PART III

Early Buddhist Practices, Landscapes

and Artefacts

238
 Glimpses of Buddhist Practices and
Rituals in Dvāravatī and
Its Neighbouring Cultures
Nicolas Revire

Introduction

T he study of Dvāravatī has developed significantly since its beginning

in the first half of the twentieth century, but little still is known
about the history, political organisation, or the geographical extent
Previous pages: Ritual tray
found in Nakhon Pathom, 7th-8th c.
Currently in the Bangkok National
Museum, stone, 15 cm. high,
of this polity.1 What we do know derives mainly from archaeological inv. no. K 133/4 [Photograph courtesy
remains, such as stūpa or caitya (T. chedi) foundations, stone and bronze of Paisarn Piemmettawat].
sculptures, clay and stucco artefacts, and a fair amount of inscriptions,
mostly religious in character. Although Buddhist practices and art have
been inseparable since Buddhism arrived in the region, to the casual
observer it can be difficult to make sense of this – often fragmentary –
material culture, and the complex relationships between art, ideology
and rituals that are at its basis.
In this essay, I shall explore this constant dialogue between the
material and ritual cultures, as gleaned from archaeological and
epigraphic evidence. The purpose is to examine the kind of Buddhist
practices and liturgies that were observed in the Dvāravatī culture
of today’s central Thailand and beyond in the neighbouring regions
and near contemporary cultures of east and northeast Thailand. In
doing this, I will review early archaeological material and inscriptions
to reconstruct certain religious activities of the period spanning
approximately the seventh and eighth centuries with some extension
into the ninth and tenth centuries.2 It should be stated from the outset
that nearly all artefacts and inscriptions under scrutiny are clearly the
products of the ideology of merit (Skt, puṇya; P., puñña). While this
concept is common in Indic religions,3 a closer look at the details as well
as the regional distributions of these artefacts and inscriptions may be
revealing.

The Bases of Meritorious Actions in Buddhism

The ideology of merit is an intrinsic concept in Buddhism and has been
a major motivation for the production of art since its inception in India
and Southeast Asia. Merit can, of course, be gained in a number of
Opposite Figure 1: Terracotta
ways and the Pāli Canon identifies several bases of merit, the most basic relief from U Thong showing three
of which is showing humility and paying respect (apacayana) to the three standing Buddhist monks going
gems or tiratana (i.e. the Buddha, the Dhamma, and the Saṅgha). on an alms round, 7th-8th c. (?);
Probably echoing this belief, the seventh century-Chinese travelling 20 cm. wide x 16 cm. high.
Currently located in the U Thong
monk Yijing (635-713) reported for mainland Southeast Asia that “the National Museum, inv. no.
inhabitants of all these countries greatly [pay] reverence [to] the Three 65/2509 [Photograph by
Jewels (Ratnatraya) [sic]” (Takakusu 1998: 10). Archaeological evidence Nicolas Revire].

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 Nicolas Revire

supports this statement. A clay Buddhist tablet found in Khok Mai for providing economic support to all monks and nuns alike and to
Den, Nakhon Sawan province [Figure 2a], is engraved in Pāli with Buddhist establishments for centuries.
the following homage: namo buddhassa namo dhammassa namo saṅghas(sa), A fragmented terracotta relief from U Thong shows three standing
i.e. “Homage to the Buddha, Homage to the Dhamma, Homage to monks going on an alms round (piṇḍapāta) [Figure 1]. The relief may
the Saṅgha” (FAD 2529: I, 287-291) [Figure 2b].4 Another “eulogy well echo this ancient exercise combined with one of the austerities
inscription” of uncertain date,5 found at Noen Sa Bua, Prachin Buri known as dhutaṅga in Pāli. This is the austerity of eating only what is
province, gives a similar salutation to the three gems in ornate Pāli verses donated as alms, regardless of amount or taste.8 Common today among
(PCh 14/K. 997).6 These verses come from the opening homage of the the forest monks of the Theravāda tradition, it was also practised in
Sinhalese Telakaṭāhagāthā and, because of this correspondence, various various Indian Buddhist lineages or nikāyas of the past (Ray 1994:
attempts have been made to demonstrate the early “establishment of 294ff). Yijing reported that many of the monastics present in Dvāravatī
Sri Lankan Buddhism” in Thailand during the so-called Dvāravatī performed “the begging dhūta” (Takakusu 1998: 9-10, 56, n. 3).
period. This effort, however, has not been devoid of important biases Accordingly, the laity gives food and other requisites to monks and nuns
and methodological problems and the above assertion has ultimately through daily alms rounds9 or through making offerings at monasteries.
been refuted (Revire 2012a). Monks and nuns, in exchange, offer the gift of teaching (dhammadāna) or
In addition to showing humility, the following three foundations blessing, often exalted as the highest gift.
of meritorious actions have been identified in the Puññakiriyavatthusutta The act of giving is also emphasised in ancient Buddhist stories and
(A IV 239; D III 218; It 51): giving (dāna), virtue or morality (sīla), tales. It is the supreme virtue perfected by all Bodhisattvas in their long
and mental development or meditation (bhāvanā). The first, dāna, is of path toward perfection (pāramitā) and the perfect self-enlightenment
greatest relevance to the present essay. While the importance of the (sammāsambodhi). These stories, such as jātakas and avādanas, clearly serve
other two foundations cannot be denied, archaeological remains do not a didactic purpose by presenting to laity the moral ideal of living a
usually speak to their presence. The practice of dāna, however, has had life conducive to the highest realisation, through the action of doing
considerable social and economic significance in all Buddhist cultures good deeds and perfecting one’s virtues (e.g. giving). Celebrated acts of
and has left a large corpus of archaeological material and inscriptions a Bodhisattva’s generosity include occasions in which he offers up his
for study.7 “Giving” is, in fact, essential to the production of any limbs, his eyes, and even his life to those in hunger or in need. Fine artistic
Buddhist artefact, image, or monument. In order to be produced, all examples of this ideology can be seen in the famous series of jātaka
material objects must have patrons and donors as sponsors who thus plaques from Chedi Chula Prathon in Nakhon Pathom (Piriya 2517)
obtain merit depending on the recipients of the donation. The value or from Khok Mai Den, Nakhon Sawan province [Figure 3]. Several
of any act of giving depends not just on the person making the gift, but sema stones from northeast Thailand, dated to the eighth-ninth centuries,
on the beneficiary as well, that is to say, more merit is accrued by giving seem to depict the Vessantarajātaka where the act of giving is the central
to Buddhas and other enlightened or worthy beings. Since the death of theme of the narrative plot (Murphy 2010: 249-253; Murphy, this
the Buddha, however, only certain spiritually qualified members of the volume, figs 12-13). The lesson of these stories is that a Bodhisattva is
Ariyasaṅgha are technically described as the worthiest “field of merit” willing to give more than material objects, even his wife, his children,
(puññakhetta), that is, people can only obtain great positive karmic results parts of his body, and even to sacrifice his life (Dayal 1970: 172-188).
in giving to them. But in reality, “giving” has always been a key method Naturally, the average layperson is not expected to make so great a
sacrifice. For most people, the practice of dāna is limited to material
support in order to make merit.

Sustaining Monasteries as an Act of Merit

While Buddhist texts stress the need for generosity, a number of
ancient Mon, Khmer, and Sanskrit donation inscriptions dedicated
by individuals (common people, kings or high officials) relate to lists
of meritorious offerings for the benefit of monasteries or Buddhist
communities (Prapod 2010: 86-90). This, again, should be understood
within the context of the relationship of the near complete dependency
of monks and nuns on gifts and the alms of laypersons. Records of
such gifts underline the importance of lay and royal patronage in the
establishment, development, and preservation of Buddhism in pre-
Figure 2a: Obverse of a clay Buddhist tablet modern Thailand and neighbouring Buddhist countries.
found in Khok Mai Den, Nakhon Sawan A few examples drawn from the list given in Table 1 suffice to
province, 7th-8th c. Currently located in the Figure 2b: Base detail of Fig. 1a, engraved illustrate this ideology prevalent in central and northeast Thailand
Bangkok National Museum, inv. no. 923/2508 in Pāli with homage to the three gems (NW 6) during the first millennium. What is significant in these inscriptions is the
[Photograph courtesy of Disapong Netlomwong]. [Photograph courtesy of Disapong Netlomwong].
record of common people in donations. The epigraphs are often written

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 Nicolas Revire

in Old Mon, while royal donations are recorded in Sanskrit The short seventh century inscription from Khao Ngu, Ratchaburi
with the list of offerings sometimes given in Old Khmer. province (RB 1), found at the feet of a Buddha image, is possibly a mixture
The donors are identified either by proper names or titles; of Old Mon-Khmer and Sanskrit; it was first read by George Cœdès
the recipient can be a Buddha image, a stūpa, a community as follows: puñ vraḥ ṛṣi … śrī samādhigupta, i.e. “the meritorious deed of
of monks, or a monastery. In Old Mon, these terms are the Holy hermit ... Śrī Samādhigupta” (1961: 19).11 This reading,
given as, or preceded by, the word kyāk which equally refers however, cannot be confirmed since only the first word puñ(·) and the
to any sacred object or person [i.e. phra in Thai]. Among the last word samādhigupta are certain. It is likely that samādhigupta refers
common offerings, we find items suitable for alms, such as here to a name and an adept of Buddhist meditation (a recluse monk?)
plots of rice fields, cattle, and so on, as well as the donation and that merit was thus generated because of his practice or his
of “slaves”10 as, for example, on the inscribed pillar from dedication.12 It is one of the few epigraphs that also relate directly to an
San Sung, Lop Buri province (LB 1/K. 409) [Figure 4], or iconic form, a pendant-legged Buddha image carved on the cave wall.13
the Ban Thalat inscription, written in Old Mon, from the A few other inscriptions in Old Mon or Sanskrit are found on the
Vientiane valley in Laos (HPK I/33). A recently discovered bases or pedestals of standing Buddha images dated on stylistic grounds
inscription from Sakon Nakhon in Old Mon (SN 10) even from the seventh or eighth century. Two well-known examples from
seems to refer to the offering of “doors and windows” to a Lop Buri have been published by Cœdès and the Fine Arts Department
local monastery (Kongkaeo 2550). (FAD). The first one is from Wat Khoi (LB  9/K.  695) where the
Figure 3: Jātaka plaque The epigraphic corpus also often provides information regarding reading is, according to Cœdès (1961: 6), rather uncertainly as follows:
from Khok Mai Den the expected results of such donations. Most of the time, making merit […]rlla (…)ñ kauñ vi(…)y cyāga. While Cœdès provided no translation, he
(Chaddantajātaka?), Nakhon is the main purpose. The belief in merit was, and still is, a cornerstone deduced that the language was probably Mon. The FAD, however, later
Sawan province, 7th-8th c. Currently
located in the Bangkok National for sustaining the Saṅgha and their monasteries. Monastic donors were proposed a slightly improved reading: […]rll maṅ koñ vijhay cyāga and
Museum, terracotta, inv. no. relatively few in number when compared to laity in local inscriptions offered the following translation: “A grand father and his grand children Figure 4: Wheel pillar from
813/2508 [Photograph by Nicolas found in pre-modern Thailand. This is only too natural for whilst the beautified the Buddha image” (2529: II, 37). The Thai translation is not San Sung, Lop Buri province,
Revire]. inscribed in Old Mon (LB 1/
monk is expected to follow the highest teaching of the Buddha, having without problems because the FAD epigraphists interpreted the word K. 409). Currently located in
renounced the world and directed his activity toward meditation and the spelt cyāga as a variant of kyāk (i.e. “Buddha image”) which remains so the National Library, Bangkok
gaining of nirvāṇa or nibbāna, the immediate concern of lay Buddhists is far unattested in the whole corpus of Mon inscriptions. In fact, the word [Photograph by Nicolas Revire].
not nirvāṇa but rather the accumulation of merit. cyāga is most likely a blend-form of cāga in Pāli and tyāga in Sanskrit
Two exceptions, however, are found from Nakhon Ratchasima which means “abandoning, giving up, renunciation” and the like. But
province. One of the Hin Khon inscriptions (NM  31/K.  389) states given the fragmentary nature of the inscription, a proper translation
that the fruits of merit from this donation to a royal monastery cannot yet be offered. The second dedicatory inscription is clearly in
would ultimately lead the donor, most likely a prince who became a Sanskrit and was found long ago in Wat Mahathat, Lop Buri province
monk (rājabhikṣu), and all living beings to attain omniscience (sarvajña) (LB  5/K.  577). It records the installation of a pratimā muneḥ (Buddha
and become a Buddha. Similarly, the well-known Bo Ika inscription Śākyamuni?) by a certain nāyaka Ārjava, ruler of the Taṅgur people
(NM  24/K.  400) found at Mueang Sema refers to a donation to the and son of the king of Śāmbūka (Cœdès 1961: 5; FAD 2529: I, 231).14
local Buddhist community by the king of Śrī Canāśa, who hopes to One so far unpublished example from Sung Noen district, Nakhon
achieve bodhi or “Buddhahood” by this gift. Ratchasima province, is far less ambiguous. The inscription, in a script
These statements seem at odds with the rigid tenet which asserts paleographically datable to the seventh or early eighth century, is
that bodhi can be realised only through meditation and, on the contrary, found on the lower base of a standing Buddha now kept in the Phimai
support the idea that self-enlightenment was also attainable by all National Museum (14/2536) [Figure 5a]. It is fragmentary and can
including by making merit or giving. At any rate, the king who is only be read on the Buddha’s proper right. The reading in Old Mon
commemorated in the Bo Ika inscription probably saw himself as a is kyāk puṇya […] [Figure 5b] which may roughly be interpreted as
Bodhisattva and was hence supposed to practise diligently the perfection “this ‘Holy One’ [kyāk, i.e. “Buddha image”] is the merit of […]”
of giving (dānapāramitā). where the title and/or the name of the donor is lost with the break
on the proper left of the image. A comparable inscription is found on
the reverse of two clay tablets found in Chon Buri province (DV  36,
Making Buddha Images or Shrines DV 38) [e.g. Figure 6]. The inscription reads: kyāk puñ […] (t)rala,
as an Act of Merit i.e. “this Buddha image is the work of merit […] (of) Lord […]” (Bauer
1991b: 63). Similarly, the proper name of that “lord,” the donor, is
Other dedicatory inscriptions and inscribed artefacts related to this missing due to the incomplete nature of the inscription. As we shall see
ideology of merit through the production of Buddha images, miniature from the following examples, however, an alternative translation for the
tablets or shrines, or the sponsorship of Buddhist buildings are listed standard Mon expression kyāk puṇya is possible.
in Table 2. Repeatedly, the word “merit” appears on these, albeit in At least three reported bilingual inscriptions in Old Mon and
variant spellings such as puñ, piñ, piñña, puṇya, or puṇa. A few significant Pāli were found on miniature earthenwares15 from Thap Chumphon,
examples are given below. Nakhon Sawan province, dated on paleographic grounds to the

244 245
 Nicolas Revire

eighth-ninth centuries [e.g. Figure 7].16 Mon. The terms ’upajhāy ’ācāryya in Old Mon are evidently derived from
The inscriptions comprise two lines Pāli (upajjhāya) and Sanskrit (ācārya) and refer to a monk’s preceptor and
Figure 5a: Standing Buddha around the lower rim in Mon and Pāli. a religious teacher. The two inscriptions may thus be approximately
bearing an Old Mon inscription at On one occasion (NW 7), the first line translated as “this is the ‘holy merit’ of the preceptor and/or teacher
its base (Fig. 5b). Currently located
in the Phimai National Museum,
is written ne’ kyāk puṇa tra[la] […] wihār who is/are well known by his/their virtue.” It is not known if the
inv. no. 14/2536 [Photograph by in Old Mon, translated as “this stupa is inscriptions refer to one or two distinct individual(s) in this case.
Nicolas Revire]. the work of merit of the lord (of) […] A number of other inscribed tablets from Mueang Fa Daet
vihāra” (Bauer 1991b: 65). While this (KS 4, KS i) and Na Dun (MKh i, iv, vii), similarly dated to the eighth or
interpretation is within the realm of ninth century on stylistic and paleographic grounds, record in Old Mon
possibility, it does not really account for the merit of certain lords (tala or tarla), rulers or even self-proclaimed
the presence of the word vihāra.17 Another universal kings or cakravarti (MKh iii). The inscription numbered MKh 2
Figure 5b: Detail of Fig. 5a with more complete example, although still (and possibly also MKh 3) reads nai vo’ puṇya kamrateṅ pdai karom’or skuṁ
the Old Mon inscription reading kyāk unregistered by the FAD (NW i), could das jāti smar (Bauer 1991a: 42) and could be translated as “this is the work
puṇya [Photograph by Nicolas Revire]. perhaps shed light on the matter. It has of merit of the king. May I not be born to a mean existence.” Bauer
been read as ne’ kyāk puña tara tra’ jrap argues that the term nai’ for “this” may be a variant of a similar Khmer
vihāra, and rendered in Thai as “this is word which again would suggest contact with Khmer populations in
the holy merit [phra bun]: sālā and vihāra” this region. This is certainly reinforced by the use of the Khmer royal
(Kannika & Phongkasem 2542: 145). If title kamrateṅ p(h)dai karom which appears here for the first time in Mon
this rendition is correct, we would then inscriptions (Bauer 1991a: 46).
have an occurrence where the Mon term Several inscriptions on sema stones mostly found in Chaiyaphum,
kyāk does not refer to the actual object on Kalasin, and Khon Kaen provinces refer to merit-making activity
which it is inscribed, for example here a performed by kings, monks, or commoners from the eighth to the tenth
terracotta fragment, but acts as a prefix to centuries.19 Some donors also express the wish “to be reborn again in
qualify what follows, i.e. puña, hence the the time of Ārya Maitreya,” the future Buddha (KhK 16 and perhaps
“holy” merit18 obtained by the gift or the KhK i). The inscriptions often display the use of a hybrid Mon-Khmer
sponsorship of a sālā and a vihāra. Moreover, given the many examples language. The inscription from Wat Pho Chai (KS 7), for example, reads
where the word trala, trala’, tarla’, tirla’ or other minor variants occurs puṇya pragata kanmun kasmuṅ kyāk cak and has been translated as “this is
in this context in Old Mon inscriptions as a title or honorific meaning the work of merit bestowed by King Cak” (Uraisi 1995: 200). Here, the
“lord” or “master” (Bauer 1991b: 61-63), it is tempting to amend the word pragata has been interpreted by Bauer as Khmer (1991a: 43). It
reading to tara tra’ for trala, tarla’, or the like. All in all, we would thus also occurs in the Khao Rang inscription from Prachin Buri province
have something like “this is the ‘holy merit’ [kyāk puña] of the ‘lord’ (PCh 1/K. 505). The title kasmuṅ or ka smuṅ, possibly a variation of smiṅ’
[i.e. trala] of the sālā and vihāra.” According to Bauer, the pronoun ne’ (“king,” “prince”), is found on another sema stone from Kalasin, albeit Figure 7: Miniature earthenware
i.e. “this,” found in the two above examples, may be a Khmer calque since with the variant spelling ksmuṅ (KS ii), and is understood as a Khmer- from Thap Chumphon, Nakhon
it is rarely attested in Old Mon inscriptions, where wo’ or ’awo’ normally Mon contact word (Bauer 1991a: 46). Likewise, the title kuruṅ (“king,” Sawan province, bearing an
occurs in its place (1991a: 40-42). It could also point to Khmer-Mon “to rule”), attested on sema inscriptions from Chaiyaphum (ChY i) and inscription in Old Mon and Pāli.
Currently located in the Phra Narai
bilingualism (Bauer 1991b: 66-67). A third example (LB 26) is similarly Khon Kaen (KhK 17), appears in profusion in Khmer inscriptions. The National Museum, Lop Buri,
inscribed with one line in Old Mon, but has unfortunately become distribution of such terms or titles as pragata or kuruṅ in inscriptions from inv. no. 286/2504 [Photograph
much deteriorated. Only two words remain: puṇa and vihāra (Phimphan northeast Thailand suggests that these may be Khmer loan words in by Nicolas Revire].
2013: 13). The second line engraved on all these earthenwares is the Old Mon (Bauer 1991a: 44-47).20 They could also indicate Mon-Khmer
Pāli ye dhammā verse, to which I shall return in a subsequent section. bilingualism in the region.
The above short dedicatory inscriptions in Old Mon found on stone While cases of multilingualism are thus possibly attested in central
or clay images or hollow terracotta fragments seem to link to similar and northeast Thailand, it may be significant that not a single donation
inscribed miniature tablets and sema stones originating from the Khorat or dedicatory inscription in Pāli is recorded during the first millennium
Plateau, where the most frequent words are kyāk and puṇya, “holy” CE [Tables 1-2].21 Most epigraphs recording this ideology of merit
and “merit.” Put another way, if kyāk is taken to be a Buddha image, a are written in Mon, sometimes with Khmer and Sanskrit or, to a lesser
caitya, or a sacred object, it is thus merely produced for puṇya. Two clay extent, Pāli loan words, while a few donations or installations are
tablets from Mueang Fa Daet in Kalasin province (KS 1, KS 2), dated written in Sanskrit alone22 or in association with Khmer in east and
Figure 6: Reverse of a clay stylistically to the eighth or ninth century, come to the fore in this regard. northeast Thailand. In what follows, however, I shall deal only with Pāli
tablet found in Chon Buri province, These have been published several times but the inscriptions on their inscriptions of a different kind. These have been found essentially in
bearing an inscription in Old Mon. backs have never been fully translated in English. The inscription as central Thailand [Map 1] and are roughly dated to the seventh and
Currently located in the Phra Narai
National Museum, Lop Buri, wo’[or wo] kyāk piñ (’u)pajhāy ’ācāRyya guna wikhyāt [or wikhyā(t)] is virtually eighth centuries. They are almost exclusively “canonical” and are often
inv. no. DV 36 [Photograph by the same on both tablets (Bauer 1991a: 66). According to Bauer, this is related to the paṭiccasamuppāda and ye dhammā verses, closely connected to
Nicolas Revire]. the first time that the variant spelling piñ for “merit” is attested in Old the teaching of the Four Truths of Buddhism.

246 247
 R

248
Chiang Mai

Tak

Ratchaburi

0
N
Nakhon Pathom

Khao Ngu
Khamphaeng Saen
Thap Chumphon
Chai Nat
Nakhon Sawan

U Thong

Pāli

Mon
Phromthin Tai
T H A IL A N D

100
Sanskrit

Skt/Mon
Phitsanulok

mid-late first millennium CE [Drawing by Nicolas Revire].

Lop Buri

Bangkok

Mon/Khmer
Si Thep

Map 1: Buddhist inscriptions in central and northeast Thailand,

Ayutthaya

Chon Buri

Pāli/Mon

200 km
Skt/Khmer Pāli/Khmer
Sap Champa

Khao Rang
Prachin Buri
Chaiyaphum
Vientiane

Mueang Sema
Udon Thani
Ban Thalat

Phu Wiang Khon Kaen

LAOS
Mekon
g

Nakhon Ratchasima
Na Dun
Mueang Fa Daet
Kalasin

CAMBODIA
Angkor
Ban Phanna

Sakon Nakhon
VIETNAM

Table 1: Buddhist Donation Inscriptions Found in First-Millennium Thailand

Inscr. Provenance/ Date Languages Donors Offerings Recipients Expected References
no./ Location Results
Inv. no.
NTh 9/ Wat Pho Rang, 6th-7th c. Old Mon unknown list of gifts: land, Buddha (kyāk) missing Cœdès (1952); FAD
40/2519 Nakhon Pathom/ silver vase or a “holy (fragmentary) (2529: II, 27-33); FAD
Phra Pathom Chedi monastery” (kyāk (2548: 196-197)
National Museum vihār or bihār)
PCh 1/ Khao Rang, Sa Kaeo 561 śaka Sanskrit a certain sināhv (name 32 workers: couples monastery (vihār) not expressed Cœdès (1937-66: V,
K. 505 prov./National = 639 CE and or title? pious hermit?) and children as 23-24); FAD (2529: I,
Library, Bkk Old Khmer “slaves” (kñuṃ) and 35-39); Vickery (1998:
guardians 129-130, 259, 280-281,
n. 66)
PCh 14/ Noen Sa Bua, 11th c. (?) Old Khmer a certain kamrateṅ cows temple make a wish FAD (2529: I, 179-186);
K. 997 Prachin Buri prov./
(probably and Pāli Vuddhasiri Prapod (2010: 82-84);
Prachin Buri 983 śaka Revire (2012: 153-154)
National Museum = 1061 CE)
LB 1/ San Sung, Lop Buri 7th-8thc. Old Mon list of names and titles: list of “slaves” (ḍek), “pagoda,” i.e. merit (puṇya) Halliday (1930: 82-85,
K. 409 prov./ National Cāp Dyaṅgan, [.]idayya, robes, cattle, and temple, stūpa, or pl. VIII); Cœdès (1961:
Library, Bkk Saṅgha Pathāk, upājhāy, carriages monastery (kyāk) 7-9, inscr. XVIII);
Cāp Sumbaṅ, Ju Smac FAD (2529: II, 57-66);
Yu (householder) and Brown (1996: 113-114)
Cāp Inda
NM 28/ Hin Khon, 8th-9th c. Sanskrit a certain rājabhikṣu or 10 monasteries (vihāra) local Buddhist merit (puṇya) Cœdès (1937-66: VI,
K. 388 Nakhon Ratchasima and Old upādhyāya (religious with a list of “slaves” community 73-77); FAD (2529: I,
prov./current Khmer title) also known as (dāsa), food, clothes, (saṅgha) 251-262); Kannika
location unknown Nṛpendrādhipativarman betel, garden, etc. (1995: 279, pl. 34)
(local prince or king)
NM 31/ Hin Khon, 8th-9th c. Sanskrit a certain upādhyāya list of “slaves” (dāsa), a temple or a fruits of merit Cœdès (1937-66:
K. 389 Nakhon Ratchasima and Old of a royal monastery lands, cattle (10 deity? (vraḥ or (vipākapuṇya) + all VI, 73, 78-79); FAD
prov./current Khmer (rājavihāra); pairs of cows), ritual vraḥ kamrateṅ añ) beings reaching (2529: I, 263-266)
location unknown probably same as in implements, etc. omniscience (sarvajña)
NM 28/K. 388 and become a Buddha
NM 24/ Mueang Sema, Face A Sanskrit king of Śrī Canāśa 10 male and female local Buddhist reaching Cœdès (1937-66: VI,
K. 400 Nakhon Ratchasima (7th-9th c.) (Face A) (Face A) “slaves” (dāsa and dāsī), community enlightenment (bodhi) 83-85); FAD (2529: III,
prov./Phimai [Face B cattle (50 cows and 20 (saṅgha) 23-29); Kannika
National Museum 790 śaka female buffaloes with (1995: 280, pl. 35)
= 868 CE] their calves)
249
Nicolas Revire
 Table 1: Buddhist Donation Inscriptions Found in First-Millennium Thailand (Continued)

250
Inscr. Provenance/ Date Languages Donors Offerings Recipients Expected References
no./ Location Results
Inv. no.
SN 10 Ban Phanna, 9th-10th c. Old Mon members of doors and windows (?) a local not expressed Kongkaeo (2550)
Sakon Nakhon Mipa Suraya family monastery
prov./Ban Chiang (vihāra)
National Museum
HPK Ban Thalat, Laos/ 8th-9th c. Old Mon a certain lord (trala) cattle (cows and a “pagoda,” i.e. merit (puṇya) Gagneux (1972: 92-96);
I/33 Vat Ho Phra Keo, Waṇṇa buffaloes), list of stūpa, (kyāk) or Guillon (1974: 341-344)
Vientiane “slaves” (ḍek) Buddha (?)

Table 2: Buddhist Dedicatory Inscriptions Found in First-Millennium Thailand

Inscr. no./ Provenance/ Date Languages Category of Donors/ References
Inv. no. Location Objects/Material/ Beneficiaries
Condition
RB 1 Khao Ngu, Ratchaburi prov./ 7th c. Old Mon- Buddha image/ Samādhigupta (?) Cœdès (1961: 19, inscr. XXII);
in situ Khmer and cave wall/ FAD (2529: I, 68-71);
Sanskrit (?) fragmentary Revire (2012b: 94-95, fig. 2)
LB 5/K. 577 Wat Mahathat, Lop Buri/Phra 7th-8th c. Sanskrit a “pratimāmuneḥ” a certain nāyaka Ārjava, ruler Cœdès (1961: 4-5, inscr. XVI);
Narai National Museum (i.e. Buddha image)/ (adhipati) of Taṅgur people, FAD (2529: I, 229-231)
stone son of the king (īśvara) of
Śāmbūka
LB 9/K. 695 Wat Khoi, Lop Buri/ 7th-8th c. Old Mon (?) Buddha image/ a certain lord (tirla or trala) (?) Cœdès (1961: 6, inscr. XVII);
Wat Benchamabophit, Bkk stone/fragmentary FAD (2529: II, 34-37)
LB 26 Thap Chumphon, Nakhon Sawan 8th-9th c. Old Mon and earthernware/ missing FAD (2524: 38-40); FAD (2529: I,
prov./Chai Nat Hospital (?) Pāli [ye dhammā fragmentary 244-246); Phimphan (2013: 13)
cf. Table 4]
NW 7 Thap Chumphon, Nakhon Sawan 8th-9th c. Old Mon and earthernware a certain lord or master (trala?) FAD (2524: 34-37); FAD (2529: II,
prov./ Phra Narai National Pāli [ye dhammā 95-99); Bauer (1991a: 42); Bauer
Museum, Lop Buri cf. Table 4] (1991b: 65-66); Phimphan (2013: 13)
unregistered/ probably Thap Chumphon, 8th-9thc. Old Mon and earthenware a certain lord or master (trala?) Kannika & Phongkasem (2542);
NW i Nakhon Sawan prov./ Wat Pāli [ye dhammā Phimphan (2013: 12-13)
Nong Kradon, Nakhon Sawan cf. Table 4]
unregistered/ Sung Noen dist., 7th-8th c. Old Mon Buddha image/ missing unpublished
14/2536 Nakhon Ratchasima prov./ stone/fragmentary
Phimai National Museum

Table 2: Buddhist Dedicatory Inscriptions Found in First-Millennium Thailand (Continued)

Inscr. no./ Provenance/ Date Languages Category of Donors/ References
Inv. no. Location Objects/Material/ Beneficiaries
Condition
unregistered/ Mon Nang, Chon Buri prov./ 8th-9thc. Old Mon moulded tablets/ a certain lord or master (trala) Bauer (1991b: 63)
DV 36 + Phra Narai National Museum, fired clay/
DV 38 Lop Buri fragmentary
AN 2 Mueang Bueng Khok Chang, 7th c. Old Mon or stone unknown FAD (2529: II, 48-52)
Uthai Thani prov./unknown Prakrit (?)
MKh 2/ Na Dun, Maha Sarakham prov./ 8th-9th c. Old Mon with moulded tablet/fired a certain king (kamrateṅ pdai FAD (2529: II, 77-81); Bauer
712/2522 Khon Kaen National Museum Khmer loan clay karom?) (1991a: 42, 46, 66); Uraisi (1995: 198,
words fig. 2); Kannika (1995: 254, pl. 11)
MKh 3/ Na Dun, Maha Sarakham prov./ 8th-9th c. Old Mon with moulded tablet/ a certain king (kamrateṅ?) FAD (2529: II, 82-84); Bauer
1106/2522 Khon Kaen National Museum Khmer loan fired clay/ (1991a: 42, 46); Uraisi (1995: 198,
words fragmentary fig. 4); Kannika (1995: 255, pl. 12)
unregistered/ Na Dun, Maha Sarakham prov./ 8th-9th c. Old Mon moulded tablet/fired a certain universal king Bauer (1991a: 66);
MKh i Khon Kaen National Museum clay (cakravarti) and a certain lord Uraisi (1995: 198, fig. 6);
(tarla) Swayāga Kannika (1995: 256, pl. 13)
unregistered/ Na Dun, Maha Sarakham 8th-9th c. Old Mon moulded tablet/fired a certain “holy Pārvati” Bauer (1991a: 80);
MKh iii province. Now at Khon Kaen clay (kyākpāravati) Uraisi (1995: 198, fig. 9);
National Museum Kannika (1995: 258, pl. 15)
unregistered/ Na Dun, Maha Sarakham 8th-9th c. Old Mon moulded tablet/ a certain lord or master (tarla) Uraisi (1995: 198-199);
MKh iv province. Now at Khon Kaen fired clay Kannika (1995: 259, pl. 16)
National Museum
unregistered/ Na Dun, Maha Sarakham prov./ 8th-9th c. Old Mon moulded tablet/ a certain lord or master (tarla) Bauer (1991a: 66); Uraisi (1995: 198,
MKh vii Khon Kaen National Museum fired clay/fragmentary fig. 8); Kannika (1995: 257, pl. 14)
KhK 16 Wat Non Sila, Khon Kaen prov./ 8th-9th c. Old Mon sema/stone a few men and women named FAD (2529: II, 67-72);
in situ Ko’Naḥ Pu, Ko’Māṅ Daraṅ, Bauer (1991a: 65, pls 16-18);
Ko’ Maṅ Subāhu and Ko’ Uraisi (1995: 199-200, fig. 15);
Man Mreṅ Kannika (1995: 248, pl. 5)
KhK 17 Wat Non Sila, Khon Kaen prov./ 8th-9th c. Old Mon with sema/stone a certain Mahā Yuta FAD (2529: II, 73-76); Bauer (1991a:
in situ Khmer loan Draṅgana, Ko’ Kuruṅ and 65, pls 19-20); Uraisi (1995: 200,
words Ko’ ’Upajhāy Vrahma fig. 16); Kannika (1995: 249, pl. 6)
unregistered/ Wat Non Sila, Khon Kaen prov./ 8th-9th c. Old Mon sema/stone a certain Jiv Pāl Bauer (1991a: 65-66, pl. 21);
KhK i in situ Maṅ Bnaḥ Kannika (1995: 250, pl. 7)
KhK 25 Phu Wiang mountain, Khon Kaen 8th-9th c. Hybrid Sanskrit Buddha image/ unknown Cha-em (2544)
prov./in situ (?) stone wall
251
Nicolas Revire
 Nicolas Revire

The Paṭiccasamuppāda and the Four Truths

Bauer (1991a: 43); Uraisi (1995: 200,

(2529: II, 85-94); Bauer (1991a: 66);

fig. 18); Kannika (1995: 245, pl. 2)

“Dependent Origination”23 (Skt, pratītyasamutpāda; P., paṭiccasamuppāda)

Kannika (1995: 246-247, pls 3-4)

is a Buddhist description of how the human state of suffering comes
Prasan (2511: 110-111); FAD

Bauer (1991a: 60-61, pl. 13);

Kannika (1995: 260, pl. 17)

Kannika (1995: 253, pl. 10)

about and how one can extinguish it. This exposition is given in a verse

Cœdès (1937-66: VII, 73);

Kannika (1995: 244, pl. 1)

Kannika (1995: 252, pl. 9)

Uraisi (1995: 200, fig. 19);

Uraisi (1995: 200, fig. 20);

Uraisi (1995: 201, fig. 22);

Uraisi (1995: 201, fig. 22);

References

Bauer (1991a: 60, pl. 14);

FAD (2529: II, 100-103);

Bauer (1991a : 60, pl. 8)

usually divided into twelve links and contains a significant teaching
Prasan (2511: 108-109)

FAD (2529: III, 57-59)

of the Buddha closely connected to his awakening experience. It is

Cœdès (1958: 131);

a certain king or prince (ksmuṅ) Bauer (1991a : 46);

Bauer (1991a: 66);

found throughout all Buddhist traditions and their correlated texts,

Cha-em (2537b)

the monk (bhikṣu) Amarasiṃha Cha-em (2537a)

including the Pāli Canon.24 For example, the Theravāda tradition
portrays Sāriputta, the Buddha’s chief disciple, as saying that “whoever
sees conditioned genesis [i.e. paṭiccasamuppāda] sees dhamma, whoever
sees dhamma sees conditioned genesis” (M I 190f; trans. Horner 1954:
236-237).
a certain lord or master (tala)

According to the Udāna, the genesis of the verse took place with

a certain teacher (’ācāryya)

’upajhāy’ācāryya (preceptor

the Buddha at Uruvelā, at the root of the bodhi-tree on the bank of

King Jayasiṅghavarman
Beneficiaries

a certain Candrādityā
the river Nerañjarā, just after he had reached enlightenment (Ud 1-3).

a certain king (kuruṅ)

Donors/

a certain King Cak

While the Lord was seated there for seven days and experiencing
and/or teacher)

(kasmuṅ kyāk cak)

the bliss of liberation, he suddenly emerged from that concentration

a certain king
Table 2: Buddhist Dedicatory Inscriptions Found in First-Millennium Thailand (Continued)

in the first watch of the night and paid attention to “dependent

a certain

co-arising in direct order and reverse order” (trans. Masefield 1994: 3).
missing

(śrīrāja)
Āditya

Seven weeks after his enlightenment, the Buddha decided to preach the
doctrine at the Deer Park in Isipatana (i.e. Sarnath, India). This “First
Sermon” or Dhammacakkappavattanasutta (Discourse on “Turning the
Objects/Material/

stone/fragmentary

Wheel of the Law”) explained to his first disciples the path to salvation
Category of

moulded tablets/
moulded tablets/
Condition

via the so-called “Four Noble Truths” (cattāri ariyasaccāni). Accordingly,

fragmentary

fragmentary

fragmentary

fragmentary

fragmentary

fragmentary

fragmentary
sema/stone/

sema/stone/

sema/stone/

sema/stone/

sema/stone/

sema/stone/

sema/stone/
the Buddha’s diagnosis of life sees everything as suffering (dukkha);
sema/stone
fired clay
fired clay

suffering has an origin (samudaya), namely craving (taṇhā), which can be

extinguished (nirodha) only through the “Path” (magga). In this specific
context, a description of the “Four Truths” is also understood in terms
of the causal theory of Dependent Origination since this complex chain
Old Mon with

Old Mon with

Old Mon with

Old Mon with

Languages

Sanskrit loan

of causation always gives rise to suffering. Alternatively, the deactivation

Khmer loan

Khmer loan

Khmer loan
Old Mon
Old Mon

Old Mon

Old Mon

of any of the twelve links of this chain is bound to break the causal
Sanskrit

Sanskrit

Sanskrit
words

words

words

words

process of saṃsāra and to eliminate suffering, the ultimate soteriological

goal of Buddhists.
That both Dependent Origination and the Four Truths are found
(= 991 CE)
9th-10th c.
8th-9th c.
8th-9th c.

8th-9th c.

8th-9th c.

8th-9th c.

8th-9th c.

8th-9th c.

8th-9th c.

8th-9th c.

inscribed in Pāli on some cakras, cakra pillars or cakra bases from the
Date

913 śaka

Dvāravatī realm (e.g. Brown 1996: 99-113; Phasook 2008: 24-29;

Gallon, this volume, fig. 3) is probably not pure coincidence and the
wheel symbolism should be clear.25 Yet, as Robert Brown wrote regarding
Wat Phra That Nong Sam Muen,

Wat Phra That Nong Sam Muen,

Mueang Fa Daet, Kalasin prov./
Mueang Fa Daet, Kalasin prov./

Phu Khiao, Chaiyaphum prov./

prov./6th FAD Regional Office,

prov./6th FAD Regional Office,

the spoke-fragment found at Wat Mahathat, Lop Buri, inscribed with a

Ban Kut Ngong, Chaiyaphum
Wat Pho Chai, Kalasin prov./

Ban Hua Khua, Chaiyaphum

Kaset Sombun, Chaiyaphum

Ban Don Kaeo, Udon Thani

portion of the paṭiccasamuppāda (LB 14):

Wat Sawang Watthanaram,

prov./Khon Kaen National

current location unknown
current location unknown

Chaiyaphum prov./in situ

Chaiyaphum prov./in situ

Provenance/

Chaiyaphum City Hall

Location

[…] it is interesting that an inscription has been used on the

Nakhon Ratchasima

Nakhon Ratchasima
Kalasin prov./in situ

wheel that refers to the Buddha before he went to Sārnāth,

and that gives a doctrine that is only thought, not yet taught,
prov./in situ

by the Buddha. The chain of causation can be seen, however,

Museum

as proposing, only in more detail, the same arguments for the

in situ

origin of suffering and for its cessation as in the four noble

truths. (1996: 104)
unregistered/

unregistered/

unregistered/

unregistered/
(unregistered)
KS 4 + KS i
KS 1+ KS 2
Inscr. no./

KhK 19
Inv. no.

ChY 1/

ChY 4/

ChY ix

ChY xi

More precisely, the second truth concerned with the arising of

K. 404

K. 965

ChY 5

ChY i
KS 7

KS ii

suffering is simply explained by the paṭiccasamuppāda in direct order

(anuloma), while the third truth of cessation of suffering is defined by

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 Nicolas Revire

Dependent Origination in reverse order (paṭiloma). A similar inscribed possibly two (LB 22), found at Sap Champa, jointly
spoke-fragment has been found at Sap Champa, Lop Buri province displays Ud 1-3 and Dhp 153-154. We have already
(Phuthon 2529: 18, fig. 14), and is now kept at the Phra Narai National seen the canonical connection between these verses
Museum in Lop Buri [Figure 8]. One side of the inscribed spoke from the Udāna, as the Buddha sat under the bodhi-
tentatively reads the following passage from the verse in reverse order:26 tree just after reaching enlightenment, and the
Figure 8: Pāli inscribed spoke- origin of the paṭiccasamuppāda. Accordingly, Ud 1, as
fragment found at Sap Champa, Face A: (1) (ta)[ṇ](hā)[niro](dhā) we have it in Pāli but also in other Sanskrit parallels,
Lop Buri province. Currently located (2) upādānanirodho came to be regarded in all Buddhist traditions as
in the Phra Narai National Museum,
Lop Buri, inv. no. 86/2529 the first “stanza of joy” or udāna expressed by the
[Photograph by Nicolas Revire]. Brown identifies another surviving sample where other excerpts of Buddha (Skilling 2002: 164-167, 175). There is no
the paṭiccasamuppāda possibly appear. It is inscribed on a circular stone base narrative description in the Pāli Canon, however,
or pedestal from Si Thep (PhCh i) which may or may not have belonged as to where and when Dhp 153-154 was uttered.
to a wheel (1996: 105, fig. 41). A further unregistered Pāli inscription Despite this fact, and for some unknown reason,
from Si Thep, similarly found on a circular stone base or pedestal (FAD later commentarial sources (e.g. Dhp-a III 127-129; Sp 17; Sv 16; Ud-a 4) Figure 10: Pāli inscription found
2550: 127) and possibly dating to the seventh or early eighth century seem to consider that Dhp 153-154 was the real “first utterance” of at Phromthin Tai, Lop Buri province
on paleographic grounds, argues for the same identification with the Buddha (paṭhamabuddhavacanaṃ), thus seemingly giving it precedence (LB 24). Currently located in the
Dependent Origination despite its fragmentary aspect. Since I have not over Ud 1. One of the justifications given for accommodating such a Phra Narai National Museum,
Lop Buri [Photograph by
been able to see the piece myself, my transliteration of the inscription is view (Pj I 13) is that the Dhammapada verse was only spoken in the mind Nicolas Revire].
from the eye-copy [Figure 9] as follows:27 whereas that from the Udāna was uttered in actual speech but only at
a later stage. The inscription found at Phromthin Tai (LB 24), also in
(1) […] vedanānirodho vedanānirodhā taṇhāniro(dho) ti[…] Lop Buri province, is equally quoted from Ud  1 as well as from the
(2) […] (pa)ccayā jarāmaraṇa[ṃ] sokaparidevadukkhadom[…] Suttanipāta (Sn  558) which likewise relates to an episode of the life of
the Buddha shortly following his enlightenment when he meets and
If the reading is correct, then a good portion of the first line talks with the Brahmin Sela (Brown 1996: 118-119) [Figure 10]. The
(vedanānirodhā taṇhānirodho) is identical with that of Face B from the Wat same verse (Sn 558) is also attested on Face C of a four-sided inscription
Mahathat spoke-fragment discussed above (LB  14) and translated as from Nakhon Pathom province (NTh.i; Skilling 1997: 126). The
“from the cessation of feeling [vedanā] there is a cessation of craving importance of these verses for the Theravādins is obviously that they
[taṇhā]” (Brown 1996: 104). In this light, I suspect that the final ti in were conceived by many as among the “first words” recited by the
the eye-copy is an error. The last portion can indeed be reconstructed newly enlightened being.
as taṇhānirodhā where only the initial t- subsists, probably followed by All in all, I totally adhere to Brown’s own assertion (1996: 115)
upādānanirodho as in Face A of the Sap Champa fragment (86/2529); regarding the corpus of Pāli inscriptions found on Dvāravatī wheels
the rest of the sentence would then be upādānanirodhā bhavanirodho, and pillars:
bhavanirodhā jātinirodho and so on, that is, “from the cessation of craving
(taṇhā), there is a cessation of grasping (upādāna); from the cessation of The passages used from these [Pāli textual] sources deal with
grasping, there is a cessation of becoming (bhava); from the cessation of the Buddha’s realization of the chain of causation and the
becoming, there is a cessation of birth (jāti)” and so forth. The second four noble truths, Śākyamuni’s fundamental understanding
line connects to the conditions (paccayā) that lead to suffering (dukkha) with that coincided with his enlightenment at Bodhgayā, and with
reference to old age (jarā), dying (maraṇa), grief (soka), and lamentation the subsequent first teaching of this insight at Sārnāth. The
(parideva). Had the break not occurred, we should read jāti- (birth) on appropriateness of the subject to the wheels is apparent, yet it is
the left side, preceding -paccayā, and the compound -domanassupāyāsā important to realize that the verses were carefully selected, and
on the right side, that is dejection and despair. According to the theory in some cases edited, from these sources; particularly interesting
of Dependent Origination, birth is a prerequisite of old age, sickness, are the stanzas from the Dhammapada, placed beside the parallel
and death, and is fraught with sorrow, pain, and disappointment. This “first” words of triumph [i.e. Ud  1] of the just enlightened
line basically quotes the paṭiccasamuppāda in direct order pertaining to Buddha on the Sab Champa pillar.
the cause of suffering while the first line is in reverse order explaining
the cessation of suffering. That these inscriptions may have been edited, adapted, or shortened
Examples of other Pāli inscriptions, all found in central sections from the Pāli Canon is interesting. Cœdès (1956: 225-226), for
Thailand, are listed in Tables 3 and 4 and are located on Map 1. instance, had already observed that the Four Truths inscribed on the
I will deal with the ye dhammā inscriptions separately below, but besides Nakhon Pathom wheel (KTh 29) are not actual excerpts taken verbatim
Figure 9: Pāli inscription from the Dependent Origination and the Four Truths – always inscribed on from the Tipiṭaka as we have it. On the contrary, Skilling (1997: 135-150)
Si Thep on a circular stone base
or pedestal (0996) [Courtesy of stone cakras or their related components – other canonical verses appear, has confirmed that various details related to the truths as we find them
the “Inscriptions in Thailand namely from the Udāna (Ud 1ff; also found in Vin I 2)28 and from the in several other inscriptions (SPh 1; ChN 14; ChN 15; LB 17; LB 22)
Database Project”]. Dhammapada (Dhp 153f, 191).29 For example, one inscribed pillar (LB 17), are found only in later fragments of commentaries or literature from the

254 255
 Nicolas Revire

fifth century onwards. It is also possible that the Dvāravatī inscriptions inscriptions clearly attest to the pan-Asian Buddhist practice of writing
quote from a different source which is now lost to us (Prapod 2010: the sacred gāthā on various artefacts.30 An up-to-date list of ye dhammā
77) or else, as Brown suggests (1996: 103), “that the inscriptions were inscriptions found in central Thailand is given in Table 4. According
composed from memory and would not necessarily have exact textual to Skilling’s textual classification framework (1999: 180-184), they fall in
counterparts.” two distinct groups depending on whether the first word of the second
line is tesaṃ, as in the canonical version (see above), or yesaṃ, a regional
peculiarity only attested so far in central Thailand.
The Ye Dhammā Verse New ye dhammā inscriptions continue to be found in Thailand. One
recent discovery published in Thai occurs on another stone fragment
This canonical gāthā or verse scarcely needs an introduction. Technically,
from Sap Champa (LB  54), and reads as follows on two sides of the
it is not buddhavacana or the word directly “uttered” by the Buddha
stone (Amon 2551: 56-60):
although it has assumed such a function in all Buddhist traditions.
The Pāli Vinaya refers to the successive conversions of Sāriputta and
Face A: (1) […] hetuṃ
Mogallāna, two of the most prominent disciples of the Buddha, just
(2) […] āha
by hearing this stanza first uttered by the venerable Assaji (Vin I 39f).
Here is the canonical four-line verse or “terse expression of the dhamma”
Face B: (1) tesañ ca yo […]
recorded on that occasion in Pāli, followed by its English translation: Figure 12: Miniature earthenware
(2) nirodho ca […]
from Wat Phra Ngam, Nakhon
Ye dhammā hetuppabhavā Pathom, inscribed with the
Being fragmentary, it cannot be said with certainty in which group ye dhammā verse. Currently
Tesaṃ hetuṃ tathāgato āha ǀ
the inscription falls,31 but we can notice, however, a variant reading located in the Phra Pathom Chedi
Tesañ ca yo nirodho
in line 2 of Face B with the addition of ca after nirodho. At least one National Museum, Nakhon Pathom,
Evaṃvādī mahāsamaṇo ti || inv. no. 305/2519 [Photograph by
inscription (NTh  10), possibly two (LB  16), offer a similar variant
reading in Nakhon Pathom and Lop Buri provinces; both belong to the Nicolas Revire].
Those things which proceed from a cause,
yesaṃ group (Skilling 1999: 181).
Of these the truth-finder [i.e. Tathāgata] has told the cause,
Several other ye dhammā inscriptions are still unpublished. One
And that which is their stopping –
inscription on a brick said to be from Nakhon Pathom province,
The great recluse has such a doctrine. (trans. Horner 1951: 54)
currently kept in the Bangkok National Museum, is nearly illegible
but the syllable ye at the beginning of the second line is clear and
It is said that, having heard this verse and the purport of the Dharma
allows us to classify it in the yesaṃ group [Figure 11]. In addition to
in brief, both Sāriputta and, later, Mogallāna immediately attained the
the few bilingual terracotta fragments (Mon and Pāli) allegedly from
“deathless” state, that is, the knowledge that lead to liberation or the
Thap Chumphon, Nakhon Sawan province (LB 26, NW 7, NW i),
Dharma-eye (dhammacakkhu), before joining the Buddha’s Order (Horner
two similar earthenwares reported from Nakhon Pathom province are
1951: 52-56). The connection here between the awakening experience
solely inscribed in Pāli with the ye dhammā gāthā [Figure 12; Ray, this
of the two monks and the verse is explicit. The ye dhammā gāthā was
volume, fig. 4]. Although, a close reading was not possible at the time of Figure 13: Broken image in stone
the source of their enlightenment as it represents a shorter version of (standing Buddha?) bearing the
writing, these inscriptions seem to fall in the yesaṃ group.32 In addition
the paṭiccasamuppāda and allows one to see the Four Truths referred to ye dhammā inscription on the pedestal
to the corpus, a broken image in stone, presumably a standing Buddha
above. In the following centuries, its written presence at any particular (LB i). Currently located in the Phra
of which only the feet remain, has a nearly illegible inscription on the Narai National Museum, Lop Buri
Buddhist site rendered, by extension, that site equal to the traditional
Figure 11: Ye dhammā
pedestal (LB i). Though the few letters that remain on the first line [Photograph by Nicolas Revire].
source of enlightenment. It therefore began to be inscribed in variant
inscription on a brick from Nakhon allow for identification with the ubiquitous verse, yet it is
recensions and languages on stūpas (or enshrined therein) and on images
Pathom province. Currently located not sufficient to say whether it belongs to the tesaṃ or yesaṃ
in the Bangkok National Museum, and miniature clay tablets and caityas from the fifth or sixth century
group [Figure 13].
inv. no. 22/10 [Photograph by CE onwards, first in northern and western India (Boucher 1991), then
Last but not least, a significant number of clay
Nicolas Revire]. beyond in ancient Myanmar and Thailand, the Malay Peninsula,
moulded tablets bearing the  ye  dhammā gāthā in Pāli
southern Vietnam, and Indonesia (e.g. Skilling
have been found in central Thailand. While the
1999, 2003-04 and 2008; Griffiths 2011: 142-
exact number and precise provenance of these
146, figs 1a-b).
tablets often elude us, suffice it to say that they are
The verse thus came to be abundantly
mainly of two kinds, both rectangular plaques with
found, albeit exclusively in Pāli, in the
a complex iconography depicting various figures
Dvāravatī cultural sphere inscribed, stamped,
around a central seated Buddha. The first type has
or engraved on several objects of different
predominantly been found in Nakhon Pathom at
material: on clay tablets, on bricks or terra-
Wat Phra Men (Dupont 1959: I 47-49, II figs 34-
cotta fragments and stone sculptures of caityas,
40) [e.g. Figure 14].33 On these tablets, the verse is
cakra pillars, Buddha images or pieces of
directly stamped along the base, below the main scene,
stone tablets. These seventh-eighth century

256 257
 Nicolas Revire

Figure 14: Clay moulded tablet Probably for reasons of equal distribution of akṣaras over lines, the
bearing a truncated ye dhammā inscription occupies here five lines, instead of the usual four, with a
verse, from Wat Phra Men,
Nakhon Pathom. Currently located
slight deviation of the expected final syllables in lines 2, 3 and 4. It
in the Bangkok National Museum, belongs to the yesaṃ group with a variant reading at the end of the
inv. no. DV 6-2 [Photograph by verse, omitting the ti after mahāsamano which is spelt with a dental n
Nicolas Revire]. rather than the standard retroflex ṇ. This spelling peculiarity is rather
common with other occurrences of ye dhammā inscriptions belonging to
this yesaṃ group (e.g. NTh 5, LB 26, NW 7, NW i) and cannot, therefore,
be simply accounted as scribal error.
An overall pattern seems to emerge in the regional distribution of
the two variant Pāli spellings of the sacred verse in Thailand 
[Table 4]. While we find most inscriptions from the canonical group
(tesaṃ) restricted to Nakhon Pathom with just one tesaṃ specimen from
Phetchaburi (PhB 2) and another one from U Thong (SPh 2), the
inscriptions from the yesaṃ group appear to be far more numerous and
widespread in the central provinces of Ratchaburi, Nakhon Pathom,
Suphan Buri, Nakhon Sawan, Lop Buri, and as far away as Si Thep
in Phetchabun (LB 23) (Ray, this volume, fig. 5), and possibly Mueang
Sema in Nakhon Ratchasima (K.  987) and Nong Bua Daeng in
Chaiyaphum (K. 1166?). This basic observation could indicate that the
two recensions also have some distinct geographical realities with the
latter yesaṃ inscriptions marking the furthest extension of ancient Pāli
literacy in northeast Thailand.
and is repeatedly made from the same mould. According to Pierre
Dupont (1959: 49), it reads as follows in two lines:

(1) ye dhammā hetupprabhavā

(2) tesaṃ hetuṃ tathāgato āha

It is noteworthy that only the first part of the verse (l.  1-2) is
given here, leaving the rest (l. 3-4) intentionally missing. Although the
reading on the tablets is rather obscure, a double pa and a subscript
ra seem to appear, making the compound -ppra in hetupprabhavā clear.
The inscription would thus be slightly sanskritised since hetuppabhavā is
expected in “correct” Pāli. The verse apparently falls in the tesaṃ group,
but the reading is hard to confirm towards the end of line 2 and is
therefore not absolutely certain. For Dupont, the inscription of tathāgato
is presented in a more condensed way almost as a monogram to engrave
all signs on the material available and it is possible that we are dealing
here with an abridged version of the stanza.
The second type of tablet bearing the entire ye dhammā gāthā has
been mainly found in Ratchaburi, Nakhon Pathom, and Suphan Buri
provinces.34 In this group of tablets, the verse is always inscribed on the
back in a rather cursive hand and thus difficult to read, probably made
while the clay was still wet. The reading proposed here is based on a
fine sample kept in the collection of Wat Matchimawat, in Songkhla,
but probably originating from Thailand’s central region [Figure 15b]:

(1) ye dhammā hetuppabhavā

(2) yesaṃ hetuṃ tathāgato Figure 15a: Obverse of a clay moulded tablet Figure 15b: Reverse of Fig. 15a. Currently
(3) āha tesañ ca yo niro- bearing the ye dhammā verse on its reverse located in the collection of Wat Matchimawat,
(4) -dho evaṃvādī mahāsama- (Fig. 15b), probably originating from central Songkhla, inv. no. MW/458 [Photograph by
Thailand [Photograph by Nicolas Revire]. Nicolas Revire].
(5) -no

258 259
 Nicolas Revire

The Ritual and Cultic Functions different sites throughout central Thailand and neighbouring Myanmar
of Pāli Verses and Cambodia during the first millennium CE. In a different fashion,
Cœdès had made clear in his seminal article on so-called “votive tablets”
The Pāli inscriptions studied above, all closely related to the Four Truths that the ye dhammā gāthā “must rapidly have acquired in the eyes of the
of Buddhism, point to a well-known group of discourses by the Buddha ancient Buddhists a sort of magic virtue, and may well have seemed to
frequently presented as “citation” or “quotation inscriptions” (Skilling them a quite irresistible charm for the conversion to the faith of any
2002; Prapod 2010: 72-81). who had not heard it” (1926-27: 6). For all these reasons, these verses
Presumably, the content of these passages, a written expression of seem to represent something more than mere “citation inscriptions”
the Dharma, would be used in a context in which it would be unseen excerpted from the Pāli Canon. Because of their shared sacredness, it
by most people. The various verses would manifest a presence believed appears that these stanzas found only in Pāli in the Dvāravatī cultural
to be highly beneficial for the patrons, donors, and worshippers and sphere, as well as in Prakrit and Sanskrit elsewhere in Southeast Asia,
would extend its protection to the place or object that contained it. In were deliberately chosen for their “ritual” and “cultic” nature, and thus
this vein, the ye dhammā gāthā should be understood as an abbreviated also for their alleged supernatural power.37
version of the paṭiccasamuppāda which is, in turn, intimately related to In this light, it might be worth recalling Lunet de Lajonquière’s early
the Four Truths preached by the Buddha at Sarnath.35 It does not really interpretation of the Dvāravatī wheels (1909: 36, fig. 17) as possibly
matter how long or complete the sacred verses were, and we certainly serving the function of sema stones, that is, to mark the consecration
have seen examples of truncated versions above. In other words, these of a Buddhist sanctuary. Although this theory was hastily rebutted by
selected Buddhist texts may well be fragmentary and, yet, embody the Cœdès (1956: 225), it could make some sense if we accept their frequent
whole Dharma. association with the Pāli verses described above as having the ritual and
The gāthās used for such ritual purposes and inscribed on material cultic function of sacralising an artefact or a monument which, in turn,
objects often no longer functioned as a means for communicating their may sanctify a religious spot or piece of land.
verbal contents. On the contrary, these inscriptions were frequently Lastly, this also brings us to the question of Pāli literacy at the time
“hidden” in small characters, often on the back of the artefacts, compared to the situation today. Interesting observations can certainly
be it a Buddha image or a miniature clay tablet often enshrined in be made about the ancient use of Pāli language in certain rituals in
a larger stūpa. At any rate, common people could not read the the past and today. A few Buddhist scholars (e.g. Skilling 2002: 166,
inscriptions and only a few scholars or learned monks equipped with the 173-174; Swearer 2004: 88ff, 107, 115-118, 218-219) have observed
necessary language skills and paleographic knowledge could decipher that chanting certain sacred Pāli verses or parittas – some of which
or engrave them. are already attested in the Dvāravatī culture (i.e. Ud 1ff; Dhp 153f) –
There is ample archaeological evidence, however, that the practice occurs regularly during consecration of Buddha images and chedis in
of ritually inscribing and presumably reciting such gāthās on clay, brick, Thailand and is seen as a form of protection against spirits, to ward off
stone, metal objects, and so on, was well established in South Asia by evil or deflect negative power. This may well be an indication of ritual
the middle of the first millennium CE and slightly later in Southeast continuity from the first millennium to this day.
Asia. The engraving of such verses was probably conducted by ritual
specialists, but whether these were laymen or monastics cannot be said.
In recent decades, a number of scholars have also underlined the Copying and Reciting Sacred Pāli Verses
sacralising power of inserting these verses in caityas, stūpas, Buddha as an Act of Merit
images, or other sacred items, as part of a consecrating ceremony devised
to empower the artefacts (Boucher 1991; Bentor 1996: 42, 114-117, We have seen that an investment in ritual actions may eventually yield
217; Skilling 2008: 507). The paṭiccasamuppāda and ye dhammā gāthās, in great results. An additional important function of these sacred verses
particular, have been seen as closely connected to stūpa construction concerns the religious merit generated by copying and reciting them.
and the cult of relics. Because they epitomise the very essence of the The merit accrues for both the scribe who engraves them and the
Buddha’s teaching, they may also represent the notion of dharmakāya person who recites the gāthās. We do not know when and where exactly
(i.e. “Dharma-body) or dharmadhātu (i.e. “Dharma-relic”) and thus echo this practice was first employed in India, but Yijing, in the seventh
the earlier equation, first expressed in the Pāli Canon, as “He who sees me century, has described this tradition as concomitant with the making of
[i.e. the Buddha] sees the Dhamma; he who sees the Dhamma sees me” Buddha images:
(S III 120).36 In other words, the verses must be honoured and respected
as if they were a relic since they may represent the Buddha himself. The priests and the laymen in India make caityas or images with
Once these gāthās were accepted as a substitute for the Buddha, earth, or impress the Buddha’s images on silk or paper, and
they could then be inscribed onto the artefacts at a particular spot. worship it with offerings wherever they go. […] Any one may
The inscription, along with its incantation, would presumably have the thus employ himself in making the objects of worship. Again,
effect of authoritatively legitimising the object and that spot as a sacred when the people make images and caityas which consist of gold,
and cultic centre. Skilling (2002: 173) has proposed “ritual practices” silver, copper, iron, earth, lacquer, bricks, and stone, or when
to answer the question as to why identical Pāli texts were inscribed at they heap up the snowy sand (lit. sand-snow), they put in the

260 261
 Nicolas Revire

images or caityas two kinds of sarīras [i.e. relics]. 1. The relics

Brown (1996: 103, fig. 33); Phasook (2008: 28)

FAD (2524: 26-27); FAD (2529: I, 103-105);
of the Great Teacher. 2. The gāthā of the Chain of Causation

(1997: 133-151); Phasook (2008: 29, fig. 36)

FAD (2529: I, 237-240); Brown (1996: 118-
FAD (2529: I, 241-243); Brown (1996: 111)
116-122); Brown (1996: 109-111); Skilling

Bauer (1991a: 48, 52-55; pls 1-3); Skilling

Boisselier (1961); FAD (2529: I, 123-125);
FAD (2529: I, 98-99); Brown (1996: 108,
Brown (1996: 99-103, figs 5a-b); Skilling

Uraisi & Anchana (1975); FAD (2529: I,

[i.e. ye dhammā or paṭiccasamuppāda gāthās]. […] If we put these

(1997: 149-150); Phasook (2008: 24-25);

(1997: 149-150); Phasook (2008: 26-27);

Bauer (1991a: 48, 52-55; pl. 4); Skilling

FAD (2548: 136); Phasook (2008: 26);
two in the images or caityas, the blessings derived from them are

Cœdès (1956); FAD (2529: I, 59-64);

(1996: 104-105); Phasook (2008: 28)

fig. 64b); Skilling (1997: 149-150);

Brown (1996: 113); U-tain (2556)

abundant. This is the reason why the sūtras praise in parables

FAD (2529: I, 109-111); Brown

the merit of making images or caityas as unspeakable. (Takakusu

References

119); Prapod (2010: 78-79)

Phuthon (2529: 18, fig. 14)
1998: 150-151; with minor stylistic changes)

Skilling (1997: 123-133)

Skilling (1991: 243-244)

Prapod (2010: 76-77)
Naiyana et al. (2534);
By this time, copying a verse (gāthā), just as copying an image

Dhp 191(Face A); [ye dhammā on Face B; Prasan (2509: 82);

Prapod (2010: 78)

(pratimā), was clearly perceived as a beneficial act of merit in itself,

(1997: 146-148)
not only for the scribe or the image-maker but also for the donor who
sponsored the act of copying. This is also to say that this practice of
duplicating a religious object was no longer motivated by the intention
of preserving the “exact word” or “likeness” of the Buddha but rather
was primarily aimed at merit-making.38 Hence, producing and copying

enlightenment (Face B); Sn 558 (Face C);

list of the Four Truths and the 12 links
a large number of Buddha images, for example miniature clay tablets or

of Dependent Origination (Face A);

earthenwares (Guy 2002; Skilling 2009: 108-109), and engraving them

list of the 37 factors conducive to

Contents of Citations
Table 3: Pāli Citation Inscriptions Found in First-Millennium Thailand (Except Ye Dhammā)
with such Pāli verses will necessarily result in great benefits.

Dhp 191 and D II 123 (Face D)

First Sermon/Four Truths

First Sermon/Four Truths

First Sermon/Four Truths

Dependent Origination

Dependent Origination

ye dhammā; Four Truths;

ye dhammā; Four Truths;

Conclusion

Ud 1-3; Dhp 153f (?)

Commentary on the

Commentary on the
Ud 1-3; Dhp 153f
cf. Table 4: SP 2]
The analysis of these Buddhist practices and rituals as gleaned from

Four Truths (?)

First Sermon;
Ud 1; Sn 558
the archaeological and epigraphic records of Dvāravatī and to a lesser

Four Truths

Four Truths
extent its neighbouring cultures has now come full circle. In the spirit of
reassessing past scholarship, I have attempted to re-examine the corpus
of ancient material and inscriptions from both a historical and doctrinal
angle. The study has clearly demonstrated the essential Buddhist

Category of Objects/
Material/Condition

8th-9th c. stone slab/fragmentary

ideologies of gift-giving and dedicating that are conducive to merit-
making, often directed toward a good “rebirth” in a future existence.

7th-8th c. dharmacakra/stone/

7th-8th c. dharmacakra/stone/
stone/fragmentary
7th-8th c. brick/fragmentary

7th-8th c. cakra pillar/stone/

8th-9th c. cakra pillar/stone/

7th-8th c. cakra pillar/stone/

7th-8th c. dharmacakra/stone

7th-8th c. cakra spoke/stone

7th-8th c. cakra pillar/stone

7th-8th c. cakra base/stone
The purpose of accumulating merit has become the most important
goal of the modern follower of Buddhism in Thailand.

fragmentary

fragmentary

fragmentary

fragmentary

fragmentary
7th-8th c. cakra spoke/
7th-8th c. stone bar
We have also seen how the crucial ritual elements include the act of
producing and, at times, inscribing the objects with certain sacred verses
deemed most effective. This also adds to our understanding of the
essential Buddhist approaches to merit-making. Particularly instructive

Date
are the regional distribution of such artefacts and the language of
the epigraphs [Map 1]. Among the Buddhist artefacts found in
profusion are the objects inscribed in Pāli, from present-day central

Pathom Chedi National Museum

Thailand [Tables 3-4], or in Old Mon, mainly from the contemporary

unregistered/ Nakhon Chaisi, Nakhon Pathom

Chai Nat prov./current location

Chai Nat prov./current location

Phromthin Tai, Lop Buri prov./
Wat Mahathat, Lop Buri/ Phra

Wat Mahathat, Lop Buri/ Phra

Sap Champa, Lop Buri prov./

unregistered/ Sap Champa, Lop Buri prov./

Sap Champa, Lop Buri prov./

Sap Champa, Lop Buri prov./

unregistered/ U Thong, Suphan Buri prov./

Phra Narai National Museum

Phra Narai National Museum

L. 2166-67 Phra Narai National Museum

Phra Narai National Museum

Phra Narai National Museum

northeast [Table 2]. Sanskrit and Old Khmer are also attested in a few

Nakhon Pathom prov./ Phra

U Thong National Museum

prov./Culture Hall Project,
Nakhon Pathom/Bangkok
donation inscriptions [Table 1] found in the outskirts of the Dvāravatī

Ban Hang Nam Sakhon,

Ban Hang Nam Sakhon,

Narai National Museum

Narai National Museum

Provenance/
cultural sphere where cases of regional bilingualism (e.g. Mon-Pāli,

Location

Silpakorn University,
Phra Pathom Chedi,
Mon-Sanskrit, Mon-Khmer) are indicated. These linguistic trends may

Nakhon Pathom (?)

Khampaeng Saen,
National Museum
be an indication of the two major ethnic groups living in the region
(i.e. Mon and Khmer) and of the sacred languages used (Pāli and

unknown

unknown
Sanskrit). Although it cannot be definitely established that the Dvāravatī
rulers of central Thailand were Buddhists, several inscriptions show
that a significant portion of the population at least supported Buddhist
temples and monasteries by the seventh and eighth centuries. This is a
Inscr.no./

clear indication that Buddhism firmly took root in Thailand only from

37/2541

86/2529
Inv. no.
KTh 29

ChN 14

ChN 15
L. 2161
LB 17/

LB 19/
SPh 1/
NTh i

LB 14

LB 22

LB 24
SPh i
LB 8
this period onwards and not as far back to the time of King Asoka,
circa 250 BCE, as often accounted in local traditions and school
textbooks (Revire 2011).

262 263
 Table 3: Pāli Citation Inscriptions Found in First-Millennium Thailand (Continued)

264
Inscr.no./ Provenance/ Date Category of Objects/ Contents of Citations References
Inv. no. Location Material/Condition
unregistered/ Si Thep, Phetchabun prov./ 7th-8th c. circular base or Dependent Origination Brown (1996: 105, fig. 41);
PhCh i Ramkhamhaeng National pedestal(?)/stone/ Skilling (2002: 168-169); FAD (2550: 126)
Museum, Sukhothai fragmentary
unregistered/ Si Thep, Phetchabun prov./ 7th-8th c. circular base or pedestal Dependent Origination FAD (2550: 127)
0996 current location unknown (?)/stone/fragmentary
unregistered/ Si Thep, Phetchabun prov./ 7th-8th c. dharmacakra/stone First Sermon/Four Truths Brown (1996: 106-108, figs 6a-b)
82.183 Newark Museum, NJ (USA)

Table 4: Ye Dhammā Inscriptions Found in First-Millennium Thailand

Category of
Inscr. no./ Provenance/
Date Objects/Material/ Recension Type References
Inv. no. Location
Condition
RB 2 Wat Plaeng/Wat Mahathat, 7th-8th c. Buddha image yesaṃ group (variant ending: FAD (2529: I, 72-74); Skilling (1999: 173, 180);
Ratchaburi prov. (head stolen)/stone mahāsamano ti) Skilling (2003-04: 274-275, figs 1-3)
PhB 2 provenance unknown/ 7th-8th c. probably stone/lost tesaṃ group FAD (2529: I, 65-67); Skilling (1999: 180)
rubbing at National Library, Bkk
NTh 2/ Phra Pathom Chedi, Nakhon Pathom/ 7th-8th c. stone slab/ tesaṃ group FAD (2529: I, 75-78); Skilling (1999: 180); FAD
76/2519 Phra Pathom Chedi National Museum fragmentary (2548: 195)
NTh 3 Phra Pathom Chedi, Nakhon Pathom/ 7th c. stone caitya/ tesaṃ group FAD (2529: I, 79-82); Skilling (1999: 180)
Bangkok National Museum fragmentary
NTh 4 Phra Pathom Chedi, Nakhon Pathom/in situ 7th-8th c. stone slab tesaṃ group FAD (2529: I, 83-85); Skilling (1999: 180)
NTh 5 Nakhon Pathom prov./ 7th-8th c. stone slab yesaṃ group (variant ending: FAD (2529: I, 86-88);
National Library, Bkk mahāsamano) Skilling (1999: 180)
NTh 6 Nakhon Pathom prov./ 7th-8th c. stone slab yesaṃ group FAD (2529: I, 89-91);
National Library, Bkk Skilling (1999: 180)
NTh 10 Phra Pathom Chedi, Nakhon Pathom/ 7th-8th c. stone slab yesaṃ group (variant ending: FAD (2529: I, 92-94);
current location unknown nirodho ca… mahāsamano ti) Skilling (1999: 181)
unregistered/ Nakhon Pathom prov./ 7th-8th c. brick yesaṃ group unpublished
22/10 Bangkok National Museum
unregistered/ Phra Pathom Chedi, Nakhon Pathom/ 8th-9th c. earthenware/ yesaṃ group unpublished
DV 1-1 Bangkok National Museum fragmentary
unregistered/ Wat Phra Ngam, Nakhon Pathom/ 8th-9th c. earthenware/ yesaṃ group Finot (1910: 148); Cœdès (1912: 29);
305/2519 Phra Pathom Chedi National Museum fragmentary L. de Lajonquière (1912: 113, fig. 21);
FAD (2548: 198)

Table 4: Ye Dhammā Inscriptions Found in First-Millennium Thailand (Continued)

Category of
Inscr. no./ Provenance/
Date Objects/Material/ Recension Type References
Inv. no. Location
Condition
NW 7, NW I + Thap Chumphon, Nakhon Sawan prov./ 8th-9th c. earthenwares/ yesaṃ group FAD (2524: 34-40); FAD (2529: I, 244-246;
LB 26 Phra Narai National Museum, Lop Buri; fragmentary (variant ending: mahāsamano) II, 95-99); Kannika & Phongkasem (2542);
Wat Nong Kradon, Nakhon Sawan; Phimphan (2013: 12-13)
Chai Nat Hospital (?)
unregistered/ Nakhon Pathom prov./ 7th c. cakra pillar/ unknown Finot (1910: 148); Cœdès (1912: 29); L. de
L. 4348 Bangkok National Museum fragmentary Lajonquière (1912: 112, fig. 19); Brown (1996: 108)
unregistered/ Chaiya province (?)/Phra Pathom Chedi 7th-8th c. Buddha image/ unknown Skilling (2003-04: 280, n. 17)
NTh ii Temple Museum, Nakhon Pathom stone/ fragmentary
unregistered/ Wat Phra Men, Nakhon Pathom/ 7th-8th c. moulded tablets/ tesaṃ group Dupont (1959: I 47-49, II figs 34-40)
DV 5-2 + DV 6-2 Bangkok National Museum fired clay
unregistered/ Probably central Thailand/ 7th-8th c. moulded clay/ yesaṃ group unpublished
MW/458 Wat Matchimawat, Songkhla fired clay
SPh 2 U Thong, Suphan Buri prov./ 7th-8th c. brick/fragmentary tesaṃ group Prasan (2509: 81); Skilling (1999: 180)
U Thong National Museum (Face B)
SPh 4 U Thong, Suphan Buri prov./ 7th-8th c. brick yesaṃ group FAD (2529: I, 100-102);
National Library, Bkk Skilling (1999: 180)
unregistered/ Dong Lakhon, Nakhon Nayok prov./ 8th-9th c. bowl (?)/terracotta/ unknown Bandhit (2542: 531-532)
NN i current location unknown fragment
LB 16/ Phromthin Tai, Lop Buri prov./ 7th-8th c. stone slab yesaṃ group (variant ending: FAD (2529: I, 106-108); Skilling (1999: 181)
143/2525 Phra Narai National Museum nirodho ca (?) mahāsamano)
LB 23 Si Thep, Phetchabun prov./ 7th-8th c. stone slab yesaṃ group (variant ending: FAD (2529: I, 132-134); Skilling (1999: 181); FAD
Phra Narai National Museum, Lop Buri mahāsamaṇo) (2550: 125)
LB 54 Sap Champa, Lop Buri prov./ 8th-9th c. stone slab/ ? (variant ending: nirodho ca) Amon (2551: 56-60)
current location unknown fragmentary
unregistered/ Lop Buri prov./ 7th-8th c. Buddha image/ unknown unpublished
LB i Phra Narai National Museum stone/fragmentary
unregistered/ Si Thep, Phetchabun prov./ Ramkhamhaeng 7th-8th c. Buddha image/ ? (variant ending: mahāsamaṇo) Skilling (2002: 169);
PhB i National Museum, Sukhothai stone/fragmentary Skilling (2003-04: 280-281, fig. 9)
unregistered/ Dan Khun Tot or Mueang Sema (?), Sung 8th-9th c. Buddha image/ yesaṃ group Cœdès (1937-66: VII, 162);
K. 987/ Noen dist., Nakhon Ratchasima prov./ stone Skilling (1999: 173-174, 181);
323/2497 Maha Viravong National Museum, Skilling (2003-04: 276-278, figs 4-6)
Nakhon Ratchasima
unregistered/ Nong Bua Daeng, Chaiyaphum prov. or 8th-9th c. stone slab yesaṃ group Skilling (2003-04: 278-279, figs 7-8)
K. 1166/ Mueang Sema, Nakhon Ratchasima prov.
265
Nicolas Revire

46/2536 (?)/Phimai National Museum

 Nicolas Revire

Acknowledgements 1998: 191). The khakkhara was also a familiar 17 The same inscription has been misinterpreted
object in Dvāravatī and neighbouring cultures as “this stūpa [kyāk] was made for the three
(Revire 2009 and forthcoming). ancestors near the vihāra,” (FAD 2529: I, 98)
I am grateful to Christian Bauer for his assistance regarding Mon 10 The terms dāsa or dāsī in Sanskrit, ḍek in Old giving rise to speculations that these so-called
inscriptions, to Arlo Griffiths, Peter Masefield and Peter Skilling for Mon or kñuṃ in Old Khmer have often been “terracotta kumbha-type stūpas” possibly served
translated as male or female “slaves” but as funeral urns (e.g. Woodward 2003: 101-102).
their close reading and useful comments on an earlier manuscript and
to Leedom Lefferts for editing the language. My sincere thanks are perhaps “servant” would be a better rendering. 18 A possible parallel in Sanskrit would be
In the same vein, see Vickery (1998: 225-227, brāhmapuṇya, meaning “sublime merit”
also extended to FAD staff and curators for their warm welcome and
439-440). (cf. Skilling 2008: 512).
help during my survey in several branches of the National Museums
11 The eye-copy provided by Cœdès (1961: inscr. 19 Stephen Murphy recorded twenty-six
in Thailand. XXII) is clearly not
faithful to the original. inscriptions in total on sema stones from
For another, yet likely incorrect, reading and northeast Thailand with the languages
translation, see FAD (2529: I, 68-71). For a employed including Mon, Khmer, and Sanskrit
Abbreviations published rubbing and the relationship between (2010: 90-95, Appendix 1, Table A5). Many
the image and the inscription, see Revire of these inscriptions, however, are very worn
Pāli references are made to PTS publications only. (2012b: 94-95, figs. 1-2). and therefore still unread and/or left without a
12 Another short inscription from Mueang Bueng proper translation.
A Aṅguttaranikāya Khok Chang, Uthai Thani province (AN 2), 20 The reverse situation is equally possible. For
D Dīghanikāya whose reading and language are not certain, example, at least two Khmer inscriptions from
Dhp Dhammapada refer to a similar cultivation of merit where the Nakhon Ratchasima (NM 28/K. 388 and
Dhp-a Dhammapada-aṭṭhakathā (Commentary on Dhp) word puñ(·) or puña seems to appear but not the NM 31/K. 389) also show traces of Mon loan
It Itivuttaka name of the agent (FAD 2529: II, 48-52). words such as kyāk.
M Majjhimanikāya 13 See also the inscription (KhK 25) above the 21 The Pāli portion in the Noen Sa Bua
Pj I Paramatthajotikā I (Commentary on Khuddakapāṭha) head of a large reclining Buddha located inscription (PCh 14/K. 997) cannot be
on top of Phu Wiang, Khon Kaen province. considered “donative” in this regard since only
S Saṃyuttanikāya The word puṇya(ṃ) is clear at the end of line 2 the Khmer portion relates to the donation
Sn Suttanipāta (Cha-em 2544: eye-copy on p. 58). of cows to a temple and the installation of a
Sp Samantapāsādikā (Commentary on Vin) 14 Another fragmentary inscription in Sanskrit, buddhapāda. Prapod (2010: 82-83) classifies the
Sv Sumaṅgalavilāsinī (Commentary on D) found at the base of an alleged “Buddha Pāli section as a “eulogy inscription” citing an
Ud Udāna image” from Kalasin province (KS 5), has been extra-canonical text.
Ud-a Paramatthadīpanī (Commentary on Ud) erroneously linked to the donor’s aspiration 22 See in particular the few panegyric inscriptions
Vin Vinaya of “transferring happiness to all mankind” from Chaiyaphum province (ChY 1, ChY 4
(FAD 2529: I, 278). The inscription, and ChY 5). Other Buddhist Sanskrit
a śārdūlavikrīḍita stanza, is in fact dedicated inscriptions from northeast Thailand are
Endnotes to Śiva and shows some similarities with tentatively listed by Bauer (1991a: 56, fig. H).
K. 1214 dated to 648 śaka (Griffiths 2005). 23 Also translated in English as “dependent
1 In this essay, “Dvāravatī” refers to both an 5 The date given in the opening Khmer portion of I thank Arlo Griffiths for checking the reference
archaeological typology and a cultural entity the inscription has usually been given as 683 śaka co-arising,” “chain of causation,”
and drawing this parallel to my attention. “conditioned co-production,”
vaguely located in west-central Thailand circa the (761 CE), but a tenth or eleventh century date is
seventh and eighth centuries CE. much more likely (Revire 2012a: 153, n. 2). 15 I prefer to avoid the term stūpa (i.e. a reliquary) “conditioned genesis,” and so on.
often used in the literature and which implies 24 See Brown (1996: 104, n. 44) for a near
2 The
archaeological material
and inscriptions 6 In this essay, I give first the registration numbers a funerary function. Could these terracotta
presented here do not pretend
to be exhaustive of the inscriptions as recorded in Thailand by complete list of Pāli texts where the verse
fragments be finials? The hollow structure and occurs, to which list one can add the Udāna
or, in most cases, original. The majority of the Fine Arts Department (FAD), followed by flat base could suggest that these were used in
these have been edited or published in Thailand, the K. numbers if known in the “Corpus des from the Khuddakanikāya. See Masefield (1994)
an architectural capacity. for a recent English translation of that text.
albeit rarely or satisfactorily in English. Several inscriptions du Cambodge.” When the inscriptions
readings of inscriptions and their published are not recorded as such, I give the artefact 16 From my personal observation, I have noted 25 See in particular inscriptions KTh 29, NTh 1,
translations in print or available online through inventory numbers or an arbitrary number. that more bilingual inscribed earthenwares SPh 1, SPh i, LB 19, ChN 14, ChN 15, PhCh i,
the “Inscriptions in Thailand Database Project” For further information and references to the of this kind have survived, but have been and 82.183 [Table 3]. An inscription on a
website warrant caution and emendations. All inscriptions cited here, see Tables 1-4. left unnoticed and are not registered as fragmentary cakra pillar from Sap Champa
translations from Thai and French publications inscriptions by the FAD. At least two are kept (LB 8), first identified as written in Sanskrit
7 For ancient India, see for instance Nath (1987); in the Bangkok National Museum (277/2504
in this essay are mine. for pre-modern and modern Thai traditions, (FAD 2524: 26-27), has recently been reassessed
and 278/2504) and one is in the Prachin and identified as a portion of the First Sermon
3 The notion of merit-making is shared by several see Gabaude (2003) and Arthid (2012). Buri National Museum (129/2526). There
Indian religions but in this essay, I will focus only in Pāli (U-tain 2556).
8 Often, the bhikkhu observing this dhutaṅga declines are also several models or fragments kept at
on the “Buddhist concept” of merit. invitations to take meals at the houses of lay people. the Phra Narai National Museum, Lop Buri 26 My emendations and restorations of the
4 A brick retrieved from Suphan Buri is inscribed (e.g. 281/2504 and 286/2504), and I suspect nearly illegible or missing letters or syllables
9 In certain vinayas, the khakkhara-staff was (akṣaras) are given in parenthesis and square
in Sanskrit with the following similar verse: namo considered one of the eighteen possessions of that there could be more in museum storages,
vuddhāya, i.e. “Homage to the Buddha” (Kongkaeo temple or private collections. See also Bauer brackets respectively. While the letters are very
wandering monks. For Yijing, the function of using clear on line 2, my reconstruction of line 1 is
2541: 45). such a staff was merely “to keep off cows or dogs (1991: 49, fig. E) for a tentative list of these
inscribed objects. very much tentative and based on the strong
while collecting alms in the village” (Takakusu assumption that it quotes the paṭiccasamuppāda.

266 267
 Nicolas Revire

Unfortunately, I have been unable to see the 34 See Baptiste & Zéphir (2009: 56, 106, cats 13-14) References
reverse Face B of this spoke-fragment. for fine illustrations of two samples, one from
Ratchaburi (242/2533) and the other from Suphan Amon Chaosuan 2544 Charuek phra phuttha saiyat Volumes. Bangkok: National
27 I wish to thank Arlo Griffiths for his assistance 2551 Charuek phop mai thi phu wiang (An Inscription Found Library of Thailand. [In Thai;
in restoring the proper reading. Buri provinces (64/2511). In addition, one tablet
mueang boran sap champa (New on the Reclining Buddha Image 1986 CE]
probably originating from Nakhon Pathom is Inscription Found at Sap Champa
28 Other occurrences of Ud 1-3 were found in of Phu Wiang). Silpakorn Journal 2548 Borannawatthu nai phiphithaphan
kept at the Bangkok National Museum (151/2511), Ancient Town). Silpakorn Journal 44(3): 56-61. [In Thai with English
Angkor Borei, lower Cambodia, and Kunzeik, with an additional one on display at the Phra sathan haeng chat phra pathom chedi
lower Myanmar, thus attesting to the popularity of 51(5): 52-61. [In Thai; 2008 CE] Abstract; 2001 CE] (Ancient Artefacts from the Phra Pathom
Narai National Museum, Lop Buri (225/2526),
the verses in the seventh-eighth century Theravāda and yet another one at the Ashmolean Museum Arthid Sheravanichkul Cœdès, George Chedi National Museum). Nonthaburi:
tradition of mainland Southeast Asia (Skilling 2012 Narrative and Gift-giving 1912 Compte rendu de Lunet de Fine Arts Department. [In Thai;
in Oxford (EAX. 170). For a recent iconographic
2002: 162-164). in Thai Ānisaṃsa Texts. In Lajonquière, 1912. Bulletin de l’École 2005 CE]
study on the obverse of these tablets
29 Dhp 191, which summarises the Four Truths, is [e.g. Figure 15a], see Woodward (2009). Skilling, Peter & McDaniel, Justin française d’Extrême-Orient 12: 29. 2550 Uthayan prawatisat si thep
inscribed on a terracotta fragment from U Thong (eds), Buddhist Narrative in Asia 1926-27 Siamese Votive Tablets. (Si Thep Historical Park). Lop Buri:
35 In Thailand, King Mongkut or Rama IV and Beyond, Volume One. Bangkok: Fine Arts Department. [In Thai
(Sph.i: Face A; Prasan 2509: 82; Skilling 1991: (r. 1851-1868), an ex-monk and Buddhist scholar Journal of the Siam Society 20(1): 1-23.
243-244) and on a stone bar from Nakhon Pathom Chulalongkorn University, with English Summary; 2007 CE]
in his own right, first proposed that the ye dhammā pp. 37-46. 1952 À propos de deux fragments
province (Nth i: Face D; Skilling 1997: 129-130). gāthā was a précis of the paṭiccasamuppāda and the d’inscription récemment Finot, Louis
A parallel version of Dhp 191, albeit in so-called Four Truths. See the inscription left in Thai by the Bandhit Liuchaichan découverts à P‘ră Păthŏm 1910 Inscriptions du Siam et
“hybrid Pāli-Sanskrit,” is found in line 2 of the king in 1856 at Phra Pathom Chedi in Nakhon 2542 Bat phra: lakthan thang (Thaïlande). Comptes rendus des de la Péninsule malaise (Mission
gold-plate inscription from Go Xoai, southern Pathom and reproduced in extenso on pages 43-45 prawatisat lae borannakhadi séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Lunet de Lajonquière). Bulletin de la
Vietnam (Skilling 1999: 172-173, 175), and also in of Cœdès 1961 (Thai edition). (The Food Bowl and Its History). Belles-Lettres 96(1): 146-150. Commission archéologique de l’Indochine
Prakrit from Guntupalle, Andhra Pradesh, in India In Sangkhom lae watthanatham nai 1956 Une roue de la loi avec (1910): 147-154.
(Skilling 1991). 36 The full quote is: yo kho [vakkali] dhammaṃ passati prathet thai/Thailand: Culture and inscriptions en pāli provenant du Gabaude, Louis
so maṃ passati yo maṃ passati so dhammaṃ passati. Society. Bangkok: Maha Chakri
30 The practice of writing this sacred verse on site de P‘ră Păthŏm. Artibus Asiae 2003 Le don ou dāna comme
See also M I 190f and It 91. Sirindhorn Anthropology Centre, 19: 221-226.
precious metals is so far unattested in Dvāravatī fenêtre sur les mentalités
37 That the ye dharma gāthā was later blurred pp. 525-537. [In Thai with English
although it surely existed in neighbouring regions. Abstract; 1999 CE] 1961 Recueil des inscriptions du Siam. bouddhistes thaïes. Paper
See for example the engraved gold-plates from Go with a type of mantra is clearly attested in the Pt. II. Inscriptions de Dvāravati, de presented at the Conference
Xoai, southern Vietnam (Skilling 1999: 171-177, abbreviated Sanskrit form oṃ ye te svāhā found in Bauer, Christian Çrīvijaya et Lăvo. Bangkok: Fine Buddhist Legacies in Southeast Asia:
fig. 1), the one of unknown provenance kept at (Pen)insular Southeast Asia (Cruijsen et al. 2013: 1991a Notes on Mon Epigraphy. Arts Department. [Second Mentalities, Interpretations and Practices,
the Musée Guimet in Paris (MA 4649B; Skilling n. 50). In the Tibetan tradition, Atiśa (ca 982-1054) Journal of the Siam Society 79(1): Revised Edition; First Edition Bangkok, 18-20 December 2003.
2003-04: 284, fig. 13), and another sample from also referred to the mantric use of this verse in his 31-83. 1924. In Thai and French] [Unpublished]
Palembang, Sumatra (Griffiths 2011: 143-145, Ritual for Making Miniature Clay Stūpas of the Vehicle of 1991b Notes on Mon Epigraphy 1937-66 Inscriptions du Cambodge.
Perfections (Bentor 1996: 115; Skilling 2008: 514). Gagneux, Pierre-Marie
fig. 1a). II. Journal of the Siam Society 79(2): Eight Volumes. Hanoi-Paris: 1972 Vers une révolution dans
31 The FAD author who deciphered the inscription 38 For a similar analysis regarding the “conceptual 61-79. École française d’Extrême-Orient. l’archéologie indochinoise : le
reconstructs it as belonging to the yesaṃ group copying” of a revered icon during the later Buddha et les stèles de Thalat,
Bentor, Yael Cruijsen, Thomas, Griffiths,
(Amon 2551: 59) but the reasons behind such Sukhothai period (1238-1438) in Thailand, 1996 Consecration of Images and Arlo & Klokke, Marijke Vientiane. Bulletin des amis du
classification, while likely on the basis which see Pattaratorn (2009: 176-181). Stūpas in Indo-Tibetan Tantric 2013 The Cult of the
Buddhist royaume lao 7-8: 83-105.
follows, are not clearly stated. Buddhism. Leiden: Brill. Dhāraṇī Deity Mahāpratisarā Griffiths, Arlo
32 Finot (1910: 148) read yesaṃ on the “vase en terre along the Maritime Silk Route: 2005 La stèle d’installation de Śrī
Boisselier, Jean New
Epigraphical
and
cuite” from Phra Pathom Chedi but Cœdès (1912: 1961 Un fragment inscrit de Roue Tribhuvaneśvara : une nouvelle
29) proposed to read tesaṃ. The eye-copy published Iconographic
Evidence
from
the inscription préangkorienne du
de la Loi de Lop’buri. Artibus Asiae Indonesian Archipelago. Journal
upside-down by Lunet de Lajonquière (1912: 24(3/4): 225-231. musée national de Phnom Penh
of the International Association of (K. 1214). Journal Asiatique 293(1):
113, fig. 21), however, clearly reads yesaṃ. I thank Buddhist Studies 35(1-2), pp. 71-157.
Laurent Hennequin for sending these references. Boucher, Daniel 11-43. [In collaboration with J.C.
1991 The Pratītyasamutpāda- Dayal, Har Eade & G. Gerschheimer]
33 A complete tablet of this type is kept at the gāthā and Its Role in the Medieval
Nakhon Si Thammarat National Museum 1970 The Bodhisattva Doctrine in 2011 Inscriptions of Sumatra:
Cult of the Relics. Journal of the Buddhist Sanskrit Literature. Further Data on the Epigraphy of
(19/246/kho) and was transferred from the International Association of Buddhist Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. the Musi and Batang Hari Rivers
Bangkok National Museum but its exact Studies 14(1): 1-27. [Reprint; First Edition 1932] Basins. Archipel 81: 139-175.
provenance is not known. In addition, a fragment
found in Khu Bua is currently on display at the Brown, Robert L. Dupont, Pierre Guillon, Emmanuel
Ratchaburi National Museum (inv. no. unknown), 1996 The Dvāravatī Wheels of the 1959 L’archéologie mône de Dvāravatī. 1974 Recherches sur quelques
Law and the Indianization of South East Two Volumes. Paris: Publication de inscriptions môn. Bulletin de l’École
and another fragment, presumably from Nakhon
Asia. Leiden: Brill. l’École française d’Extrême-Orient. française d’Extrême-Orient 61: 339-348.
Pathom, is kept at the Chaiya National Museum
(DV 244). Cha-em Kaeoklai Fine Arts Department (FAD) Guy, John
2537a Charuek kaset sombun 2524 Charuek boran run raek phop thi 2002 Offering Up a Rare Jewel:
(The Kaset Sombun Inscription). lop buri lae klai khiang (The Earliest Buddhist Merit-making and Votive
Silpakorn Journal 37(3): 59-65. [In Inscriptions from Lop Buri and Its Tablets in Early Burma. In Green,
Thai; 1994 CE] Surrounding Areas). Lop Buri: Fine Arts Alexandra & Blurton, T. Richard
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(The Ban Hua Khua Inscription). 2529 Charuek nai prathet thai London: The British Museum
Silpakorn Journal 37(6): 90-95. (Inscriptions of Thailand). Five Press, pp. 23-33.
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