Module Ii: Addressing Diversity Through The Years: Special and Inclusive Education
Module Ii: Addressing Diversity Through The Years: Special and Inclusive Education
INTRODUCTION
This chapter shall allow you to look at Special Needs and Inclusive Education
from historical and philosophical context. The first step to becoming an effective
Special Needs and/or Inclusive Teacher lies not in one’s skill to teach strategically,
but in one’s willingness and commitment to respect individual differences. As
seen in the previous chapter, diversity is a natural part of every environment and
must be perceived as a given rather than an expectation.
How then do we proceed from here? Below are the key points to
summarize this chapter.
COMPETENCIES
This chapter aims for you to develop the following competencies:
I. MODELS OF DISABILITY
The concept of disability has been existent for ages. The Bible chronicles
the present of persons who are blind and crippled who needed to be healed.
Cultural narrative like ‘’The Hunchback of Notre Dame’’ and ‘’Kampanerang Kuba’’
depict disability as a source of fear and ridiculed. Even Philippine History has
records of disability through the Apolinario Mabini, who was an able to walk
because of a physical impairing condition called poliomyelitis. Clearly, disability
cuts across countries, cultures, and timeline. But perhaps it is part of human
nature to react negatively to anything perceived as different or out of the
ordinary. There is often resistance, especially when people are met with
situations that they are unfamiliar with. Persons With Disabilities (PWD) are not
exempted from this type of treatment.
How PWDs were once treated is not something any nation would be
proud of. Historically, people formed opinions and reactions toward disability in a
similar pattern. It was consistent for almost every country: society first took
notice of those with physical disabilities because they immediately stood out,
then they noticed those with less apparent developmental conditions because
they acted differently. As soon as the ‘’deviants’’ were ‘’identified’’, segregation,
exclusion, isolation, and other forms of violence and cruelty followed. Prior to the
Ages of Enlightenment in the 1700’s, these were common practices highly
accepted by society. Such practices, which are now considered discriminatory and
violating of human rights, were evident in all aspects of community: living spaces,
health care, education, and work.
For instance, there was a time when the status of PWD was in question. In
earlier times, PWDs were seen as social threats capable of contaminating an
otherwise pure human species (Kisanji 1999). Therefore, as much as communities
needed to be protected from them, PWDs also had to be protected from society.
Some people saw them as menaces, while others treated them as objects of
dread, pity, entertainment, or ridicule. At best, they were put on a pedestal and
perceived as Holy Innocents or eternal children who could do no wrong
(Wolfensberger 1972). At worst, they were killed or treated as subhumans devoid
of any rights (Kisanji 1999, Wolfgangberger 1972).
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Social Model
Rights-Based Model
Biomedical Model Twin-Track Approach
Smart’s study in 2004 (as cited in Retief and Letsosa, 2018) emphasizes
that models of disability are important as they serve several purposes: (1) they
provide definitions of disability, (2) they offer ‘’explanation of causal and
responsibility attributions’’, (3) they are based on ‘’perceived needs,’’ (4) they
inform policy, (5) they are not ‘’value – neutral’’, (6) they define the academic
disciplines that focus on disability, (7) they ‘’shape the self-identity of PWDs,’’ (8)
they can provide insight on how prejudices and discriminations occur. This last
statement , in particular, has proven to be very powerful in helping see how, to a
certain extent, society is unconsciously led to respond to disability.
For the most part, the core response to this model was the establishing
of segregated institutions where PWD could be kept. In the United States, United
Kingdom, and Australia, asylums for the ‘’mentally ill, retardates, degenerates,
and defectives’’ were built (Jackson 2018). Segregated residential schools and
workhouses with dormitories located miles away from town centers were also
erected.
It was during the 15th century when more schools for PWDs started to
emerge in Europe. These first special schools were built by private philanthropic
institutions. Although they initially catered to those with sensory impairments
such as deafness and blindness, other school soon started accepting other
disability types into their student roster. Interestingly, the curriculum for such
educational institutions was different from that of public schools (Kisanji 1999). In
special schools, the main focus was on building the vocational skills for students –
a clear sign that the biomedical model sees PWDs as different from majority. The
idea of institutionalizing or bringing PWDs to asylums or hospitals for custodial
care when they have become too difficult to manage also reached its peak with
the reinforcement of the biomedical model (Jackson, 2018; Pritchard, 1960 and
Bender, 1970 as cited in Kisanji, 1990).
Clough (Clough & Corbett 2000) points out that the social (sociological)
model became society’s reaction to how the biomedical perspective viewed
disability. In fact, Mike Oliver, a lecturer in the 1980s who coined the term ‘’social
model’’ and is considered one of its main proponents, wrote a position paper
directly reacting against how the medical field has been reinforcing a disabling
view of PWDs. According to the sociological response, disability occurs as a result
of society’s lack of understanding of individual difference. PWDs are seen as
disabled not because they are not deficient but because society ‘’insists’’ they are
deficient and disadvantaged. Norms, after all, are determined by society.
Professor David Pfeiffer challenges the concept of norms:
‘’ It depends upon the concept of normal. That is, being a person with a
disability which limits my mobility means that I do not move about in a (so-called)
normal way. But what is the normal way to cover a mile…? Some people would
walk. Some people would ride a bicycle or a bus or in a taxi or their own car.
Others would use a skateboard or in line roller blades. Some people use
wheelchairs. There is, I argue, no normal way to travel a mile.’’ (Kaplan 2000:
355).
The underlying principle of the social model of disability is that
disability is a social contract, where standards and limitations that society places
on specific groups of people are what disable a person. With this perspective,
everything from government laws to education to employment opportunities to
access to communal facilities take on a different meaning. For instance, Mara, a
person with paraplegia (a condition that causes impaired functioning of the legs)
who uses a motorized wheelchair should be able to go around on her own. The
mayor in her town put up an elevator by the foot bridge to help people get to the
top easily without having to climb up the stairs. Although there are facilities in
the toot bridge to get her from one side of the highway to the other, she wonders
how she could get to the foot bridge from her house. Public transportation,
unfortunately, is not accessible from her home. And even if it were, none of the
transports would be able to take a wheelchair. Jana, on the other hand, also has
paraplegia but lives in a neighboring town as Mara's, where the local government
provides shuttles for those with physical disabilities. She has a wheelchair herself,
though it is not motorized. Despite this, Jana is able to go around by herself
because her town provides continuous access from one point to the next. This
example shows that what is truly disabling is not the physical condition the way
the medical model would adhere to, but the lack of opportunities and restrictions
given to a person, as the social model would push for (see Figure 2.3).
Figure 2.3. The Social Model of Disability. Reprinted from Taxi Driver
Training Pack. n.d., Retrieved from http://www.ddsg.org.uk/taxi/medical-model.
html. Copyright 2003 by Democracy Disability and Society Group.
‘’The cultural habit of regarding the condition of the person, not the built
environment or the social organization of activities, as the source the problem,
runs deep. For example, it took roe several years of struggling with the heavy
door to my building, sometimes having to wait until a person stronger came
along, to realize that the door was an accessible problem, not only for me, but for
others as well. And I did notice until one of my students pointed it out, that the
lack of signs that could be read from a distance at my university forced people
with mobility impairments to expend a lot of energy unnecessarily, searching for
roams and offices. Although I have encountered this difficulty myself on days
when walking was exhausting to me, I interpreted it automatically, as a problem
arising (as I did with the door), rather than as a problem arising from the built
environment having been created for too narrow a range of people and
situations.’’
E. Rights-based Model and Twin Track Approach
The right – based model of disability is a framework that bears
similarities with the social model. Although most practitioners see the two as one
at the same, Degener (2017 in Retief and Letsosa 2018) argues their nuances.
While the social model reiterates social factors and dynamics that form our
perception of disability, the right – based model ‘’moves beyond explanation,
offering a theoretical framework for disability policy that emphasizes the human
dignity of PWDs’’ (Degener 2017: 43). It immediately recognizes PWDs
vulnerability and tries to address this by upholding and safeguarding their
identities and rights as human beings. Moreover, while ‘’ the social model is
mostly critical of public health policies that advocate the prevention of
impairment, the human rights model recognizes the fact that properly formulated
prevention policy may be regarded as an instance of human rights protection for
PWDs’’ (Degener 2017:52).
The global arena has been consistently vocal in its stand on children,
persons with disabilities, and education. In as early as 1948, there have already
been worldwide declarations on children and their right to be educated (Universal
Declaration of Human Rights 1948; United Nations Convention on the Rights of
the Child 1989). In 1990, many countries banded together for the world
declaration of Education for All (EFA), which stated that all children must have
access to complete, free, and compulsory primary education.
The SDGs are considered road maps or blueprints that were developed
by the United Nations to ensure a better and sustainable future for everyone. It
consists of 17 global goals set by the United Nations for the year 2030, each
addressing one specific area of development. Of particular interest to the global
education community, hwever, is SDG 4: ‘’Ensure inclusive and equitable quality
education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all’’ (United Nations
General Assembly’). Therefore, the need to remove all barriers to inclusion by
addressing all forms of exclusion and marginalization is of utmost important.