towers and openings. His Majesty,
with relaxed mind, sat in luxury and comfort, while deputing the
forces of the princes and the nobles to storm the fort and kill the
Infidels. Young men exhibited bravery to the extent of their
strength and power. But the stormy winds, destructive floods of
the sub-montane tract and the bitterness of the cold rendered men
and horses useless and weak. Fire gave no heat except in hearts of
stone, and there was no dryness except in the brain of the
salamander; the snow had rendered excessively cold the bond [of
life] of every living being, and coldness had frozen the warm spirits
[lit. smoke] ofthe heart. The period of the siege extended to two
months. What strategem and stroke did not come from that artful
deceiver! At last, owing to the disloyalty of some of the persons
in the Imperial entrenchments, he made his luckless way in one
direction, and going, by way of the mountain ranges of the Barfi
Raja, 36 to the hills of Jammu, raised a tumult there.
Because ofthis, many ofthe Imperial officers received
censure. Indeed, out of great anger, the Emperor said in wrathful
words: "The jackal has escaped from the grasp of so many dogs."

122
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

Perforce, Mul)ammad Amin Khan Bahadur, Rustam-Dil and others

were deputed to pursue that ill-starred one [Banda]. These persons
went forward, brisk and alert, and found him in that country only
a short distance away. In order to keep the market warm [i.e not
to bring matters to a conclusion], they kept their reins under
control, going forward some kurohs in dread and anxiety. Rustam,
behaved like Zal [an old man], 37 and, wherever his hand reached,
upon false excuse and imputation of disloyalty, seized and held
captive many peasants of Khatuha [Kathua], Narowal and other
parganas, and distributed them in salary to his troops so that they
might take them to the cattle-market of Lahore and sell them there.
And that malevolent Antichrist [Banda], owing to the ill-conduct
of this ass-like manikin, concealed and hid himself in mountainous
country difficult of access. [In the meanwhile] His Majesty, with
ease of mind, travelled and hunted through that country [Sadhaura,
etc.] anti crossing at the ford of Rahla [var. Rahela], 38 proceeded
towards the capital city of Lahore.

II
Printed text, pp.180-184; MS, ff.57b-61 a
The Account of the Gurii, who is known and famous
by the name Banda39
In previous pages, it has been mentioned that a false
Gurit who, during the reign of His {..ate Majesty Bahadur Shah
Ghazi, owing to the weakness40 of the unachieving Rustam-dil
and others, who had been slow in his pursuit, was able to wander
about in the plain of ignominy and flee into the Northern
Mountains. Now, owing to the good fortune of the victorious
Emperor [Farrukh Siyar, 1713-19], the time of the destruction of
that ill-fated one came near. With a body of his evil-preaching
disciples, he came out of the mountains of Jammu and heavily
engaged in fighting all the faujdiirs of that territory. When this
was reported to the Imperial Court, the Emperor ordered
Mul}ammad Amin Khan and 'Abdu'li ~amad Khan Oiler Jang, [the
latter being] appointed Governor of the capital seat of Lahore, to
bring about the destruction of that mischievous, noisy trouble-
maker. Accordingly, for a time the Mughal forces strove to
devastate the habitations of that country and the submontane tract.
If, by chance, some of the doomed members of that sect [Sikhs]
also encountered them, they were put to the bloodthirsty sword.
After some time that black-faced one again disappeared in those
parts. Mul)ammad Amin Khan obtained the privilege of returning

123
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

to the Imperial Court and 'Abdu'~ ~amad Khan, coming back to

the [headquarters of the] ~uba assigned to him, gave himself to
comfort and luxury.
After one year, a great disturbance affected the people
(ri 'ayii) of the ~iiba of the Punjab. This was owing to that same
cast-off one· emerging out of the skirt of the mountains with a
large host, who battled with the Imperial troops who had been
posted to guard their jurisdictions. Owing to the inauspiciousness
of the month and year, he [Banda Bahadur], prevailing overt• most
of the [Mughal] commanders, extended his hand of oppression
over the parganas of Kalanaur and Batala. Suhrab Khan,faujdar
of Kalanaur, and Santokh Rai, qiiniingo, who had the heart and
capacity for this, gathered a large force of horse and foot and fought
with those infidels. Similarly, Shaikh Mul}ammad Oa'im,faujdiir
ofBatala, fought resolutely for two quarters of the day: the young
troopers fully employed short arms, 42 arrows and muskets, and
many well-born warriors lost their lives. In the end, however, no
one among the zamlndiirs or military commanders of this country
could obtain fair repute in meeting this dark, calamitous host.
Suffering defeat, Mul}ammad Oa'im retired to his native place,
Piruwal,, and sat there. The inhabitants, low and high, of these
heart-pleasing places, which rival those in Paradise, were once
again devastated, and, turning into nomads, most of them fled to
Lahore. Some, because of lack of resources, went in distress to
the mountains of Chamba, Oasiiha and other places.
The moment the reports of these successive calamities
reached the Just Emperor [Farrukhsiyar], obedience-requiring
orders were issued to Oiler Jang and all thefaujdiirs of the principal
parganas of the Punjab to immediately proceed, in concert with
the Governor [Oiler Jang], to bring about the annihilation of that
accursed rebel; otherwise, they would become subject to Imperial
censure, which is a reflection of God's wrath. Accordingly, Mir
Al}.mad Khan, faujdar of Gujarat, who, along with a number of
Saiyids, was in soldierly exertion, a man above others in this
profession and occupation; lradatmand Khan, faujdiir of
Aimanabad; Niir Mubammad Khan, from Aurangabad and
Parasriir; and Shaikh Mul}ammad Oa'im, ah:eady mentioned, all
arrived.' Haft~ 'Ali Khan, from pargana Haibatpur Patti, Suhrab
Khan from Kalanaur, Raja Bhim Sen Katoch, 43 the troops ofOhrub
Oev Jasrotiya, 44 etc., also arrived and took part in the operations.
Everywhere they established entrenchments. That sinful infidel
[Banda Bahadur] sat in Kot Mirza Jan, and began building a mud

124
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

fort (garh"i-i kham ). 'ArifBeg Khan, Deputy-Governor of the $iiba

coming out of the City [Lahore], encamped near Shahganj and
.undertook vigil until Nawab Oiler Jang after sacking the rebelJion-
marked. [town of] Pathan, 45 reached Kot Mirza Jan, riding post-
haste, to make it in two or three days' marches. That manikin
[Banda], not succeeding, in that short time, in digging a trench
and building a mud fort to his satisfaction, fled from there, and
accompanied by two thousand46 men betook himself to Gurdaspiir,
which is a pleasant place, founded by Bhiii Duni Chand, dervishY
He stationed himself there, and by cuts from the Shah Nahr
[Shahjahan 's canal] and one or two submontane streams, he drew
water to the front of, and around, his fort (garhi), creating
excessively swampy land. 48 Neither man nor horse could go across
it, and one could only after much exertion reach the foot of the
fort. Whenever the army of Islam. reached near [lit. near enough
to hit with the heel] that rebel, they [the defenders] shot arrows 49
from one direction and stationed themselves at a high point in the
garh"i of Gurdaspura.
Of those [Sikhs] who came out to collect taxes in
villages and hamlets far and near, some were captured and were
executed. Most, however, fled, changed their clothing, cut off their
hair and beard and, coming to Lahore, took refuge there.
I, the writer of these warning-laden pages, was then by
way of service, posted under the Deputy-Governor •ArifBeg Khan.
What bold actions were then seen from these doomed ones!• Every
day, twice or thrice, forty or fifty of those black-faced ones would
come out [of GurdaspUra] and from outside carry back fodder for
their animals. Every time men of this [Imperial] army reached up
to them and tried to stop them, they cut the Mughals down with
arrows, muskets and short arms, and went on their way. The fear
from this force of rebels• and the sorceries of that rebellious
manikin had so deeply struck the hearts of the commanders of
this army that all the time they raised their hands in prayer begging
of God that he [Banda] come out of his fort (garhl) and take to
flight, as on previous occasions, so that the need for employment
(hangama-i naukarl) and the credit and prestige of the [imperial]
servants might continue to be on the increase [without involving
much danger to themselves].
When in this way a period of three or four months
elapsed. while the siege of the garh"i continued, officials at the
Imperial Court attributed the delay to the negligence and the
briskness ofthe market [of self-interest] of'Abdu'~ ~amad Khan

125
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

[Oiler lang]. Wrathful farmans were issued by His· Imperial

Majesty addressed to Oiler Jang, requiring him to attend to the
seizure of that fort immediately and to capture that cast-off rebel
alive and bring him to the Court. But God's mercy did not desert
'Abdu'~ $amad Khan and saved well-born and honourable men
from being killed [in any storming of the fort] by those base,
iniquitous [rebels]; and good strategy was allowed to carry the
task forward.
As a consequence [of Imperial concern], Qamruddin
Khan Bahadur, son ofMul}.ammad Amin Khan, was also sent from
the Imperial Court to reinforce the Nawab [Oiler Jang]. He now
arrived and joined in the operations.
At last, after a [further] period of two months and more,
owing to a number of causes, such as their confinement, the
maddening stench of carcasses and putrid matter, the exhaustion
of their store of grain and their dying by starvation, those wicked
infidels came down to pleading with importunity and helplessness
and made the offer that their base chief would [surrender and]
present himself.' Abdu'~ $amad Khan, holding it a piece of good
fortune and a confirmation of Imperial glory, took it as a gain
and, after giving a pledge and promise of sparing his life,
summoned him [Banda] to his presence and reassured him. Nearly
two hundred men, half-alive, half-dead, who came with him out
of the fort, were put in chains and handed over to custodians
(darogh_as). That manikin, exempted from collar and chain, was
guarded with much vigilance. What now did the Mughal forces
not do in laying hands on the hoarded goods of those crafty infidels,
and what booty in the fort and the township they did not leave out
from sack and pillage!
Nawab Oiler Jang, beating the drum of victory, happy,
contented, honoured and elevated, entered the city of Lahore.
Wonderful excitement prevailed in the city for a sight of that
bahrupiya [imposter] and his companions. The crowds of a
thousand 'lds could not equal it [the crowd now assembled]. In
reality all this was due to the miraculous working of the foe-
destroying Imperial prestige, a reflection of divine favour and a
result of the excellence of the dedication, toil and labour of the
Nawab [Oiler Jang] ofMahdi-like virtues, who had captured such
an evil Oajjal [Anti-Christ] with such torment and had made him
a prisoner of life-taking Fate. 50 Otherwise, he [Banda] was the
same base infidel, who, from the reign of His Late Majesty
Mul}.ammad Mu'a~~am Bahadur Shah, had been the cause of such

126
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

distress to God's creatures, and, 51 losing and failing, now

[assuming the garb of?] a Muslim, now a Hindu [lit. infidel], he
had lived like the wind of a dust storm.
Finally, he [Abdu's $amad Khan] sent him in the
custody of [his son] Zakariya Khan, along with other prisoners 52
to Shahjahanabad [Delhi]. He [Zakariya Khan], having presented
himself before His Majesty, received special favours. A fateful
order was issued for the execution of the Gurii, his son, and the
other sweepers [derogratory term for Banda's followers], who
joining him in the path of rebellion and conflict, had ravaged a
whole world. Accordingly, they put him t~ death, along with his
son of five or six years, near the hoi; shrine of the tomb ofKhwaja
Bakhtyaruddin Kaki.

APPENDIX
The English Report of Banda Bahidur's Arrival as
Captive at Delhi
Extract from Letter of John Surman and Edward
Stephenson from Delhi to Robert Hedges, President and Governor
of Fort William, etc., Council in Bengal, dated 10 March 1716
[OS,=2Q March 1716], printed in C.R. Wil'son, ed., The Early
Annals of the English in Bengal, VII(2), The Surman Embassy,
Calcutta, 191 I, reprint, 1931, pp.l20-21. Spellings as in the
original.

Text
The great Rebel Goroo who has been for these 20 years
so troublesome in the Subaship of Lahore is at length taken with
all his family and attendance by Abdell Summed Cawn the Suba
of that province, some days ago they entered the City loaden with
fetters, his whole attendance which were left alive being about
Seven hundred and eight all severally mounted on Camelis which
were sent out of the City for that purpose, besides about two
thousand heads stuck upon poles, being those who died by the
sword in the battle. He was carried into the presence of the King,
and from thence to a close prison, He at present has His life
prolonged with most of his mutsuddys in hopes to get an Account
of his treasure in the several parts of his Kingdom and of those
that assisted him, when afterwards he will be executed. For the
rest there are I 00 each day beheaded. It is not a little remarkable
with what patience they undergo their fate, and to the last it has
not been found that one apostatized from this new formed Religion.

127
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

Notes
1
Heading only in the printed cd., not in the Br. Lib. MS (hereinafter
referred to as the MS).
1 Heading only in the MS and not in the printed cd.
3 The meaning seems to be that Guru Nanak tolerated both such Hindus

·as followed the customs of their own faith as well as Muslims who
did likewise. This becomes clear from sentences which immediatlcy
follow.
4
The printed cd. omits 'Reality-comprehending.' Has the author
confused the Veda with the Vedanta'!
' So in the MS (burj-i Jagarniith). In the printed text, burj (tower)
only.
6 Shaikh Farid lived in the 13th century, and, therefore, the reference

must be to his successor (sajjiida-nishln) at Pakpatan (Ajodhan). The

Guru Granth $iil)ib contains Punjabi verses attributed to Shaikh Farid.
Sec Macauliffe, VI, 356-414; also K.A.Nizami, Tire Life and Times
of Shaikh. Fariduddin Ganj-i Shakar, Aligarh, 1955, pp.121-2.
7
The cd. of the printed text, p.297, cites a notice of this saint, which
makes him a contemporary of lsUim Shah Siir ( 1545-53).
8 Ofthcse three divines, Shah Daula (d. 1676) is a well-known saint of

Gujarat (Punjab) reputed forpublie works, including the construction

of bridges. Sec A.C. Elliott, The Chronicles ofGujarat (orig. pub.,
1902), reprint, [Chandigarh?], 1970, pp.53-61.
11 On Sarmad, sec K.R.Qanungo, Diirii Slrukoh, I, 2nd cd., Calcutta,

1952, pp.264-68. His execution is a well-known incident of the early

years of Aurangzeb's reign.
10
Mirza 'Askari, titled Wazir Khan, was of Iranian descent, his family
having long been in Mughal service. He held the rank of 2000 liil
under Aurangzeb (M. Athar Ali, Mugkal Nobility under Aurangzeb,
2nd ed., Delhi, 1997, p. 249 at no. 333).
11 The practice of display of royal person early in the morning, instituted
by Akbar, and regarded in the Mughal Empire as the exclusive
privilege ofthe sovereign,
12 The act of kneeling so low as to make the forehead touch the ground,

a salutation deemed to be due only to the Mughal Emperor, under

Akbar and Jahlinglr.
13 It may be noted that this author abstains from directly saying that the

Guru's sons were killed, but the words, "til! the night came", suggest
that death overtook each of them after sometime.
14 I read chlragf for khJragl (darkness) in the printed text.

" The reference here, of course, is to Banda Baha:dur's alleged claim to

represent Guru Gobind Singh.
16 Mod. Malerkotla (Punjab).
17
Tuman-diir, lit. one who has an army of ten thousand men; but by
this time tum an meant any body of troops.
11 So spelt (possible variant: Sajadanand). The name is given as 'Sucha

Nand' in Teja Singh and Ganda Singh, A Short History of the Sikhs,
I, Bombay, 1950, pp.83-4, and the person is said to have been the
Dlwiin of Sirhind.
111 So in the MS. 'Hindu' in the printed text.
20 I follow the printed text here. The MS seems to be corrupt here.
21 'Blij Singh' in Teja Singh and Ganda Singh, op.cit., p.85. According

128
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion
to Sikh tradition (Macaulifce, V, p.239), Guru Gobind Singh, while
despatching Banda to the north, had deputed with him Baz Singh;
but he is there said to be a descendant of Gurii Amardas, and so a
Khatri. (In Sikh sources Baj Singh is, indeed, a Bal Jat.- J.S.G.)
22
The Marrals are said to be a Chauhan subcaste, found in the Multan
district (Multan Dist. Gaz., 1901-2, p.l37).
23
Mukhlil!piir is on the left bank of the Yamuna, near the point where
the West Yamuna Canal has its source (See lrfan Habib, Atlas of the
Mughal Empire, Delhi, 1982, Map SA, 30+, 77+, & Notes, p.27,
col.b). But W.lrvine, The Later Mughals, I, pp.IOS-9, has reservations
on this identification~ and suggests a place half way between Nahan
and Sadhaura. Forty kurohs (some 90 miles) would, however, be too
large a distance from Sadhaura for either place; and one must imagine
that the author has made a slip here. For dabar sec H.M. Elliot,
Memoirs, & c., ofthe North Western Provinces ofIndia, ed. J. Bcamcs,
II, London, 1869, p.279.
24
An apparent confusion with Guru Ramdas, who built the tank, and
after whom the place was called Chak Guru or Ramdaspura (Tcja
Singh and Ganda Singh, p.25).
25
' Singhan in MS (which would be a perfectly legitimate designation
for K.hlill!a Sikhs - J.S.G.) It could be a scribe's error for Siklran,
Sikhs, 'g' and 'k' being undifferenti~ted in Persian writing. The
printed ed. has kh.irsan, bears, rough fellows.
26
Akbar was crowned at KaUinaur in 1556.
n A Muslim mercantile caste held to be the counterpart of the Khatri
caste (Denzillbbetson, Panjab Castes, Lahore,.1916, pp. 256-3).
21
Just a flourish by the author, since Amul is a town in T.abarisUin (Iran),
whose dimensions could not possibly have been known either to him
or-to his readers.
19
'Kharal' in the printed text.
311
I follow the MS here, omitting wa after hasb and reading na-pardalsil.ta
for pardak/J.ta.
31 I follow the printed text, not the MS, which seems corrupt here.
32 The MS docs not furnish this heading.
33 Much matter found in the MS here is omitted in the printed text.
34
So in MS. ·Talaori and A'~amabiid' in printed text.
" Rahka/a was a light cannon (W .Irvine, The Army of the Indian
Moghuls, reprint, New Delhi, 1962, 134-5, 139-40). Jaza'ir was a
large musket or wall piece (ibid., I 09)
36 "Barfi Raja" was the popular name given to the ruler of Sirmur hills,

whose capital then was at Nahan.

37
A heavy-handed play on Rustam Oil's name. The Iranian hero
Rustam 's father was Ziil; and zal means an old man or woman, as
well.
38
Could be Rahela, now Sri Hargobindpur- J.S.G.
39
Title only in the printed text; not in the MS.
co I read kurlzl for karpumJ in the printed text, and kurlzat in the MS.
41
Charplda (=charblda) in the printed text. MS:jarld amda.
41
Kotah yaraq, meaning swords, daggers, etc.
43 As in MS. 'Az Qanauj' in the printed text is a misreading. Katoch

was the clan-name of the ruling-family ofKangra. At this time Hamir

Chand was the ruler of Kangra, not Bhimsen.
44
For Dhrub Dev of Jasrota, sec Hutchison and Vogel, II, pp.571-2.

129
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

4
Mod. Pathankot. The word tak!J.t rules out the object being a person.
'

Thus the editor's reading ofPathan as equivalent to Afghan and then

identifying the Afghan as l;lusain Khan .Khweshgi ofQa~ilr (p.181 n.)
seems uncalled for. From Pathankot one could have reached
Gurdiispur in two or three days' marches, but not from Qa~ilr.
4
6 'Ten thousand' in the MS.
47
Grandson ofBhlii Saito. He had joined Gurii Gobind Singh, but, owing
to some differences, separated from him (Macauliffe, Sikh Religion,
V, pp.129, 133-4). According to the Gurdaspur Gazetteer (Punjab
District Gazetteers), ed. B.R. Chopra, Chandigarh, 1979·, pp.460-61,
Gurdaspur was founded by "Guriya Ji", whose grandson was "Dccpak
Chand", who had his own following and had received the title "Gum
Ganj Bakhsh" from Guru Gobind Singh. His samadhi-shrinc still
exists. Are Duni Chand and Dip Chand, then, identical?
48
Chahla, 'wet, oozy land, miry, puddy, marshy' (S.W. Fallon, A New
Hindustani-English Dictionary, Banaras, 1879, p.560). The qualifying
word sak!J.t, hard (chahla-i sakb.t) seems inappropriate, for hard mud
would be no good for defence. Professor Grewal suggests, however,
that sak!J..t may here be used in the sense of 'very much, excessive',
so that chahla-i sakht would be land that was excessively swampy,
and I have rendered it thus accordingly.
49
I read naza 'a for nargha in the printed text.
50 According to Muslim lore, there would first appear a Dajjfi1, who

would commit great oppressions, and then a Mahdi ('the rightly

guided') who would destroy him.
" I follow the MS, which inserts the conjunction wa here.
52 Ajimra-i tfigar: ajinnat is plural of embryos. The writer apparently

uses this word to deny the full status of mature human beings to
Banda's followers.

130
11
Ba11da Bahad11r' s Rebellion, 1710-16
Fron1 M·irza Mu~atnmad, •Jbratniinla

Translated by Iqbal Husain

Mirza Mubammad bin Mu'tamad Khan bin

DayanatK.b.an was born either in A.H. 1070/A.D. 1660 or
the 30th regnal year of Aurangzeb/ A.D. 1687; the author
gives both these dates. Belonging to a family of officials
of some status, he entered imperial service in 1703, when
he obtained a man~ab of 150. The 'Ibratniima contains
his narrative of poJitical events from this year to the
dethronement and death ofFarrukhsiyar and the accession
ofRafi'u-d Darjat in 1719. His language while describing
the latter event shows that it had just taken place when he
was closing his account.
The 'lbratniima gives a description of Banda
Bahiidur's revolt based on the author's own information.
He also furnishes an eye-witness account of the entry of
the Sikh leader and his followers in Delhi as prisoners in
1716.
For this translation the Bankipur Library MS
has been used. There is a photocopy of the MS in the CAS
in History library, Aligarh. It is not well written and·some
sentences seem corrupt. But some of the errors, such as
confusions in years, must go back to the author himself,
who was writing apparently in some haste.
The account of the Sikhs and Banda Bahadur's
rebellion is taken from two portions in th.e text, Bankipur
MS, ff.39a-46b, and ff.52b-54a. A further passage
referring to Banda Bahadur's incursions into the
Sahiiranpur territory given in the course of a notice of JaUil
Khan Rohila (ff.S 1a-53b) is omitted, since it adds nothing
new as far as the Sikhs are concerned.
131
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

The author is prone to use very strong

derogatory terms for the Sikhs. But his narrative is
important for being so closely contemporary.

TRANSLATION
I
Bankipur MS, ff.39a-46b
Receipt of Report of Nawib 'Abdu'~ ~amad .Khan
Bahidur Diler Jang, giving the good news of the
capture of Gurii Gobind* (sic!), the head of the
faithless Sikhs, and an Account of that wretch* of a
(spiritual) guide (Banda), from the beginning of the
writing of this truthful 'lbratniima.
Monday, the 26th .Zill:tijj 1127 A. H. [23 December 1715]
marked the [second] anniversary of the coronation of the King.
After the King had risen from the dlwan,the report of Nawab
'Abdus $amad Khan Bahadur Oiler Jang, containing the news of
the capture of the Gurit along with more than two thousand of
those Sikhs at the hands of the holy warriors of the army of Islam,
was presented to the King. The drums were beaten to celebrate
the victory of Islam, and this continued till the end of the month
of the King's coronation. The account of the affairs of the Gurii
and the Sikhs, i.e. the disciples ofthe Guru·-guide, is, in summary,
as follows:
Around the year nine hundred [1494-95 A.D.] and odd
Hijri in the reign of Sikandar Lodi, a mendicant (faqlr), Nanak by
name, became famous through the performance of heavily ascetic
exercises of the Hindus, and by his renunciation and solitude. A
large number of the Hindus, becoming his disciples, obtained the
designation of "Sikhs". In fact, the said person, according to the
customs of the Hindus was a perfect saint and followed the path
of devotion and non-violence, and of surrender and submission
[to God]. As, after his death, his successors sat in his seat through
the passage of time, offerings reached them from the Hindus of
the Punjab, Multan, Tatta (Thatta), and Kabul. Gradually, they
came to possess artisans and guards [lit. strong men]. But in
appearance they did not abandon the ways of dervishes. During
the reign of the late victorious Emperor 'Alamgir [Aurangzeb ],
the mantle ofNanak's successor fell on a person named Gobind.
He introduced some new customs in the tradition of Nanak and
those who hastened to accept those [innovations], he called "Sikhs

132
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

of the Khal~a". Since he possessed plenty of wealth and property,

he began to establish his power over zamindars of the adjacent
territories through warlike means. [On this,] Wazir Khan,
muta~addi [officer-in-charge] of Chakla Sahrind [mod. Sirhind]
sought permission from the Court to bring about his destruction,
and repeatedly sent forces against him. In these battles two sons
ofGobind were slain, and his affairs worsened greatly. When Shah
'Alam the Generous [Bahadur Shah I] was marching from
Peshawar to Akbarabad [Agra] to fight his brother, His Highess
Mul}ammad A '?;am Shah, the said Gobind obtained the privilege
of waiting on him through Mun'im Khan .Khan-i Khanan, and he
accompanied the Imperial Camp along with the Sikhs, i.e. his
disciples, during that march. After the victory [over A '?;am] he
also accompanied the camp to the Deccan. By chance in the Deccan
in the year 1120 A.H. [1708-9 A.D.] he was ~illed in the imperial
camp at the hands of an Afghan who had entertained enmity
towards him. His• body was cremated according to the customs of
the Hindus; and Ajit Singh, who was popularly known as.his son,
received the Emperor's favours, and remained in the same manner
in the suit of the King.
Next year, which was 1121 A. H. [1709-1 0 A.D.], an
obscure man of dark design, with a strong wiiJ and great ambition
appeared in some villages of Chakla Sirhind [=Sahrind,] and
proclaimed that he was the very same Gobind, who had survived
the injury and, coming away from there, had arrived here. Some
say that his claim was that after his death, he had regained life
and God Almighty had promised him victory and success over the
Muslims, and he was going to conquer all the territories of India.
The Sikhs of Gobind, many out of ignorance and some in the hope
of booty and spoils, accepted his claim and a large number of
them gathered around him. In the Doab and the country of the
Punjab, whoever was a Nanak-panthi, either made haste to join
him in person or sent large amounts of mon~y to him by way of
offering. The Sikhs rose in every viiJage. Just as they, out of
respect, caiJed Nanak and his successors by the title GurU, and as
the murdered Gobind, with whom this person• deceitfully identified
himself, was the GurU of his own time, this unclean piece of
impurity also became known as the GurU. In brief, the said GurU,
after having collected an abundant number of people, first attacked
the pargana of Sadhaura, with the p"irzadas of which place the
murdered [Guru Gobind] had great enmity, and, by the Will of
God the Great and Almighty, he became victorious and fanned

133
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

the flames of plunder and rapine. Having put to the sword a large
number of people he burnt down the homes of many faithful
Muslims. Since at that time his star was in the ascendant, his Sikhs
also appeared in some villages of the Punjab and became dominant
there; and these wicked beasts penetrated into the Doab as well.
Wazir Khan, amln andfaujdiir of chakla Sahrind, was unable to
extinguish this conflagration; and the "Guro"• went on gaining
strength day by day. He sent out his forces in every direction and
brought under his control many rich parganas. He gave an order
for the general massacre of Muslims. Afterwards, he determined
upon seizing Sahrind and Saharanpur. He had his troops cross the
river Yamuna and sent them onwards to Saharanpiir, while he
himself marched towards Sirhind [=Sahrind] with the intention of
capturing it. Wazir Khan, along with 12000 horse, whom he had
kept for suppressing this seditious conflagration, came out to
oppose them and attained martyrdom. A tumult like the Day of
Judgement occurred at that battle-field. A lar~e number of people
were killed and wounded, and the rest were dispersed all around.
Of the people ofSirhind, whoever, upon hearing of this calamity,
c~uld manage to flee, escaped, and everyone who stayed in the
city recited the Quranic verse: "Everyone who breathes shall taste
death". The wicked infidels showed such zeal in killing Muslims,
that they did not also spare the children, and, tearing up the wombs
of pregnant women put to the sword the unborn babies. In this
great calamity, no Muslims could survive except such as concealed
themselves in the houses of their Hindu friends.
As for the fierce force of those ill-starred ones [Banda's
followers], who had marched towards Saharanpur, the moment
they crossed the Yamuna river, •Ali I:Iamid Khan, 1 thefaujdiir of
that chakla, immediately upon learning the news, became so
distracted and desperate that he left SaharanpUr the same day and
fled by rapid marches to Delhi. The Sikhs, coming to know that
the city was empty [of troops], quickly betook themselves there,
and, as was the case with people of Sahrind, the people of that
place too either tasted martyrdom or took to flight. In short, after
Sahrind'and Saharanpiir came under the possession of the .. Guro",• -
a great commotion arose among the Muslims of those territories.
Whoever could so manage, took his family with him, and
abandoning his property, escaped to a place of safety. Since every
day the news of arrival of those wicked people spread to every
village and town, every one was in need of conveyance and means
of transport for his family members and goods, and so the price as

134
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

well as hire charges for carriage (bahal), camel, bullock, donkey,

[etc.,] rose phenomenally. Whoever could afford the means, and
obtained it, could get away with honour. He, who was thrifty
despite being wealthy, and so could not obtain conveyance owing
to the tumult, took to flight on foot, along with his family. During
this disaster women who had not seen any place outside the
courtyards of their houses, and never walked on foot, had to travel
twenty kurohs (kos) on foot. It took everyone two, three or four
days to reach his destination and place of safety. Such people,
who due to lack of resources or due to the Will of God, could not
leave their houses, and those who were still deliberating on
departure - calamity befell them all. The men were put to the
sword and the women suffered the affliction of being captured.
So Saharanpur, Biiriya, Sadhaura, Chhat, Ambala, Shahabad,
Thanesar, Sahrind, Pail, Riipar, Bahlolpur, Machhiwara, Ludhiana,
etc., the details of which places would be cumbersome, were
battered by these ill-famed hosts. All territory from Thanesar to
the bank of river Sutlej, excepting the territory of Lakhi jungle,
came at one stroke under the control of those cruel, unjust people.
Half of the chakla of Saharanpur was also annexed to the
dominions of that arrogant ignoramus. In the country of the Panjab
too, many village came into the hands of these error-smitten Sikhs.
At that time, the "Gurii"• appointed an army of these •
.evil-acting Sikhs, to cross the Sutlej and seize Jalandhar Doab.
That force first captured the township of Rabon, and acted there
in their own unpraiseworthy way. The Muslims of those towns,
abandoning their goods and property to the enemy, sought help
from Shams Khan Khweshgi, thefaujdiir of the [Jalandhar] Doab.
That brave man, collecting a large number from amongst his own
servants as well as a big force from amongst people who had joined
him with the intention of waging holy war, marched toward Rahon
and expelled by force those wicked men from that town. In this
battle nearly six or seven thousand faithless Sikhs were killed;
but of Muslims only a few persons attained martyrdom. After this,
they [the Sikhs] abandoned the idea of the conquest of the
[Jalandhar] Doab and turned their attention to the seizure of other
territories.
The Sikhs in the [Ganga-Yamuna} Doab who after the
capture of Saharanpiir, entertained the ambition of conquering that
entire territory, suffered much punishment from the swords of the
sons and relatives of Jalal Khan Ruhela, the master of Jalalabad,
7 kurohs from Deoband. Thereafter, contenting themselves with

135
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

what they had already obtained in the Doab, they turned back from
there. The [Sikh] force that had advanced from Thanesar towards
Delhi, faltered owing to the fighting strength of Sardar Khan
Raj put, zamfndar of Narok, a large number of them being killed
by that renowned commander. God forbid, if Jalal Khan from that
side and Sardar Khan from this side had not intercepted them,
there was none in Delhi who had the courage and the force to
repel those ill-fated ones. The cruel Infidels gave orders to destroy
mosques and tombs of Muslim saints in all the territories which
had fallen into their hands. Few mosques, tombs or dargahs
remained that they did not cause damage to.
At the time that the late King Shah 'A lam [Bahadur
Shah I] returned from the Deccan and arrived in the territories of
the Rajputs, the news of the killing of Wazir Khan and the
successful rising of the faithless Sikhs, which had happened early
in 1124 A. H. [1712 A.D.], 2 was conveyed to him. Of necessity,
the affair of the Rajpiits had to be settled in a way that was not
suitable, and he [the Emperor] rapidly proceeded towards the
Panjab. Till His Majesty's arrival at Karnal, those ill-fated one§
[the Sikhs] continued to stay at their own posts (thanas). When
the news of the [Emperor's] arrival was established to be true,
they first abandoned the thana of Thanesar, and thereafter other
thanas of the vicinity and retired. Most of them went to Sadhaura
near the "Gurii", • thus reinforcing his army. An army [of the Sikhs]
went to Sahrind strengthening the fort there. Shah •Alam Ghazi
marched towards Sadhaura and appointed an army of brave men
under Mubammad Amin Khan Chin Bahadur to capture Sirhind.
After His Majesty reached the village ofDabar, 3 in the way stated
above, the "Gurii"• showed impudent defiance for two days and
then fled, taking refuge in the hills. The fort of Sahrind was
captured through the valour of Chin Bahadur. Many of those
Sikhs, • were slain.
Nearly three months after this incident, in the beginning
of 1123 A.H. [1711 AD], the ill-fated "Guru" appeared out of the
hills near Rampiir and Bahrampiir and let loose a fresh reign of
terror in the Bari Doab. Shams Khan Khweshgi who had at that
time been removed from the faujdarf of Bet Jalandhar [Doab ],
was going home with three hundred brave horsemen. The ill-starred
one [Banda Bahadur], who had with him more than twenty
thousand horse and foot, [intercepted him]. 4 [Shams Khan] turned
round and deeming flight as humiliating, despite the small body
of men [that he had], he made an attack on that calamitous horde

136
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

[lit. sea], killing a number of those attackers: He himself attained

martyrdom, along with the young men of his own tribe. The
"Gurii"; unaware of the death of Shams Khan, fled away. The
next day that he got the [true] news of this event, by that time the
Afghans taking the dead body ofthat hero of the age had covered
a considerable distance. Due to this the sacred body of that holy
warrior remained safe from the hands of those ill-fated ones. To
be brief, when the news of martyrdom of Shams Khan became
public, a great commotion arose among the people of the Bari
Doab. The inhabitants of Batala and Kalanaur, which are the
prominent towns of that area, fled with their kith and kin to places
of safety, and took such goods and effects as they could to the
city of Lahore and other secure places. Similarly, the inhabitants
of the other villages behaved in the same manner and as far as
possible left nothing for those ill-fated ones [Sikhs]. The faithless
Sikhs, getting news of the migrations from these towns, set up
their own thiinas at various places. They put to the sword such
remaining fugitives [as were still on the way], wherever they found
them. Then the "Gurii"* sent a force out of his cruel army, across
the river Ravi, ordering it to lay waste the Rachnao Doab. That
force sacked Aurangabad, Parastiir and other villages of that
territory. Couplet: "They lit the fire of injustice and set ablaze the
houses of a large number of people." The Emperor, having received
information about the renewed insurrection, deputed Mul}ammad
Amin Khan Chin Bahadur Firoz Jang, Ghazi Khan Bahadur Rustam
Jang, and I:Iamid Khan Bahadur, with victory-oriented troops, for
the suppression of that wicked one [Banda].
He himself began his march towards the Panjab and
reached the city of Lahore in the middle of the year. Having
established the imperial camp in the environs of the city, he spent
the remaining part of the year there. In the beginning of 1124
A. H. [1712] he breathed his last. During this period Chin Bahadur
remained engaged in the holy war against the Sikhs and showed
much determination in destroying them.
After the death of the late Emperor and owing to the
growing anarchy at the court, he [Chin Bahadur] retired from there.
In the meantime the "Guru"* seeing his opportunity re-captured
the town of Sadhaura and endeavoured to build [the fort of]
Lohgarh, where he stayed for more than two years. In short after
Jahandar Shah's accession to the throne, Chin Bahadur was
deputed once again to exterminate the Sikhs. Zainuddin Al}mad
Khan, the faujdiir of Chak/a Sahrind, was ordered to reinforce

137
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

Chin Bahadur. Chin Bahadur laid seige to Sadhaura for some

months, but he could not succeed in expelling him from that place.
Towards the end of the year when Jahandar Shah reached
Akbarabad [Agra] with the object of giving battle to Farrukh Siyar,
Chin Bahadur was recalled to the Court and the extirpation of that
wicked one [Banda] this time too remained suspended. Afterwards
when Farrukh Siyar gained the throne, the campaign, was entrusted
to Chin Bahadur, and ln'am Khan. Darab Khan, Daulat Beg Khan
and Janash Khan and other leading Mughal commanders were
ordered to accompany him. Zainuddin A}.lma.d Khan was enlisted
in the train of reinforcements. 'Abdu~ ~amad Khan having been
deputed from the Court, in the beginning of the year 1125 A. H.
[ 1713 A.D.], reached Sadhaura, and exerted greatly in the
extirpation of those accursed ones, and having caused the capture
of Sadhaura and Lohgarh, killed· a large number of those Sikhs.
The black-faced "Gurii"; this time again, entered the hills and
disappeared there. This was in the beginning of the year 1126
A.H. [1714].
'Abdu~ ~amad Khan Bahadur Oiler Jang went to the
Court and, according to the Emperor's order, marched towards
Ajmer and soon returned from there. He was ordered to proceed
to Lahore, having been appointed Governor thereof. On reaching
Lahore, he marched to Multan to suppress some of the. seditious
zamzndiirs and repeatedly punished that rebellious crew. In the
meantime the "Gurii"• once again came out of the hills and engaged
himself in raising rebellion in the Bari Doab, plundering the
territory and people. 'Abdu'~ ~amad Khan having got the news of
the appearance of that ill-fated one, riding as fast as lightning and
wind, returned from the place where he was and baseiged the
"Gurii"• and his Sikhs in Gurdaspiira. Keeping in view the misery
and plight of the people and territory, he exerted himself, heart
and soul, to extirpate these Sikhs. He besieged them for one year
in such a rigorous manner that from nowhere could they receive
food, lead, or gunpowder. During this period heavy battles took
place between the Muslims and the Infidels, around the lines of
the siege. In these battles countless people from amongst those
rebels• [Sikhs] were slain or captured. He [Banda] (vainly) sought
a route to flee by. At last those doomed· ones driven near to death
by lack of provisions and subsistence, sent a message to the Khan
.Qhazi [' Abdu'& ~amad Khan] asking him to accept a huge amount
of money as present (peshkash), [in return for which] he should
open a route for them to flee by. That great soldier saw that to

138
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

take a bribe on this occasion would be against piety, and relying

upon [his own] courage increased his exertions in the task of
extirpating those Sikhs. Now that they lost hope on all counts,
they sent a fresh message, couched in the language of humility,
that[' Abdu'~ ~amad] Khan Oiler Jang should assure them safety
of life and seizing their arms from them send them to the Imperial
Court. Whatever the Emperor would order in their case, they would
accept, heart and soul. The Khan Qhazi accepted these terms. The
Muslim warriors entered the fort and the "Gurii",* along with over
two thousand armed persons, having surrendered their arms to the
Muslim_s, came out of the fort. He [Banda] saw Khan Ghazi, who
made all of them, including their deceitful leader, prisoners, and
posted trustworthy men as guards over them. This incident took
place on Wednesday, 21 Zi'll}ijj 1127 A.H. [18 December 1715].
In short, the valorous Khan sent a report of this great victory to
the Court. It was ordered that Khan Ghazi should despatch those
accursed people under the escort of Qamruddin Khan Bahadur,
son ofNawab l'timadu'ud Daulah, the son of Chin Bahadur, and
Zakariya Khan Bahadur, his [' Abdu-~ ~amad Khan's] own son, to
the Court. And so, according to the Imperial order, this was done.
The two young nobles (amlrs) taking those ilJ-fated persons with
perfect care and alertness entered the city of Delhi on Thursday,
17 Rabi' I of the said year [sic! Should be 1128 AH, =11 March
1716], and obtained the privilege of presenting themselves before
the Emperor, as will be recorded in the subsequent pages in some
detail, God wi11ing.

II
MS, ff.52b-54a
The entry into Shahjahabad IDelhi) of the warriors
of the Army of Islam, i.e. the Mumal Tiirini
commanders with the Sikh captives and prisoners,
along with the "Gurii"* with his sons, the head of
those hell-destined ones,* all deserving to be killed,
and all of those being killed every day in groups of
hundreds, and an Account of how they [the
commanders) entered the city with those dreaded
persons. God be praised!
On Thursday 17 Rabi' I the year stated above [ 11 March
1716], the victorious holy warriors brought the "Guro"" as prisoner
and under custody to the capital, Shahjahanabad, and entered the
fort in this state that the above named (guro) was sitting in an iron
139
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

cage placed on the back of an elephant, wearing a kimkh.wab jama

[long heavy skirted Court dress] of pomegranate-flowered gold
brocade, and a gold embroidered turban of fine red cotton cloth.
One of the soldiers from amongst the Tiirani Mughal retainers of
Mul)ammad Amin Khan, with a drawn sword, stood behind him.
In the front of the elephant ofthat wretch, the innumerable heads
of the Sikhs killed, were raised on the points ofbamboo poles. In
between a [dead] cat was put on the top of a bamboo pole, denoting
that every living being found with that condemned man• in
Gurdaspur had been captured, and none of them could escape alive
from the hands of the holy warriors. Behind the elephant carrying
that wretch came the faithless ill-fated Sikhs said to number over
seven hundred and forty. AJI of them were seated on camels, in
two pairs on each, without saddles. One hand of each man was
attached to his neck by a two-armed wooden frame, closed by an
iron pin. On their heads were hig!t caps of ridiculous shape made
of sheep-skin. A few who were the principal men and companions
of that wretch• [Banda Bahadur] and rode nearest to the elephant,
were put in sheep skins with the woolly side outwards, so that to
look at they resembled bears. Three or four of his principal men
had their hands in the wooden frame with caps similarly adorned.
After the cavalcade of these wretches had passed, Nawab
Mul)ammad Am in Khan Chin Bahadur Nu~rat Jang, accompanied
by his son, Qamruddin Khan, and his son-in-law, Zakariya Khan
Bahadur, son of 'Abdu~ ~amad Khan Oiler Jang, coming in the
rear, entered the city. That doomed one• was brought into the fort
and paraded before the Emperor. It was ordered that he be detained
in the prison of retribution for some days. The Sikh followers of
his• were also exempted for some days from being executed.
On this day [of their arrival] I went to the Salt Market
to witness the event and accompanied them from there to the
Imperial Fort. Of the people of the city there were few who did
not come to see the humbling of those rebels. • Large crowds
gathered in every lane and market such as had seldom appeared
before. The Muslims were in a happy and festive mood. Yet many
of those ill-fated ones [the Sikhs], who had come as prisoners in
this condition, insisted on standing fast by their villainy. There
was no sign of humility and submission on their faces. Rather
most of them, riding on the camels' backs, kept singing and reciting
melodious verses. If any one in the lanes and hazar reminded them
of the cruelties they had committed, which brought them to this
condition, they gave immediate and manly retorts, and attributed

140
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

their capture and humiliation to the doings of fate. If any one told
them that they would now be executed, they replied, "Let them
kill us! We do not fear death. Had we feared it, how could we
have fought so many battles with you? We have fallen in your
hands only because of hunger and lack of provisions; otherwise,
you would have come to know of our bravery far more than has
been witnessed till now."
To be short, for some days these ill-fated ones were
kept in prison. Finally, orders were given for their execution. Thus
on Tuesday, the 22nd of the above mentioned month ["16 March
1716], one hundred men among them were brought out and
beheaded in front of the Chabutra-i kotwali towards the Tarpolia.
In the same way one hundred persons were daily executed. Thus
in one week's time all of them were put to death. On Wednesday
the 23rd of the month [17 March], I went to witness their execution,
but by the time I reached there, the executions were over; the bodies
of those persons had just fallen, however, and were writhing in
blood and dust.

Notes
1
He is called •Ali l:famid Khan Qanauji on f.83a, where this incident
is again described.
1 This date is erroneous. See below, where a later event is placed early
in A.H. 1123.
3 Dabar means low-lying country, floodland. But here it seems to be
used as a place-name.
4
Some words are obviously omitted here in the MS.

141
12
Banda Bahadur' s Rebellion, 1710-16
Frotn Mul)ammad Hadi K~im\var I<J1an,
Tag_kiratu 's Saltf(in Clzagflatii

Translated by S. Ali Nadeem Rezavi

Some time in 1724, a retired Mughal official

and scholar, Mubammad Hadi Kamwar Khan, completed
a full-scale history of the Mughal dynasty. This was in
two volumes, the first brought down to the death of
Jahangir (completed, 1723), and the other, to 21 January
1724, when it ends suddenly. The portion ofVoi.II, giving
a narrative of events from Bahadur Shah's accession
( 1707) onwards is exceptionally important, since here the
author directly draws on official and semi-official sawani}J
and waqii 'i • (news reports, especially of the Court),
supplemented by his own observations. The chronological
framework is thus strong, and the work is most helpful in
fixing dates.
The account of Banda Bahadur's rebellion is
similarly drawn from official reports, but there is a vivid
eye-witness description of the battle between his forces
and the Mughal troops under Emperor Bahadur Shah
himself in the hills near Sadhaura. The translation is made
from Muzaffar Alam's edition of the latter portion
(covering the period 1707-24) of Vol. II, published from
Aligarh/Bombay, 1980.

TRANSLATION
I
Pp.93-94
Among the various occurrences of this year [Shah 'A lam

142
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

4 R.Y.= AD 1710] is that a person who was an ignoramus, false in

religion, and an outcast, had a few months previously appeared in
the Siwalik hills and became famous for his spiritual illuminations
and miraculous powers. A large number of persons belonging to
the class of sweepers and tanners, and the community of banjaras
and others of base and lowly castes, assembled around him and
became his disciples. The person• gave himself the title of"Fat'l}
Shah". First, he ravaged the township of Sadhaura and after that ··
he destroyed and burnt a large number of vii ages and towns and,
having killed the Muslim inhabitants and their families, he headed
towards Sahrind [Sirhind]. Wazir Khan had since long been holding
the faujdar"i of that place; he was descended from Wazir Khan
Akbar Shahi [a noble under Akbar]. He [Wazir Khan] came out
for a distance of 8 kurohs from Sahrind and a fierce battle and
heavy slaughter took place, and his principal officers were kiiJed.
He too was driven by his sense of pride to engage these faithless
heretics and so tasted the drink of martyrdom. His son, relatives
and friends and theplrzadas [men ofmystic families] ofSahrind,
along with their families, fled towards the Capital [Delhi]. These
rebels• who were as numerous as ants and locusts, reached Sahrind
in a twinkling of the eye, and collected about rupees two crores in
cash and goods from the effects of the above mentioned Khan and
a few lakhs from the effects of Suchanand, his peshkar (clerk)
and other Muslims of this place. They left no stone untumed in
inflicting insult and humiliation and burnt that beautiful town and
its good buildings. They strengthened its fort and turned their
attention to other towns and villages. So one army of theirs· went
towards Lahore and sacked Parasriir, Aimanabad [Emanabad] and
other old prosperous settlements. A great calamity also befeiJ
Shahabad, Thanesar and other towns, and those settlements too
were razed to the ground; the mosques too were destroyed. They
then dispersed towards Saharanpiir and Buriya. Out of evil-
heartedness and natural villainy, they slew unweaned Muslim
children, winning for themselves a place in hell. After these
distressing events were reported to the Court, Imperial farmans
and orders were issued to Khan-i Dauran Bahadur, the Governor
of Awadh, Mul}ammad Amin Khan Chin Bahadur, faujdar of
Muradabad, Khan-i Khanan Bahadur, the Governor of ~iiba
Allahabad, and Saiyid 'Abdullah Khan Baraha, that they should
proceed to the Capital [Delhi] and, in consultation with Ni~amu'l
Mulk A~afu'ddaula, set out to punish this rabble.

143
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

II
P.103
It was reported to the Court that Shamsuddin Khan,
faujdar of Ooaba Bet Jalandhar, engaged the rebels· in a battle on
19 Sha 'ban [ 13 October 171 0], putting many to the sword and
obtaining victory. The Emperor observed: "This is put to his
credit."

Rustam Oil Khan Bahadur reported that on the fourth

of the present month [Ram~an, = 27 October 171 0], Firoz Khan
Mewati engaged the rebels• in battle between lndri and Kamal.
Cutting off three hundred heads, he sent them to the Court. The
Emperor observed: "Put this to his credit." In reward of his good
performance he was appointed faujdar of Sahrind, and six robes
of honour were conferred on him and his colleagues.
On the 18th [of Rama2;an, = 10 November 1710], the
Imperial Camp was set up at the masonry bridge at Kamal. Rustam
Oil Khan submitted that the followers of that man • [Banda
Bahadur], who had established themselves at Thanesar and other
towns and villages, have fl'ed upon the approach of the Imperial
army. The Bakhshiu'l Mamalik "Amiru'l Umara Nu~rat Jang was
ordered to prepare a roll of the troops, this being as follows: In
the train of the elder Prince: 31 ,000 horse; in the train of each of
the three other Princes: 15,000 horse; with Jumdatu 'I Mulk
[Mun'im Khan]: 11,000 horse; with Mahabat Khan: 7,000 horse ...
On 22nd of that month [14 November 171 0] the Imperial
camp was set near A '~amabad Talaori, which had been renamed
'Alamgii-pur. Rustam Oil Khan presented to the Emperor a gold-
embossed shield which Firoz Khan had seized from the rebels•
and sent to the Court. He reported that the said [Firoz] Khan,
beating and repulsing the rebels, • had advanced from Thanesar to
Shahabad ...

III
Pp.lOS-108
On the sixth of Shawwal [28 November 1710], the
Emperor marched from the vicinity of Shahabad to encamp near
village Aukala. Mul}ammad Amin Khan Chin Bahadur was ordered
to chastise the accursed ones. It was reported that the wretch
[Banda Bahadur] has sent three thousand horse and three thousand
foot from Sadhaura to this side to establish entrenchments. Rustam
Oil Khan Bahadur reported that the base rabble marching into the

144
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

garden ofYa'qub Khan, fought a battle with the Afghans, 'Umar

Khan and Zaid Khan, and, being discomfited, have fled into the
fort of Sahrind.
. .
Orders were issued that Muhammad --
Amin Khan
Chin Bahadur should march immediately and lay siege to Sahrind.
On the thirteenth [5 December 171 0] after three marches, the
Imperial camp was set up in the vicinity ofSadhaura. The army of
the rebels• fled and took shelter in the hills. Three hundred heads
of the rebels; a few nishans (banners) and rockets (bans) [of the
enemy] sent by Mul)ammad Amin Chin Bahadur and Shams Khan
were shown to the Emperor. It was repeatedly represented to the
Emperor by young and old that the ill-fated wretch was so expert
in magic and sorcery as to exceed in skill the Samaritan sorcerers.
Flames of fire [it was said] come out of his banners(?) and rockets,
and his followers seldom receive wounds from swords and spears.
From such baseless talk the Emperor, nobles and soldiery were
much worried and perplexed. A/annan was issued to Rustam Dil
Khan Bahadur that the advance camp (peshkhana) of the King
should be sent ahead, to be fixed at an appropriate place and it be
guarded against the mischief of that rabble [Banda's followers],
and they should be vigilant. At the time of his departure a special
ear-cap was bestowed upon him. On the fourteenth [6 December]
it was reported to the Emperor that, as per orders, Jumdatu'l Mulk
Khan Bahadur and Mahabat Khan Ghalib Jang, along with their
troops, and Af~al Bakhshl along with the retainers of Prince
Rafi'u'sh Shan had proceeded in escort of the Advance Camp.
On this same date, the rebels· recieved chastisement
from the force of Imperial glory. The details of this incident are
as follows: when Rustam Dil Khan Bahadur took the Imperial
Advance Camp to a distance of two kurohs, by the official measure,
from the Imperial Camp, the ill-fated rebels• suddenly appeared
in the pla~n and attacked with arrows, rockets and musket shot.
The said Khan swooped upon that rabble like a falcon falling on a
pigeon, and boldly engaged them. After brave endeavours and
heroic attacks, he laid many of them to dust and some of their
chieftains also lost their lives. But they also compelled many of
the holy warriors [Imperial soldiers] to taste martyrdom and
inflicted injuries on a large number. They continually received
reinforcements. I was present in the Prince's army and saw with
my own eyes that each person from amongst .the rebels* came out
and engaged in battle with the brave soldiers ofthe Imperial army,
and after much endeavour and effort was put to the sword by the
holy warriors. At the same time the Imperial army and the retainers

145
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

of the high nobles surrounded and attacked them from all sides,
making obsolete the exploits of [the ancient heroes,] Rustam and
Isfandyar. A great battle and heavy slaughter took place. Around
one thousand five hundred from amongst that evil group along
with two of their pseudo-cammanders were killed. From the
victorious army. Firoz Khan Mewati's nephew attained martyrdom
and his son was wounded. Around three or four hundred persons
from amongst the Imperial soldiers and noble's retainers were
wounded.
Around sun-set that doomed host broke up, and,
receiving a severe blow, scurried towards the hills. The great nobles
caused the drums ofvictory to be beaten, and the flutes of success
were blown. Advancing to a distance of around one and a half
kurohs, the Advance Camp was pitched. Jumdatu'l Mulk Khan-i
Khanan and his son, Mahabat Khan, stood guard on the Imperial
Camp. Rustam Dil Khan Bahadur, Af~al Khan and other royal
officers advanced a further half kuroh and established an assault
post on the banks of the River Som. This river had a small amount
of water, and on the other side of the river was a plain full of
trees. The whole night there was much strange noise; and full guard
was mounted and vigilance exercised throughout the night. After
this victory was reported [to the Emperor], the battle was named
after Rq.stam Dil Khan. This was also proper since heroic deeds
were witnessed from him on that day: Though his companions
could not bear the brunt and had fled in different directions, he
along with forty or fifty horse of his own had stood the ground
and did not let the impudence of the enemy overawe him until the
whole army joined in the battle and drove away the rebels. • He
was favoured with the title of Ghazi Khan Rustam Jang. His
man~ab was enhanced to 4000/3000 ....
On 7th [17th?] Shawwal [29 November (9 December?)
171 0] the Emperor entered the Royal Camp which had been pitched
on the banks of River Som. The Jumdatu'l Mulk Khan-i Khanan
and Mahabat Khan Bahadur had the privilege of presenting
themselves. They were ordered to leave the next day to scout the
entrenchments established by the rebels· under the hills. Prince
Rafi'u'sh Shan was also ordered to go and make an inspection,
and if that doomed group showed impudence, he wa,s to severely
chastise that hellish crew.

146
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

IV
Pp.lOS-113.
The Defeat of the Doomed Sect,* False in religion,
who call themselves the Followers of Ninak, when
they are not the Followers of any old Religion.
On Friday, 19th Shawal or 18 A~ar month, 4th R.Y. I
AH 1122 [11 December 1710], which was a Friday, the Imperial
forces under the command of Prince Rafi'u'sh Shan started for
the skirt of the hills of Dabar. 1 The royal forces were formed in
the following fashion: The Prince led the van of the Imperial forces,
ahead at a quarter of a kuroh. Rao Udit Singh Bundela commanded
the van of the army of the Bakhshi'ul Mulk. Jumdatu'l Mulk Khan-
i Khanan [Mun'im Khan], along with his sons, Bakhshi'ul Mulk
Mahabat Khan and Khan-i Zaman, marched in the right wing, under
the guidance of some persons acquainted with that tract. In their
van were the forces of Rao Satrsal Bundela and Islam Khan
Bahadur, the Mir-i Atish (head of artillery]. J:lamiduddin Khan
and Prince 'A~imush Shan's officers and Jahan Shah's men also
marched with him.
Having determined to write only the true facts, I now
leave the testimony of the [official] reports (waqa'i ')and proceed
to put into writing what I myself saw without ornamentation of
any sort. One-fourth quarter of the day had not passed when
Jumdatul Mulk Khan-i Khanan along with his colleagues rapidly
moved forward upon the entrenchments of the rebels, • that had
been established on the hill tops. He launched an attack and a
fierce battle ensued with cannon and musket. The warriors, not
caring for the enemy's daring in their own love for martyrdom,
brought down those doomed ones from the hillocks, by their arrows
and musket fire. From the flashing of swords and spears, it
appeared that many of the infidels died from sword thrusts as well.
About noon the Khan-i Khanan advanced up to the fortified seat
of the doomed ones, which ~hey called Lohgarh. Much endeavour
and effort was put in from both sides and the market of giving and
taking life became brisk. By that time, the Imperial forces, crossing
over the plain ground, reached to a distance of a quarter kuroh
from the wall of Lohgarh. One or two cannon shots fired from the
top of the hill fell on the Imperial army, but due to God's Grace
no one was hurt. Amini'l Umara Bahidur Nu~rat Jang·went slowly
[lit. 'drawing back the reins'] and kept on sending the message to
the Emperor that caution required one to proceed slowly. Although
this appeared to be a piece of advice based on farsightedness, yet

147
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

to some farsighted ones it appeared that the negligence and

dilatoriness was due to the mutual ill-will and factiousness found
among people of the world. The Emperor, to keep him satisfied,
stopped for a short while to have his meal in his tent.
Just before the afternoon prayers, heavy smoke and a
loud uproar came from the entrenchments of the infidels. I, owing
to the ignorance of youth, separated from the Prince's forces, in
company with my adopted [son], Khidmatyab Khan, Khwaja
Amanullah, Qusbegz of Prince Mul)ammad Ibrahim, and some
others, and proceeded towards the encampf!1ent of the infidels.
After reaching within an arrow-shot distance of that mud-fort, we
drew our reins when a cannon-ball fired from [a gun] made from
a tamarind tree came from the top of the hillock and fell on the
neck ofthe horse of a friend ofmine. But due to the Grace of God,
no harm came to the horse. For a moment both the horse and its
rider were rendered senseless, but soon recovered. Just then,
Baluch soldiers of the Imperial forces, who had gone inside the
fort came out supporting the head and shoulders of an Afghan
who had received burns from a gun-powder explosion. From what
they said we learnt that the Imperial troops had attacked the fort
and were engaged in killing and plundering; and the devoted
defenders of that doomed sect were resisting till they were slain
by the holy warriors, and that on some hill-tops the doomed rabble
were still ready to give fight. Some of them had come into the
building at the top of a hill which that person of false religion
[Banda] had named Sitaragar:h and from where he was shooting
arrows and muskets. I along with my companions entered the
infidels' entrenchments, and had the sight of. what the plunderers
[from die Mughal forces] were doing. The plundering Baltich, the
Rohila Afghans and Baluch of the Imperial Camp, and the boy-
retainers from Kabul, were engaged in pillage and were making
captive and taking away whole families of women and children of
that doomed rabble; they were burning their homes and huts and
plundering cash and goods beyond computation. It was from the
hands of these pillagers that many gun-powder magazines caught
fire, burning many [to death]. The son of Suchanand, the peshkar
of the late Wazir Khan and a group of Muslim men and women,
whom on that day in their flight that evil crew [Banda's followers]
had killed, were found beneath some stones. On seeing such a
sight, if one had a heart, one could not but break down and wonder
on the changes of fortune.
At that time an Imperial officer, Mirza Rukn by name,

148
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

came from the van and reported that fighting and killing was going
on at the passages in the hills and Rustam Oil Khan Bahadur on
reaching a white building on the hillock had encircled it, believing
that warring Infidel [Banda] himself was inside that building. [He
said, however, that] what he believed to be true was that that person
of false religion was really sitting under that tent on that hillock
and from there watching the endeavours of his devoted followers.
His route [of retreat] is quite outside this hillock [which Rustam
Oil Khan had encircled].
We were engaged in this conversation when Raja Udit
Singh Bundela, goaded by the taunts of his rivals like Satrsal
Bundela, was moved to separate himself from the Imperial forces
and rush towards that very hillock [containing Banda's tent]. His
mounted musketeers occupied a hill-top equal in height to that
hillock and began firing from there. That evil one, • who was in
that tent with his chosen followers, became desperate and like a
demon of the wild, in the depth of despair, escaped by the other
side of the hillock. After his flight many of the hillocks which
were infested by the rebels, • became empty of them. The said Raja
reached that hillock and through musket fire sent to their death
\
many of the doomed ones who had fled to hills and valleys.
Also by the same device in a befitting manner, the Khan-
i Khanan's companions proceeding bravely reddened their hands
with the blood of those infidels. Near the time of the sunset prayers,
none of the rebels· remained, except those who still fought in the
white building. All the wealth, goods, women and children, horses
and camels of that doomed sect fell into the hands of the victorious
army. The Khan-i Khan an left Rustam Oil Khan to prosecute the
siege of that building and himself proceeded, according to imperial
orders, along with his sons and companions and the Prince's army
to the Imperial camp, to submit a report of the battle. Since in that
noise and tumult no one knew what had happened to that rebel"
[Banda], he reported that he was being taken prisoner and was
being brought a captive. He received much praise and appreciation
[from the Emperor]. I, who reached the Imperial camp, saw that
the Prince and the Amiru'l Umara Bahadurwere sittingjust where
they had stood, by imperial orders, and till midnight the noise of
battle in the hills, which were nearby, continued to be heard. In
late hours of the night a very terrifying sound came so much so
that the earth beneath the camp shook. The Imperial harkaras
(intelligence-gatherers) having arrived, reported that the noise was
due to the bursting of the wooden gun, which the doomed crew

149
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

had constructed from tamarind-wood and had been firing. At

midnight they filled it with gunpowder [and setting it on fire]
exploded that gun and fled.
On 20th of Shawwal [ 12 December 171 0] Rustam Dil
Khan captured all the rebels• who were fighting in the building,
and brought them before the Emperor along with five elephants,
three cannon pieces, seventeen gun-carts, one canopy (saiban ),
and a few silver sticks, belonging to that rebel [Banda]. He received
much praise, and one female elephant out of that booty was
conferred on him. According to imperial orders, Sarbarah Khan,
kotwal, put to the sword twelve companions of that rebel• [Banda],
of whom the leader was a tobacco-seller, named Gulaba.
Since it was destined that the rebel.[Banda] would
receive punishment only in the reign of His Majesty's grandson,
Emperor Farrukhsiyar, that infidel, of false religion, was able to
escape to safety, despite all the effort of the Emperor, the Prince,
and so many high nobles. This displeased the Emperor, and he
was not happy after this victory.
Farmans were sent to the chief of Srinagar [Garhwat]
and the chief of Nahan [Sirmur state] that they should capture that
infidel and send him [to the court] .... On 25th [ 17 December 171 0]
nearly twenty lakh rupees, including ashrafis [gold coins] were
collected from Lohgarh after digging up the ground. On the 26th
towards the end of the night it began to rain and there was a
hailstorm too .... On 2 Ziqa'd, [23 December] the Emperor moved
camp and stay was made at the village of. Piiri. l:famid Khan
Bahadur brought Bhiip Prakash, son of Hari Prakash, zam"indar of
Nahan, to the imperial Court. His Majesty ordered that he be
imprisoned.

v
Pp.119-20
[Events of Regnal Year 5 of Bahadur Shah]
[As Bahadur Shah marched slowly from the vicinity of
Lohgarh (Banda's fort) towards Lahore] on the fourth of ~afar
[24 March 1711), it was ordered by the Emperor that Bhiip Prakash,
the chief (zam"indar) of Nahan should be put in the iron cage that
had been made for the ill-mannered rebel• [Banda] and be taken
with all care to the capital [Delhi], to be imprisoned in the fort of
Salimgarh. 2 This was done. His mother had sent to the Imperial
Court thirty and odd persons of that base sect [Sikhs], so as to
secure her son's release. 3 They were executed. The Emperor

150
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

observed that unless she sends him [Banda] as captive, his [Bhup
Prakash's] release is difficult.

B
Pp.125-6, 129
18th [Rabi' II, =5 June 1711 ], ... it was reported that
Shams Khan [ex:faujdar ofDoab Beth Jalandhar] and his brother
had tasted martyrdom in a battle with the base ones (Sikhs]. 'lsa
Khan Ma'in was appointed deputy:faujdar ofDoab Beth Jalandhar
and honoured with a man~ab of 1500 eat, 1000 sawar. On 23rd of
that month ·(10 June], the Imperial Camp was pitched near the
village of Hoshiarpiir [Jalandhar Doab, on the Emperor's way to
Lahore] .... It was reported to the Emperor that 'lsa Khan had
inflicted much punishment [in battle] on the rebels.• Since he was
one of the suit of the eldest Prince, the Prince received the gift of
a robe of honour, sword and ornamented dagger ... On the 28th
[15 June] it.was reported to the Emperor that Mul}ammad Amin
Khan Chin Bahadur and Ghazi Khan Bahadur Rustam Jang [new
titles of Rustam Oil Khan] had overtaken the rebel• [Banda] near
Parasriir and inflicted a· heavy defeat on him. He, in a very
devastated condition, fled into the Mountains of Jammu. To each
of the two commanders, were sent afannan, a robe of honour, a
turban ornament (jlgha) and a sword with a bejewelled scabbard.

On the 19th [Rajab, 31 August 1711] it was reported

that Ghazi Khan Rustam Jang [Rustam Dil Khan] came away,
without orders, from the pursuit of the rebet [Banda] and has
alighted in his house. Stem orders were issued to Islam Khan
Bahadur, the Mir Atish [Chief of Artillery], Mahabat Khan
Bahadur, Mukhli~ Khan Bahadur and Sar Barah Khan, the Kotwal,
that he should be arrested and imprisoned in the fort of Lahore.

VI
[Initial phase of Reign of Farrukh Siyar]
Pp.186, 189
[On 15 Jumada II 1125, 9 July 1713] Keshav Rao,
Harkara [Intelligencer] presented a report to the Emperor that on
the 9th of the month [3 July],' Abdu'~ $amad Khan and Zainuddin
Abmad Khan had a battle with the rebels: Many of those doomed
ones were put to the sword and, from the Imperial forces, Baqa
Beg, etc., tasted martyrdom.

151
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

On 20th [ofRam~an, 10 October 1713], Keshav Rao,

Harkara, presented a report to the Emperor, that the rebels, • fleeing
from Sidhaura have taken the route of Dabar, many being killed
and wounded.

VII
Pp.208-23
[Fourth Regnal Year of Farrukh Siyar]
During these times [around 15th Rabi' I, = 21 March
1715] the news constantly arrived from the Panjab that that infidel
of false religion [Banda], who in the late reign of Khuld Manzil
[Bahadur Shah], having suffered much chastisement, had hidden
himself in the ravines of the hills, had now come out of the
mountains with a huge host and razed many of the Panjab towns
to the ground, extending the hand of cruelty and oppression over
the people. A Jarman was issued to 'Abdu'~ ~amad Khan Oiler
Jang, that he should personally undertake to chastise that heretic.
Qamruddin Khan Bahadur, son ofl'timaduddaula, Afrasiyab Khan,
the 3rd Bakhshi, Mu~affar Khan Bahadur, Riija Udit Singh
Bundela, Riija Gopal Singh Bhadauria and many other nobles,
honoured with robes of honour, horse and elephant, were ordered
to join the expedition against him.

The thirteenth ofthat month [Rabi' II,= 18 April 1715]

it was reported that the doomed ones• had established themselves
in Gurdaspur, and' Abdu'!:i $amad Khan Bahadur and other nobles
had laid siege to it, and were engaged in setting up batteries and
digging entrenchments. I'timadu'ddaula was ordered to write to
them with emphasis that that heretic, together: with his dependants
must be either killed or captured.
Twenty-sixth [1 May 171 5] ... From the news received
from the Panjab it was reported that the Imperial forces had driven
the besieged to dire straits, and every day as a party of the rebels•
comes out it gets slain.

From the 26th of that month [Z.i'lbijja, 11 December

1715] the assembly of the celebration of the victory over
Mu'izzuddin [Jahandar Shah] was held in the Diwan-i •Am ...
During the noise, music, merry-making and joyousness [of the
celebration], l'timaduddaula Bahadur presented to the Emperor
the report of •Abdu'~ $amad Khan Bahadur Oiler Jang, giving the
good news ofthe capture ofthe heretic• [Banda], with his relations

152
 Banda Bahadur 's Rebellion

and dependants. The Emperor offered double prayers to express

thanks and made the occasion more joyous and merrier; the nobles
offered congratulatory salutations.
[Fifth Regnal Year]
Fifteenth [Rabi' I, = 9 March 1716]: It was reported [to
the Emperor] that Qamruddin Kh.an Bahadur, son of
l'timadu'ddaula, and Zakariya Khan Bahadur, son of Khan
Bahadur Oiler Jang, have brought the heretic• [Banda] with his
principal men and companions, who had been taken prisoner on
21 Zill;tijja [6 December 1715], and are encamped near Agharabad.
The order was issued that I'timaduddaula Bahadur should go there
and bring that doomed crew, in a manner that is suitable for this
base gang, to the Imperial Presence. On the 17th of that month
[11 March], l'timaduddaula Bahadur brought into the Fort, that
chiefofthe heretics, placed in an iron cage, along with his principal
men and companions, made to wear wooden-hats and to appear
strange and ridiculous. To see this doomed* crew, so many people
gathered from the city and suburbs that it was difficult to move in
the roads and streets, and hard to breathe. The above-mentioned
rebel• [Banda], along with Jai Singh, and another, that is, two
persons, who were his principal men, were handed over to the Mir
A-tish lbrahimuddin .Khan to be incancerated in the Tarpoliya, and
his three-year old son, his wife and the son's nurse were handed
over to Darbar Khan, Superintendant (NQ_~ir) of the Harem. Six
hundred and ninety-four persons from amongst his followers were
handed over to Sar Barah Khan, the Kotwal, so that every day a
party from amongst them might be killed by the sword by the
executioners.
The suppression of this tumult was only due to the
Emperor's rising good fortune whereby this was achieved through
.the courage and bravery and excellent tactics of Khan Bahadur
Oiler Jang. For to wise men it is noteworthy that though His Late
Majesty [Bahadur Shah], with four princes and so many nobles,
determined to quell this rebellion, it proved fruitless. This time,
the fire of this tumult was extinguished very easily, and that heretic
with some thousands ofhis followers was captured, being ensnared
in the web of his own deeds, and several thousand ofhis doomed
followers were driven to death by starvation and thirst during the
siege ... [Rewards to I'timaduddaula, Qamruddin Khan and
Zakariya Khan]. The follo.wing weapons of the rebels· were
brought and deposited in the Fort by Zakariya Khan: Swords, 1000;
shields, 278; bows, 173; muskets, 180;jamdhars [daggers], 114;

153
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

knives, 217. Some gold ornaments, 23 [gold] muhrs, and six

hundred and odd rupees in cash were also deposited in the Imperial
Treasury.
Sar Barah Khan, Kotwiil, had a hundred persons of this
doomed sect beheaded everyday. By imperial orders he handed
over seventeen of his [Banda's] functionaries to the Mir Atish on
the 27th [21 March 1716], taking them to the Fort of the Capital
[Delhi]. He [the Kotwiil] suspended the corpses of the executed
persons from trees around the city.
29th [Jumada II, 20 June 1716]. Sar Barah, the Kotwiil,
and Ibrahimuddin Khan, the Mlr Atish, had the doomed rebel•
[Banda] executed with much torture along with his three-year old
son, and twenty-six of his companions, in the proximity of the
tomb of Kb,waja QU:tbuddin, the saint; and thus the world was
cleansed of the presence of that polluted one.

Notes
1
Diiman-i Kohistiin-i Diibar. This expression suggests that diibar
should not be taken as a word meaning low-lying floodland, but as a
territorial name. However, Dlbar docs not appear on maps, and seems
otherwise to be unknown as a name of the district north of Sadhaura.
Bhiip Prakash had been captured by Mughal forces raiding Nahan in
pursuit of Banda Bahadur. He was suspectea of having let Banda flee
through his territory. From the fact that he is designated "zamindiir
of Nahan", and, in the subsequent Jines, his mother is mentioned as
trying for his release, one must infer that his father Hari Prakash was
by now dead.
3 Irvine (Later Mughals, I, p.ll7) misunderstands this sentence. The
thirty-odd men were not emissaries "sent by his mother to plead for
his release", but Sikh prisoners sent by the mother to prove her
sincerity in fighting Banda, in the hope that this would moderate the
Emperor's wrath against her son and so secure his release.

154
13
Banda Bahadur an(i his
Followers
From Khafi Khan, l\4untakhabu ·t Lub{ib

Translated by Majida Bano

The most-used Persian source for Banda

Bahadur's rebellion so far has been Khafi Khan's famous
history of India, the Muntakhabu 'I Lubiib, completed in
173'1. The work has been printed, having been edited by
Kabiruddin Al,tmad and Ghulam Qadir, Bib. Ind., Calcutta,
1860-74, 2 vols. It was also translated practically in
extenso (for the period 1659-1731) by John Dowson in
H.M. Elliot and J. Dowson, The History of India as told
by its own Historians, VII, pp.2 1 1-533. In the printed
edition of the Persian text the account of the Sikhs is spread
in Vol.II of Khafi Khan's history over pp.651-61, 669-
675, 761-67, corresponding to Dow son's translation,
pp.413-420, 423-25, and 456-59.
There is no doubt that Khafi Khan furnishes a
fairly detailed account; but since we have even more
detailed and earlier accounts like those of the 'lbratniimas
of Mirza Mul,tammad and Saiyid Mul,tammad Qasim and
the very accurate and chronologically rigorous narrative
in Hadi Kamwar Khan's T~kiratu 's Salq(ln Chaghatii,
from all of which full accounts of the Sikhs have been
extracted and translated above, a full translation of Khafi
Khan's account now appears redundant. Still, despite his
loose chronology and not a few inaccuracies, Khafi Khan
does add to our information. But since Dawson's
translation running to over a dozen pages is available in
fairly accessible reprints, it has seemed best to restrict the

155
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

translation here to just two passages.

Passage I (printed text, pp.671-2) is taken from
Khafi Khan's account of Bahadur Shah's assault on
Banda's forces at Lohgarh (near Sadhaura). This passage,
important for Khafi Khan's appreciation of how the Sikhs
fought (he is apparently the only Persian writer who
records Fateh Darshan as the war-qry of Banda's
followers), is badly represented in Dowson 's translation,
p.424, being abridged to barely four or five lines. A full
rendering, therefore, seemed called for.
Passage II (printed text, pp. 765-67) is Khafi
Khan's account of Banda and his fellow captives' entry
into Delhi and their execution there in 1716. Here
Dowson's translation (pp.457-9) is fairly fulJ and accurate.
Khafi Khan qualifies himself as an eye-witness, and, for
this reason, it has been thought that a fresh, independent
version of this oft-quoted account of that memorable event,
with its unflinching martyrs, may fittingly find a place in
this volume.

TRANSLATION
I
Pp.671-2
[Mughal siege of Lohgath, under Bahadur Shah]
That wretched chief of that sect [Banda Bahadur],
accompanied by his error-tending, doomed followers, whom
wealth-seeking as well as deep faith had bound to that eternally
misled one, incited and encouraged [his followers] to fight and
resist with such fables and inducements as that whoever is kilJed
in this battle will without delay in the very form, whether beardless
or bearded, in which he dies• would return and attain further
progress in the stages of worldly' life. Those persons• who
regarded the statement of their spiritual leader and chief (pzr o
peshwii) in the matter of transmigration of souls (which is
condemned by all scripture-believing God-praying faiths) as
absolutely proved, lent their ears in agreement. Coming out of the
fort with all alacrity, enthusiasm and inclination, they raised the
cry of"Fat 'b Darshan", [and] "Sachcha Badshiih,"2 at the time of
battle, and like insects threw themselves madly and bravely upon
the fire of artillery and the edge of the sword and the· tips of arrows
and spears. They launched rank-shaking assaults on the imperial
entrenchments, and every day many were killed. Some Muslims

156
 Banda and his Followers

also earned the eternal merit of martyrdom. Although from the

lower castes of Hindus, countless people like ants and locusts had
gathered round him [Banda] and lost no time in getting killed or
coming into battle for his sake, yet, they did not harm such Hindus
of high status as Khatris of the Punjab, who were colluding in the
plans and designs of that rebel• [Banda] or the Jats, famous for
their bravery, who were supporting and joining the army of that
doomed one. All remaining Hindus, along with the Muslims, they
regarded as deserving to be killed. To observers of military
conflicts it is apparent that in most armies, among two or three
thousand horsemen, if there are one or two. hundred horsemen,
who are brave and loyal to the salt to the extent of sacrificing
their lives, this becomes a cause for the honour and victory of that
army. In contrast was this wretched sect, in which despite most of
them being foot-soldiers, there was hardly anyone among them,
either horse or foot, who did not consider being killed like sheep
in the path of his spiritual leader (murshid) as his own greatest
wish and aspiration. This reason and their greed for wealth,
precious goods and jewels, which came into their hands through
plunder, became a fresh factor for the success and triumph of those
beggarly, doomed men: Ordinary people of little faith attributed
it to magic and sorcery practised by that sect.

II
Pp.765-67
After the [successful] endeavour of~ Abdu'~ $amad
Khan [in capturing Banda Bahadur] had been reported to the
Emperor and commended by him, an imperial order was sent
requiring that rebel to be despatched [to the court] along with the
heads of those killed as well as the captives. ~ Abdu-~ $amad Khan
[Governor of Lahore] sent off nearly two thousand straw-filled
heads and one thousand persons chained in irons under the escort
of his son Zakariya Khan and Qamruddin Khan. In the middle of
the Muharram of that year [about 9 January 1716]3 when the
captives and heads of that infamous sect arrived near the capital
[Delhi], the Emperor ordered I~timadu'ddaula Mu}.tammad Amin
Khan, the [Imperial] Bakhshi, to go out of the city and bring to
the city that rebel• [Banda] and his companions, with wooden
frames as their headgear and blackened faces, him [Banda] to be
mounted on an elephant, others on camels, and the heads carried
on spears, so that this might serve as a warning to spectators against
oppressing people. After he entered the city and passed under the

157
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

Emperor's view, the Emperor ordered the chief of that crew of

rebels [Banda] with his son and two or three trusted companions
of his to be confined in the Fort. As for the others, he ordered that
every day two hundred or three hundred persons of that evil sect
be executed in front of the chabiitra [platform] of the Kotwall
[office of head of city police] and on the roads of the hazar. From
amongst the Khatris, [some] who regarded themselves in secret
as the followers and disciples of that rebel, • approached
Mul.tammad Amin Khan and other intermediaries of nobles with
offers of large sums of money in return for that wicked man's life
being spared, but this was not listened to. After the execution of
all his followers was over, the Emperor ordered that, first, by his
own hand his son should be killed with the same lack of mercy as
that man • had shown in killing the children of others; thereafter,
limb after limb of his should be cut. This punishment, a suitable
recompense for the misdeeds of that evildoer, should also be meted
out to his companions. Indeed, who did something, for which he
did not receive? Who sowed anything that he did not harvest!
Couplet:
Do not be unaware of the consequences of your deeds.
From [sowing] wheat, comes wheat; from barley, comes
barley.
What can one write of the [firm] beliefthat sect• had in
that ill-fated man•? Many instances are reported, which reason
hesitates to accept. But what this writer himself saw is now being
recorded: During the executions of that group, the mother of one
of them, who was a youth in fresh bloom, obtained some means
and a patron, and made a complaint to the Emperor and Saiyid
'Abdullah Khan [the WazTr], plead~ng with humility and
importunity that her son was actually one of the victims and
prisoners of that heretic, having been made captive by them. after
his own property had been plundered: without any fault of his, he
had now been made a prisoner as being one of that group, and,
though innocent, was due to be executed. [The Emperor,]
Mul.tammad Farrukh Siyar took pity on that deceiving woman,
and appointed a mace-bearer from the Court to secure her son's
release. That artful woman reached her son with the order of his
release when the executioner was standing over the head of that
rebel with a blood-spilling sword. She gave [the executioner] the
order of his release. Her son, however, cried out [to the
executioner]: "My mother lies. I am, heart and soul, a life-
sacrificing believer and devotee of my Guide (murshid) [Gurii].

158
 Banda and his Followers

Send me soon to join my companions [already killed]."

They say, l'timaduddaula Mu\lammad Amin Khan, at
the time of their meeting, asked that doomed rebel• now due to be
killed, that is, the_ chief of that sect [Banda]: "Your present
demeanour exhibits signs of wisdom and a sense of justice. How
were you led to such ways that you did not consider the
consequences of your deeds, and for a few (lit. four) days of this
ill-destined life, committed such cruelties and odious deeds upon
Hindus and Muslims?" He replied; "In all religions and
communities, whenever disobedience and defiance [of God], in
excess of all limits, begins to be displayed by man, the embodiment
of rebellion, the True Avenger then appoints someone as cruel as
I to impose penalty on man for his sins, so that he may become
the means for affecting retribution on that community for its
misdeeds. Couplet:
When He wants to make the world desolate;
He entrusts the country to the hands of a cruel man.
Afterwards for the punishment of his [the retributor's]
own misdeeds, He bestows victory over him to a man of authority
like you, so that he too obtains punishment for his deeds in this
world, as we and you are now witnessing."

Notes
1 In the text, cfinavl (religious): but I take it from the context that the
author intended dunyav'i: in Persian writing the two words arc hard
to distinguish.
Fateh Darshan was a cry said to have been adopted by Banda, and
was rejected by Sikhs later on, since it signified "Victory to the Sect",
as if Sikhism was only a darshana or sect of Hinduism. Sachclra
Biidshah was a much earlier designation for God or the Guru, meaning
the True or Spiritual King.
3 This date is wrong by about two months; the event took place in
March 1716.

159
 14
Banda Bahadur and his :f~ollowers
Frotn Mul).an1111ad Shafi' "Wari(f', i'tfir ·at-i
Jf7aridiit

Translated by lrfan Hab(b

Mul)ammad Shafi' Warid completed his work

on 18 April 1734. As contained in British Library MS Add.
6579, the Mir 'at-i Waridat is a straightforward history of
the Mughal dynasty.
In view of the fact that details of Banda
Bahadur's invasion have already been furnished from
earlier sources in this volume, the translati.on from Warid's
work is restricted to a few extracts on the social character
of Banda Bahadur's rebellion. These passages occur in
Warid's chapter on the reign ofBahadur Shah (1707-12),
on folios 117a-118b of the Br. Lib. MS Add.6579.

TRANSLATION
Br. Lib., Add. 6579, ff.117a-118b
[Assassination of Guru Gobind Singh at the hands of
an Afghan at Nander -]Owing to the occurrence of this sudden
event, the leaders of his community (kh_ulafii'-i millat-ash)
consulted among themselves, and, after making satisfactory
preparations, sent off to Hindiistan a conjurer who had great
identity of appearance with that man• [Guru Gobind], on a
mischievous [lit. fruitless, ignorant] errand. They sent letters to
the zamlndars of the territories of the Punjab and Hindiistan, who
belonged to his circle ofbelievers, that Guru Gobind, while in the
army of the Emperor, had died• at the hands of an Afghan, but,
according to his will, in a short while, he will, through the

160
 Banda and his Followers

transmigration of his soul, wear the robe of honour of sovereignty;

reappearing afresh as a living person. In this situation it is meet
that every one should raise the banner of independence [from
Mughal rule] and, recognizing obedience to him as the source of
worldly wealth and the means of eternal salvation, not allow delay
or reflection to occur in contributing money, goods and property.
After the perusal of these letters every person in his village began
to wait most anxiously for the coming of that cruel deceiver. Then,
all of a sudden, he declared his presence in the township of
Kharkhoda, four farsakhs [=kurohs] from the capital [Delhi]. Its
zam"indiir, who a few a years earlier than this had gone to visit
GurU Gobind and had knowledge of his appearance and manners,
dedicated himself wholeheartedly to the obedience of that conjurer,
who had made himself similar in appearance to him. He carried
the news of his coming to the Sikhs in all directions. "Sikh" is the
title by which the believers and followers of that line [lit. family]
are known since the time of Nanak.

[After the defeat and death ofWazir Khan and the sack
of Sahtind (Sirhind):] When Sahrind became the seat of that evil
sect, they sent forces to the surrounding tracts and destroyed the
families of those who had not bent their heads in obedience to
them from older times. Whether Muslims or Hindus, everyone who
was not enrolled among his followers was put to the sword by
those cruel men: Since the cruelty of that man· [Banda] has been
mentioned by this truthful pen, it is meet that some lines be written
about his habits and manners ... After the slaying of Wazir Khan,
he laid down that of Hindus and Muslims, whoever became
enrolled among his Sikhs, should be of one body and take their
meal together so that the distinction in honour between the lowly
and the well-born was entirely removed and all achieved mutual
unison, acting together. A sweeper of spittle sat with a raja of
great status, and they felt no hostility to each other. He [Banda
Bahadur] thus initiated numerous innovations and strange practices
and put them into effect ....
When the power of that chief. of that cruel and
inequitous army reached its acme, with the Sikhs gathering around
him from all parts ofHindiistan, Dakhin, Bengal, Kiibul, Kashmir
and other places - for no village or city is without this topsy-
turvy sect, - he in a very short time completed the building of a
stone fort of great strength at the foot of the Siwalik Hills near
Shahdaura (Sadhaura], of which he had laid the foundations. He

161
 SIKH HISTOitY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

made that fort his seat, and sent his officials to administer every
city and village far and near.
Strange it was how through God-decreed fate, the
courage and bravery of the inhabitants of those places had departed.
If a lowly sweeper or cobbler (chamar), more impure than whom
there is no caste (qaum) in Hindiistan, went to attend on that rebel, •
he would be appointed to govern his own town and would return
with an order (sanad) of office of government in his hand. The
moment he stepped into the territory, or town, or village, all the
gentry and notables went out to receive him, and after his alighting
at his house, stood with folded hands before him. Since that man
of low nature would have information about the real condition of
all houses, what unprecedented impositions did they not inflict on
the better-placed persons of that place and what cruelty did they
not invent! No Hindu or Muslim could have the power to see, or
hear of, such cruelty. He [the official sent by Banda] would demand
whatever precious goods were in anyone's house and deposit it in
the ill-destined treasury of the Guro. • No person could oppose his
orders. Such is the power of Almighty that in the twinkling of an
eye He .can put such a lowly person in authority over a whole
world of the high-born in such a manner that so many thousand of
persons who had displayed bravery in so many manly contests,
became helpless and lost even the courage to speak in front of
that single man.

162
15
Gttru Gobind Singh and his .Fatnily
after his Death, to 1759-60
From Chatutman, Chalziir Gulshan

Translated by Irfan Habib

Rai Chaturman Saksena completed in 1759-60

a work entitled Chahar Gulshan, which is fairly well
known among historians for the geographical information
it provides. Less well known is the information given in
its fourth part or gulshan about religious sects. The Sikhs
or 'Nanak Panthis' have the last section of this portion
devoted to them. The author dates his work by a
chronogram in the preface to A.H. 1173/A.D. 1759-60,
and the account of the Sikhs is also brought down to that
year. While there are obvious inaccuracies in Chaturman's
account of the Guriis before Guru Gobind Singh, some of
which are queried in the translation below, his account is
important for the light it sheds on the history of Guru
Go bind Singh's family subsequent to his death, especially
the spiritual claims of his adopted son Ajit Singh and the
Guru's two widows, whose history it carries down to 1759-
60. The avoidance of any reference to Banda Bahadur may
be noted. The traditional Sikh version of the history of
Mata Sundari, Ajit Singh and Hathi Singli would be found
in Macauliffe, Sikh Religion, V, pp.254-57. Where a
comparison has indicated any important points of
difference between Chaturman's narrative and the Sikh
accounts of this phase, these have been noticed in the foot-
notes.
In this text the word Gurii is sometimes written
as Gorii as well, but we have uniformly read Gurii.

163
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

The entire account is translated below mainly

from the Habibganj MS 32/157, ff. 157a-159b, which has
been compared with Jawahar Museum MS Jim-fa-81,
ff.84a-86a: both the MSS are in the Maulana Azad Library,
Aligarh. Some stray notices of the Sikhs in the earlier
portion of the Chahar Gulshan, Habibganj MS, ff40b, 53b,
141 a, are given in Addendum.

TRANSLATION
[From Gulshan IV:section on Hindu Sects] ff.157a-159b
Nanak Panthis: The name' of [the founder of the line
of] their leaders (khulafti') is Nanak. He was a person of great
goodness. His followers hold him to have been opposed to the
Veda. The separate faith probably either derives from the path he
established or is the innovation of his spiritual successors. In any
case, it is necessary to give an account of the sect ofNanak in this
short work. They [his followers] are in such large numbers that in
every country and city they are to be counted in thousands. At
some places, which is especially connected with them, lakhs of
them assemble. Guru Nanak was a Vaishnav, worshipping Ram
(bishnau Ram-asandi). He was seized by a divine impulse, and
God absorbed him in Himself. His disciples have a way of life
and clothing different from others.
Guru Nanak had his home at 12 kurohs from Lahore,
where till today his descendants live. He himself was born in 888
AH [A.D.1483-4][in the reign of] Sultan Bahlol in the village of
Talwandi Rai Bhona in pargana Rabun[?], in the ~iiba of the
Punjab. His father Kalu was a modf[steward] in the establishment
of King Babur[!]. An account of his [Nanak's] perfections is
beyond ·the compass of speech or writing. At ten years he attained
powers of illumination and miracle. After travelling through many
countries, he came to the township of Batiila. There he lived on
the bank of river Ravi, and gave guidance to large numbers of
people, by his speech and preaching. A musician called Mardana
accompanied him. He [Nanak] captivated men's hearts by setting
to rhyme verses in praise of His qualities, which are full of truths
and contain intricate matters and subtleties. He took to giving
[spiritual] instruction at the age of twenty and died in A. H. 1096
[sic! 956 AH= AD 1549-50?] during the time when Sher Shah's
son, Salim Shah ruled over Delhi. His late Majesty Emperor Babur
also met him. He gave spiritual guidance for fifty years and lived
for seventy-three years.

164
 Family of Guru Gobind Singh

Guru Angad was the second mal}a/. Belonging to the

Sarin [Tarhan(?), subcaste of the] Khatri caste, he was one of the
close companions of Guru Nanak, who gave him the title of Guru
Angad. He nominated him his successor before his own death.
Although Guru Nanak had two sons, yet since they did not possess
spiritual attainments, the status of successor and occupant of the
spiritual seat was conferred on Guru Angad. He ascended the seat
in the reign of Humayun in A.H.1 096 [sic!]. He died during
Akbar's reign, after conferring benefits on his desciples for thirteen
years.
Guru Amardas: He was a Bhalla Khatri. Guru Angad
had no son. He put Amardas on his seat. He lived in Emperor
Akbar's time and died in A.H. 994 [A.D. 1586]. His reign as
spiritual guide lasted for twenty-four years.
Guru Nara'indas [Ramdas] became his successor. He
was of the Sodhi Khatri caste and the son-in-law of Guru Amardas.
He ascended to the spiritual seat in AH 994 in the reign of Emperor
Akbar and died in AH 999 [AD 1590-91] in the reign of Emperor
Jahangir [sic!]. The period of his reign as successor was seven
years.
Guru Arjan occupied the spiritual seat after his father.
Both his period of reign and death took place in Jahangir's reign,
[the death] in A.H. 1024 [A.D. 1615 - sic!]. The period of his
spiritual reign: twenty-five years.
Guru [Hargobind], Guru Arjan 's good son lent lustre
to the spiritual seat during the reign ofEmperor Jahangir and partly
during the reign of Shahjahan. In the latter reign he passed away.
His spir.itual reign lasted thirty-eight years.
Guru Har Rai. His father bore the name of Gurditta,
being the son of Guru Hargobind, and dying in his father's lifetime.
He succeeded to his grandfather's seat and died in the reign of
'Alamgir Aurangzeb in A.H. 1087 [A.D. 1676-77]. His spiritual
reign lasted seventeen years.
Guru [Har Kishan] occupied the spiritual seat in the
said year. He died after a year, and is also known as Bala Guru.
Guru Tegh Bahadur ascended the seat of spiritual
succession in 1089 [AD t 678-79] in the reign of' Alamgir. In the
same reign, he was killed in Shahjahanabad [Delhi]. His period of
spiritual reign was eleven years.
Guru Gobind, the son of Tegh Bahadur, ascended the
spiritual seat in the reign of' Alamgir and died in 1122 A. H. [A.D.
1710-11] during the reign ofBahadur Shah. He guided his disciples

165
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

for twenty-one years. An Afghan, whose father had been killed

by Tegh Bahadur, came to him and became his companion. He
played chess (chaupiir) with him. One day Guru Gobind told him.
"A true son is one who takes revenge for his father." He [the
Afghan] went on playing at that time. Again he [the GurU] spoke
some words to provoke his sense of self-respect. The Afghan was
left with no option, and thrusting a dagger Uhamdhar) into the
Guru Gobind's stomach, killed him. 2
Till Guru Gobind, these ten persons were oft~e choice
[successively continuing] of Guru Nanak, and are regarded as
eminently authoritative.
Guru Ajit Singh sat on the spiritual seat in A.H.1123
[A.D. 1711-12] towards the end ofBahadur Shah's reign. Since
of the two sons of Gurii Gobind, one was killed near Sahrind,
where he had fought a battle with Wazir Khan, thefaujdiir of that
place, and the other was killed in [the ~uba of?] Ajmer, no sons
survived him. The father's disciples, out of an anxiety not to let
the family chain of succession break, recognized Ajit Singh to be
his son, and took permission from the Imperial Court for his
succession,. and enthroned him on the spiritual seat.
When from childhood he reached the age of youth, some
vain persons said he should have a separate establishment, and
Mata Sundari, who was the wife of Guru Gobind, should expel
him. Thus they created the basis for mutual quarrel. In the reign
ofthe martyred emperor, Farrukh Siyar [1713-19], Mata Sundari
established a separate spiritual seat. Some Sikhs, deserting Ajit
Singh, joined this seat.
Finally, by a dictate of fate, in the second [regnal] year
of His Late Majesty Mui:tammad Shah, he [Ajit Singh] was unjustly
killed on the false accusation that he had killed one of the Muslim
dervishes. 3 Nearly two or three thousand [Muslim] mendicants and
other persons collected together to raise a disturbance and went to
Qamruddin Khan I'timaduddaula, the Principal Vizier, making a
noise and outcry in complaint [against Ajit Singh]. The said Vizier,
fearful of tumult, sent his troops. He [Ajit Singh] was taken
prisoner and brought alive to him. He lost his life upon being put
under the feet of an elephant. This event took place in A. H. 1134
[A.D. 1721-22]. His period on the spiritual seat lasted fourteen
years.
Hathi Singh, son of Ajit Singh, was then a very small
child. His well-wishers, out of fear and anxiety that someone might
harm him, took him to Mathura. Till today, which is A.H.1173

166
 Family of Guru Gobind Singh

[A.D. I 759-60], he still lives there, and many are attached to him,
while some Nanakshahis have turned away from him.
Mata Sundari: She was a wife of Guru Gobind. They
say she also served him [or, kept him company]. From the time
she quarrelled with Ajit Singh, she established a separate spiritual
seat, and people were drawn towards her. When she died, people
turned to Sahib Devi.
$al)ib Devi, known as Kunwara .Qola ['Virgin Bride'].
They say, she is the daughter of one of the hill Rajas. He had sent
his daughter for [marriage to] Guru Gobind. Guru Gobind d,ied
before her arrival. 4 Thereafter she did not agree to marry anyone
and lived in Delhi. After Mata Sundari's death she succeeded to
her spiritual seat. After one year, she too died. 5
These two were in Delhi. Now all the Sikhs have no
place of pilgrimage [lit. place of prayer] except for [that of] Hathi
Singh, the son of Ajit Singh. He lives in Mathura with a goodly
following, with a hundred or two hundred persons.

Addendum
Miscellaneous Notices
f.40b
[Province of Delhi]
Nanak Mata. A place near Sambhal, where the followers
of Guru Nanak assemble in large numbers on fixed days.
[Province of Lahore]
f.53b
Chak Guru Nanak. In the neighbourhood of Ashtpiiri,
Guru Go bind [? Arjan], the fifth successor and occupant of the
seat of Guru Nanak, laid out a pleasant garden and tank there.
Large numbers of people collect there on Baisiikhi day, and, having
spent two nights there, go two or three kurohs away to Ram Tirath,
which is an ancient place of worship.
[Routes]
f.l41a
[Places on the Delhi-Bareilly route, Jisted in order as
one proceeds from Delhi] ..... Hapur; Kiili Ni river, the bridge
over which has been built by Dargahi, afaqzr [mendicant] of Guru
Nanak; 6 Baksar; Ath S,ani, adjacent to which is Choiya Nala, on
which too Dargahi has built a bridge; Garh Muktesar; Ganga
river ....

167
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

Notes
1 Asiiml: it may be recalled that the Gurus who succeeded Nanak, in
their verses also called themselves Nanak.
1 According to a Sikh tradition (Macauliffe, Sikh Religion, V, p.241 ),
the killer was a grandson of Pa'inda Khan, who had been killed by
Guru Hargobind.
3 According to the traditional Sikh version, as recorded in Macauliffe,
Sikh Religion, V, p.255, there was some truth in the accusation.
4
The Sikh tradition is that $altib Devi was a daughter of a Sikh of
Rohtas, and was married by the Gurii after he had given up family
life (Macauliffe, Sikh Religion, V, pp.l43-4).
5 According to Sikh tradition (Macauliffe, V, 254) Sahib Devi .. died
of grief very soon after her husband", and thus long predeceased Mata
Sundari, who died in 1747 (ibid., pp.256-7).
6 This remark is omitted in Habibganj MS by a slip of the scribe; sec,
however, Jawahar Mus. MS, f.72a.

168
 16
Re-e111.ergence C)f Sil<.h P<.)wcr in
the 'Ptnljab, 1748-65
From T.ahmas Khan~ Qi.~~·a-i rahrniis-i
J~fisk'ln or [ahmiis 1Vi1n1a

Translated by lrfan Habib

In April 1782 T.ahmas Khan completed his

memoirs which he had begun in 1780. His had been a
colourful career. Born in eastern Turkey, c. 1740, of
parents whose names and race he no longer remembered,
he was captured by Nadir Shah's Uzbek soldiery when he
was only five years' old. His relatively pleasant life for
two years in an Uzbek captain's household was shattered
by the events following upon Nadir Shah's murder in 1747.
Passed from hand to hand, he was ultimately presented as
a Turkish boy-slave to the Tiirani noble.Mu'inu'l Mulk,
who had arrived in Lahore in 1748 as the Mughal Governor
of the Panjab. He received the name Timiir from his new
master, which was changed to T.ahmas Khan during the
government of th~ Afghan prince Timiir Shah at Lahore,
1757-59. T,ahmas remained in the establishment of
Mu'inu'l Mulk's widow, Mughlani Begam (usually styled
Begam $al;tib by T.ahmas in his memoirs) after Mu'inu'l
Mulk's death ( 1753), receiving from her much favour,
including manumission and offices of trust, but also
much ill-treatment from suspicion or caprice. He left her
in 1761, when, as he says, his very life was in danger at
her hands. Since Mughlani Begam's political ambitions
revolved around the Panjab, and she stayed mainly at
Lahore, withdrawing only in 1758-9 to Jammu, T.ahmas
memoirs give us first-hand glimpses of the re-emergence

169
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

of Sikh power in the 1750's. After leaving Jammu, T.ahmas

took service with the Afghan commander Zain Khan at
Sirhind, and was present at the battle near Mainer Kotla
(mod.Maler Kotla), 1762, where Al}mad Shah Durrani
caused much slaughter among the Sikhs. But T.ahmas was
quick to predict a revival of Sikh power, a prediction that,
as he records with some self-satisfaction, soon came true.
The rest of his political career was spent in Delhi and its
neighbourhood. There is a short passage on Al}mad Shah's
invasion of 1765, but thereafter the author's references to
Sikhs become fewer and mainly relate to the Doab and
Haryana.
T.ahmas does not give dates for any of the
events he describes, except for the dates of births of two
of his sons (where there are slips in regard to the years)
and of the death ofNajafKhan (correctly given). He makes
up for this, however, by rigorously following the true
sequence of events, so that his narrative can be set in a
tight chronological framework by reference to dates of
events as given in other sources. For these, I have used
Jadunath Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, 4 Vols.,
Orient Longman reprints, Hyderabad, 1991 &c., and
Ganda Singh, Al)mad Shah Durran'i, Bombay, 1959.
In translating extracts from T.ahmas's memoirs
I have primarily used the two Aligarh MSS, which are
fragmentary, but between them offer a complete text of
the work. Of these, Habibganj F32/119. is probably the
author's own copy, since it has an autograph of his on the
·front page, explaining his names and titles. Subl)anullah
F. 920/44 contains the latter porti9n omitted in the first
MS. The matter in the middle is found in both MSS. I
have compared the text of the MSS with the text edited by
Mul)ammad Aslam. Lahore, 1986, which is mainly based
on the British Museum (now British Library) MS Oriental
1918. (Thanks are owed to Professor Mu1;affar Alam, who
kindly let me use his copy of this edition). The variants,
wherever significant, are noted in the translation below.
So far as possible, I have tried to retain in the translation
the conversational tone of the original.
I have not checked my renderings with P.S.
Madhava Rao's professedly abridged translation,
Tahmasnama, Bombay, 1967.

170
 Rise of Sikh Power

TRANSLATION
[A. Expeditions Against The Sikhs During The
Governorship of Mu'inu'l Mulk, 1748-53)
Ed., pp.80-82
Habibganj MS, f55a-56b
Account of the making of Jaza'irs [Long Muskets] in
Nawab Mu'inu'l Mulk Bahadur's Establishment.
... In a little amount of time, nine hundred jaza 'ir-
shooting horsemen, together with jaza'irs usable in battle, were
got ready, and [the Nawab, Mu'inu'l Mulk] sent them off to
chastise the Sikhs. They rode fast twenty kurohs at a time, 1 in
pursuit of those perdition-bound ones, and they extinguished the
fire of their mischief and contention, wherever they encountered
it, by the blood-thirsty flame-throwing sharp "water" [of the
sword] ofthat country, and sent them to hell. He [Mu'inu'l Mulk]
gave to anyone who brought the cut-off heads of Sikhs, Rupees
ten for each such head; to him who brought a [captured] horse, he
gave that very horse; and if the mount of any hor.seman happened
to be lost in battle, he was granted a horse from the stable of His
Highness' own establishment.

Ed., pp.94-95
Habibganj MS, ff.64b-65a
Account of Nawab Mu'inu'l Mulk's Establishing
Administration in the Province of Lahore
.... His Highness the Nawab, after having in every way
established a firm administration in the city of Lahore, came out
to restore order in the country of the Panjab, which had undergone
a small revolution on account of the tumult caused by Al}mad Shah
Durrani [1751-52].
Owing to the occurrence of these events the Nawab's
soldiery, on account either of confusion or of loss of heart, had
scattered, and had fled to Sirhind or even Shahjahanabad [Delhi].
Now, they came back daily to attend on him, bashful and
ashamed ....
Afterwards, the Nawab, aiming to control the country
and manage the affairs of that district, took his camp in the
direction ofBatala. The news arrived that a large number of Sikhs
had raised disturbance in that territory, plundering the population
and obstructing the passage of travellers. Accordingly, he sent
Saiyid Jamiluddin Khan and the BakhshT Ghazi Beg Khan, with
some other captains, to chastise and expel that misguided sect.

171
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

The said Khan made an attack on a body of the Sikhs, and pressed
that seer so hard that, unable to oppose the victorious army, they
took to their heels. Nine hundred of the Sikh infantry, going into
the fort of Ram Rauni, which is adjacent to ChakOulii [Amritsar],
were besieged there. Finally, the Sikhs wielding swords came out;
from every side Saiyid Jamiluddin Khan and his troops,
dismounting, took to battle with hand arms (kotah yariiq), and cut
down the Sikhs like fodder by their sharp swords and sent them to
hell. Thereafter, in a few days, the Nawab too marched upon that
Chak, 2 and it remained the site of encampment of the victorious
army for many days.

Ed., pp.97-98
Habibganj MS, ff.67b-68a
Account of the Rebellion of Man~iir •Ali Khan $afdar
Jang Against the King of India and the Battle with
Ghaziuddin Khan, acting on Behalf of the King
[September 1753]
[When these events were taking place:] After some days
he [Nawiib Mu'inu'l Mulk] came out of Lahore, and, proceeding
to a distance of seven kurohs, set up his camp (dera) near the
village of Tilakpiir, 3 which is situated on the bank of the Lahore
river [the Ravi], and stayed there for a long time. When news of
any tumult raised by the Sikhs came from any quarter, he sent
Khoja [Khwaja] Mirza, along with Mughal troops, to chastise and
extirpate the Sikhs. Khoja Mirza with his own contingent traversed
distances of twenty, even thirty kurohs, to places where he had
information of the Sikhs, and encountered and attacked them. Such
persons as cut off the heads of some Sikhs, or took their horses, or
captured [the Sikhs] themselves and brought them alive, received
rewards. A Mughal, who lost his horse in the fray, received in lieu
of it a better horse from the [Nawab's] establishment (sarkiir).
Sikhs who arrived alive as captives, were put under the nail-press
(mekh-chii), 4 and sent to hell. From time to tiine Adina Beg Khan
sent from the district of [Jalandhar] Doab, forty or fifty Sikh
prisoners, and they too were executed by crushing them under the
nail-press.

(B. The Sikhs and a Coup-Plotter, 1757)

Ed., Pp.107-110
Habibganj MS, ff.72b, 76a-b
Account of the Governorship in the name ofMui:tammad

172
 Rise of Sikh Power

Amin Khan, [minor] son of the l~te Nawab Mu'inu'l

Mulk.
Account of the grant of Faujdarz of Patti to Qasim Khan

[The increase of influence of the eunuchs in the

government carried on by Mu'inu'l Mulk's widow, Mughlani
Begam or Begam ~al)ib, alienated the author and led him and to
join the ambitious captain, Qasim Khan, who had been appointed
faujdar (commandant) of Patti by the Begam.] Helpless, owing to
my lack of access in the [Begam's] court, we agreed to join him.
He, that very time, made an application seeking the grant of
permission to leave [the Begam's quarters] and, marching off from
there, encamped at the garden of Lakhpat Rai, two kurohs distant.
The next day, I too, girding my loins, firm in resolution, rode to
that garden, in order to join him in both good and evil days ....
Thus early in the morning by agreement, [Qasim Khan and his
men] marched off ahead. By chance, there was a skirmish with the
Sikhs that very day. People were insistent that first we should
overcome the Sikhs• so that with God's aid we should fulfil the
requirement of bravery, and put these ill-mannered ones to the
sword and destroy them to the very seed and root. But Qasim Khan
did not agree to this, and at evening time he returned to his tents;
and the Sikhs came in pursuit, fighting, close to the encampment,
and then, turning around, went back. When that night was over,
they [Qasim Khan and his men] turned away from the road to Patti
and went to a Mughal village, twelve kurohs away, called
Damumudun and struck camp there. The headmen and people of
that place who came to attend upon him, - he made all of them
captive and kept them confined. He seized the fort and the village
and had them surrounded, saying they are in league with the Sikhs.
In short for one month, his camp remained there, and none,
including women and children, who had been made prisoners, could
obtain release.
Every day the Sikhs made assaults twice and each time
after a fight went off. After some days, Qasim Khan appointed a
brother of his, called 'A lam Beg Khan, to lead a raiding party
(chapawal) of one thousand horse and foot, ag~inst the chief village
ofthe Sikhs where they had collected. Immediately, upon his arrival
there, the Sikhs collected together and opposed him in battle. After
some attacking and killing, the engagement became hot. •Alam
Beg Khan did not find enough strength in him to stay firm, and
lost the resolve to fight; so he turned back. Those three hundred

173
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

Badakhshi infantry [who had initially formed the core of his

retainers] gave proofoftheirbravery and self-sacrifice and became
martyrs. When this news reached the army, Qasim Khan mounted
horse, and I also accompanied him. With two horsemen, I went up
to two kurohs, 5 and joined the raiding force, which had gone ahead
earlier. I saw people in flight coming towards me. My brothers,
Mul_tammad 'Aqil, 6 etc., who had gone with the raiding party,-
at last, I found them safe and sound. I went further ahead. What,
then do I see? That three Sikh horsemen are coming after that
[fleeing] army; behind them is the Sikh leader (nayak) of that
group. 7 I put my horse to gallop: I found [bodies of] several people
who, having been martyred, had fallen. But Mul_tammad •Aqil, by
extreme persuasion, pulled me back, and I safely reached the army
[camp] that day.
The next day, in the answers and questions stemming
from the counsel that I gave to Qasim Khan, harsh words were
exchanged between us. He did not listen. After my conversation
with Qasim Khan, in which I spoke to him both of good and ill, I
mounted and rode on to Lahore. After some days, without attaining
his aim, and with much [lit. a thousand] humiliation and loss, he
marched out from there, and arriving at a distance of five kurohs
from Lahore, encamped on the bank of the river [Ravi]. I went to
see him~ He said, "I have made twenty thousand Sikhs my allies
and friends, through my good treatment of them. Soon I will bring
Lahore under my possession. Indeed, recruiting a large army I will
also capture Shahjahanabad [Delhi] and become King" ... After five
days, he marched off from there and encamped on the edge of the
city near [the tomb of] Shah Balawal. I again went to see him.
There was no state left in him. He had given away thousands of
rupees while giving guns, bows, equipment and material gratis to
the Sikhs; but nothing came of it. And people of his own army
besieged him, demanding their pay, and spoke harshly to him ....

(C. Sikhs and the First Afghan Administration, 1757-58)

Ed., Pp.l79-81
Subl_tanullah MS, f.26a-27a
Account of the WazTr Jahan Khan's battle with the Sikhs
at Chak GurU [Amritsar] [1757]. 8
The writer of events so recorded that one day it reached
the Waz'lr Jahan Khan's ear from reports of informants that an
army of Sikhs, containing a large mult~tude·, had assembled for
bathing 9 at Chak Guru and is raising disturbance and rebellion.

174
 Rise of Sikh Power

The [Afghan] King's forces together with J:laji '~ta Khan and
others, were engaged in bringing under control and administering
another area and were attending to them [the Sikhs] [there]. The
said wazzr se.nt a letter to sardar J:laji '~ta Khan, informing him
ofthe circumstances of this disturbance, further writing to him as
follows: "On such-and-such day, you should, with the whole army,
making forced marches, reach the said chak [rect. chak]; 10 and
from this side, I would mount and reach there the same day. God
willing; after we join, that misguided sect would be sent to hell".
In the city of Lahore it was proclaimed, according to the custom
of the Wilayat [Afghanistan], that anyone who has got a horse,
whether a servant [of government] or not, should come and,
preparing himself for battle, accompany the expedition. Thus to
Begam $al)ib [Mu'inu'l Mulk's widow] also he [Jahan Khan] sent
word that the same day [lit. every day] she should send her
contingent along with T.ahmas Khan [the author]. Begam $ai)ib
immediately summoned all [her] horsemen, who assembling
totalled twenty-five horse, and asked them ·to accompany this
humble self (Miskzn); 11 Qasim Khan too was in it. In short, we
went and joined the Wazzr's army. All in all, this army must have
numbered nearly two thousand horse. From there he [Jahan Khan]
proceeded to Sarai Khan Khanan, which was at a distance of six
kurohs from Lahore; it was then evening. The next day, riding out
from that place, he marched to a-place which was two kurohs fro~
the said Chak. He stood there astonished, wondering why J:laji
'~ta Khan, despite the binding instructions, had not yet arrived
there. The Sikhs receiving the alarm, sallieCI forth from all the
four directions and joined battle. From both sides there was no
let-up in the fire of war. The Sikhs, gathering in mass, surrounded
the government army (lashkar-i sarkar) and kept the engagement
hot from all sides, to such an extent that many of the army getting
frightened, chose the path of flight. The Wazzr, from bravery and
courage, moved forward, and at that time only this humble self
(Miskzn), with two horsemen, remained with him. By chance, the
Sikhs did not .make way for the fleeing troops. The latter had no
option but to tum back ashamed and repentant, 12 and rejoin their
army. Jahan Khan, then and there, drew his sword from the
scabbard and inflicted injury on some of the persons who had taken
to flight from his army, demanding, "Why did you take to flight?"
In any case, all collecting together again, took to fighting once
more. Still, the position became very difficult and none remained
[on the field]. But at that time from this humble self(Miskzn) such

175
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

effort and courage was displayed that if I write about it, none will
believe it. Ultimately, in that situation, lfiiji 'A.fa' Khan arrived,
along with the royal army; and putting to merciless sword, or
targetting with lightning-like muskets, the ill-mannered Sikhs, who
pretended to some sense of pride and bravery, he inflicted a defeat
on them. Those doomed ones, not being able to withstand the
attack, took to flight. The victorious army closely pursued them
to Chak Guru. The Wazlr stood at a spot there. Five Sikhs on foot
were seen standing at the gate of the Chak. The [Afghan] troops
made a sally and killed them. Mir Ni'mat Khan, one of the notables
of Lahore, attained martyrdom at that place. The camp of the
victorious army was established there. T.he Wazlr lavished
thousands ofwords of praise and encouragement upon this humble
self (Miskln). Thereafter, when the Wazlr, in order to gain control
of the country and establish his administration, marched off from
there, I remained with him for three days. Then, I was given leave
to return to Lahore.

Ed., pp.181-84
Sub}.lanullah MS. ff.26a-28b
Account of the Maladministration of [A}.lmad Shah
Durrani's son,] Timiir Shah [1757-58]
... During those days two Afghan horsemen, while
coming from Sirhind were by chance murdered in the vicinity of a
fort called Sodh Ramdas. 13 When this news reached the wazlr Jahan
Khan, he immediately, according to the custom of the Wilayat
[Afghanistan], set some horsemen as saziiwals [officers
commissioned to enforce particular orders] upon the chaudhurl
[of the place]. This chaudhurl was in those territories not only a
leading .man (sardiir) of some note but also· enjoyed repute and
credit as a spiritual guide of the Sikhs, 14 and dealt in matters of
lakhs [of rupees]; yet the saziiwals, proceeding according to the
practice of the Wilayat, inflicted such cruelty and harshness on
that helpless victim that he feared for his life and, abandoning
that place, retired to some [secret] spot, hiding himself from the
saziiwals.' 5 The saziiwals returned from that place, disappointed
and empty-handed. From that moment the shape of
administration, 16 which in that country had been [so far] in good
order, was disrupted, and from every side tumult and rebellion
began to be raised by the Sikhs. Wherever the [Afghan] army went,
it came back defeated, till things came to such a pass that the
environs ofthe city of Lahore were affected. Every night in bodies

176
 Rise of Sikh Power

of a thousand, the Sikhs attacked the city and sacked the quarters
outside the city-wall. No one came out of the city to disperse or
stop them. Indeed, the order was issued that on the passage of the
first watch (pas) of the night, the gates of the city should be
closed. 17 In sum, matters led to a great loss of repute [of the
government], and the administration of the country was thrown
into disorder.

(D. Sikh Insurrection near Sialkot, 1760]

Ed., pp.230, 235-41
Subl,lanulUih MS., ff.53a, 54a-57a
Account of my Appointment as Administrator (lfakim)
in the JagTr ofSialkot [on Behalf of Mughlani Begam]
[1760]
I took control over that jagTr in the last phase of the
Rabi' season at a time when two or three months remained before
the onset of the rains. But they had harvested and removed the
wheat crop. Every village in that district was so prone to violence
and refractoriness that they would fight against bodies of ten
thousand Sikhs. I had employed in all one hundred and fifty
horsemen, and collected revenue due to my good treatment [of
them]. Giving a reduction of twenty thousand 18 Rupees from the
jama' [assessed revenue], I started my work ...
From Shahjahanabad [Delhi] the news arrived that a
Maratha [commander], Bhau by name, had come to Shahjahanabad
[July 1760] with three or four lakh horse and foot to oppose Al,lmad
Shah Durrani in battle. Begam Sal,lib left the Shah's army and
arrived [back] at Jammu ... 19
During this time, that commandant of the Four Mal;zals
[S;alkot, Aurangabad, Gujrat and Parsrur], [Rustam Khan Bangash,
appointed by Al,lmad Shah Abdali], came out of the city [Sialkot]
with one hundred and fifty horse and foot, in all, to fight with the
Sikhs. Hearing the news, I too mounted after mid-day20 and racing
my horse for two kurohs, joined him and asked him: "Where are
you riding to with such haste?" 21 He replied, "In a village, which
is nine 22 kurohs distant by road from here, fifty Sikhs are engaged
in a fight, and the zamTndars have informed me of it. For this
reason, I am going there in order to chastise them." To cut the
story short, I went along with him. We had gone for six kurohs
[when we found] that nearly four thousand Sikhs had laid siege to
that village. The time they saw our army from a distance they
turned away from the village and rushed upon us from all sides.

177
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

All of us went into a ruined fort which stood in that vicinity; and
the battle began. From late afternoon to midnight, they encircled
the vi11age and pressed us hard. 0 Miskin, stop this narrative here
and begin another one tomorrow.
Account of our capture at the hands of the Sikhs
Whatever was seen is now related. That night was passed
in a thousand worries and much exertion. As the dawn broke and
the sun illumined the world, I saw that from all the four sides the
Sikhs and zamlndiirs, troop after troop, were rushing onwards and
making the battle hard upon our army. They were also saying with
a loud voice: "Give us Rustam Khan, commandant of the Four
MaiJ,als I" Though for three or four gharls [one gharl = 24 minutes],
from this side too musket-fire was discharged, our lead [and]
gunpowder began to run out. We [at last] became helpless.
Encouraged, the Sikhs advanced to the foot of the said garhl[small
fort]. In this situation, there was nothing for us to do but to throw
down from the top of that fort, mud-balls, stones, sling-stones, 23
clay-pots and wood, whatever came to hand, and so till mid-day
we prevented them from becoming bolder an~ coming up to us. In
the end; the Sikhs climbed up the towers and began to break down
the walls. When this happened, Rustam Khan and I, with six other
persons, tucked up our skirts and, raising our swords, came out of
the gate. By accident, my foot slipped near the gate and I fell down.
The Sikhs made a sally then and there and seized me. Advancing
some steps further, they also seized Rustam Khan. One of my
brothers, 24 Ilah Wardi Beg, who was accompanying us, was
martyred. By that time a11 the Sikhs and zamlndars who had
assembled there, numbered nearly twenty thousand. Taking us from
there they took us to the village where they had begun the fighting
and alighted there. When the night came they demanded one lakh
of Rupees from me. Till midnight, the questions and answers, the
contention and disputation, continued, till the amount was settled
at six hundred. "Tomorrow", [their leader said,] "we will take you
to that village. From there you should write to Jammu, so that they
[your employers] may agree to [pay] that amount. I will set you at
liberty from that place and have you taken safe and sound to
Jammu." So, early in the morning, they sent J)'le with two or three
Sikhs to their village, and nearly a hundred Sikhs also went in that
direction. For two or three kurohs they took me mounted on horse;
thereafter they made me walk on foot; thus I walked eight kurohs
on foot. For this reason, my feet ached and I felt unable to walk
further. But marks of the city of Pasliir could [now] be seen, two

178
 Rise of Sikh Power

or three kurohs away. At that time one of those Sikhs, mounted on

a horse, called the name of his Gurii, praying: "0 Gurii, whoever
at the [right] time 25 pronounces your name, need never despair or
be disappointed in any work". From hearing this, I was brought to
tears, and I recalled God to myself, and said:·"O my patron saint,
Ghau~-i ~amadani [the Eternal Helper, 'Abdu'l Qadir Jilani],
beloved of God, I am one of the humblest of your disciples. Do
help me now and give me release from the hands ofthe Sikhs". I
was engaged in these prayers, when suddenly a fort, standing upon
the route, came to view. The zamlndar of that place, with forty-
five musketeers (barqandaz), came out, put those Sikhs to rout,
and whatever, plundered material and effects they were taking
with them, all of it he seized. He also released us and brought us
into the fort. As the time of the evening prayer that Sikh who had
captured us and was having us conveyed, 26 sent [to the zamlndar]
from there [his headquarters] the following messages: "You have
released and taken away that Mughal from our custody. The chief
of the Sikhs had fixed a ransom of Rupees six thousand on him.
Now, it would be your responsibility [to pay it]." On hearing this
message, the zamlndar brought us into the fort and kept us in a
tower. And that Rustam Khan, who had been captured and a lakh
of rupees fixed as ransom on him, he was [asked] to go to the fort
of Sialkot, to pay it.
Within two or three days forty thousand Sikhs,
collecting together, marched on Sialkot. Since the fort of that place
was very strong and on top of a high mound, the Dlwan ofRustam
Khan got ready to give battle. The battle went on for three days.
He [the Dlwan] wrote a letter to Khwaja Mirza Khan, who had
also got some mal)als near Sialkot which he had got on ijara (farm)
from Buland Khan Sadozi [Al)mad Shah's governor at Lahore]
and was engaged in his own business. But on receipt of the Dlwan's
letter - to the effect that "if you come to my aid and assistance
this time, I will pay you two thousand rupees daily till the
resolution [of this affair], and your Highness will gain in repute
as well"- upon reading the Dzwan 's letter, despite the fact that
Sialkot was fifteen kurohs away, he immediately started off,
marching five kurohs in the direction of Sialkot. Upon hearing
this news, the Sikhs purthe city to plunder and sack, and retiring
five kurohs away, hid themselves in the cloak of contrition. 27 In
two marches, the said Nawab arrived beneath [the fort of] Sialkot,
and the. Sikhs, retiring a further five kurohs, and having failed,
dispersed themselves in the plains. To that zamlndar, who had got

179
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

me released, and then brought me, they sent a message [about the
money?]. In short, the said zamzndiir took from me a written
agreement to pay two hundred rupees; but he was not aware of
my circumstances. He thought I too was a trooper. Thus we
remained ten days in that fort and became very desperate and
helpless. I prayed, "Saiyid 'Abid, 28 by the grace of God, do get
me released." Around mid-day, when in this meditation, I went to
sleep. I dreamt that an old man, white-haired in a green cloak,
wakes me up with his wooden stick, 29 [saying,] "Get up, give
something and go away from here." That very moment, I woke
up. That zamlndiir came to me to say, "Pay the two hundred rupees
of the demand-money, and I will take you to Sialkot". So in one
night I got the sum, and the next night he took me to Sialkot. Two
days later I went to see Begam $il)ib [at Jammu] ... [The author
was there dismissed and imprisoned for his pains]. [Later,]
mounted, Begam $il)ib was brought [by his rival and successor]
to Sialkot...'Those days, the Commandant (f:/iikim), Rustam Khan,
administrator of the Four Ma}Jals, gave twenty-two thousand
Rupees to the Sikhs through the Riija of Jammu and obtained his
release. He had come to the City [of Sialkot] and spoke much to
Begam $abib [in my praise] ....

[E. Sikh Power in the Punjab, 1761-62)

Account of the Author's Journey to Sirhind in Search
of Service
[After the author's flight from Begam $ibib, who had
imprisoned him near Jammu, he undertook a journey with some
horsemen to Sirhind] .... In short, that day at Shahpur, the next
under [lit. facing] the hills ofNrirpur, the next in the mountains of
Jualamukhi, which is a place ofpilgrimage of the Hindus, then, to
Nadaun, that is, through mountain after mountain and cave after
cave, traversing hilJ-tops and in some places going on foot, with
much distress and confusion, the reason being 30 that all over the
[plain] country the Sikhs were roaming and going around. Before
this time, Nawab Mirza Khan, with one thousand horse and foot,
attained martyrdom at the hands of forty thousand Sikhs whom he
had fought with. Also, Khwaja 'Abd Khan, 31 who was the Governor
of Lahore, came out some journey-stages to chastise Charhat
Singh. 32 He laid siege to his village; and the besieged became very
helpless and desperate. By chance throughout the army of Nawiib
Khwaja a Abd Khan there were groups of Sikhs who were in his
employ. Another ten thousand33 Sikhs had been summoned from

180
 Rise of Sikh Power

the [Jalandhar] Doab. One night, they conspired with the Sikhs of
the [Nawab's] army, so that early next morning all the Sikhs of
the army and the village, uniting and joining together, defeated-.
and dispersed Nawab Abd Khan's army. That Abd Khan,
4 4

accompanied by some men, fled to Lahore. Besid~s this, Sa !dat 4

Khan and ~adiq Khan, Afridi Afghans, who were' appointed [by
Al).mad Shah] as commandants of the [Jalandhar] Doab: them too
the Sikhs defeated, throwing them out, like flies out of milk. In
short, from the Attock River [Indus] to the river of Sirhind the
Sikhs have acquired dominance and possession. From this cause,
people travelled by the mountain routes. In sixteen days we reached
Sirhind.

Ed., pp.254-57
Subl).anullah MS, ff.64a-65b
Account of Al).mad Shah Durrani's Arrival and
Campaign against the Sikhs [February 1762]
... Al).mad Shah Durrani reached Lahore and some battles
occurred with the Sikhs. But refraining from a confrontation with
the Shah's army, the Sikhs tended to disperse. But nearly .one and
a halflakh Sikhs, horse and foot, came towards Sirhind in the Roji
[?]country, and began to raise disturbance there. Sardiir Zain Khan
[commandant ofSirhind and the author's current employer], with
ten to fifteen thousand horse and foot, had encamped at Mah1er
[Maler] Kotla . .The Sikhs too had arrived at a place seven kurohs
distant from it, and had set up camp there. One night, the Shah's
horsemen arrived and gave the news that "Al).mad Shah Durrani
has crossed both the rivers [Beas and Sutlej] of the [Jalandhar]
Doab and would fall upon the Sikhs tomorrow. You too should
early morning tomorrow get mounted and attack the Sikhs." In
accordance with this order, Sardiir Zain Khan· early in the morning
went fast after the Sikhs. Since they too had got the news, they
also marched up. He [Zain Khan] posted Qasim Khan ahead for
the battle. When all ofus [in Qasim Khan's contingent] reached in
front of the Sikhs, they took to flight. We pursued them, striking
at them, for half a kurohs, till those Sikh horsemen, turning back
from the direction of Durrani, came towards us. Not able to
withstand them, Qasim Khan ran away. Although I told him not to
do so, he did not agree. Taking all his men with him, he fled towards
Mainer Kotla, where he had set up camp. I alone went towards
Chat. 34 In this while, the fleeing Sikhs too disappeared from sight.
I reached and joined Murta~a Khan Bharech, who was a servant

181
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

ofZain Khan, and was standing separately with five hundred horse
and foot, collected together on a mound. That moment, the King's
army arrived and encircled Murta:z;a Khan, thinking that these are
a body of the Sikhs. By chance, among these people, I was wearing
the kulah (conical cap): leaving [Zain Khan's] army I joined the
King's people. I explained all the circumstances. It happened that
Abmad Shah Durrani was satisfied with my explanation. Reaching
that place, his spies too conveyed to him the real position. 35 So he
summoned him [Murta~a Khan] to his presence. Since he was
acquainted with him before, he conferred upon him a shawl
(doshala),' and told him, "The Waz'ir Shah Wali Khan, along with
Zain Khan, are moving forward, fighting with a large number of
Sikhs. You should also proceed swiftly to participate with them
[in the fighting]". Since the said Khan, moved slowly and leisurely
according to the custom of Hindustan, I went past him and, making
my horse gallop, traversed ten kurohs of the way. I then saw that
the Waz"ir, Shah Wali Khan, and Zain Khan are moving together,
with four thousand horsemen accompanying them, and four
thousand other horsemen, mostly distant-arrow shooters (yak-{ir
andaz), taking along Sikhs as captives on their march. At that time
Zain Khan asked me, "Where is Qasim Khan?" I replied: "He had
rushed in with a drawn sword, along with his own men, upon those
Sikh foot-soldiers. 36 I have no knowledge of what happened
thereafter." The Sikh foot-soldiers, coming out [of the battle] were
trying to flee, sometimes by running, sometimes by tarrying,
reciting the kalima [short Muslim formula of faith] or seeking
quarter. The Shah's army came from behind killing and moving
close-ranked(? chaspan). In short, that day they reached the fort
of Barnala, [in possession] of Ala Jat. During this time, it is
probable that about twenty-five thousand Sikhs were slain ...
I return to an account ofthe Shah. Through Najib Khan's
intercession, Ala Jat presented himself before the Shah. He
presented an offering (nagarana), and obtained his release. Al:tmad
Shah Durrani now turned his reins towards Lahore ...

(F. Resurgence of Sikh Power, 1762-65)

Ed., pp.258-60
Subi:tanullah MS, ff.65b-66b
Account of my Journey to Bring my Family from
Jammu, and the Birth of my son Sa'adat Khan 37 [1762]
... Now, by the grace of God the Benevolent, the routes
in all the four directions became open and the obstructions set by

182
 Rise of Sikh Power

robbers and the risks posed by thieves were removed: Abmad Shah
Durrani established himself at the city of Lahore. I told Darab Beg
and Fai~ullah Beg: 38 "Let one of you go and within twenty-five
days bring people of [our] family from Jammu. Otherwise, so my
reason 39 tells me, within a month all these routes will be closed
once again, and disorders will arise in that country." They replied:
"This task can be done only within two months by us." Ultimately,
since they did not agree to it, I myself out of anger, started [from
Sirhind] .... Within four days I reached the city of Lahore. There I
learnt that the inmates of the zenana, departing from Jammu have
arrived at Sialkot... [The author reached Sialkot late one day and
early next morning started back with his family] ....
In short, in four days [from Sialkot] I reached the city
of Lahore. After a stay ofthree days there, I started from there and
travelled two [daily] stages from Lahore. [There were two dangers:]
First, the terror of the Sikhs increased day by day. Second, [from]
the army of the Shah which was devastating and depopulating
Lahore by plundering and sacking it from all sides. But through
the grace of God, Who ever guards His slaves, we came out safe
from those dangers. On the third day, I reached the [Jalandhar]
Doab. There, for once, a little of the face of peace was seen ...
Within some days we arrived at Sirhind. In twenty-four
days, this problem [of bringing my family] was solved. Through
God's will, Abmad Shah Durrani during those very days left for
Qandahar [summer, 1762], and in the entire country in his
possession maladministration and disorder arose. People now gave
credit to my prediction that after twenty-five days disturbance and
disorder would again break out .... In any case, within one month
of our arrival at Sirhind, I had the good fortune of having a son
born, whom I gave the name of Sa'adat Yar Khan. 40

[Sikh Attack on Zain Khan and the Trans-Yamuna

Doab, 1763-64]
Ed., pp.274
Subl}anullah MS, ff. 72b-73a
.... Also in those days [when Suraj Mal, the Jat ruler,
had been killed in battle with Najib Khan, December 1763], news
arrived that the Sikhs gathering together had martyred Zain Khan
[the Afghan commandant] in battle in Sirhin~ and had plundered
his army. They also sacked the city ofSirhind and made it entirely
desolate. At that time Qasim Khan and Murta~a Khan Bharech,
becoming aggrieved, had left Zain Khan's army some days before

183
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

the battle with the Sikhs, and,. with their effects and baggage, had
passed Kunjpura. The Sikhs, after ravaging the city of Sirhind,
crossed [the Yamuna] at the Biiriya ghaJ, and marched towards
Saharanpiir, Shamli and Khandla, with the aim of extortion
(ikhraj). However, from fear of the coming of [Najib Khan's]
Rohila armies, the Sikhs abandoned thatterritory and went back
to their own seats ... From that year onwards, every year the Sikhs
crossed the Yamuna to plunder the territory of Najib Khan, and
from this side too the Nawab [Najib Khan] marched out with his
troops to chastise them, and time and again battles were fought.

Ed., pp.279-80
Subl}anullah MS, ff.74b-75b
Account of my going to the presence of Nawab ~ab\ta
Khan [1765]
Now, I shall relate the turn of fortune that occurred when
three years after the incidents related in the previous chapter,
Al}mad Shah Durrani marched from Kabul to chastise the Sikhs
and arrived near Thanesar. The Yamuna river is fourteen kurohs
distant by road from there, and Nawab Najib Khan had encamped
in the rear of that river. Al}mad Shah sent men to summon him to
his presence, and taking him with him returned towards Sirhind.
Making a military campaign against the Sikhs as their main object,
he [the Shah] busied himself in endeavouring to chastise and root
out the Sikhs.* The army of the vanguard proceeded two day's or
three days' marches ahead. The Sikhs, not being able to resist the
Shah's army, fled like crows and kites out of terror of the intrepid
falcons [i.e., the Shah's troops]. The Shah's army had reached up
to the Doab; the Sikhs fleeing from there and crossing the Yamuna
river, then fordable, sacked the city of Meerut, which was in the
possession of Nawiib Najib Khan. The Shah, frustrated by their
wily [lit. 'fax-like'] tactics, stayed where he was, and from there
sent off ten thousand brave and veteran horsemen under Sardiir
Jahandar Khan along with nawab 4ab\ta Khan to chastise the Sikhs.
The said sardiir reached the town of Shamli by forced marches.
The Sikhs came to confront them, but, unable to give battle, fled
away. That day perhaps nearly nine thousand men from amongs
the Sikhs had their heads cut off. At that time ~abi.ta Khan had
assigned me scouting duties. When after the victory over the Sikhs
and their despersal, Nawab ~abi.ta Khan and Sardiir Jahan Khan
were sitting together, I too went there and offered salutations. The

184
 Rise of Sikh Power

Sardiir spoke ofwhat of my soldierly activity and endeavours he

had himself witnessed in the war with the Sikhs in the time of
Timiir Shah [as viceroy of the Punjab], and praised me excessively.
Whereupon Nawiib Zab~ta Khan, hearing this from the Iips of
Sardiir Jahan Khan, was much pleased, and his favourable
inclination towards me increased a hundred times. About that time
Al}mad Shah Durrani, retired from Lahore and went back to Kabul.
I took leave for a few days and returned home ...

Notes
1
In the Habibganj MS and in the ed. bist hasht, or twenty-eight; but
hasht is often written for bisl and vice versa; bist, bist ('twenty,
twenty', i.e. twenty each time) seems a better reading.
2 Notjang as in the ed. and in MS.
3
The editor says Malikpur is the correct name of this locality.
4
I do not find mekh.-chii in Steingass, and 'nail press', mekJJ. meaning
nail, is a conjectural meaning given to it.
' At this point a gap in the Habibganj MS, on account of one leaf being
lost, ends and the text is resumed.
6
'Mul}ammad Quli' in the edited text.
7
I have followed the MS and not the edited text here.
1
In t 757 Al}mad Shah Durrani's son, TimOr Shah, was appointed by
him to govern the province of Lahore, with Jahin Khan as his Wazir,
or chief minister.
9
f:ib.usl. But 'amal {revenue collection) in Subl}anullah {Aiigarh) MS.
1
° Chak also in the ed.
11
A difference of opinion exists {cf. Ganda Singh, Al]mad Shiih Durriini,
p.419) as to whether the author had adopted the pen-name of Miskin,
or whether the word is used in its literal meaning, showing humility
in references to oneself{cf. banda,jidwl, used in the same way). But
the text shows that the author makes a double usc of the word, both as
pen-name and as standing for the first person. The matter is settled by
his own note on the front page of the Habibganj MS, where he says
that after receiving his other names and titles, he adopted the pen-
name (takh.allu~) of Miskin, white dictating {guftan) the book, for
God does not accord His approval to anyone who is not humble
(misliin).
12 So in the ed. Subl}anutliih MS: 'defeated' for 'repentant'.
13
So in Subl}anutliih MS. The ed. reads 'Bodh' for Sodh; Ganda Singh .
has Kot Buddha Ramdiis (AI]mad Shiih Durriin'i, p.J93).
14
I reconstruct the text in the Subl}anullah MS to read: ba-murslridi-i
Sikhiin .... The ed. reads: murshid-i Sikhiin ...
15 Another incident ofthis time described in other sources is that of the

Afghan attack on Kartarpur, whose custodian was Sodhi Vadbhag

Singh (Teja Singh and Ganda Singh, A Short History of the Sikhs, I
(1469-1765), Bombay, 1950, p.l 54). It is possible that this incident
is the same as the one being described here. In that case the chaudhurl,
who was also a murshid of the Sikhs, could well be the Sodhi priest,
a descendant of Dhir Mal, grandson of GurU Hargobind, whose

185
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

successors (the Sodhis) have claimed to be "owners" of Kartarpur

and have been custodians of the original manuscript of the Granth
compiled by Gum Arjan (W.H. McLeod, The Evolution of the Sikh
Community, Delhi, 1975, p.62).
16
Ed. reads aman (peace) for a"in (administration, regulation) in the
Subl;tinullih MS.
17 Muqaffal in the ed. doubtless t'eprescnts the intended sense. But

Subl;tinullih MS has maqhur; Br. Mus. MS (as noted by cd.), ma 'mur.

11 So in Subl;tilnullilh MS. The ed. reads 'eight thousand'.
19
Subl;tiinuiUih MS. reads Jamhii for Jammu throughout.
lo I take dahar/z.,uhar to be a spelling mistake for ~uhar. Ed. has der
(delay), which does not suit the context.
ll I read 'inan rez for 'inan ~abr in the ed.
ll Silr (three) in the ed., & Subl;tiinulliih MS, but in view of distances
subsequently given, the word is to be read nuh, nine. Sih and nuh are
often confounded in writing.
u So in Subl;tiinulliih MS, omitted in the cd.
14 By 'brothers', here, he means fellow-slaves or servants ofMughlinl

Begam.
15 So in Subl;tiinullah MS: bagah. Ed. reads pagoh, morning.
111 Some words arc omitted here in the Subl;tiinulUih MS.

l 7 Thus Subl;tinulliih MS, which reads nidamat. Ed. reads: mudawamat,

perseverance.
11 Sayyid •Abid was a ~ujf of the silsila of Shaikh •Abdu 'I Qadir JiUlni

(Qhau~u'l A'~am) and admitted T.ahmiis as his murld or disciple in

1758-59 (ed., pp.l78-9).
l 9 Both in the Subl;tiinulliih MS and in the edition, the words appear
slightly corrupt here.
30
I follow Subl;tiinuiUih MS here. The ed. reads gash I for ba-sabab.
31 So Subl;tiinulliih MS. The ed. has •Ubaid Khiin throughout.

n So in the ed. Subl;tiinulliih MS: Charat Sind.

n So in Subl;tilnuiUih MS. Ed: one thousand.
34 So Subl;tiinuiUih MS. Ed.: Chhat.
35 So Subl;tiinulliih MS. Ed.: 'thousand truths'(!)
36 So in the ed.: piyadah. Subl;tiinuiUih MS: at!t!aha, plural of Hindi

at!t!a, base, post.

37
So in Subl;tD:nulliih MS. The ed. has no reference to the son's birth in
the heading.
31 Diiriib Beg was a "brother" ofthc author (being an officer of Mug.hliini

Begam); Fai~ulUlh Beg was a "son" of his by adoption. Both had come
with him from Jammu to Sirhind and had loft their families behind at
Jammu.
39 So in the cd. Subl;tiinulUih MS: 'pen'.
40
The Subl;tiinuiUih MS on margin gives the date of birth as 17 Ziqa'd
1171 (also in words), i.e. 23 July 1758, which is impossible. Probably,
the day and month arc right, while the year is wrong: 17 Ziqa 'd 1175
would correspond to 9 June 1762, and this would suit the course of
events very well.

186
17
Re-e111ergence of Sikh Power in the
Ptuljab
News Reports from Delhi. 1759-65

Translated by lrfan Habib

The noted historian and archivist of

Maharashtra, G.H. Khare obtained from different sources
what are news-reports from Delhi that were sent either to
the Peshwa or to some other notable of the Maratha
Confederacy. He published their texts in a volume entitled
Persian Sources ofIndian History, Vol. V, Part I, Poona,
1961, pp.l-121. In this collection the earlier reports deal
with events at DeJhi only and belong to the 3rd regnal
year of' Alamgir II (A.D. 1757). Another series of reports
begins with 8 Jumada II, R.Y. 2 'Aiamgir II (10 March
1756) (from p.15 onwards in Khare's volume). These
appear to have been sent at regular intervals (once or twice
monthly), but only some have made it to Khare's
collection. The last report is dated 17 Rama2;an 1178 {1 0
March 1765). It is possible that the last few reports in
Khare's collection (pp.112-21) were not sent to a Maratha
notable, but to the Ni~am, since they were preserved in
the Central Records Office, Hyderabad. Their style is,
however, the same as that of the earlier reports.
These reports are not only contemporary, but
seem fairly creditworthy, though. they tend naturally to
cover only political events. For Sikh history- in respect
of which they do not appear to have been much used -
they are especially important, since they cover a crucial
period of the emergence of Sikh power in the Punjab and
the contest with Al_lmad Shah Abdali, 1659-65. These not

187
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

only help us to date certain events better, but also add

other significant information not known to us from any
other source. The major defeat inflicted by the Sikhs on
A~mad Shah Abdali himself in February 1764, in a battle
on the left bank of the Chenab river, which forced him to
retire in haste into Afghanistan, does not seem otherwise
to be known. It is not mentioned in Ganda Singh's detailed
work, Al)mad Shah Durriinz, the Father of Modern
Afghanistan, Bombay, 1959. This is, of course, due to the
fact that these reports had not been published when he
wrote his book.
A translation is offered below of the major
passages in these reports relevant to Sikh history.
Unfortunately, the large gaps in the reports do not enable
one to read a connected story here, though some times a
letter covers the ground of a previous report by
summarizing its contents in the initial portion.
'Gorii' in these reports has been transliterated
as 'Guru' throughout in this translation.

TRANSLATION
Date lost: Post-26 Jumiida II, R. Y. 2 [28 March, 1756]
P.26
As for Adina Beg Khaij, faujdiir of the [Jalandhar]
Doab, {the plan] between [him and] Raja Nagarmal is that should
the Nawab ['Imadu'l Mulk, the Wazzr, then at Sirhind] cross the
river Sutlej and march towards Lahore, while the Khan [Adina
Beg] is well aware of the affairs at Lahore, they would wait for
the Nawab to cross the said [Sutlej] river, when the seditious sect
of Sikhs, etc., who have good relations with the Khan, would make
attacks and raids on the [Nawab's] army to make it impossible for
him to reach Lahore.
3 Rajah, R.Y. 5 [2 March 1759)
Pp.39-40
The real situation of ~uba Lahore is this that the sect of
Sikhs of the Gurii [are] the authors of much tumult there, since
they do not abstain from pillaging and plundering, so much so
that out of fear from that sect the gates ofthe city wall [of Lahore]
are kept closed, and, as a result, grain, etc., cannot reach the city.
The country around is also absolutely ruined. For this reason, grain
prices are very high: sometimes five seers are to be had for a rupee,
sometimes the rate is seven seers. 1 The few inhabitants who remain
there are in a condition of starvation.
188
 Sikh Power in the Panjab

.... Mir ijasan 'Ali Khan, successor of the late Adina

Beg Khan, ... has sent a deputy of his to Lahore, and promised
that no one should inflict cruelty and oppression on its inhabitants.
Negotiations are also being pursued with t}le chiefs of the Sikhs
to ensure that they rejoin service, as previously, and abandon the
practice of plunder. It is to be seen whether they can abstain from
their custom or not.
Undated: Prob.l Rabf' I 1174 R.Y. [11 October 1760]
P.57
The situation in the area of ~iiba Lahore is as follows:
In the said city, the sect of Sikhs has established their control, and
have proclaimed the authority of Bhau $al)ib [the Maratha
commander]. They have organized the karahl Guru $a/;lib
rdistribution of sacred sweetmeat made of flour], and have held a
prayer (ardas) 2 for Bhau Sal)ib, tliat is, a prayer to 3 the Gurii Sal)ib
for His Excellency's victory and triumph. They raised their hands
towards· the sky, praying that the tyrant [Al)mad Shah] Abdali
should soon get the punishment for his misdeeds and shortly meet
his death. The said sect has brought under its control the territories
of that ~iiba as well as the area of the [Jalandhar] Doab, etc., so
that having established their tax collection over the country, they
share it with the Shah. This is being submitted for report to His
Excellency [the Peshwa?].
Ala Singh Jat stays in his own principality [Patiala].
He has summoned a body of Sikhs and written to Bhau $al)ib to
say: "His Excellency may please come here himself. I will soon
join him with the troops of the Sikhs. Backed by His Excellency's
(Sri Fu 's) prestige, I will not leave the Abdalis alive." The body
of the Sikhs in the environs of Lahore, etc., probably numbers
forty or fifty thousand horse.
Undated: Post-Shawwa/1174 [May June 1761]
Pp.59-60
The news has been received that Shah Abdali, marching
from Gujarat Shah Daula4 has crossed the Chenab and is on his
way to Wilayat [Afghanistan], for he has now only to cross the
Attock river [Indus] .... It is heard that he has appointed
Mul)ammad [Sar-]Buland Khan ... as Provincial Governor of
Lahore. Since the tumult of the Sikh sect in that ~iiba is very
considerable, it does not seem that administration can now be
restored. Indeed, the Abdali oppressors' pillage and plunder of
the country has reduced it to dust and ruin. Let Almighty God

189
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

soon so punish the cruel for their deeds that no name or sign should
survive ofthem!
The situation in the [Jalandhar] Doab is that Sa'adat
Khan Afridi, appointed faujdiir of the Doab by Abdali, resides at
Jalandhar, the headquarters. The Sikhs, out of fear of the Abdali
army, had hidden and concealed themselves in the hills and valleys.
Now that the news has spread that the Shah ha·s gone beyond
Lahore, troop after troop of them, coming down from the hills,
have laid siege to the said faujdiir and are busy collecting tax of
the rabi harvest from these territories. The said Khan has. no power
to fight or contend with them. Report made for submission to His
Excellency.
2 Ramafiin 1176 [17 March 1763)
P.67
The position of Zain Khan,faujdar, chakla of Sirhind,
is that the said Khan was at Ambala, on this [eastern] side of the
chakla; now he has marched and entered Sirhind. The news is that
a force of Sikhs is making a raid upon him; any way, a body of
them having assembled has reached the district of Riipar. Within
some days, after the return of the Sikh chiefs [and their joining
this force], their control will extend to Kamal. At present, there is
no body of men who can obstruct or check them. Whatever will
happen next will be reported.
30 RamQfiin 1176 [14 April 1 763)
Pp.73-76
Previous to this, a report has already been sent of the
happenings at the Capital Shahjahanabad [Delhi]; ofSh~h Abdali's
crossing over the Attock river [Indus] on 27 Sha'ban 1176 [13
March 1763] and his marching thence and reaching the town .of
Peshawar; ... of the humiliation suffered [by Shah Abdali] at the
hands of the body of Sikh chiefs; of their taking possession of the
mal;zals of Sialkot and Gujarat Shah Daula, etc., up to the Jhelum
river; of the messages [to the Shah] from Zain Khan, faujdar of
chak/a Sirhind and Raja Ghaman<;la Singh,faujdiir of [Jalandhar]
Doab, who has retired to his home in the hills, leaving his officials
behind, out of the fear from and dominance of the Sikhs, [the
message being] in respect of the payment of the promised tax-
money, which they have been paying according to agreement to
the Shah when residing in their ta 'al/uqas; 5 of the arrival of Jassa
Singh, Thoka Singh, 6 and other chiefs of that sect at the Amritsar
tank in Chak Gurii for the purpose of the bath (ashniin) in the

190
 Sikh Power in the Panjab

month ofBaisakhi [April-May], that is Sankrant Megh; after their

mutual deliberation and consultation, their division and distribution
of the country among themselves and departure for districts and
tracts around; of the presence of Kabuli Mal, the Shah's diwiin
and Khwaja 'Ubaid Khan within [the capital of] ~iiba Lahore, and
their negotiations with the Sikhs ..... A report of these matters was
sent to His Excellency's headquarters on 14 Rama~an 1076 [30
March 1763] by a paid messenger, and it is hoped that it has been
seen.
Thereafter, the news of Shah Abdali is that he is
encamped in the town of Peshawar and plans to go to Kabul and
Qandahar .... [His difficulties described].
The situation of the Sikh chiefs is that they are
encamped at the site of the tank at Chak Guru; and tribe (khail)
after tribe of theirs, in large numbers have gathered there, so that
the moment they are free from [the ceremonies of] ashniin of
BaisakQi, the raid into the territories around Saharanptir and other
districts is to be undertaken. No one dares or has the power to
oppose that sect. The Calamity of Abdali (iifat-i Abdiili) has gone;
but now the Calamity of the Sikhs (iifat-i Sikhiin) has arisen.
The said [Sikh] chiefs have written to Their Excellencies
Shuja'uddaula and Najibuddaula to say: "We, servants of the
[Mughal] court, by its desire, have expelled Shah Abdali from
~iiba Lahore, so that he has left, crossing the Attock river [Indus].
As a result, we have incurred large expenditure in gathering troops.
The amount that Ri~a Quli Khan had before leaving, fixed, for
being sent to the Shah, may be paid to us so that we may pay it to
the army chiefs. In case of delay, the [conduct of the] Sikh forces
would not be in our hands; and they would make a raid on the
capital [Delhi]. We should not be held to blame for this." From
this the inhabitants of these territories are again in a state of
turmoil.
As to Zain Khan,faujdiir of chak/a Sirhind, he marched
from Sirhind towards the Ko.tJahs [Settlements] of 'Isa Khan in
Lakhi Jungle. Apparently, Ala Singh told him: "These Sikh chiefs
are not within my control; whatever you wish to do, you may do."
The said Khan, therefore, returned to Ambala, two journey-stages
this side of chakla Sirhind, engaging himself in tax-collection to
provide for his troops. Zain Khan has nearly five thousand
horsemen and nearly five thousand infantry. But the Khan has
spasms of fever on hearing the name of the Sikhs. Before the event
[the Sikh attack] even takes place, he has removed hims((lf from

191
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

Sirhind. When the Sikh raid on Sirhind takes place, the Khan's
plan is to flee to the capital [Delhi].
28 ZJ'/I)ijja 1176 [9July 1763]
Pp.86-88
Since the last letter, the news of Shah Abdali is that he
has been staying for some time in ~uba Kabul... Just as the rumour
of Shah Abdali's coming spread in the capital [Delhi] for less than
a few days and then ran cold, so too in Peshawar and Kabul the
rumour of the Sikh troops' being about to reach those places
spreads among the select as well as the common people of those
places. For this reason Shah Abdali has sent forth his bakhshz and
commander, Jahan Khan, with a small force and let it out that he
[Jahan Khan] has been appointed Governor of Lahore to quell the
Sikhs, and is on his way. So Jahan Khan has begun his march
from Kabul... The need to recover [the lost territory in] Iran weighs
on the Shah's heart, and the need to deal with the Sikhs gnaws at
his soul. Whatever is fated to happen will take place after the rainy
season.
As for the Sikhs, these days Jassa Singh and others have
marched out of their places in the [Jalandhar].Doab and have gone
for Gurmata, or consultation and deliberation, at the place of Chak
GurU at Amritsar. 7 Gtijar Singh, Lehna Singh, etc., were encamped
in the Manjha tract, and Charat Singh, etc., on the other side of
River Jhelum. The news is that all chiefs will come to the said
place [Chak Guru] to hold mutual consultation, and whatever is
decided after mutual consultation will be acted upon.
Charan Gangtirli, an envoy of Nawab Shuja'uddaula
[of Awadh] left the capital Shahjahanabad [Delhi] and reached
the camp of Jassa Singh in the [Jalandhar] Doab, presenting him
with robes of honour, the Emperor's [Shah 'Alam's] orders, and
letters of Nawab Shuja'uddaula. He replied: "We are going for
consultation to the place ofChak GurU. We will tell ofthe imperial
orders to all the [Sikh] chiefs, and act according to the elevated
orders."
... [Zain Khan,faujdar of chakla Sirhind binds himself
to pay Rs 3 lakhs annually to Jassa Singh, through the mediation
of Ala Singh Jat.] A force of Ala Singh has joined Zain Khan,
being posted with him for tax collection a11d assessment. As a
result, the said Khan is occupying himself with the administration
of those ma/;lals and has represented to the Shah [Abdali] that a
settlement" has been made with the Sikh chiefs owing to the
exigencies of the situation, saying: "The moment the [Shah's]

192
 Sikh Power in the Panjab

armies cross over to this side of the Attock river [Indus], I will
present myself to cope with this sect."
20 Mu/:zarram 1177 {2 August 1763}
Pp.SS-90
Before this report, the news had been conveyed of the
proceedings of the Court; of the events at the capital
Shahjahanabad [Delhi]; of Shah Abdali's march from the province
of Kabul to Qandahar; of his summoning back Jahan Khan; ofthe
latter's march from Jalalabad to Kabul, by the Shah's order; of
the arrival of the chiefs of the sect of Sikhs, viz., Jassa Singh,
Thoka Singh, Giijar Singh, Lehna Singh, etc., to the place Chak
Guru for mutual deliberation and consultation; of the [spread of
the] control of the said chiefs in the [Jalandhar] Doab, Snilkot,
etc., up to this side of the Attock River [Indus] .... by the report of
28 Z.i'lbijja 1176 [9 July 1763], 8 which was sent by paid
messengers, and must have been seen by His Excellency.
The situation with regard to the Sikh chiefs is as follows:
Charat Singh, reacting to news of the impending coming of Jahan
Khan, marched out of Sialkot and reached the vicinity of
Rohtasgat:h. The chiefs who had assembled at Chak Guru for
deliberation and consultation, receiving this news, left the place
to assist Charat Singh, [all] joining together. The said chiefs' forces
have marched up to Rawalpindi on this side of the Attock river
[Indus], so that they have spread about and encamped in that entire
district. The Sikhs' control is also established over the [Sindhsagar]
Doab; and in the ta 'alluqa of the zamlndarl of the late Su\tan
Muqarrab Khan Ghakkar too their authority has been imposed.
Their plan is that in case Shah Abdali arrives at Peshawar to march
on Lahore, they would betake themselves to the Attock River to
give him battle.
3 Rabl' II 1177 [1 1 October 1 763]
Pp.96-97
The facts about Jahan Khan are that, having by force
and torture extorted the sum of Rupees three lakhs from the
inhabitants of the city of Peshawar, and having distributed a small
amount of it among his troops, he has marched to the bank of the
Attock river [Indus]. Since the Sikh army, which had spread around
and encamped in that territory, has moved from there for the
ashniin [bath] of Dussehra as well as Katiki which takes place at
the tank situated in Chak Guru, and assembled on the river Jhelum
for its shamboh (?), so Jahan Khan, accompanied by the son of

193
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

the deceased Abdu'~ $amad Khan, Af~al Khan and other

colleagues of his, crossed over to this side of the Attock river and
encamped at ijasan Abdal, 15 kurohs on this side of the said river.
His force does not exceed seven or eight thousand horse.
Long life to Your Excellency: Jahan Khan cannot march
forward from ijasan Abdal to the Jhelum river to meet the Sikhs.
He is waiting for the Shah's arrival. Without the support of the
Shah, it does not appear possible for him to march on Lahore or
fight the Sikhs ....
As for the Sikhs, Charat Singh and other chiefs with a
force of three or four thousand horse and foot are encamped on
the river Jhelum. Although, the intention of all the chiefs was that
for the ashnan of the month of Katiki [October-November], they
should go to the tank of Chak Guru, yet on receiving the news of
Jahan Khan's crossing the Attock river and encamping at J:lasan
Abdal, they stationed themselves at the said river [Jhelum] and
are preparing for a battle with the said Khan.
Jassa Singh, staying at the headquarters ofthefaujdari
of [Jalandhar] Doab, is busy with tax-collection in that district.
One force has raised disturbance in the neighbourhood of the ~iiba
[-capital] Lahore and does not allow grain to enter the city. As a
result, grain is selling at eight seers [per rupee] in the city. It is
cheap outside the .city; but the people of the city are dying [of
starvation].
At this time a very large crowd assembled for the
festival of the Katiki month at the place ofChak Guru, and people
are still coming. For this reason, after the construction of houses,
previously begun, preparations have started for building other
houses. The conical-hat (kulah) wearing Durranis [Afghans?] are
working there as wage-labourers.
Zain Khan, faujdar of chakla Sirhind, has stationed
himself within the chakla, and .is there busy in administering and
tax-collecting, with the collaboration and support of Ala Singh
Jat. Gharmii [Gharmii?] Jat, by name, belonging to the Sikh sect,
has sacked and plundered some villages ofShahdhora [Sadhaura]
and plans to sack the mal)al of Buriya as well.
News has been received that Ala Singh Jat and also
Zain Khan have sent letters to Jahan Khan, the Bakhshi of the
Shah, that "if he [the Shah] was to come to Lahore, we would in
that case secure the removal of the Sikhs' thanas in the [Jalandhar]
Doab." As a result of this, ill-feeling has developed between the
Sikhs and Ala Singh.

194
 Sikh Power in the Panjab

29 Sha 'ban 1177 [3 March 1764]

Pp.1 01-3
Previous to this, the news of the proceedings of the
Imperial Court; of the happenings at the capital city [Delhi], ... of
the crossing over to this side of the Attock river [Indus] by Shah
Abdali on 9 Rajah 1177 [13 January 1764];· of the gathering of the
Sikh chiefs, Charat Singh, Thoka Singh [Jassa Singh Thoka], etc.,
with large forces and artillery at Snilkot and other mal)a/s of
Gujarat Shah Daula, Parasriir, Sodhra, etc.; the crossing over to
this side of the Sutlej river by Jassa Singh and others of that sect,
and their laying siege to Sirhind; of the fight put up for some days
by the deputy of Zain Khan, faujdar of that chakla appointed by
the Shah; of the sacking and plundering of this town thereafter; of
Zain Khan's march from Ambala to meet the Sikhs, after the receipt
of this news; of his reaching within six kurohs of the town of
Sirhind; of the attack upon him by Jassa Singh Kalal, etc., the
occurrence of a heavy battle, the plunder and destruction of Zain
Khan, with ten thousand horsemen ofhis being killed; of the siege
ofSirhind by the Sikhs, after the plunder and killing ofZain .Khan;
of their sacking and capturing it and seizing the money and goods
of the said Khan, amounting to nearly fourteen or fifteen Jakhs of
rupees; ... and other facts, has been conveyed to you by the report
sent by paid messengers; and the report must have been put up
before Your Excellency.
The facts about Shah Abdali are as foJlows: After
crossing the Attock river, he has stayed for some time· at f:lasan
Abdal, fifteen kurohs on this side of the river. He then moved,
along with Shah Wali Khan, Shah Pasand Khan, Jahan Khan, etc.,
his commanders, to Rawalpindi. In the meanwhile the Sikhs
marched from Gujarat Shah Daula, this side of the river Jhelum,
to Chak Guru, which is the place of pilgrimage of that sect, and is
eleven kurohs from Lahore. They met at that place and after
consulting each other decided that since in the neighbourhood of
Lahore there are strong forts in all places, and the country is also
theirs, and grain and fodder is abundant, they should Jet the Shah
come in and not encounter him until after he crosses the Chenab
river, when he should be met and fought with.
After the retreat of the Sikhs and their retiring to Chak
Guru, Shah Abdali reached the fort of Rohtasga:.:h and left his
men there. Then he crossed over to this side of river Jhelum and
has encamped at Gujarit Shah Daula and Parasrur. The Shah's
forces have spread out and encamped on that side of the Chenib

195
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

river. The Sikh chiefs, setting their forces in two or three divisions,
have moved from Chak Guru and reached the said [Chenab] river.
Their plan seems to be that just when the Shah crosses over to this
side of the river, they should give him battle. Thus between them
at the moment the said river intervenes. The Shah has nearly forty
thousand horse under him, and the Sikhs have more than one lakh
horse and foot, with many well-mounted horsemen. 9
2 Shawwa/1177 [4 Apri/1764]
Pp.103-6
Before this report, news has been conveyed of the
proceedings of the Imperial Court; of the happenings at the capital
city ofShahjahanabad [Delhi]; of the arrival of Shah Abdali upon
the Chenib river after crossing the Jhelum river; of the crossing
over to this side of the Chenab river at a ford, first by his vanguard
(chapavali) troops, then by his own troops; of the ensuing battle
with the Sikh chiefs, Charat Singh, Hari Singh, Thoka Singh [Jassa
Singh Thoka], etc.; of the defeat and overth'row suffered by the
Shih's troops, after much slaughter and fighting and large numbers
from both sides getting killed and wounded; of the drowning of
many through missing the ford; of the Shah's putting his own horse
into the river, and the doubt whether he drowned or reached safety;
of the pursuit by the said army [Sikhs] and the sacking of the
[Shah's] camp; ... of Jassa Singh, the head of the tribe (sar-i khail)
of the Sikhs in the town of Sirhind, along with his companions,
after the sacking of the maiJ,als of Sahili and Jhanja (?) inside
Antar-Bed [Ganga-Yamuna Doab], [and] after crossing over to
this [western] side of the Yamuna river, reaching Ambala and
collecting tax on account of Karah Gurii 10 from Dalil Khan,
zamzndar of Kunjpiira, etc., and the sacking of many vilages of
that district, .... by the report dated last day of Sha'bin 1177 [3
March 1764], 11 sent by paid messengers to the headquarters, which
must have been seen by Your Excellency.
As for the facts regarding Shih Abdali, after the great
battle and the defeat suffered by him there at the hands of the
Sikhs, the Shih reached the river Jhelum, and his troops fled hither
and thither in disorder. However much the Shah took off his turban
and exhorted his army commanders to show firmness and stand
up to the enemy, no one listened to him,· and troop after troop
crossed the river Jhelum, and fled pellmell, like an army without
defence or transport. Travelling thirty kurohs in one day-and-night,
out of the terror of the Sikhs, they reached l:lasan Abdal. There
only did they give a breathing time to themselves. All fled, one by

196
 Sikh Power in the Panjab

one. In this kind of flight, the hazar of the camp and Shah['s
baggage] was put to sack. One man's turban went to someone
else. The [Shah's] army dispersing on this side ofthe Attock river
[Indus] crossed over to the other side of the river on 22 Sha'ban
the same year [25 February 1764] ... From the agents of the
sahiikars of Multan, it is learnt that the Shah has made a long
journey, that is, he was killed; but his supporters say that disruption
took place among his commanders' troops, but the Shah left the
field alive.
The situation with regard to Charat Singh, Hari Singh,
Karori Mal, Thoka Singh, Lohara Singh and other Sikh chiefs,
who are, as a tribe, so numerous, is that they had come to the
place Chak Gurii for the hofi. After the time of holka they have
marched to the Jhelum river, and established their posts (thiinas)
at various places. It is reported that they plan to march to Pothuwal
on this side of the Attock river, in order to establish their
administration there, and to obtain a large sum from the zammdiirs
of that district. They have sent letters with horsemen to .Y.hulam
Shah Latti, zamlndar of ~iiba Multan, Mul.tammad [Sar-]Buland
Khan, uncle of the Shah, Governor of Kashmir, and all zamzndars,
to send their representatives and pay the mon·ey they paid to Shah
Abdali; ottierwise, in the case of delay, the army would be sent
[against them.]
The situation in the ~iiba [-capital] Lahore is that Hari
Singh's men went to take control of the city. Charat Singh's men
also went there. As a result a fight took place between them and
two hundred persons from both sides were kiiled or wounded.
Finally, peace was arranged. Men of the post (thiina) of Charat
Singh entered the city. It transpires that Charat Singh's Jetter has
been received by Kabuli Mal, restoring him to his position [as
dfwan]. Since they [the Sikh chiefs] had demanded Rupees two
Jakhs from Kabuli Mal, he has summoned all inhabitants and
demanded large sums from them. The siihiikars and wealthy
persons have been beaten with sticks, as the Abdalis used to do. A
great calamity has fallen on people there, big or small, money
being demanded from everyone.
28 Zi'IIJ,ijja 1177 [28 June 1764]
Pp.l06-9
Before this, a report containing news of the proceedings
of the Imperial Court, of the events in the capital city
Shahjahanabid [Delhi]; of Shah Abdili's return to ~iiba Kabul,
and his despatch of his vizier Shih Wali Khan to Qandahir to

197
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

gather troops to cope with the Sikhs; of Charat Singh marching,

with his colleagues, from the maiJ.al of SUilkot to the Attock river
[Indus]; of the camping of Jassa Singh Ka/a/ 12 and other Sikhs in
the [Jalandhar] Doab and their differences and fighting among
themselves, ... had been sent, dated 19 Ziqa'd 1177 [20 May 1764]
by paid messengers to the headquarters. It is hoped it has been
perused' by Your Excellency.
Since the Gakkhar zam"indars of this side of the Attock
river had in company with the son of the late ['Abdu'~] ~amad
Khan, assembled nearly eight or nine thousand horse to fight with
the Sikhs and marched towards Jhelum river, Charat Singh with
his troops, hearing the news, crossed over to the other side of the
same river. A great battle took place between the two sides; and
after many had been killed on both sides, the said Gakkhars were
unable to carry on the battle and fled to their own home (-district).
Charat Singh pursued them, and whatever came to his hand, horses,
etc., from them, he put to sack. Going as far as Margan Bakta (?),
he returned to Gujarat Shah Daula. Having settled other maiJ.als,
he is now camping in that district.
Hari Singh Bhangi 13 has appointed Wali Mul}ammad
Khan as Deputy Governor of ~iiba Multan. Since there had been
much damage and disrepair suffered by the fort and city wall, the
said Khan has carried out good repairs and is busy settling affairs
there.
Kabuli Mal, the Shah's D"iwan in ~uba Lahore, who, by
support ot Hari Singh Bhangi, chief of the Sikhs, has been
appointed to manage affairs there, pays the tax-money of the said
city to the said Hari Singh. Since the grain prices are very high,
he has fixed the rate ofbarley at 11 seers [per rupee] and ofwheat,
8 seers. The Raja of Jammu sends money to the Sikh chiefs
according to what has been settled.
28 Zi'li,Jijja 1177 [28 June 1764] 14
Pp.110-11
The facts about Jassa Singh Kalal and others are as
follows: Hari Singh Bhangi, Nihal Singh, etc., have come from
the vicinity of Chak Gorii, in accordance with a letter of summons
from Jassa Singh Kalal. Having arrived in the [Jalandhar] Doab,
they met each other sincerely and cordially. Accordingly, on 12
Zi'll}ijja the same year [12 June 1764], all these persons, viz.,
Hari Singh Bhangi, Nihal Singh, Kardar Singh ... (?), Qaliwaliyan
and Giijar Singh, with a force of nearly thirty thousand horse and
foot, crossed over to this side of the Sutlej at·the Rupar ghQ_t, and

198
 Sikh Power in the Panjab

entered the chak/a of Sirhind. Their forces are engaged in the

sacking and plunder of villages in the ma~za/s of Ambala and
Shahabad-with-Kunjpura. They are also settling matters and intend
to invade Antar Ved [Ganga-Yamuna Doab].
Ala Singh Jat, who established his residence in the
village ofPatiala, and had strengthened his forts in preparation to
fight the Sikhs, and has not paid to anyone the tax on his own
ta 'a//uqa, under which he has brought the tract including Thanesar,
etc., up to Kamal, saw the large size of the Sikh army, and marched
from his seat to meet the said chiefs, whom he joined. He has
accepted on behalf ofNajibuddaula to pay Rupees eighty thousand
in cash towards Kariih Gurii. Besides this he has suggested they
should [not?] raid Najibuddaula's territory; they can take his [Ala
Singh's] sign (nishiin) for the payment of the tax settled on him.
The Sikh chiefs replied: "You give your sign (nishiin) for your
own payment. We will settle with Najibuddaula ourselves. What
have you got to do with his case, that you come in between?"
30 Jumiida I 1178 [25 November 1 764]
Pp.112-14
Previous to this a report giving the news of the Court,
of happenings at the capital Shahjahanabad [Delhi]; of the
departure of Shah Abdali from Qandahar on I Rabi' II 1178 [28
September 1764] [for Kabul] .... ; of the conclusion of the ashniin
at the tank of Amritsar at Chak Guru and the departure of the
Sikhs from there; of the chiefs Charat Singh, Hari Singh, Sukha
Singh, Nihal Singh, Gujar Singh, etc., with suitable troops,
gathered in groups, numbering sixty thousand horse, proceeding
to GujaFat Shah Daula and to the other [western] side of the Jhelum
river; of Jassa Singh, Thoka Singh, Khwushl:tal Singh, Kardar
Singh, etc., coming to the [Jalandhar] Doab, ... and other matters,
dated 13 Jumada-1 1178 [8 November 1764], was sent by paid
messengers and may have been seen by Your Excellency.
Jahan Khan [AI:tmad Shah Abdali's commander] is
encamped in ~iiba Kabul and is engaged in gathering troops and
waiting for the Shah to come. It cannot be imagined how without
a large army the Shah can come to Hindustan to deal with the
Sikhs. They are treated with much awe by the Afghans (ku/iih-
poshiin), 'conical-hat wearers').
As to the Sikhs, the Sikh chiefs, Charat Singh and others
have crossed over to that side of the Chenab river and are marching
to Multan and towards the Attock river [Indus]. Jassa Singh and
others have marched out of the [Jalandhar] Doab, crossing over to

199
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

this side of the Sutlej on 13 Jumada I the same year [8 November

1764] and reached Ambala, two stages this [eastern] side of
Sirhind, on the sixteenth ofthe same month [11 November]. They
besieged Sarai A '~amabad Talaori. Its thanadar Datil Khan, the
zam'fndar of Kunjpura, engaged them in an artillery (topkhana)
battle, in which Kardar Singh was kiHed by a musket-shot.
Thereafter negotiations were entered into with the said Khan. A
force of nearly six thousand crossed over to the other [eastern]
side of the Yamuna river at Buriya ghaJ, where it was fordable.
They have sacked a number of villages, reducing them to dust.
The valals [representatives] of Jawahar Singh [the Jat ruler of
Bharatpur] are accompanying them and are bringing the said army
[of the Sikhs] to give him aid. 15 Another [Sikh] force has gone
towards the mal;lal of Jind. The news is that they would soon join
Jawahar Singh. As a result of these events, the people of the town
of Panipat have fled into the fort, and the inhabitants of Saili[?],
etc., have gone to stay in fortified villages and Jalalabad. At
present, great calamities have befallen the country this [western]
side of the Yamuna river. Let us see what happens next.
17 Rama~an 1178 {8 March 1765]
Pp.115-17
Prior to this the news of the Imperial Court; of the events
in the capital city Shahjahanabad [Delhi]; of the arrival of Shah
Abdali at the place Jhancja Ramdas and Dera Nanakshah Faqir,
towards the Jammu Hills; of his march from there to the place
Jalalabad; of the obligation imposed on the Raja of Jammu to send
vak'fls [to the Shah]; of the high prices of grains and other articles
in the Shah's army; of the guerilla-style (qazzaqana) raid by a
Sikh force on the [camp ofl residence of the Shah; .... of the
departure of Jassa Singh and others of the Sikh forces from the
. outposts (?) towards Sirhind and their taking of Rupees thirteen
lakhs, due as balance, from Jawahar Singh ... , has been given in
the report dated 25 Sha'ban the same year [17 February 1765],
sent by paid messengers. His Excellency may have seen this report.
Thereafter: The position of Shah Abdali is as follows.
He marched from Sul,tanpur to reach Jalandhar in the [Jalandhar]
Doab. He has imposed a forced levy of Rupees eighty thousand
on the Afghans of that place. From the time of his arrival in the
[Jalandhar] Doab, grain prices [within his camp?] have fallen.
Upon the petition of the zam'fndars of that district, who appeared
before him, it was pledged [by the Shah] that no one should engage
in plunder and sacking. But whose orders do the Shah's troops

200
 Sikh Power in the Panjab

obey? Thereafter he crossed over to this [eastern] side of the Sutlej

on 12 Rama~an the same year [5 March 1765] now and is encamped
at Chhattanpiir, which is on this [eastern] side ofSirhind, face to
face with Kotaha [?].The Shah's men, who had been stationed in
some places in the [Jalandhar] Doab and elsewhere, have deserted
their posts out of the fear of the Sikhs, and have joined the Shah's
army. Nothing has been achieved [by the Shah] in respect of
quelling the Sikhs.

Kashmiri Mal, by name, vakil of Ala Singh Jat, who

has his seat at village Patiala, is present in the Shah's camp for
negotiations. Officials (sazawals) had been sent from the Shah's
court to bring him [Ala Singh], but he stays in his fort and, out of
fear of the Shah, has not come to present himself; he has sent
Rupees forty thousand as a banquet present (~iyafat-ngzrana) to
the Shah. It is rumoured that a settlement has been made for the
payment of Rupees three lakhs [per annum?], and a nephew ofthe
said [Ala Singh] has arrived at the Shah's camp.
As for the Sikhs, the chiefs Charat Singh, Hari Singh,
etc., have spread over and established themselves in the territory
of- and also the [Jalandhar] Doab, and do not allow any posts
(thanas) of the Shah to be established. The result is that the Shah,
accompanied by his whole army and commanders, moves from
place to place, and does not disperse his army, so that to date no
punishment has been inflicted on the Sikhs, and there appears to
be no prospect of it in future as well. The Shah has no other object
than pillage and plunder. Once money is given to him, it is probable
that he would retire to Lahore. Otherwise, the rumour goes, he
will go to the district ofSaharanpiir, crossing over to that [eastern]
side of the Yamuna, imposing his authority on all persons and
exacting much money.
The news has been received of Jassa Singh Kalal and
others, who from the vicinity of the capital city [Delhi] had gone
towards Sirhind, reaching Ambala. When the news of the Shah's
crossing over to this side of the Sutlej reached them, he [Jassa
Singh] in order to avoid a confrontation witn the Shah, moved to
Samana, and then, marching from there, went to Makhiiwal where
he is encamped. The truth is that the Sikh troops do not engage
the Shah's. army in close battle Uang-i ~aj). The Shah too is unable
to chastise them. They have not abandoned their enmity [lit.
thought] of the Shah, nor will they abandon it; so there is no
possibility of a settlement.

201
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

Jassa Singh and other Sikh chiefs sent a message to

Ala Singh Jat asking him not 16 to make a settlement with the Shah,
[saying:] "If it comes to siege, we are ready to give assistance."
He replied, saying: "I am a zamzndar. I first make a settlement;
thereafter, I am helpless. You [on the other hand] can confront
the Shah on equal terms."

Notes
1
If by 'seer' (ser) the ser-i Shiihjahiinl is meant, its weight should
have been 0.84 kg.
1
Not amardiis, as printed.
3 Read ba-janiib for nijat.

" The old town of Gujarat was now so designated after the name of its
famous 17th-century saint Shih Daulli, to distinguish it from the
province of Gujarit. -
s Ghaman4li Singh or ab_aman4 Chand, the ruler ofKangra (1751-74)
was given the charge of the Jalandhar Doab by At,mad Shih Abdiili
in 1758; he employed a large force of "Rohillas and Afghans" (J.
Hutchison and J.Ph. Vogel, History ofthe Panjiib Hill States, Lahore,
1933, I, pp.175-6).
6
Jassii Singh Thoka (carpenter), also called Jassa Singh Riimgarhia,
to be distinguished from his contemporary, Jassa Singh KaHil
(Ahluwalia). (J.S.G.).
7
Gurmatii (written here, gormata), 'The Gurii 's counsel or instruction',
and thus not the act of consultation, but the decision taken at such
consultation of the principal leaders of the Sikhs at Amritsar. The
present reference is valuable in showing that by 1763 the consultation
leading to gurmatii (standing for what earlier would have been the
Gurii 'sown decrees or orders) had been well established, and all major
Sikh chiefs had to defer to this custom. For gurmatii, sec W.H.
McLeod, The Evolution of the Sikh Community: Five Essays, Delhi,
1975, pp.48-50, I 06.
8 I.e. the previous report from which extracts arc already given; but

some facts, e.g., Jahiin .Khan's recall from JaUUibiid, or the names of
the various Sikh chiefs as having actually assembled at Chak Gurii,
arc not mentioned there.
9
Kb.wush-aspa: meaning horsemen, who either have horses of good
breeds, or possess of remounts.
1
° Kariih means "a kind of sweetmeats made of flour, sugar and ghee
[i.e. ~alwii], very extensively used and generally distributed in the
Sikh temples to worshippers" (Maya Singh). Kariih Guru must then
bear the sense of money taken ostensibly for expenditure on sacred
food distributed in the name of the Guru. ·
11 The report of 3 March 1764 printed in Khare, pp.l 0 1-3, and in part

translated above, does not, however, contain the news of At,mad Shah
Abdill's defeat, but stops at the stage where the Sikh forces waited
for him on the left bank of the Cheniib just on the eve of the battle.
12
Kaliil is the designation borne by a caste, originally of low status, of
distillers and sellers of spiritous liquors in the Panjlib. Sikh Kaliils

202
 Sikh Power in the Panjab

have tended to adopt the name AhlUwalia, from Ahlii, Jassa Singh's
ancestral village, and to disown the original caste-profession
(D.Ibbetson, Panjab Castes, Lahore, 1916, p.32S).
13
'Bhlkan' in the printed text as suffix to Hari Singh must be an error
for 'Bhangi': in shilcasta in which the reports must have been written,
the two forms would be indistinguishable (J.S.G.)
14
Obviously, a supplementary report, since the date is the same as that
of the previous report.
15
Jawahar Singh's troops were then cooperating with the Marathas and
raiding Najlbuddaula 's territory ncar Delhi on the eastern side of the
Yamuna.
16
The negative seems to have been inadvertantly omitted in the printed
text, which reads numayand for na-numayand.

203
18
Sikh Resista11ce to Al)mad Shah
A.bdali's Invasion of tl1e P·unjab.,
1764-65
Frotn Qa~1 NUr Mui:tanu11ad . Jangniima

Translated by lqtidar A/am Khan

Q~i Niir Mu}Jammad's Jang-niima compiled

in 1765 is an account of A}Jmad Shah Abdali's raid into
the Punjab in 1764-65. It is a versified history of a military
campaign during which Abdali had to mainly face the Sikh
misa/s of the Panjab. This is, perhaps, the only surviving
account of Abdali's invasions from the Afghan point of
view that furnishes a detailed notice of the resistance
offerred to him by the Sikhs. Despite Qa:z:i Niir
Mu}Jammad's extreme hostility towards the Sikhs, his
narrative corroborates the picture of the heroic fight put
up by them just as is given in Sikh traditions. For example,
Niir Mu}Jammad corroborate's the story of thirty Sikhs
willingly scrificing their lives in defence ofDarbar Sahib
by challenging a thirty-thousand strong Afghan cavalry
outside the gate of the shrine.
In the following translation couplets shedding
light on the religious, political and military ethos of the
Sikhs and on the leading Sikh chiefs of the time are
selected from the Jangniima and translated into English.
The text used for the purpose is the one edited by Ganda
Singh, Amritsar, 1939. The translation presented here has
been carefully compared with the summary in English
(containing "literal translation and paraphrase of the
important historical portions") furnished by Ganda Singh
in his edition.
204
 !lesistance to Afghans

In many places, Qa~i Nur Mul)ammad has

referred to the Sikh warriors with derogatory expressions,
sag (dog) or sagan (dogs). Often he uses these expressions
as deliberate words of abuse. But, in many other places,
as Jadunath Sarkar suggests, these expressions are "the
result of a miserable pun the force of which is lost on one
who cannot read Persian." (Foreword to Ganda Singh's
ed. of Jangnama). While writing the words "Sikh" or
"Sikhan" or "Singh" or "Singhan", even in a neutral sense
the author or scribe resorts to a pernicious manipulation
of the script to make these read "sag" or "sagan". This
variation of nuance is not always taken into account by
Ganda Singh which sometimes results in problematic
statements, eg., "Do not call the dogs [Sikhs] ·dogs',
because they are lions" (Ganda Singh's transl., p.55). We
have therefore ignored the pejorative variation and simply
read 'Sikhs', though, indeed, as Professor Grewal
suggests, the reading 'Singh(s)' is also as probable.
In the following translation, the "sections"
indicated in the sub-headings are those of the text from
where the couplets translated are extracted and the
numbers within square brackets indicate the pages of the
printed text, on which the passage immediately following
occurs.

TRANSLATION
[p.36] Section VI: [Decision of the Baluch chief Na~ir
Khan to join Al}mad Shah Abdali's campaign in the Punjab.]
[p.37] One day, the just Khan (Na~ir Khan ofQalat), as
was the practice of his predecessors, was consulting the books on
fiqh [Muslim law] and l)ad'i.s. [Sayings of the Prophet] in the
assembly of the learned, and there was going on a discussion
regarding the Quranic injunctions on the merits of l)ajj-i 'umra,
that is, the sacred pilgrimage to Mecca other than l)ajj proper [All
of a sudden] a Marri 1 gatekeeper came in and announced the arrival
of the news from Dera [Ghazi Khan] [p.38] that the Sikhs have
overrun the Lahore-Multan tract down to Dera and have
demolished mosques there ... He [the Khan] asked the religious
scholars to give a pronouncement (fatwa] in the matter... [p.40]
They unanimously favoured a war with the enemies but .[advised] ·
that first, the permission of the Shah, the protector of)lhe world
[AI)mad Shah Abdali], be obtained. [Accordingly], a letter ( 'arfa)

205
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

to this effect was drafted, ... and was sent through an express
messenger. Even before this, the Shah had himselfwritten a letter
to the Khan [saying]: "The infidels have subjugated the Muslims
(lit., 'men of the faith') and have plundered Multan. They have
destroyed mosques and carried away Muslims as prisoners. This
intelligence has reached me from Multan and Dera [Ghazi Khan].
If you proceed to l;zajj, these misguided people would bring about
a general destruction. You should come from that side and I from
this so that we [together] may destroy them root and branch by
burning down their habitations. This crusade against an idol-
worshiping enemy is surely more important than l;zajj." He [the
Shah] g~ve a letter in his own hand to this messenger. which this
messenger gave to the Khan, requesting him to read it. A munshl
was immediately called to read it. This [second] letter said: "Sikhs
[who are] Hindus deviating from their faith [dln], have come to
dominate Multan and Lahore. [They] have overthrown the religious
practices [ofthe Muslims]and have raided the outskirts of Lahore.
Not only Lahore, these insolent infidels have struck at Multan
also. You are our son, and a brother in religion. Come, so that we
may uproot this community of non-believers and capture their
women and children." That very moment, he [the Khan] called an
assembly so that the contingents of the army may gather in a short
time.

[p.97] Section: XV: The Shah's going to Gurii Chak

{Amritsar] and his destroying that place.
[p.98] In short, as these Sikhs withdrew from the battle,
they did not stop on the way till they reached Guru Chak. It is the
place of pilgrimage (ziyaratgah) of the infidels. There are located
in that place the shrines of those luckless ones ...
I [may] narrate how this hideous sect came into being.
In India, there was an infidel who• misguided the unfortunate ones ..
To Muslims, he s~id he was a Muslim, and to the Hindus, a Hindu.
[p.99] He taught the infidels some evil ways and customs and
allowed them to worship idols with full faith ...
When the renowned Shah came to know that the
doomed* Sikhs had gone towards Gutii Chak, which is the place
of pilgrimage of the infidels, he (said): "I will unhesitatingly go
to that place and massacre the wily Sikhs and also destroy the
Chak." Before this occasion also, the Shah of Islam, acting with
faith and devotion, had destroyed and razed it [the Chak] to the

206
 Resistance to Afghans

ground. The Sikhs, had repaired it, though not as it was earlier.
The Shah now wished to again destroy that Chak as well as its
worshippers, so that it may again be reduced to dust as before.
(p.l OO]After marching for three [days] and night;, the
Shah arrived at the Chak on the fourth might. The Sikhs, getting
the news of tigers coming to attack the dog-hearted ones, had
withdrawn from there. When the Shah arrived at the Chak, he did
not find any one of those infidels there. But a few men had stayed
back within the internal enclosure so that they might spill their
own blood and sacrifice their lives for the Guru: As they saw the
Shah and the entire army of lslam, 2 all, of them came out of the
enclosure. Those Sikhs were thirty in number: they did not at all
show any fear of being killed nor the dread of death. As they
engaged the holy warriors (id!iizls) and as they spilt their blood
all the Sikhs* were killed. • The Muslims ran to the right and left
in search of them, but did not find anyone of the rebellious Sikhs.
The Shah, therefore, had no choice but to return [to Lahore],
accompanied by triumph and victory.
[p.l 0 t ]Section: XXVI: The return ofthe King to Lahore,
and Discussion on the future plan of Action.
On his return to Lahore, the Shah invited all the Khans
of the Afghans. He also sent for the Khan of the Age [the chief of
Qalat, Na~ir Khan]. All the notables assembled together before
the Shah. Addressing the chiefs, the Shah said: "'What plan shall
we adopt for the accursed Sikhs? Wherever we go full of wrath,
the Sikhs withdraw from there and are not to be found. Wherever
we attack, they move away from there. These Sikhs do not stick
to one place. What is the best plan in your opinion?" ... Everyone
said whatever he had in his mind. The Shah heard the views (of
the chiefs) one by one. When it was the turn of [Na!!ir] Khan, the
Shah looked in his direction and said: "At last, you should say
something [as to how] those accursed Sikhs are [to be] trapped".
He [Na!!ir Khan] replied, "It is advisable to march from here in
pursuit of the Sikhs. If any one ofthe infideJs.comes to oppose us,
that Sikh* shall be destroyed. Otherwise, we shall halt at Sirhind
and wait for the news from Najib[uddaula] and Delhi [to ascertain]
as to how were they inclined, [for] reconciliation [with the Shah]
or mischief. When you arrive at Sirhind and the news travels to
Delhi, the accursed ones would be frightened and take to flight in
all directions. Najib would come out of the siege 3 and arrive at
your door most eagerly, as a nightingale comes to the rose. Then
you would have the option to decide the best course, whether to

207
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

advance or withdaw." When the Baliich Khan had so spoken, the

Shah and the wise Durrani chiefs approved of this plan.
[p.156]Section XLI: On the Bravery of the Sikhs in a
Religious War and their Bravery in General.
Do not call the Sikhs 'dogs'. They are [in fact] lions: in
the battle-field [they] are courageous like bold lions. How could a
warrior who joins the battle roaring like a lion, be [compared with]
a dog? If you wish to be proficient in learning their [manner of]
fighting it is such that one and all praise them for it. 0 swordsman,
if you wish to learn the art of war, learn it from them, as they face
the enemy like heroes and [also] get out of the scene of action
safely. You know, their title is 'Singh'. It is not just to call them
'dogs'. 0 young man, if you do not know the Hindi language, [I
tell you] 'Singh' means 'lion'. Truly, they are like lions in battle,
[but] surpass I:Iatim [in generosity] in social gatherings. As they
pick up their Indian sword, they overrun the entire country from
Hind [North India] to the country of Sind. No one, however strong
he may be, can stand up t<? them in battle. By putting their hands
to the use of spear, they bring about the defeat of the enemy's
army. They raise the heads of their spears to the sky and [even] if
[there is] Caucasus [in their way] they would pierce through it.
When they adjust the bowstrings of their Turkish [chachi] bows
and tit into them the enemy-killing arrows and as the strings of
the bows are pulled up to their ears, the enemy's body strikes its
head against the mile-tower [an allusion to be to the practice of
building towers ofthe severed heads after a battle]. [p.157] When
their battle-axes strike the suits of armour, these turn into knots
on the enemies' bodies. The body of each one of them is like a
piece of rock, grander in appearance than [those of] fifty men of
the enemy [put together]. If Bahram Gaur would kill a wild ass,
there would be alarm [also] among the lions. As Bahram is a [mere]
wild ass to them [i.e. Sikhs], he bows his head before the~. During
the battle, if these weapons [viz., spear, bow and arrow and battle-
axe] are exhausted, they take out the muskets and enter the field,
galloping Uaulan-kunan] 4 and raising battle cries like roaring
tigers. Often, they expose their chests by removing the [protective
covers], many ofthem allow [their] blood to flow [and mix] with
blood spilled on the earth. You say that this musket is present
since old, being the invention of the Sikhs and not that of the
Sage Luqman. s Although, there are so many muskets to be had,
[yet] no one is more proficient than them in this art. To the right
and to the left, and also in the front and towards the back, they

208
 Resistance to Afghans

fire a hundred muskets in this manner. If you do not believe in

what I say, you may enquire from the brave swordsmen who would
tell you more than this and would express appreciation of their
[Sikhs'] manner of combat. This statement is confirmed [by the
fact] that thirty of them engaged thirty thousand [troops] during
the battle. 6 If their armies take to flight, do not take it as an actual
defeat because this is only a battle tactic of theirs. Beware, beware
of them again, because, this tactic of theirs is aimed at scattering
the enemy in the excitement of pursuit (khashm-i kin) ... Then they
tum back to face their pursuers and set fire to even water. Did you
not see, how, during the [recent] battle, they [first] deceptively
took to flight from before the Khan [i.e. Na~ir Khan, the Qalat
chief], [p.l 58] and how they turned back on him surrounding him
on all sides. The renowned Khan, then, came. down from his horse
and shooting arrows and muskets broke out of their circle. 0 young
warrior, you yourself judge them in war! [Howj did one of their
contingents rush to and attack Multan, plundering the town. Much
of the property of the Sarks (?) the Sikhs have carried away. My
heart is not inclined to narrate [as to] what has been done by those
Sikhs. Since the coming of Adam, no one remembers any one of
the creatures [of God] bringing such devastation to Multan. But
whatever God wills, every one of us has to submit to.
Leaving aside their [mode of] warf hear you of another
aspect that distinguishes them among warriors. At no time do they
kill one who is not a man (niimard). Nor would they obstruct the
passB;ge of a fugitive. They do not plunder the wealth and
ornaments of a woman, be she a well-to-do lady or a maid-servant.
There is no adultery among the Sikhs, nor are these people· given
to thieving. Whether a woman is young or old, they tell her,
"But/.hiyii, go and occupy a corner." The word "Butjhiya' in Hindi
language means "old woman." No thief is to be found among these
Sikhs, nor is a house-breaker [present] among them. They do not
approve of adulterers and house-breakers, [but] otherwise their
conduct is not commendable. If you are not conversant with their
religion, I [should] tell your honour that the Sikhs are the disciples
of a Guru, and that fortunate Guide had lived at Chak. [p.l 59].
The ways and practices of these [people] are derived from Nanak
who showed to the Sikhs a separate path. His [last] successor was
Gobind Singh, from whom they received the title 'Singh'. They
are not from amongst the Hindus. These miscreants have a distinct
religion of their own. Since you have obtained some knowledge
of the conduct of the Sikhs, now hear of their country: they have

209
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

divided up Panjab among themselves, giving it to every man, old

or young.
[p.l 57] Section XLII: An Account of the Limits and
Country of the Sikhs
JhanQa holds Chiniot as if in hisjaglr; that black-faced
man• rules there as a potentate (amlr). Chatthajat' as well as the
whole country of Jhang is thejagzrofHari Singh the Lame. Vairbal
[Bhaitiival?] is in the jaglr of Karam Singh; Narol [Narowal?] is
under Jai Singh, of bad demeanour; Kalanaur· is under Jassa Kalal
['the arrack-maker']; and the [Jalandhar] Doab is also [partly]
under that unmannerly one. The Bist-Jalandar [Beth Jalandhar
Doab] is [also] under Jassa Najjar [Carpenter], for both the Jassas
have become allies. They also lord over (lit. eat of) all the district
of Batala; their drum and banner [of lordship] is held in unison.
Gujjar Singh and Lehna [Singh] lord over (lit. eat of) Waniye-ke,
and collect all of its revenues. Augarh Singh [and] Sanwal hold in
their jaglr the place, PinQi-i Saiyidan. [p.l61] Chamyari is also in
his jaglr; both the Sikhs are potentates (amlr) there. There is a
city on the banks of a river, which ~mba [Singh] holds, and Sawa
[Sobha?] is ~iiba's close ally. The city's name is Adina Nagar;
and their [the chiefs'] names shine like day. Aimanabad [and] upto
the river [Ravi] is also under the control of these two evil,
inauspicious Sikhs. Chartii [Charat Singh] holds Rohtas in his
jagzr; that city is under his direction. When Natha has seized
Dipalpiir, which city can comfort the heart? Along with him [his]
brother Jassa holds thejaglr; and Karam Singh [too] is a co-sharer
with him. Many others too from amongst the renowned Sikhs hold
the other territories in their jagzr. 8 From Sirhind, Lahore and the
country of Multan up to the Derajat, those Sikhs• have divided
the country among themselves. They have not learnt to have fear
of any one. On Muslims, whether they are near or far, it is proper
and obligatory that they should all unite in a body to attack those
men, • and overthrow the foundations of the power of the Sikhs.
God! Give our Shah victory, for the sake of the Prophet who is the
benefactor of man, that he [the Shah] may remove their very
foundations from this world, and reduce the repute of those
accursed Sikhs!

Notes
1 Marri is an important Baliich tribe of the Kalal (Qaliit) area (D.
Ibbetson Panjab Castes, Lahore, 191 6, p.4 7). The British sub-district
of 'Marri Country' lay to the south-cast of Quetta, in the Sulaiman
Range. The printed text has Miri. which is an obvious misreading.

210
 Resistance to Afghans
2
Nur Mul)ammad specifies the strength of Abdiili's army on this
occasion as thirty thousand horse: see our translation of text, p.t 57,
below.
3
Najibuddaula was then besieged by the Jiit Riija Jawahir Singh of
Bharatpur (Ganda Singh, tr. p.36. f.n. 1.)
4
The expression jaulan-lcunan ('galloping') suggests that the Sikh
musketeers were mounted and probably trained to fire while riding.
5 Luqmiin is distinct from the Greek thinker Socrates, with whom Ganda
Singh identifies this mythical figure.
6 The real import was missed by Ganda Singh as he read shud hastand
for what must be si hastand both to bear sense and to rhyme. This
couplet clearly refers to the heroism· of the thirty Sikh warriors who
faced thirty thousand Afghiin horsemen and died defending Har
Mandar Sahib.
7 This must refer to the Jilt caste of Chanhas or Chattas, "apparently
confined to [the district of] Gujranwala, in which district they hold
81 villages" (lbbetson, Panjab Castes, p.118). Chatthajiit must then
be the tract inhabited by them in Gujranwala District.
8 Ganda Singh, Jangnama (English introd.), p.S9n., suggests that in
one or two cases Nilr Mul)ammad is not accurate in assigning
particular territories to individual chiefs. But the situation in the
Panjab was fluid, and we must remember that what ND.r Mul)ammad
says applies to the year 1764-65 only.

211
 19
An Accot1nt of the Sikhs, 1808
Frotn --- Khan~ 'Inziidu 's Sa 't-idat
Ghulam 'Ali ---
'

Translated by lrfan Habib

Saiyid Qhulam 'Ali Khan Naqavi completed in

1808 a history of the 18th-century principality of Awadh,
to which he gave the title 'Imadu 's Sa 'adat. This work
also contains narratives of political transactions in
eighteenth-century Northern India. A short account of the
Sikhs, a translation of which follows, is included among
these.
The work was written for the British Resident
John Bailie, whom the author, a much travelled man, had
met in 1807. The text used here is that of the Nawal Kishor
edition, [Lucknow], 1897, pp.70-71.

TQ.ANSLATION
Pp.70-71
Short Account of the Genesis of the Sect of Sikhs in
Hindiistin
In the reign ofFirdaus Makani ~ahiru'ddin Mul)ammad
Babur Padshah Qhazi there was a mendicant called Nanak, of the
Khatri caste, such as are called BEDi. 1 When the said mendicant
had cut himself away from the world and all that it contains and
remained immersed in worship for a long period, for the reason
that in the Divine Court, the labours of none are allowed to go
waste, he attained the status of full spiritual knowledge in the Hindu
way ( 'irfiin-i Hinduwiina). Thus from his composition, it appears
that he had close knowledge of God. All his sayings are those of
philosophers. So long as he lived, he never turned to the world.
His disciples have been of two kinds. Some cut their

212
 Account of Sikhs, 1808

hair; others let the hair grow all over. In their· sect a barber is hard
to find. They cut their nails by themselves. Most of his followers
are found with this appearance. Out of one thousand, or rather ten
thousand persons, one can find only one or two persons who cut
their hair. In the language of his followers, those who keep the
beard are known as Kh.al~a, and those who are beardless are known
as Kl!ula~a [smaller]. In his lifetime his disciples had exceeded a
hundred thousand, and all held to one belief: If their pir [=Guril]
told them to cut off their own heads, they would do so immediately
upon getting a hint of the order. It is said that one day, the son of
a successor of his saw a parrot in the hands of a person and became
insistent about having it. The owner of the parrot refused to give
it. Since those times were near those of Ninak, and they did not
hold it permissible to use force against anyone, and most of his
disciples wanted to win over the hearts of God's servants [i.e.
people], the son's followers bent their heads to the feet of the
parrot's owner, saying: "Either please give this parrot to us since
our master's son is crying for it, or, if you so desire, we will
immediately cut off our own heads and place them at your feet."
Seeing this condition of theirs, he gave the parrot to them. Apart
from this, on some occasions, Ninak's successors have issued such
an order to them, by way of testing them and then greatly regretted
having done so, when they had the sight of their heads on their
blood-stained bodies.
In short, from Ninak to Guru Gobind, there have been
ten occupants of the seat (masnad), who one after another have
sat in the place ofNinak and exercised authority over the disciples.
Among these ten persons, one Bhagat Bhagwin, by name, was a
Muslim; his father was a carpenter. 2 BHAGAT BHAGWAN is a
branch of knowledge among the Hindus. 3 It is popularly held
among the Sikhs that the stars of Ninak and King Bibur were
similar, so that Bibur, by divine order conquered countries, while
Shih Ninak too brought the realm of the spirit in his grasp. Bibur
too has had no more than ten established successors, that is, from
him to Mul}ammad Shih - whose authority was supreme from
Orissa to Qaribigh, between Kabul and Qandahir, prior to Nadir
Shih- ten kings can be counted. And from Ninak to Guru Gobind
too, ten perfect spiritual masters are counted. Their saying is: "DAS
BABE DE, DAS BABAR DE" ['Ten of the Baba; ten ofBibar'].4
By "Bibi" in this sect is meant the perfect spiritual master.
In the period of Guru Gobind, one Suthra by name, a
Khatri-born Panjibi Hindu youth, was his disciple. The caste of

213
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

Suthra-shahis cut coloured wooden sticks, and singing in bazars

and lanes and chanting rhythmical verses in the Punjabi and
Shiihjahanabadi [Delhi] languages, earn their livelihood. Until they
get a copper coin or a seer of flour or whatever they demand, they
do not move from the front of the shop or house of a person,
although swords may be showered upon their heads. Every time
they strike the two sticks against each other, they call out with
each breath, "l)anifi Nanak Shah" [stick of Nanak Shah]. These
are his [Suthra's] followers; rather his creation. 5
Completely moving away from their path of God-
worship, the Sikhs began to devote all their courage to the conquest
of the country, the pillage of the cities and districts (parganas)
and high-way robbery. Although in the time ofTegh Bahadur they
had taken to these ways, there was not then this much of tumult.
Finally, now [ 1808 AD] the whole country of the Panjab up to the
Attock River [Indus], and this side up to Multan, and from the
banks of the Sutlej to Kamal, outside the Panjab, which [i.e.
Kamal] is forty-seven kurohs distant from Shahjahanabad [Delhi],
all of it, is in the possession of this sect. Their leaders of high
dignity are mostly from the lower classes, such as carpenters, shoe-
makers and Jats. They are an enemy to the hookah-smooker, but
they take.pot after pot of hemp (bang= bhang).
The IJ,alwa [sweetened flour] offered to Shah Nanak they
call Guriida karah, that is, 'the vessel 6 of the Spiritual Master
(murshid)'. They speak of the container here, by way of metaphor,
for what it contains, that is IJ,alwa. Whenever they raid anyone's
territory, they demand IJ,alwa for the offering to the Master
(murshid). This means that they make their demand thus: "If you
wish that your territory remains safe from the tumult of the troops
of Shah Nanak's army, give us so many lakhs of rupees for the
cooking of IJ,alwa to be offered to Baba Nanak. Otherwise there
would be enormous disturbance."
The salutation in this sect is by utterance of the words
Wahi Gurii difate/J,.
If they tie up someone in a city and demand money
from him, and the other party professes poverty, they come down
by stages from a lakh of rupees ti 11 a compromise is effected. If a
person from amongst them is imjured in battle with the enemy,
and they have to march from there, they gather straw, set it alight
and cremate him, despite there being hopes of his getting better:
However much he cries out, it is not listened' to.
These days there are about two lakhs of horsemen from

214
 Account of Sikhs, 1808

amongst them in the Punjab and other parts. In addition to the

army, which they can DAL, the number of Sikhs in the Punjab
has reached miJiions (lit. 'thousands ofthousands'), since yogurt-
sellers, confectioners, fodder-venders, grain-sellers, barbers,
washermen, an [fully] keep their hair and, saying Wahi Gurii df
fate/}, interdine with each other. They are not confined to the
Punjab only. In the whole of HindiisUin fr~m Shahjahanabad
[Delhi] to Calcutta, f:laidarabad and Chennapatan [Chennai],
groups after groups are found to belong to this sect; but most of
them are market people (baziirlan), and only a few are wei_l-born.
The Punjab is the name of the country which lies
between five streams (nahr) which they also caJI rivers (daryii). 7
Their names are: Sutlej; then, Beas; then, Ravi, which flows by
Lahore; then, Chenab, which the wool merchants cross by
ropeways, sitting in drums; next Jhelum, which also flows by the
city of Kashmir [Srinagar] and which river the Kashmiris caJI
BIHA T. End of the Account of the Sikhs.
It is to be mentioned here that after the death ofMu'inu'l
Mulk Rustam-i Hind 8 and the removal of provincial governors [of
Lahore], which passed under the control of Adina Beg Khan, for
some days Prince Timiir Shah, with the chief commander Jahan
Khan, held court at Lahore as deputy for his father, the emperor
Abmad Shah Abdali. To appearances, the Sikhs were subservient
to him, but at heart harboured much hostility to him. If two chiefs
oftheirs made expressions of sincere loyalty and received favours,
two other chiefs kept the market of disturbance warm. It should
not be hidden that after the Durranis [Abdalis] no army can match
the Sikh soldiery. In this sect are such strong, tall youths with
tiger-like bodies that if a kick of theirs hits a Central Asian
(wiliiyati) 9 Qipchaq horse, it would assuredly die then and there.
Their musket can pick a man at the distance of nine hundred steps.
Each of them can ride a horse for over two hundred kurohs of the
way [in one march]. It is obvious that if they were not like this,
how could they have got the better of the army of the Wilayat
[Afghanistan]? After all, the Durrani army too was made to
recognize the sharpness of the Sikh sword.

Notes
1 Spelling carefully indicated by the author through giving names of
consonants as well as long and short vowels. All words whose spelling
is thus specified arc capitalized in this translation.
There was, of course, no guru of Muslim origin in the line of the
Sikh Guriis who were all Khatris. Bhagat Bhagwan was the founder

215
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

of an Udasi order (J.S.G.).

3 It is to be assumed that by "Bhagat Bhagwan" the author means bhakli
here.
4
See the statement in Gurii Gobind Singh's own composition, Vichitar
NiiJak:
The house of Baba [Nanak] and of Babar
Both derive their authority from God Himself.
Recognize the former as supreme in religion,
And the latter supreme in secular affairs.
(As translated in Teja Singh and Ganda Singh, A Short History ofthe
Sikhs, I (1469-1765), Bombay, 1950, p.65. Cf. M.A. Macauliffe, Sikh
Religion, Oxford, ·1909, V, p.305).
5 According to a modem account (D. lbbetson, Panjiib Castes, Lahore,
1916, p.228), the Suthra Shahis were founded by Sucha, a Brahman,
before the time of Gurii Gobind Singh. These were disowned by the
Sikhs in general and recorded themselves in the censuses as Hindus.
6 Read karsiin for kazgkiin in the printed text.
1
Daryii in Persian stands for a very large river, since the word usually
means sea or ocean.
8 Son of Mul,lammad Shih's wazlr Qamruddin Khan (d.1748) and
Governor of Lahore, 1748 to 1753, when he died.
9 Wiliiyat in Indo-Persian usage comprehended Afghanistan, Central
Asia and Iran.

216
 20
The Sikh Community~ 1825
Frotn Jatnes Skinner, Tashrz(lu '/ Aq11:ii1n

Ttanslated by Shireen Moosvi

This rather late account of the Sikh community

is taken from the Tashrzl)u 'I Aqwiim, Br. Lib. Add. 2755,
ff.l599-160b, that according to its author, James Skinner,
was completed on 25 August 1825 at the Hansi cantonment
(now in Haryana).
James Skinner ( 1778-1841) was the son of a
Scottish officer of the East India Company and a Rajpiit
mother. He had served under the Sindhia's generals de
Boigne and Perron ( 1796-1803) and later under the English
commander Lord Lake, and was given the rank of
Lieutenant-Colonel in the British Royal Army.
He claims to have drawn his material for this
account ofthe origin and occupation of various castes and
tribes, from ~~sanskrit" sources, which, he says in his
preface, he got translated into Persian. But it is clear that
he has mainly relied on local information, and this catJ be
seen from his account of the Sikhs translated below.

TRANSLATION
Account of the Sikh Community as obtained from
trustworthy persons of that Community
The Sikhs are the community of the followers and
disciples of Guru Gobind Singh of the family ofBaba Nanak. They
glorify and praise God in the manner of their [Spiritual] Master.
The essence of the worship of this sect consists of the reading of
the verses of their Master which they recite with song and music,

217
 SIKH HISTORY FROM PERSIAN SOURCES

raising a heart-captivating chant, thereby pleasing themselves and

their listeners. The basis of the religion and ways of the Sikhs are
such that GurU Gobind Singh, the tenth occupant of the seat ofthe
line (silsila) of Baba Nanak, along with his spiritual position,
attained also the position of a Raja, and had the sermon (kh~{ba) 1
and coins contain his name [as sovereign]; and today too the coin
and !sh.~tba are current in his name in the Punjab. ~eeking to obtain
the banishment of Muslims, he worshipped at the shrine ofNaina
Devi, si.tuated in the Northern Mountains, for one year. And during
this period he did not cut the hair of his head, arm-pits and pubes,
so that after the completion of the stipulated period, the goddess
(Devlfi) became kind to him and told him, "I have banished your
enemies". 2 After obtaining his wish, he departed from there and
came back to his own place, with the same appearance and
condition. As for the worship that his disciples rendered, he taught
and instructed them to follow the same practice and not to cut the
hair of their heads, arm-pits and pubes. He gave the name Sikh to
that religion.
The custom of the said Sikhs is that they do not believe
in anyone except their own Master, and they worship the sayings
of their Master, which they call Biibl, regarding it as the cause of
bliss and happiness in this and the other world. Any one from any
caste (qaum), whether Brahman or sweeper, may join their faith
and order, and they allow no distinction among them in eating
and drinking. They do not recognize any difference between one
another [among themselves], and eat and drink from a single bowl.
All who adopt the beliefs of this sect (silsi/a) are called Sikhs.
They completely avoid the razor and the smoking-pipe. Unlike
the Hindus, they do not purify the ground with water and mud for
cooking their meal. Barring beef, they consume wine, meat of wild
pig, and other animals and birds, not abstaining from anything.
They consider l}aliillmeat [of animals slaughtered in the Muslim
manner] as distasteful and forbidden, and eat thejhaJka meat, that
is the meat of any animal slaughtered by the sword. They do not3
tie on their heads red turbans from the dye of safflower. Most of
them put on blue turbans. The wearing of kachchha [short
breeches] is very common in this community. They are divided
into two named groups. The first, comprising those who put on
blue attire which o'urti Gobind Singh used to wear at the time of
battle, are designated AkaliSikhs (Sikh Akiilla); the second, simply
called Sikhs, do not follow any restriction on the colour of their
dress. All follow the profession of soldiery and are brave, being

218
 The Sikhs 1825

without peer in the art of musketry and mobile warfare (chakkar-

bazi). The Akiili sect is particularly courageous and warlike. But
they are not well-versed in fighting with the sword, and hardly
ever perform well in close fighting (~af-jang, 'battle of the line'),
which requires fighting with sword and spear·, and which is called
'cold iron' .4 They harbour a bitter enmity and hostility against the
Muslim community, and consider killing them an act of great merit.
Earlier, the Sikhs followed the way of life of mendicants, but from
the times of Guru Gobind Singh they have become men of state
and goverument.

Notes
' Khu.{ba is the sermon delivered at the Muslim Friday congregational
prayer in which the name of the reigning sovereign used to be
mentioned. Such mention was deemed to signify a general acceptance
of the ruler on the part of his subjects.
1 For the Sikh tradition about Guru Gobind Singh's organising a

ceremony at the shrine of Naina Devi, sec Teja Singh and Ganda
Singh, A Short History of the Sikhs. Bombay, 1950, pp.67-68: The
Devi could not appear, and the Guru then unsheathed his sword and
said of it, "This is the goddess of power!"·
3 The text has the negative, na ml-bandand.
4
Ahan-i sard. This expression is also used figuratively for the human
heart. The meaning seems to be that close. fighting requires a stout
heart.

219
 Index

Abu'l Fazl 3, 55 Aligarh 50, 142

Abdu'r Rasul 15 Aligarh Historians I
Abdu's Samad Khan 157, 194 Aligarh Historians Society 49
Abdus Samad Khan Bahadur Oiler Jang 'Ali Hamid Khan 134
125, 138, 140, 152 Ali Nadeem, Rezavi, S. 49, 85, 142
Adina Beg Khan 172, 188-89, 215 Ali Quli Beg 75
Adina Nagar 210 Allaltabad 143
'Abdu'1 Qadir Jilani 179 Ambala 32, 135, 190, 20 I
Afghan 89, 166, 169 Amber 106
Afghans 119, 148, 199. 207 Amiru'l Umara Bahadur 147, 149
Afzal Bttkll.flli 145 Amritsar 30, 31, 61, 118, 192, 199, 204
Afzal Khan 194 Angat (Angad) 112
Agha Ahmad Ali 55 Arabia 103
Agra 58 'Arif Beg Khan 125
Ahkam-i-A1amgiri 3, 14-15, 96 Arjan Mal62
Ahmad Shah 184 Asiatic Society 55
Ahmad Shah Abdali 28-32, 34, 187-88. Aslwn Khan 20, 119
204. 215 Assam 107
Ahmad Shah Durrani 170-71, 181-83, 185 Athar Ali, M. 60, 85
Almwd Slrah DUinmi. tire Ftllller of MtJd- Augarh Singh 2 I 0
em Afglumisttm 110, 188 Aurangabad 124, 137, 177
Aimanabad 210 Aurangzeb 12-13, 94, 96, I 04, 107
Ajit Singh 18-19, 163, 167 Awadh 143, 212
Ajmer 101, 166 'Azimabad 121
Akali 36, 38, 219
Akali Sikhs 218 Baba Gurdina 9
Akbar 12.48 Baba Nanak 5. 12,64-65, 88,92-93,217-
AkbtlriUl/IUI 3, 12, 48, 55 18
Akbarabad (Agra) I 05 Babi 218
Akhbarat 13-14, 16, 106 Babur 164, 213
Akllbtll'tll-i-Dcu·bm·-i Mu 'ttl/a 3, I06 Bahadur Shah 18, 22. 160
'Aiam Beg Khan 173 Bahadur Shah Ghazi 123
'Aiamgir 105, 132, 165, 187 Bahlolpur 135
Ala Singh Jat 189, 192. 194.202 Bahram Gaur 208

221
 INDEX

Bahmmpur 136 Chandu Shah 4

ballrup(m 115. 126 Chnrat Singh 192, 194, 196, 199, 201
Bailie, John 212 Charhat Singh 31
Baisakh 67. 77 Chenab 188, 195, 199, 215
Baisakhi 118, 167. 191 Chennapatan 215
Bttklr.flri Ghazi Beg Khan 171 Chcnnai 35
Bala Guru 165 Chhat 135
Balkh 75 Chhattanpur 20 I
Baluch 148 Chhina Jat 9
Baluch Khan 208 Chiniot 210
Banda Bahadur I, 17, 19, 21, 23. 35, 108, Chi tor 15, I 01-02
II J. 142, ISS. 160, 163 Choiya Nata 167
Btmi 36 Christian 2
Bankipur Library 131
Bcm.ftn'ttlinttma 26 Dttbisttm 1-3, 5, 8-11, 56, 59, 61, 77
Bari Daab 20 Dttbisttm-i Mcrzlrab 59, 87
Batala 90, 137, 164, 210 Dakhin 161
BEDI212 Dalpat Rao Bundcla 104
Bengal 161 Dcmdi Ntmttk Strait 214
BHAGAT BHAGWAN213 Dara Shukoh 12, 94
Bhai Gurdas 4-8 Darbar Khan 153
Shalla Khatri 10, 165 Darbar Sahib 204
Bhandari Khatri II Dargahi 167
Bhnratpur 200 DAS BABAR DE 213
Bhau Sahib 189 DAS BABE DE 213
Bhimsen 13, 104 Dasuha 124
Bhup Pmkash 150 Daulat Khan 62
Bidhi Chand (Bidhia) 9, 74 Daulat Khan Lodi 10, 61. 71
Bilaspur 93 Debi Chand 9
Bombay 60 Deccan 60. I 0 I
Brahman 7, 66, 70,218 Delhi 35, 167, 207
Brahmans 13 Demjat 210
Brahmnnical 3 Dcm Nanakshah Faqir 200
British Libmry II 0, 160, 170, 217 Deva70
British Royal Anny 217 Deviji 218
Buddh 72 dlwnn.wtl 6
Budhiya 209 Oiler Jang 126
Buland Khan Sadozi 179 Dipalpur 21 0
Burhnnpur I00 Diwan4
Buriya 135, 194 Doab 190
Doab Beth Jalandhar 151
Calcutta 35, 215 Durmni 215
CentroI Asian (wilttytlli) 2 I 5 Dwapar-jug 65
Chabutm-i-kt~hmli I 4 I
C/wlwr Gulslum 3, 14, 101, 163-64 East India Company 217
Clrak Guru (Amritsar) 172. 174, 176, 190-
91, 196 Faizullah Beg 183
Chamba 124 Faridabad 119
Chamyari 210 Farrukh Siyar 19, 22, 131
C/umdtt/1 Fttrruklt-S(\'tll' Ntmuth 27

222
 Index
Fc1t'h Darslum 156 Habibganj 164, 171
Firdnus Mnkani Znhiruddin Babur 61 Hadi Kamwar Khan 155
Firdous Makani Znhiruddin Muhammad Hc1diqcllll 'I Aqalim 27
Babur Padshah Ghazi 212 Haidarabad 35, 215
Firoz Khan Mewati 121. 144. 146 Haji 'Ata Khan 175-76
Haji Yar Beg 119
Gakkhar 198 Haji Saiyid lsma'il 119
Gnnda Singh I, 27, 50, 61, 96, 101, 106, lwltlli 218
170, 204-05 hCIIWll 214
Ganga-Yamuna Doab 32, 199 Hamid Khan Bahadur 150
Gurudc1 kctrah 214 Hamiduddin Khan 147
Ghaus-i Snmndani 179 Hansi cantonment (Haryana) 217
Ghulnm ·Ali Khan 34-35 Hapur 167
Ghulam Qadir 155 Har Rai 110
Gobindwal 70 Hari Prakash 150
Granth 36 Hari Singh 196, 199, 210
Grmuh Sahib 9 Hari Singh Bhangi 198
Grewal, J.S. I, 50, 192-93, 205 Hathi Singh 18-19, 163, 166
Gujar Singh 193, 199 lulltel jori 70
Gujarat 60, 177 Hedges, Robert 127
Gujnrat Shah Daula 189-90, 195, 199 Hijri 71
Guijar Singh 210 Hindu 57. 162, 212
Gurdnspura 21. 125, 138 Himlu Ku Guru 14
Gurdiua 70 Hindus 2, 89. 102, 120, 159, 160
Gumu11c1 192 Hindustan 35. 160, 162. 199
Gur Pc1rme.mr ek lwi 6 holi 197
Gursoblw 15-16 lwlkll 191
Guru 5, II, 162. 179 Hoshiarpur 151
Guru Amnr Dns 5, I0, 165 Hyderabad 29, 187
Guru Angad 5, II. 13, 64, 95. 165
Guru Arjan 3-5, 48. 55, 95 Ibrahim Khan 61
Guru Gobind Singh I. 3. 12-20, 33. 96, lbrahimuddin Khan 154
103, 106-07. 113-14. 160, 163, 213. lbmllttlllltl of Muhammad Qasim 3, 13, 18,
217-19 21, 110. Ill. 131-32. 155
Guru Granth 37 llah Wardi Beg 178
Gunt Grcmth Sc1hib 48 '/madu's Sa'tldttl 3. 34, 212
Guru Har Kishan 12, 92 lnayatullah Khan "lsmi" 94
Guru Har Rai II, 12. 72, 165 Iqbal Husain 49. 90, 131
Guru Hargobind 4-6, 8-9, 12, 60. 67, 69, lqtidar Alam Khan· 49, 204
71. 74. 76-78, 92-93 Jradatmand Khan 124
Guru-Panth 37 Iran 75
Guru Miharban 5 Iraq 75
Gurmukhi 48 lrfan Habib 49, 59. 96. 100, 110, 160, 163,
Guru Nannk I, 5-6, I 0-14, 34, 86-87, I04, 169, 187. 212
107 'ilfcm·i Hinduwww 212
Guru Ram Dns 5, 10. 64, 68. 165 l'timaduddaula Bahadur 152
Guru Tegh Bahadur 12-14. 92. 105, 112- l'timadu'ddaula Muhammad Amin Khan
13, 165, 214 157
Gwalior68
G.mni 70

223
 INDEX

Jagannnth 112 Keshav Rao 152

Jahan Khan 28, 192-93, 195, 199, 215 Kesar Singh Chhibber 4
Jahangir 3, 4, 165 Khafi KhM 25, I 55-56
Jahandar Shah 137 Kim/sci 8, 13, 17, 21, 23, 34, 107-08
Jai Singh Kanhiya 33 Khan Bahadur Dilar Jung 153
Jalalabad 193 Khandla 184
Jalal KhM Ruhela 22. 131, 135 Khan-i Khanan Bahadur 143
Jalandhnr 190, 200 Khan-i Khanan Bahadurshahi 121
Jalandhar Doab 4, 29, 192, 21 0 Khare, G.H. 107
Jammu 107. 122, lSI, 178, 180. 182-83, Kharkhoda 26, 161
198 Khatti4.6.66, 157.165.212-13
Jammu Hills 200 Khidmatyab Khan 148
Jamshed Khan AfghM 16-17 Khobrekar, V.G. I 04
Jcmmnsuklli.f 10 Khoja Mirza 172
Jtmgmuncl of Qazi Nur Muhammad 3, 32, Khudavardi Beg Aghar Khan 119
49,204-05 Kllula:ra 34, 213
Jannat Makani 122 KllUIU.feliU 't UIWltrikll 3, 90
Jannat Makani Jahangir 72. 122 Khusrou 57
Jassa Singh 30, 32, 33, 190, 192, 194. 199, Khutba (Sermon) 218
202, 210 Khwaja 'Abd Khan 180
Jassa Singh Kalal 195, 198, 20 I, 210 Khwaja Ali of Malerkotla 20
Jat 6 Khwaja Amanullah 148
Jat IIUI.ftllld 9 Khwaja Bakhtyaruddin Kaki 127
Jawahar Museum 164 Khwaja Mirza Khan 179
Jawahar Singh 200 Khwaja Qutbuddin 154
Jhanda 210 Khwaja 'Ubaid Ullah 30
jluukct 218 Khwaja' ubaid Khan 191
Jhelum 30, 192, 198, 215 Khwushhal Singh 199
loR Bclsi.fllt 65 Kiratpur 5, 93
Jumdabu'l Mulk Khan-i Khanan 145-46 Kotla Begam 20
Kot Mirza Jan 125
Kabiruddin Ahmad I 55 Katwcll 153
Kabul 75, 137, 148, 161, 185, 192 Kmwuli 158
Kabuli Mal 191, 197 Kunjpura 32, 184, 196
km:lu:lllw 36, 218 Kunwara Dola 167
Kahlur 16, 17
Kaiwan Parra 9 Lahina II
Kalanaur 137, 210 Lahore 23,28-29.33.56, 60, 94, 105, 107,
Kal-jug 65 113, 120, 123, 127, 138, 150, 151, 169,
Kam Bakhsh I 00, 115 171, 174, 182, 185, 188-89, 194-95,
Kauwcu·u Dalc1 19 201, 206-07
Kcm1h Guru 196 Laklris 119, 215
Karam Singh 210 Lakhpat Rai 173
Kardar Singh 199, 200 Lehna Singh 192-93, 21 0
klii"IIUI/Idtl/ 65 Lohgarh 25, 137. 147
Kamal34, 117, 190,214 Lord Lake 217
Kaatarpur 4. 69, 86 Ludhiana 117, 135
Kashi 13. 112
Kashmir 31. 59, 161. 215 Macauliffe, M.A. 56, 97, 113
Kashimiri Mal 20 I Machhiwara 135
•'

224
 Index

Madhav Rao. P.~. 170 Muhammad Shah 213

Mahabat Khan 121 Muhammad Shar Warid 160
Mahabat Khan Bahadur 151 Muhammad Zaman Ranghar Rajput 120
Mahabat Khan Ghalib Jang 145-46 Muharram 56, 71
Maharashtm 187 Mu'inu'l Mulk Rustam-i Hind 215
Mahamja Ram Singh 13 Mukhlis Khan Bahadur 151
Mahamja Ram Singh Jiu I07 Mukhlispur 20, 118, 122
Majida Bano 49, 155 Mulla Pir Muhammad '*''iz 119
Mclklu1z-i Tc1warikll-i Siklum 50, 61, 96, Mullan 31. 33, 105, 132, 138, 197, 199,
106 206, 209
Makhuwal 20 I MuntclkiUibtt'l Lubab 3, 25. 155
Mclltllrull)'tt.-r 85 Munim Khan-i-Khanan 133
Mainer Kotla 181 mursllid 214
Manjha 192 Murtaza Khan 57
IIICIII.ftlbdtlr 15 Murtaza Khan Bharech 181-82, 183
Mamthas 29,33 Mu.mlmcm kc1 Pir' 14
Mamtha Confederacy 187 Muslims 2, 89, 102. 159, 162, 210
Mardana 91. 164 Muslim Community 219
Mata Sundari 18, 19, 163. 166-67 Muzaffar Alam I00, I 42, 170
Mata Sahib Devi 18 Muzaffar Khan Bahadur 152
Mathura 166
Maulana Azad Library (Aiigarh) 164 Nadir Shah 169, 213
Mecca 13, 205 Naina Devi 36. 218
Mehta Bhagwant Rai 119 Nclinmg-i ZcllllCIIUI 3, 15-16, 101
Mian Jamal 4 Najib Khan 182, 184
Mihnrban 5 Najibuddaula 199
Mir Badahra 68 Nanak Ill, 132. 212, 213
Mir-i Ati.-rll 147 Nanak Bcmi 63
Mir Atisll lbmhimuddin Khan 153 Nanak Mata 167
Mir'at-i Waridat 3, 26, 160 Nanak-Panthis 14, 77, 133, 163-64
Mir Ni'mat Khan 176 Nanak Shah Dervish 114
Mirza ·Ali Ynr Beg 98 Nanakshahis 167
Mirza Muhammad 3, 18 Nasir Khan 209
Mirza Muhammad bin Mu' tamad Khan Nawab 'Abdus Samad Khan Bahadur Oiler
bin Dayanat Khan 131 Jang 132
Mirza-Zu'ltiqar 59 Nawab Mirza Khan 180
Mughal2, 119,160-61,179 Nawab Mu'inu'l Mulk 171
Mughal Emperors 3, 5 Nawab Shuja'uddaula 192
Mughal Empire 90 Nawab Zabita Khan I 84-85
Mughlani Begam 169, 173 Nawal Kishor 60, 212
Muhammad Amin Khan 21, 24, 123. I 26. Nihal Singh 199
136, 140. 143-45 Niranjan 5
Muhammad 'Aqil 174 Nizam 187
Muhammad Aurangzeb •Alamgir 112 Nizamu'l Mulk Asafu'ddaula 143
Muhammad A 'zam Shah 133 Northern Mountains 218
Muhammad Hadi Kamwnr Khan 23, 142 Nur Muhammad Khan 124
Muhammad Khan Kadal 119 Nuskha-i Dilkusha 3, 16, 104
Muhammad Mu'nzzam Bahadur Shah 126
Muhammad Mun'im Khan 98 Orissa60
Muhammad Qasim 13, 17. 21, 110

225
 INDEX

Padshah 13 Rcljcr Udit Singh Bundela 149, 152

Paill35 Rajasthan 15
Panipat 200 Rajasthan State Archives I 06
Ptmtll Pmkcr.fh 4, 26 Rajput 15
Parmanand 73-74. 76 Ram 164
Panneshwar 5 Ramazan 187, 191
JUirl'tl slrikcrr 10 Rmndcrs 66, 73
Parsi 2, 59 Ramdaspur 4. 14
Parsrur 177. 195 Rampur 136
Patiala 32, 199. 20 I Ram Rai 12
Patna 59 Ram Rauni 172
Payinda Khan 68 Rana 10, 103
Payne, C.H. 56 Rutan Singh Bhangu 4
Persian 48-49, 110, 155, 217 Ravi II, 86, 113. 164
Peshawar 78, 191-93 Rawalpindi 31. 193. 195
Peshwa 187 Riza Library Rampur 96
Phagwaro 5 Riza Quli Khan 191
Pindi-i Saiyidnn 21 0 Rohtas 210
Pirana Murari 73 Rohtasgarh 195
Pir Hassu Teli 86 Rupar 135. 190
Poona 187 Rustam Khan 28, 178-80
Pratnp Mnl 77-78 Rustam Oil Khan (Bahadur) 144, 146,
Prince Khusrau 4, 67 149-50
Prithia 5
Prithi Chand 5 Sa 'adat Yar Khan 183
Punjab 12, 22, 29, 60, 70. 75, 132. 157, Sm:hc/w Bcrdslrah 156
160, 180,204,214-15, 218 Sa'adat Khan Afridi 190
Punjabi 213-14 .mdh-.rumgm 6
Sadhauru 118. 135, 142-43
qmmrrghcr 70 Sage Luqman 208
Qamruddin Khan 23. 126. 140, 153 Saharanpur 22. 134-135
Qamruddin Khan l'timaduddaula 166 Sahrind 99, 108. 134-35. 143
Qandahar 191, 197. 213 Sahib Devi 167
Qcmrmgo 119 Saiyid Ahmed 56
Qnrabagh 213 Saiyid •Abdullah Khan 150
Qasim Khan 174, 183 Saiyid •Abdullah Khan Bnraha 143
lJiftllll 218 Saiyid Aslam Khan 118
Qazi Nur Muhammad 32, 204-05 Saiyid Ghulam •Ali Khan Naqavi 212
Quranic verse 134 Saiyid Jnmiluddin Khan 171-72
Qusbegi 148 Saiyids 119
Qutbshahi 60 Saksena. Rai Chatunnan 163
Salimgarh 150
Rachnao Doab 137 Salim Shah Afghan 91
Rafi ·u-d Darjat 131 Samana 201
Raja Bhup Prakash 24 Sambhal 167
Raja Ghamanda Singh 190 Sankrant Megh 91
Rtrja Gopal Singh Bhadauria 152 Sanskrit 217
Raja Janak 6 Saroi Khan Khanan 175
Rtrjcr Nagannal 188 Sarai A 'zamabad Talaori 200
Raja Rnjrup 94 Se1rdcrr Jahandar Khan 184

226
 Index

Sm'lltlr Jnhan Khan 184-85 Srinagar (Garhwal) 150

Sardar Khan Rajput 22 Suchadanand 116. 148
St~rdc~r Zain Khan 181-82 Sujan Rai 11-12
Sarkar, Jadunath 90, I04, 125, 170 Sujan Rai Bhandari 14
Sm-jug 66 Sukha Singh 199
Sawai Jai Singh I06 Sultan Bahlol Lodi 91
Shahabad 32, 135 Sultanpur 200
Shah 'Abdu'r Rahman Bakhtyar 14, 112 Suraj MnJ 103
Shah ·A lam 133 Sural Singh II. 85
Shah Balawal 174 Surman, John 127
Shahdaura 161, 194 Suthra 213
Shah Hasan Durr 113 Sutlej 117.201,214
Shah 'lnayat 119 Sutlej-Yamuna Divide 20
Shah Jahan 4, 69, 72. 165
Shahjahanabad 16, 121, 127, 139, 165, Tahmas Khan 3. 27. 169
171. 177, 192-93. 197, 214 UlhllltiSIUIIIUl 170
Shah Nanak 213 Talwandi II
Shah Pasand Khan 195 Talwandi Rai Bhona 91, I64
Shahpur 188 Tttreltt-jug 65
Shah Wali Khan 195, 197 Tarpolia 141
Shaikh Farid 14 Ta.du·i/ru' I Aqwm11 3, 33, 217
Shaikh Muhammad Dauim 124 Ttr1.kirmu :f Scrllllill-i Chagluttcr 3, 23, I00,
Shaikh Muhammad Yar 15. 198 Ill, ISS
Shaikhs 119 Ttrzkimtu'sll Slurikll wtt'I-Khtrdllm 85
Shams Khan Khweshgi 22, 135-36 Teja Singh I
Sher Muhammad 20 Thanesar 121. 135, 199
Sher Shah 164 Thoka Singh 190, 196. 199
Shihabuddin 50 Timur Shah 215
Shireen Moosvi 49. 55, 56, 217 Trehnn Khatri I0
Sialkot 177-80, 190, 193 Turkey 169
Sikandar Lodi 132 Turki 70
Sikhan 205 Turkish 208
Sikhs I, 28. 38, 59, 73. 107. 167. 175-76. Tuzuk 56
179,183.202,204,206-09,215,218- Tuzuk-i Jahangiri 3, 56
19
Sikh Gurus 3 Udaipur 101
Sikh Panth 8 Urdu 50
Sikh Religion 86, 97 Uzbek 169
Sind 208
Sindhia 217 Vairbal (Bhairuval) 210
Singh 205 Vaishnava 14, 164
Sirhind 31, 176, 180-81, 192, 199, 201, vcrkil 106
. 207 \1rrs 5
Skinner, James 35, 217 \1rr.f of Bhai Gurdas 6
Siwalik Hills 161
Sodhi Khatri I0 ~1/li Guru 76
Sodhra 195 ~1hi Guru di fiueh 214-15
Sodh Ramdas 176 Wali Muhammad Khan 198
Stephenson, Edward 127 Wnzir Khan 14, 17, 19, 99, 108, Ill, 114-
Sri Gora 64 18, 134, 148, 161

227
 INDEX

mtz:ir Jahan Khan 174 Zafar Hasan M. 90

Wazir Shah Wali Khan 182 ZtifctnUIIntl Is. 48, 96
Wilayal 189, 215 Zain Khan 183, 190-92
Wilson, C.R. 127 Zainuddin Ahmad Khan 137-38, 151
Zttmindar 15
Yamuna 134, 196, 20 I z.ttmindttri 120
Yazdani 59, 76 Zorawar Singh 16

228