a The Growth and Social Ecology of a Colonial City, 1880—1980 Meera KosambiBombay in Transitio ‘The Growth and Soctal Ecology of a Colonial City, 1880—1980 Stockholm, 1986, 204 pages, monograph. Abstract ‘Bombay, the second largest Indian city and the multt-functional primate city of Western India, also represents the generic “colo- nial port city”. This study outlines Bombay's growth and social ecology, focussing on its functions, population composition, and especially on its spatial pattern. While the time frame en- ‘compasses mainly the transition from the late colonial to the ‘post-cofonial period, attention is also given to the city's early evolution and current outward expansion. The data are derived from the abundant decennial census statistics available for Bom bay, which are used both descriptively and analytically, as well 1a from other source materials. The results are presented in the form of tables, maps, and diagrams, and also illustrated with photographs. The study aims not only to serve as a case study of Bombay, but, due to its historical and comparative perspective, also to make theoretical and cross-cultural contributions to an understanding of colonial urban processes. HEra> 15 KOy 1986 ROTCH MALT. LIBRARIES: OCT 1 1987 RECEIVED. © 1986 Meera Kosambi Sea arenes KO5105 For my mother Mes. Nalini Kosambi, née Madgavkar who has witnessed the growth of Bombay, first as a resident and later as a visitor, for much of the twentieth century, and who has helped as a quick reference service on the subject on several occasionsvases List of Tables List of Figures List of Plates Preface 1 Introduction The Origins and Barly Bvolution of Bombay Colonial Bombay, 1880-1947: Functions and People Colonial Bonbay, 1880-1947: Spatial Pattern 5 Post-Independence Bombay, 1947-1980 6 Factorial social geology of Bombay 7 comparisons over Time and space & Outward Expansion of Bonbay totes Appendix References 10 2 b 1s 30 50 6s aa us 164 183 192 195. 1993.1a Birth-Place statistics for Bombay city Population, 1961-1901 lace Statistics for Bombay City Population, 1931 3.2 Oscupational Classification of Bonbay City Population, 1911-1931 3.3 Religious Composition of Bonbay City Population (in percentages), 1881-1941 3.4 Linguist le Composition of Bombay City Population ‘in percentages), 1681-1941 3.5 cccupationsl Classification of the Religious Comu- ‘nities in Bonbay City (in percentages) , 1921. 3.6 Selected Statietics on Birth-Place and occupation ‘in Bombay city, 1911 4.la Bonbay City, Statistical Profile of Wards ‘and Sections, 1901 Ub Bombay City, statistical Profile of Wards ‘ana Sections, 1901 5.1 Birth-Place statistics for Bombay city and ‘Greater Bombay, 1941-61. 5.2 Religious Composition of Bombay City Population (in percentages) , 1921-61 5.3 Linguisete composition of Bombay City Population (in percentages) , 1951-61 5.4 Occupational Classification of Bombay City Population (in percentages), 1951-71 5.5 Bombay City, Statistical Profile of Wards ‘and Sections, 1971 Ge] Factorial ecology of Bombay City, Set 1 6.2 Factorial geology of Bonbay City, Set IT 6:3 Factorial Ecology of Boubay City, Set IIT 6:4 Factorial Bcology of Bombay City, Set IV 615 Brush'e Factor Analysis of Bonbay, 1971 7.1 Population, Sex Ratio, and Inmigration in Bombay City, 1872-1961 7.2 occupational Classification of Workers in Bombay City, 1861-1971 7.3 Religious Classification of Bonbay city Fopulation, 1861-1961 7.4 Linguistic Classification of Bombay city Population, 1881-1961 7.5 classification of Bonbay City Population by Birth-Place, 1901-1961 56 se 39 60 60 3 6 n n a7 wa a9 a9 133 ua 151 isa 187 161 165, 165 167 167 167 9.1 Bombay City, Sectionwise pata on 1681-1981 9.2 Bonbay City, Sectionwise Data on Density (Persons per Acre), 1 9.3 vombay City, Sectionvaise Data Gales per 100 Females), 1 area, Population 138i 196 197 198vigmes 1.1 Bombay City, Greater Bombay, and New Bombay 2:1 Bombay Istand, about 1670 2:2 Bombay Island, about 1615 2:3 Bombay Fort 2:4 spatiay Components of Bosbay city in the ge Cities (50/0004) in Bombay Presidency, 1081 35) Bopltatlon Grouch. in'Bonbay city, 1850-1980 3:3 Sotbey city, age-sex Structure, ieel-1931 4.1 sonbay city, Wards and sections, 1901 Ar} Bombel GleYs-mjor fonds, Railways, and Densely Baiitcop Areas, 1901 4.3 nonbay Cleyy Density of Population in 1882, Sil, € 193 bonbey’ city, Predominant Religious Communitie in doen, i90i, + 1931, 5 ponbay City, Predominant Languages in 1881 6 1901 2 Bomay City! bieteibution of Occupations in 1901 Ja Denbey city, Distribution of Residential Saiidingsy 2681 4.7» vonbay Clty, Distribution of Office Buildings, Teel a Distribution of shops, 1981 GLY: Dlsteibacion of Warehouses, 1901 Ste Bombay Clty, Distribution of Milla, 1 GleY, Distribution of Residential Bulidings, "1911 4A.8b ponbsy City, Distribution of Office Buildings, iL Ate Bombay City, Disteibition of Residential~ ‘cua-Shop Butlaings, 1911 4.ga pompay city, Distribution of shops, 1911 48¢ Bosbay City, Distribution of warenouses, 1911 be Bonbay city, Dietesbution of Miiis, 1911 4:5 ‘nelative, Concentration of Non-Residential ‘building Oses in Boebay city, 1681 and 1911 4.10 Boabay City, Distribution of Bulldings by ‘minber of floors, 911 5.1 Large Cities and Urban Agglonerations (500,000+) jn Mahacaehtra and Gajerat, 1981. 5.2 the Bonbay-Poona Urban-industrial Corridor (centres of 50,000+) 5.3 Population Growth in Bombay City, Suburbs, and Greater Bombay, 1901-1961, 10 v 39 39 a a 51 Ey 58 or 6 19 20 a1 82 85 85, 86 a7 88 a8 89 89 30 50 92 93 aaa 123 126 5.4 Bombay, Age-Sex Structure, 1941-1961 5.5 Bombay ‘city, Warde and Sections, 1961 5.6 Variation in Bombay City Population, 1961-61 5:7 Bonbay City? Density of Population, 1961-81 5:8 Bombay City; Predominant Religious Communities, 7961 5.9 Bombay City? Predominant Languages, 1961 5.10 Bombay City; Predominant Occupations, 1961-71 5:lla Bombay City, Distribution of Residential Floor Space, 1979 5.11b Bonbay City, Distribution of Office space, 1979 S:lle Bonbay City, Distribution of Retail Trade Floor Space, 1979 5.114 Bonbay City, Distribution of Wholesale trade Floor Space, 1979 5.11e Bonbay City, Distribution of storage Space, 1979 S:1Lf Bombay City, Distribution of Industrial Floor Space, 1979. 5.12 Relative Concentration of Non-Residential Floor Space Uses in Bombay City, 1979 5.13 Functional Land Use in Bombay City, 1980 6.1a Factorial cology of Bombay City, set I, 1601 6.1b Factorial ecology of Bombay City, Set I, 1901 6.28 Factorial ecology of Bombay City, set Ii, 1961 6.2b Factorial ecology of Bombay City, Set IT, 1971 6.3a Factorial ecology of Bombay City, Set ITf, 1881 6.3b Factorial gcology Of Bombay City, Set III, 1901 6.3c Factorial gcology of Borbay City, Set III, 1961 6.4a Factorial ecology of Bombay City, Set IV, 1801 6.4b Factorial Ecology of Bombay City, Set IV, S:4e Factorial Bcology of Bombay City, Set IV, 6.40 Factorial scology of Bonbay City, Set IV, 6:5 Brush's Factorial ecology of Bonbsy, 1971 7.1 Major Reclanations in Boabay city, up to 1960 7:2 Vakiation in Bombay City Population, 181-1981 1.3 Bombay City, Distribution of Religious Minorities, 1861-1961 7.4 Bonbay City, Schematic Diagrans showing Functional Tand Use: a) Perceived Pattern, 1880 b) Hypothetical Pattern, 1880; ©) Perceived Pattern, 1300 7.5 Wissel's Zoning Model for Bombay 8.1 Bombay Suburbs 8.2 Bombay Suburbs, Population Density in 1972 813 Bombay Suburbs, Distribution of Predominant ‘Occupations in 1971 130 132 132 a7 138 a8 39 aa. ui 142 1a 143 143 14a Lae aaa 149 152 152 155 iss 155, 158 isa 159 139 162 169 in an am 4 as i isa las. 187Prares cover Picture: Bonbay University and High Court (in the foreground), the Oval, and Back Bay Reclamation, ETlugeracing successive stages of Bombay's physical developnent from the 1670's to the 1980's ay Harbour (Plates 1-2) see aera agelio Gate (iater 2-5) °: Hix aontly Forts Church Gate and Vicinity (Plates 6-8) Hieocbay Forts nazar cave (Plates, Sil) T ponoay ‘Pore: Bazar Cate street. (Worth Fort) sey Torts Town 11 (Plates 15-17) Vir sowbly Ports ponbay Green and St. ‘Thomas's Cathedral iy (Phates 23-29) ‘onbay tort. ‘Sonbay Hunieipai Corporation MK Bowtie) and Victoria Termine, (VE). (lates 24=27) x bombay fort's Esplanade: Victoria Terminus Building Thotalls) (eaves. 28-31) Xr the feplanade (Piatee, 32-34) Jar Colaba (Plates. 33- Hitr onobl falao” {gare of former Native Town) ates 3-35) AAV market (part of former Native Town) (Plates 40-42) Wy Parel and Vicinity (elates 42-45) ivr chowpatey (lates 46-47) Suir tack Say (Plate 48) Syitr Malabar TL (lates 49-50) Hix Docks and Bunders (Plates, 31753) Ix pocks. and Bunders (Plates, 54-56) ‘ir Bonboy Meattic® (ruates’ 57-59), 1 Boney tateic (Plates 60~ Ialtr Boably Sereet Scones (Plates 63-65) 97 98 39 100 101 102 103, toa 105, 10s 107 108 209 uo cree 2 13 ne as us 7 ie us Like any other world city, Bombay contains within itself a fascinating diversity of people, cultures, and clty-seapes. In spite of its preoccupation with commerce and industry, Bonbay remains a prenier intellectual centre; and under its conspicuously Western veneer flourishes a variety of indigenous linguistic-regional traditions. In short, it is a multi-functional city which houses @ Pluralistic society representing all the regions and Feligions not only of india, but the whole world. Bombay also displays other sets of contrasts, physical and spatial, both in terms of the urban mosaic and in terms of the urban-rural spectrum. Thus a journey from the city entre in south Bonbay to the suburban expanse in the north is not merely a matter of covering a physical distance of thirty or forty miles; it is a journey from a noisy and crowded Western style Central Business District to the idyllic rural landscape long associated with india. This journey would start from Ploca Fountain (now futatma Chowk) at the heart of a nodified replica of the "city" of London, complete with imposing public buildings in a variety of Western architectural styles and red double-decker Dues, and end in rural pockets with thatched huts and green fields which have so far escaped the sweep of rapid suburbanization engulfing the surrounding areas. on the vay will be encountered a crosa-section of cultures and functions. The modern extension of the original business centre is located at Narinan Point, complete with high-rise office blocks perched on reclained lana, exhibiting a Manhattan-stylo skyline; and providing a view of the even higher residential apartment blocks to ite south on the Feclained area of Cuffe Parade at Colaba, ana to its northwest across Back Bay on Malabar Hili and Cumballa Hill, both housing the city's Westernized cosmopolitan elite. ‘Traditional style houses with overhanging balconies and elaborately carved wooden ornamentation still occupy the porthern part of the Fort and other old Indian resident! comercial localities such as Bhuleshwar, still retaining thelr original chai ‘as ethnic enclaves. Further north the workers" "chawis" or tenement houses crovd around the cotton mills of Parel near the phyaical centre of the city, and have stretched northwest tovards Worli in the wake of industrial dvelopnent. Beyond the island city of Bombay, the two strings of thickly populated suburbs extend roughly porthward along the two commuter railway Lines. squeezed between all these densely packed areas are the ubiquitous squatter settlements in all kinds of Likely and unlikely 3ts of ground to spaces, ranging from empty and neglected plots of 9 the busiest sidevalke, along railvay tracks and under bridges. ‘They: provide poignant testinony to the fact that Bombay's expansion has not been painless. this study does not focus on the multifarious problens connected with’ Bonbay's ‘chaotic expansion, nor does it Presume to undertake, the daunting task of proposing Eslutions. ie does, Novever, ain to explain how and vhy this Expansion has oceutced. in other worday 1t attempts Eo detect Snethod in the "madness". Belair tide alos AD attri, Best cer auch tees tatet te ns oe Most photographs of o1d Boxbay published here are taken from O13 books, Sone, photographs of the Tate nineteenth and Girly twentieth centucies fave been reproduced fron the Reterence Department. of the Tinea, of, Inala Group OF PUBL citionay by Lind permission of the Managing Director, Dr. Ran Sriarneja. ALL the current photographs have been taken by th Sithor’on’a series of enjoyable though exhausting expoations Scconpanted by friends, Photographing new reincarnations o: Gia sites, in Bosbay and drawing naps and diasrans ko retcace the city's past has been an enlightening and revarding experience indeed. Pune ~ Bonbay = Stockholm MK. ‘october 1985 “ Bombay's clain to special consideration rests on two main factors: its current size ard status, and its position as a typical colonial product. The generic colonial port city, especially in Asia, had ies origina in the teasing station of a European mercantile company, and gradually rose to be the prine maritine port and commercial centre of the region, outranking indigenous porte. Being the chief seat of a European sea-based power, it served as a naval base and a5 a ilitary stronghold which facilitated inland penetration to conquer the indigenous land-based power in the region. Territorial expansion bestowed upon it the status of the new administrative capital of the region. In consequence, a now road and later railvay network was created, and made to converge on this coastal city. Ae the colonial power centre it also becane the natural channel for the introduction of few ideas and innovations, ranging fron industrial technology to Western-style education. ‘thus the colonial port city, becane the multi-functional and predominant or “primate” city of the region. Folloving this pattern, in less than three centuries of British patronage, Bonbay grew phenomenally ftom an insignificant group of villages to the largest city in Western India, and a metropolis of national and. international importance. The sano path was followed, at a different pace but through the sane stages, by the other two British port cities, namely, Calcutta-in eastern Tndia, and Madras in South India. Their predominance on the Indian urban scene was clearly visible at the very first all-india cenaus taken in 1872, In an overwhelmingly rural country such as India was at the time (with lees than 10 per cent of its population of 184 million Living in urban areas, and with feyer than 20 cities g@ntaining an individual population exceeding 100,000) Bombay and Calcutta, and to'a lesser degree Hadras, tended to tover over the other cities and towns, With a population of 644,405 in 1872, Bombay was the largest city in the Indian subcontinent, proudly halled as *arbe prima in Tnais*, and the second largest city in the Britich empire after London. Te was followed by Calcutta (633,009) (1), the then capital of British India, and Madras (397,552), In the twentieth century Bombay lost its first rank to Calcutta, becoming India's second city. Tt still retains that rank and its status as a major maritime, comercial, industrials and financial centre of national importance. In Western India the primacy of Ronbay has been paralleled since the establishnent of British rule in the firot half of the nineteenth centiry. The newly conquered 5territories were then grouped into Bonbay Presidency, and governed from Bonbay city which was the English fast India Gompany's. stronghold on the west coast of India, and there~ fore the logical choice for the new political capital. By the Jatter halfof the nineteenth century all important urban functions in Western India were centralized at Bombay, and the city consequently attracted a massive influx of popu~ Yation, ‘tn 1872, Bombay was over 5 times larger than both Mbsedabed and Poona (2), the next largest cities in Bombay Presidency. ‘The same momentum continued after Indian Independence in 1947, 80 that Bombay's predominance persisted. At the Ruste Se"Go7ls a hundred years after the First census, Greater Bombay’ (the adninisteative capital of Maharashtra State, separated from Gujerat State in 1960) was 3.4 tines, Shrget_than Ahmedabad Ucben Agglomeration (Gujerat)» and 5.3 eines larger than Poona (anarashtra), vhich are still the next. largest urban areaa in the region. Thus Bonbay has proved to be an increasingly powerful urban magnet. In 1981 Bree 13 per cent of the total population, and 35 per cent of fhe urban population, of Maharashtra State was concentrated in Greater Bombay; while in 1901 only 4 per cent of the total gna about 17 per cent of the urban population of the sane Zea hed lived in the city. The reason for this increasing Goputation concentration is not far to seek, in view of th Employment. opportunities available in the city: in the 1960" Bepek cent oF the tertiary employment in Maharashtra, &6 per Gene of ies factory employment, and about 75 per cent of its. fhdustrial output were concentrated in Greater Bonbay alone cahne, 1977) ‘moday the urban expanse of Bonbay is considerable, At its core Lies Bombay City, which is an island off the Konkan coast, with an area of about 69 square Kilonetres (or about $e.5 Square miles) and a population of 3,285,040 at the 1961 Geneus, The suburban spiliover is inevitably’ directed forthwardy given the eite features and constraints, and Cccupies gost of the adjoining island of Salsette, covering Gharea of about 367 square kilonetres (or about 142 square Shes) which accommodates. 4,969,215. people. While the city ind the suburbs together form ‘Greater Bombay" (with an area Sf almost 440 square kilometres and a population of about 8-3 Biition), a much larger unit designated the Bombay Metro Polltan Region, which forms the basis for regional planning, Freludes an additional semicircular portion of the mainland. across sonbay harbour, and has a total area of about 4,330 Square kilonetres and’a population of 11,053,588. within this region Lies "New Bombay", a tovn planned as a counter-magnet foBombay city by duplicating ies port and connercial- {ndustriai fonctions (Figure 2.1). ‘the present study concentrates mainly on the island city of Bonbay and ita evolution during the last hundred fears, with a brief look at its outward expansion. 16 Greater: MATRLAND Region Figure 1.1: Bonbay City, Greater Bonbay, and New Borbay 7‘Theoretical Framework and Scope As the title indicates, this is a study of the growth and social ecology of Bombay’ during a hundred-year period which covers its transition from colonial to post-colonial status with the advent of Independence. ‘The city's grovth 19 gonsidered in terns of its urban functions, its position vis~ Rvis the region, and the extent of ite primacy. res. treatment as "the colonial city", and the approach of “social ecology" are discussed in greater detail below. 1) the Colonial cits sxise j@5¢8 “About indian Cities ‘he current theoretical Literature on Indim cities is dominated by the indigenousecolonial. dichotony which ie. ales expressed a¢ the “trasivionaicnodern's sAsian-Westerns or Spreinduserial-inguserial= contrasts ‘the general concensus of pinion is that the Ficat group of indigenoue/ tsaaltlonal/ eindustrial/ Asian cities are predominantly governaenca Einereo, whlie the other sroup of colonial/ aodern/ Western/ Industrial cities in Asia are basically econosic contr Glurphey, 1964 1972) Sjoberg, 1998, 1960, 1965; Kingy Baohs Aaieionar colonial sevan acess, such as the miditary ana civit cantonmenta, bill stations, fallvay towns, and Gonpany towns, hove received only occasional attention, Geushy 19637 witcheliy 1992; Rings 1376). The most influential statement. of the Asian-Western Quality cones from Muzphey (1972) ‘who characterizes the Straditional Asien city" aa *predominantiy a political and quitural phenonenon® in contrast with the typical Western city which has alvays been "predominantly an. ecoromie Pienonenon and with overvhelmingly economic functions" (3). Mug the capitals and other governmental centres of the Asian expires. “functioned and were consciously intended a Merocosns of the national policy- symbols of authority, Jegitinacy ana pover, creators and molders of literate ahiture, gents Of the dominant religious ideology, and Fesplendent thrones for the Great Tradition. Commercial and industrial functions were decidedly secondary, ainost incidental (Murphey, 1972261). Into -thia setting the European merchants introduced the Western kind of city as an Innovation. "the functions and institutional structures of these citios "were largely new to Asia, which had tradi Honally lacked both the economic and the institutional Infrastructure for the kind of commercial enterprise which Biropeans built" (Murphey, 1912163) Since the locations of the to types of cities were influenced by their basic functions, Murphey finds the traditional Asian cities to be located inland, central to the region administered, while the Western type of city was, 8 | located at a coastal site, suitable for both shipping and collecting local merchandise for export. ‘the latter sites were chosen “with an eye to commercial advantage in ter Qverseas trade” and provided "the kind of access which had teen of Little or no concern to the builders of most tradi- tional Asian cities" (Murphey, 197263). of tm the Light of Indian (and Asian) history, this is clearly an inaccurate description of urban grovth. While the Buropean merchants did seek commercially advantageous coastal sites for their trading towns in India, the indigenous rulers by no means neglected maritime trade or coastal ports, as wi1l be seen in the following account of the evolution of Bombay, Wore realistic in Murphay's heist sketch af the morphology of these port cities, which ie seen aa a Fetlection of their Western and colonial origins, with residential segregation on a racial basis, planned streets, and Western architecture providing then with a typically Western skyline. Marphey's functional distinction is supported by King who sees the traditional South Asian city ae "primarily concerned with religious, cerenonial, political or aiministrative functions; and its contemporary counterpart as essentially Western in nature and function, dominated by trade and manufacture (198034) - Starting from a very different premise, that techno- logical developnent is the key variable by vhich cities can be classified, sjoberg (1955, 1960, 1965) arrives at a Profile of the preindustrial city, a product of the Peeindustrial literate society, which closely resenbies the indigenous city described above. iis principal hypothesis is Spar tpreindustcial cities cveriwnere! display strikingly similar social and ecological structures, not necessarily in specific cultural content, but certainly in basic fora” (196025). ‘the key functions of preindustrial cities are Political: “political centres geared to administrative and/or nilitary functions are unquestionably the dominant cities in the society" (1960:87), and *Preindustrial cities have alvays functioned primarily as governmental and religious centers, and only secondarily as commercial establishments" (1965:216). Given these priorities, the ruling military and aininistrative elite predominate the society, while merchants are relegated to an inferior position along with socially disadvantaged groups, These cities are described as a basic contrast with the industrial cities which are primarily, economic in function, and which therefore operate on a different value system. ‘The spatial arcangenents of Sjoberg's preindustrial city naturally contrast with those of the industrial cley. ‘The preindustrial city displays three features vhich Dighlight this contrast: the Breeninence of the central area over the periphery, in terms of important functions as well 19as elite residences; spatial differentiation along ethnic and ‘ccoupational Lines; and a low incidence of functional Gifterentiation in other and use patterns, with a single site often serving multiple functions (1965:95-96, 216). Subsequently Sjoberg has converted his preindustrial~ industrial dichotomy into @ continuum by introducing, almost go an afterthought, a transitional category labelled’ the Sindustrislizing city" which shares the characteristics of both. A distinction is also made "among types of transitional Cities for example, those that are largely the products of Western colonial rule, such as Calcutta or Shanghai, and those, that are indigenous to the preindustrial civilized oeder (1965:220) Im terms of Sjoberg's new framework, the above~ mentioned indigenous-colonial dichotomy is translated into the preindustrial-inustrializing city types (of the peeindustrial-industrializing-industrial continuum). However, Bjoberg's additional category also becones static in nature, examined at one point in time, without historical continuity. illustrate this with hie own example: Calcutta (and by [hterence, Bombay), as a colonial product, was obviously Greated as a preindustrial city ana reached the transitional Stage as part of ita evolution. But the real problen with Sjoberg's eranevork is the fact that a city like Calcutta, that ia a basically commercial preindustrial city is a contradiction in terms according to his hypothesis. Thus Sjoberg's echene fails, as has been pointed out by several Scholars (especially Horvath, 1969, ard McGee, 1971) to secount for the “colonial city which existed in lacge funbers in different parts of the world, at the preindustrial Stage of techological development. Partly as a critical corrective to this omission, MeGee (2971:50°51) advances a brief model of the colonial city, {ndicating ite three types: 1) indigenous administrative Gentres which continued to serve as the colonial adninis— trative headquarters; 2) towns based on the exploitation of Rinerais; and 3) port cities buile in order to facilitate Seaborne trade between the colony and the mother country. Tile last type, the colonial port city, is recognized as the mst ubiquitous and the most dominant. ‘the analysis of the colonial port city is carried a step further by Pearson (1961:67-92) in the context of the history of Goay the former Portuguese colony on the west coast of India, Pearson suggests three ideal types of the colonial port city: a “transplant” or system which is Gansferced to a new area "whe: atively Tndependent of ita surcoundinge"; a "parasite" which "feeds a another system but retaing unmodified its own Gharacteristics"; and a "graft" which "merges and conbines With its host*. A colonial city may conbine all three Characteristics, bat one or the other tends to predominate. 20 Another perspective on the colonial city is provided Horvath (1969, 1972) who sees it as "one of the key devices that has been’ used as a base of power fer the control of mibjugated areas", and'as "the political, military, economic, fellgfous, social, and intellectonl entrspot between tre eDlonizers and the colonized" (1969:75-76)+, Different types Sf coloniat cities are suggested, based on’ inportane fexeares of the colonial pover (ita stages of development, colonial Birpose, and the, place of the colonial city in the cotontal Echene) “and of the colonized people (their level of develop- ene, and etnnicity) "(1969:79). fe algo throws. ineerest ing ight on the stratification systen of the colonial. ¢ thich hea three mnjor conprnests: In ater of importantes, the lest [f"che’coiontal sascers wig form the elitey beloy them is an intervening group, composed of two types, one resale in fon interracial mixing, and the other forked by iamigrante,? from a'country other than that of the colonizers (this group often ciains a major share in the foreign and domestic counerce} and lastly, the indigenes of whom the educated are employed in lover echelons of colonial administration shile the ‘uneducated perform semi-skilled or unskilled tasks {i569)« Although Horvath (1972) Alstingulshes Gifferent types of colonialism depending spon the nature of the donination Getelseds he does not explore the Riatorieal stages of the snaigetgligit in most of the exinting Literature on tte \genous-colonial duality is an assumption of chronolo which equates the traditional city with the preingustrial” stage of technology, and the colonial city with the industrial stage. Such a typology has indeed been’ proposed vy Redfield and Singer (1954) in the context of the cultural role of cities, and continues to be widely cited. Io functional city types (political-inteliectual centres, and economic centres) are considered in the context of two broad historical phases (before and after the development of West-doninated, industrial vorid economy), The reauleare typology, with'exanples of Indian cities for sone catesories provided by the authors themselves, appears as follows: I Priot to the Industrial Revolution and Western Expansion BY) adninistrative-cultural cities (e.g. Allahabad) 2) cities of native commerce (no exempie) Tr After the Industrial Revolution and Western Expansicn 3) metropolis-cities of the vorld~wide wanagerial and entrepreneurial class (e.g. Bombay) 4) cities of modern administration (e.g. New Delhi). Incidentally, the fact that no example of an indigenous Indian connercial city is offered is significant; it may be Indicative of the implicit assumption of the non-existence of uch cities, which vould corroborate the hypotheses mentioned a‘The sequence of events proposed in this typology is ‘based on the assuaption that Western colonial expansion pescered simultaneously with the development of modern CGustrial eechnology, which is not, supported by h:story- Such assumptions, however, persist because the tere Sch ate itunt ieself is open to various interpretations. ‘he ‘Real* Colonial City ‘oeiginally, the term "eolony” seant. ta. transplanted tragneot of"a nawon society. The settienent might bo in full feMAbion‘ot teaser, fone os wergay an ougenized aroun fp aes Pe tes Ug or avon a hosciie.popuiscsone « including the chain which connected the cotton producer and the weaver to the exporter through a variety of agents, (Bus Guptas 1970) ‘Gokhaicy. 1970) «the tnglish factory ae Surse weliited all these faciiieiee and thrived on the trades but waa subject to several constraints. ‘these inclused the’ local Sipervision and controls, facluding the payment of custom duties; the Fivairy of other Buropean nerevant conpanicey’ and the Sense of ingecucity due to the imperial Woghel ban on foreign fortifications in chet domains ‘The East India Company's interest in Bombay therefore stemmed from two major considerations: ite proximity to Surat which could guarantee trade, and its insularity which could ensure independence and security. Bonbay's primary role was (© serve as a naval base, and as a port of transhipnent where the merchandise of Gujerat was Srought from Surat with the help of Gujerati merchants to be reexported to Hurope (GBCr, 3