Learning Objectives:

1. Determine the central ideas or information of a primary source.

2. Determine the relevance of the account in the present
3. Identify the customs being practiced before and its implications

Placencia's Code on the Ancient Customs of the Tagalogs

(1589)

"This people always had chiefs, called by them datu, who governed them and
were captains in their wars, and whom they obeyed and reverenced. The subject who
committed any offense against them, or spoke but a word to their wives and children,
was severely punished.
These chiefs ruled over but few people; sometimes as many as a hundred
houses, sometimes even less than thirty. This tribal gathering is called in Tagalog a
barangay. It was inferred that the reason for giving themselves this name arose from the
fact (as they are classed, by their language, among the Malay nations) that when they
came to this land, the head of the barangay, which is a boat became a datu. And so,
even at the present day, it is ascertained that this barangay in its origin 'was a family of
parents and children, relations and slaves. There were many of these barangays in
each town, or, at least, on account of wars, they did not settle far from one another.
They were not, however, subject to one another, except in friendship and relationship.
The chiefs, in their various wars, helped one another with their respective barangays.
In addition to the chiefs, who correspond to our knights, there were three castes:
nobles, commoners, and slaves. The nobles were the free-born whom they call
maharlica. They did not pay tax or tribute to the datu, but must accompany him in war,
at their own expense. The chief offered them beforehand a feast, and afterward they
divided the spoils. Moreover, when the datu went upon the water those whom he
summoned- rowed for him. If he built a house, they helped him, and had to be fed for it.
The same was true when the whole barangay went to clear up his lands for
tillage. The lands which they inhabited were divided among the whole barangay,
especially the irrigated portion, and thus each one knew his own. No one belonging to
another barangay would cultivate them unless after purchase or inheritance. The lands
on the tingues, or mountainridges, are not divided, but owned in common by the
barangay. Consequently, at the time of the rice harvest, any individual of any particular
barangay, although he may have come from some other village, if he commences to
clear any land may sow it, and no one can compel him to abandon it. There are some
villages (as, for example, Pila de la Laguna), in which these nobles, or maharlicas, paid
annually to the datu a hundred gantas of rice. The reason of this was that, at the time of
their settlement there, another chief occupied the lands, which the new chief, upon his
arrival, bought with his own gold; and therefore the members of his barangay paid him
for the arable land, and he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But now,
since the advent of the Spaniards, it is not so divided.
The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established limits, and
sections of the rivers for markets. At these no one could fish, or trade in the markets,
without paying for the privilege, unless he belonged to the chiefs barangay or village.
The commoners are called aliping namamahay. They are married, and serve
their master, whether he be a datu or not, with half of their cultivated lands, as was
agreed upon in the beginning. They accompanied him whenever he went beyond the
island, and rowed for him. They live in their own houses, and are lords of their property
and gold. Their children inherit it, and enjoy their property and lands. The children, then,
enjoy the rank of their fathers, and they cannot be made slaves (saguiguilid) nor each
either parents or children be sold. If they should fall by inheritance into the hands of a
son of their master who was going to dwell in another village, they could not be taken
from their own village and carried with him; but they would remain in their native village,
doing service there and cultivating the sowed lands.
The slaves are called aliping saguiguilid. They serve their master in his house
and on his cultivated lands, and may be sold. The master grants them, should he see fit,
and providing that he has profited through their industry, a portion of their harvests, so
that they may work faithfully. For these reasons, servants who are born in the house of
their master are rarely, if ever, sold. That is the lot of captives in war, and of those
brought up in the harvest fields.
Those to whom a debt was owed transferred the debt to another, thereby
themselves making a profit, and reducing the wretched debtors to a slavery which was
not their natural lot. If any person among those who were made slaves (saguiguilid)–
through war, by the trade of goldsmith, or otherwise–master, he ransomed himself,
becoming thus a namamahay, or what we call a commoner. The price of this ransom
was never less than five taels, and from that upwards; and if he gave ten or more taels,
as they might agree, he became wholly free. An amusing ceremony accompanied this
custom. After having divided all the trinkets which the slave possessed, if he maintained
a house of his own, they divided even the pots and jars, and if an odd one of these
remained, they broke it; and if a piece of cloth were left, they parted it in the middle.
The difference between the aliping namamahay and the aliping saguiguilid,
should be noted; for, by a confusion of the two terms, many have been classed as
slaves who really are not. The Indians seeing that the alcaldes-mayor do not
understand this, have adopted the custom of taking away the children of the aliping
namamahay, making use of them as they would of the aliping saguiguilid, as servants in
their households, which is illegal, and if the aliping namamahay should appeal to justice,
it is proved that he is an alipin as well as his father and mother before him and no
reservation is made as to whether he is aliping namamahay or aliping saguiguilid, he is
at once considered an alipin, without further declaration. In this way he becomes a
saguiguilid, and is even sold. Consequently, the alcades-mayor should be instructed to
ascertain, when anyone asks for his alipin, to which class he belongs, and to have the
answer put in the document that they give him. In these three classes, those who are
maharlicas, on both the father's and mother's side continue to be so forever; and if it
happens that they should become slaves, it is through marriage, as I shall soon explain.
If these maharlicas had children among their slaves, the children and their mothers
became free; if one of them had children by the slave-woman of another, she was
compelled, when pregnant, to give her master half of a gold tael, because of her risk of
death, and for her inability to labor during the pregnancy. In such a case half of the child
was free namely, the half belonging to the father, who supplied the child with food. If he
did not do this, he showed that he did not recognize him as his child, in which case the
latter was wholly a slave. If a free woman had children by a slave, they were all free,
provided he was not her husband.
If two persons married, of whom one was a maharlica and the other a slave,
whether namamahay or saguiguilid, the children were divided: the first, whether male or
female, belonged to the father, as did the third and fifth; the second, the fourth, and the
sixth fell to the mother, and so on. In this manner, if the father was free, all those who
belonged to him were free; if he tex were a slave, all those who belonged to him were
slaves; and the same applied to the mother. If there should not be more than one child
he was half free and half slave. The only question here concerned the division, whether
the child were male or female. Those who became slaves fell under the category of
servitude which was their parent's, either namamahay or saguiguilid. If there were an
odd number of children, the odd one was half free and half slave. I have not been able
to ascertain with any certainty when or what age the division of children was made, for
each one suited himself in this respect. Of these two kinds of slaves the saguiguilid
could be sold, but not the namamahay and their children, nor could they be transferred.
However, they could be transferred from the barangay by inheritance, provided they
remained in the same village.
The maharlicas could not, after marriage, move from one village to another, or
from one barangay to another, without paying a certain fine in gold, as arranged among
them. This fine was larger or smaller according to the inclination of the different villages,
running from one to three taels and a banquet to the entire barangay. Failure to pay the
fine might result in a war between the barangay which the person left and the one which
he entered. This applied equally to men and women, except that when one married a
woman of another village, the children were afterwards divided equally between the two
barangays. This arrangement kept them obedient to the datu, or chief, which is no
longer the case - because, if the datu is energetic and commands what the religious
fathers enjoin him, they soon leave him and go to other villages and other datu, who
endure and protect them and do not order them about. This is the kind of datu that they
now prefer, not him who has the spirit to command. There is a great need of reform in
this, for the chiefs are spiritless and faint-hearted.
Investigations made and sentences passed by the datu must take place in the
presence of those of his barangay. If any of the litigants felt himself aggrieved, an
arbiter was unanimously named from another village or barangay, whether he were a
datu or not; since they had for this purpose some persons, known as fair and just men,
who were said to give true judgment according to their customs. If the controversy lay
between two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war, they also convoked judges to actas
arbiters; they did the same if the disputants belonged to two different barangays. In this
ceremony they always had to drink, the plaintiff inviting the others.
They had laws by which they condemned to death a man of low birth who
insulted the daughter or wife of a chief; likewise witches, and others of the same class.
They condemned no one to slavery, unless he merited the death penalty. As for
the witches, they killed them, and their children and accomplices became slaves of the
chief, after he had made some recompense to the injured person. All other offenses
were punished by fines in gold, which, if not paid with promptness, exposed the culprit
to serve, until the payment be made, the person aggrieved, to whom the money was to
be paid. This was done in the following way: Half the cultivated lands and all their
produce belonged to the master. The master provide the culprit with food and clothing,
thus enslaving the culprit and his children until such time he might amass enough
money to pay the fine. If the father should by chance pay his debtthe master then
claimed that he had fed and clothed his children, and should be paid therefor. In this
way he kept possession of the children if the payment could not be met. This last was
usually the case, and they remained slaves. If the culprit had some relative or friend
who paid for him, he was obliged to render the latter half his service until he was paid
house as aliping saguiguilid, but living independently, as aliping namamahay. If the
creditor were not served in this wise, the culprit had to pay the double of what was lent
him. In this way slaves were made by debt: either saguiguilid; if they served the master
to whom the judgment applied: or aliping namamahay, if they served the person who
lent them wherewith to pay.
In what concerns loans, there was formerly, and is today, an excess of usury,
which is a great hindrance to baptism as well as to confession; for it turns out in the
same way as I have showed in the case of the one under judgment, who gives half of
his cultivated lands and profits until he pays the debt. The debtor is condemned to a life
of toil; and thus borrowers become slaves, and after the death of the father the children
pay the debt. Not doing so, double the amount must be paid. This system should and
can be reformed.
 As for inheritances, the legitimate children of a father and mother inherited
equally, except in the case where the father and mother showed a slight partiality by
such gifts as two or three gold taels, or perhaps a jewel. When the parents gave a
dowry to any son, and when, in order to marry him to a chief's daughter, the dowry was
greater than the sum given the other sons, the excess was not counted in the whole
property to be divided. But any other thing that should have been given to any son,
though it might be for some necessity, was taken into consideration at the time of the
partition of the property, unless the parents should declare that such a bestowal was
made outside of the inheritance. If one had children by two or more legitimate wives,
each child received the inheritance and dowry of his mother, with its increase, and that
share of his father's estate which fell to him out of the whole. If a man had a child by one
of his slaves, as well as legitimate children, the former had no share in the inheritance;
but the legitimate children were bound to free the mother, and to give him something - a
tael or a slave, if the father were a chief; or if, finally, anything else were given it was by
the unanimous consent of all. If besides his legitimate- children, he had also some sons
by a free unmarried woman, to whom a dowry was given but what was not considered
as a real wife, all these were classed as natural children, although the child by the
unmarried woman should have been begotten after his marriage. Such children did no
inherit equally with the legitimate children, but only the third part. For example, if there
were two children, the legitimate one had two parts, and the one of the inaasawa one
part. When there were no children by a legitimate wife, but only children by an
unmarried woman, or inaasawo the latter inherited all. If he had a child by a slave
woman, that child received his share as state above. If there were no legitimate or
natural child, or a child by an inaasawa, whether there wa a son of a slave woman or
not, the inheritance went only to the father or grandparents, brother or nearest relatives
of the deceased, who gave to the slave-child as stated above.
In the case of a child by a free married woman, born while she was married, if the
husband punished the adulterer this was considered a dowry; and the child entered with
t others into partition in the inheritance. His share equalled the part left by the father,
nothing mo If there were no other sons than he, the children and the nearest relatives
inherited equally with him. But if the adulterer were not punished by the husband of-the
women who had the child, the latter was not considered as his child, nor did he inherit
anything. It should be noticed that the offender was not considered dishonored by the
punishment inflicted, nor did the husband leave the woman. By the punishment of the
father, the child was fittingly made legitimate.
Adopted children, of whom there are many among them, inherit the double of
what was paid for their adoption. For example, if one gold tael was given that he might
be adopted when the first father died, the child was given (in inheritance) two taels. But
if this child die first, his children do not inherit from the second father, for the
arrangement stops at that point.
 This is the danger to which his money is exposed, as well as his being protected
as a child. On this account, this manner of adoption common among them is considered
lawful.
Dowries are given by the men to the women's parents. If the latter are living,
they enjoy the use of it. At their death, provided the dowry has not been consumed, it is
divided like the rest of the estate, equally among the children, except in case the father
should care to bestow something additional upon the daughter. If the wife, at the time of
her marriage, has neither father, mother, nor grandparents, she enjoys her dowry which,
in such a case belongs to no other relative or child. It should be noticed that unmarried
women can own no property, in land or dowry, for the result of all their labors accrues
to, their parents.
In case of a divorce before the birth of children, if the wife left the husband for
the purpose of marrying another, all her dowry and an equal additional amount fell to
the husband; but if she left him, and did not marry another, the dowry was returned.
When the husband left his wife, he lost the half of the dowry, and the other half was
returned to him. If he possessed children at the time of his divorce, the whole dowry and
the fine went to the children, and was held for them by their grandparents or other
responsible relatives.
I have also seen another practice in two villages. In one case, upon the death of
the wife who in a year's time had borne no children, the parents returned one half of the
dowry to the husband whose wife has died. In the other case, upon the death of the
husband, one-half of the dowry was returned to the relatives of the husband. I have
ascertained that this is not a general practice; for upon inquiry I learned that when this is
done it is done through piety, and that all do not do it.
In the matter of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their sons when
they are about to be married, and half of which is given immediately, even when they
are the only children, there is a great deal. There is a fine stipulated in the contract, that
he who violates it shall pay a certain sum which varies according to the practice of the
village and the affluence of the individual. The fine was heaviest if, upon the death of
the parents, the son or daughter is unwilling to marry because it has been arranged by
his or her parents. In this case the dowry which the parents had received was returned
and nothing more. But if the parents were living, they paid the fine, because it was
assumed that it had been their design to separate the children.
The above is what I have been able to ascertain clearly concerning customs
observed among these natives in all this Laguna and the tingues, and among the entire
Tagalog race. The old men say that a data who did anything contrary to this would not
be esteemed; and, in relating tyrannies which they had committed, some condemned
them and adjudged them wicked.
 Others, perchance, may offer a more extended narrative, but leaving aside
irrelevant matters concerning government and justice among them, a summary of the
whole truth is contained in the above. I am sending the account in this clear and concise
form because I had received no orders to pursue the work further. Whatever may be
decided upon, it is certainly important that it should be given to the alcaldes-mayor,
accompanied by an explanation; for the absurdities which are to be found in their
opinions are indeed pitiable.
May our Lord bestow upon your Lordship His grace and spirit, so that in every
step good fortune may be yours; and upon every occasion may your Lordship design to
consider me your humble servant, to be which would be the greatest satisfaction and
favor that I could receive. Nagcarlan, October 21, 1589.”

FRAY JUAN DE PLASENCIA

 Fr. Pedro Chirino's Account of the Pre-Spanish
Filipinos and Their Civilization (1604)

One of the Spanish writers, who actually observed the civilization of the Filipino
people before it vanished due to the impact of the Hispanic civilization, was Father
Pedro Chirino, Spanish Jesuit missionary-chronicler. He authored the book, Relacion de
las Islas Filipinas, which he finished in 1603 and published in Rome, 1604. Primarily,
this book was a story of the apostolic achievements of the Jesuit Society in the
Philippines and was, therefore, religious in theme; nonetheless, it had certain chapters
which gave eyewitness narrative on the bathing habit and cleanliness, languages,
courtesy and good breeding, writing, religion and superstitions, marriages, dowries,
divorce, usury, slavery, and the method of giving names to persons among ancient
Filipinos. These chapters are presented below because of their significant value to
Philippine history.

Of Baths in the Philippines.

From the time when they were born, these islanders [Filipinos] are brought up in
the water. Consequently both men and women swim like fishes, even from childhood,
and have no need for bridges to pass over rivers. They bathed themselves at all hours,
for cleanliness and recreation; and even the women after childbirth do not refrain from
bath, and children just born are bathed in the rivers and springs of cold water. When
leaving the bath, they anoint the hand with ajonjoli (i.e., oil of sesame) mixed with civet-
of which, as we shall later show, there is great abundance in those regions.
Even when not bathing, they are accustomed to anoint their heads for comfort
and adornment, especially the women and the children. Through their modesty, they
bathed with their bodies drawn up almost in a sitting posture, with the water to the neck,
taking the greater care not to be seen, although no one may be near to see them. The
most general hour of bathing is at the setting of the sun, because at that time they have
finished their labors, and bathe in the river to rest and refresh themselves; on the way,
they usually carry, some vessel for bearing water to use in their domestic duties. In the
island of Panay I saw all the people, at the conclusion of a burial, hasten to the river
upon leaving the church and bathe there, as was the custom among Jews–although
these Indians [Filipinos] have no knowledge of that dead law. They keep a vessel full of
water before the door of every house; every person, whether belonging to the house or
not, who enters it takes water from the jar with which to wash his feet before entering,
especially during the season of much mud. They wash their feet with great facility,
rubbing one foot with the other; the water flows down through the floor of the house,
which is of cane and fashioned like a window-grating with bars close together.
 They also employ the baths as a medicine, and God our Lord has given them for
this purpose, springs of hot water. In the last few years the hot springs of Bai [Bay,
Laguna Province], on the banks of the lagoon, [Laguna de Bay], have been most helpful
and famous, and many Spaniards of both sexes as well as ecclesiastics and religious,
have had recourse to them in various maladies and recovered their health.

Of the Languages of the Filipinos.

There is no single or general language of the Filipinas extending throughout the

islands; but all of them, though there are many and different tongues, are so much alike
that they may be learned and spoken in a short time. Consequently if one is learned, all
are almost known. They are to each other like the Tuscan, Lombard, and Sicilian
dialects of Italia, or the Castilian, Portuguese, and Galician in Espana. Only the
language of the Negrillos is very different from the rest, as, in Espana, is the Vizcayan
(i.e., Basque). There is not a difference for each of the islands, because some of them
as, for example, Manila, and even Panai, which is more than four hundred leguas
smaller contain several languages; and there are languages each of which prevails in
several islands. In the Island of Manila alone, there are six different tongues; in Panai,
two; in some others, but one.
The languages most used, and most widely spread, are the Tagal and the
Bisayan; and in some areas of Pintados [Visayan Islands] another tongue is also
prevalent, called Harayan. The Tagal embraces the greater part of the coast and interior
of the islands of Manila, Mindoro, Luban, and some others. Bisaya is in use through all
the island of the Pintados,although in some of the villages therein the Harayan is
spoken. Of all those languages, it was the Tagal which most pleased me and which I
most admired. As I told the first bishop [Bishop Domingo de Salazar], and, afterwards,
other persons of dignity in the Islands and in Europe, I found in this language four
qualities of the four greatest languages of the world, Hebrew; Greek, Latin, and
Spanish: it has the abstruseness and obscurity of the Hebrew; the articles and
distinctions in proper as well as in common nouns of the Greek; the fullness and
elegance of the Latin; and the refinement, polish, and courtesy of the Spanish.

Of the Letters of the Filipinos.

All these islanders are much given to reading and writing, and there is hardly a
man, and much less a woman, who does not read and write in the letters used in the
island of Manila - which are entirely different from those of China, Japan, and India. This
will be seen from its alphabet, which is as follows:
 The three vowels serve as five.
  The consonants are only twelve.
 The letter alone with no point above or below it, is pronounced with the vowel–
sound A
 By placing the point above, each is pronounced with the vowel–sound E or I
 By placing the point below, they are pronounced with the vowel–sound O or U
By means of these characters, they easily make themselves understood and
convey their ideas marvellously, he who reads applying, with much skill and facility, the
consonants which are lacking. From us they have adopted the habit of writing from left
to right. Formerly they wrote from the top to the bottom placing the first line on the left...
and continuing the rest at the right, contrary to the custom of the Chinese and Japanese
- who although they write from top to bottom begin from the right and continue the page
to the left.
They used to write on reeds and palm-leaves, using as pen an iron point: now
they write their letters, as well as ours, with a sharpened quill, and, as we do, on paper.
They have learned our language and its pronunciation, and write it even better than we
do, for they are so clever that they Team anything with the greatest ease. I have had
letters written by themselves in very handsome and fluent style. In Tigbauan I had in my
school a very young boy, who using as model letters written to me in a very good
handwriting, learned in three months to write even better than I; and he copied for me
important documents faithfully, exactly, and without errors.

Of the Civilities, Terms of Courtesy, and Good Breeding Among the

Filipinos.

The Filipinos are not as ceremonious in their actions as are the Chinese and
Japanese; yet they have their politeness and good breeding, especially the Tagalogs,
who are very civil and courteous in word and action. Upon meeting one another, they
practise our custom of uncovering the head - not that they used hats, caps, or bonnets;
but they wore a piece of cloth like a towel, some three or four palmos long, which they
wound around the head in becoming fashion, like the ancient crowns or diadems. This
they removed, as they now do with the hat (sombrero), which they have adopted, in
imitation of us, abandoning the potong, as they called the towel or diadem which they
formerly wore. As among them, it is not a courtesy to remain standing before a person
whom they respect, they seat themselves upon the ground, or rather on their heel-
bones. Seated in this way, with hand uncovered and the potong thrown like a towel over
the left shoulder, they talk with their superiors.
The mode of salutation upon entering or meeting anyone is as follows: They
draw the body together and make a low reverence, raising one or both hands to the
face, and placing them upon the cheeks; they next sit down waiting for the question that
they may be put to them, for it is considered bad manners to speak before one is
spoken to. Their greatest courtesy is in their form of address; for they never speak to
one as "thou," or in the second person, whether singular or plural, but always use the
third person, saying for example, "Does the lord, or the chief, wish for this or that?"
There are many examples of this to be found in the Holy Scripture or sacred language,
and particularly in the Psalms. In the relations of man with woman, woman with man, or
woman with woman, they are very careful - even when they are quite equal, and, too,
among the middle class to use, after every important word, nothing but "my Lord" or "my
lady;" as, "My Lord, as I was coming up the river, I saw, my Lord," etc. This term and
pronoun are used as agreeable and even affectionate, even in the languages of much
greater importance, as Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, which are the three most venerable
tongues. In polite and affectionate intercourse they are very extravagant, addressing
letters to each other in terms of elaborate and delicate expressions of affection, and
neat turns of thought. As a result of this, they are much given to musical practice; and
although the guitar that they use, called kudyapi, is not very ingenious or rich in tone, it
is by no means agreeable, and to them is the most pleasing. They play it with such
vivacity and skill that they seem to make human voices issue from its four metallic
cords. We also have it on good authority that by merely playing these instruments they
can, without opening their lips, communicate with one another - a thing unknown of any
nation. The Bisayans are more rustic and less civil in manners, just as their language is
harsher and less polished. They have not so many terms of courtesy, as formerly they
had no letters until, a very few years ago, they borrowed theirs from the Tagalogs.

Concerning the False Heathen Religion, Idolatries, and Superstitions of

the Filipinos.

Although upon entering into the dark abyss of such blind idolatry I find a
disorderly confusion of the vilest and most abominable things worthy of its inventor,
although in examining the walls within this informal cave, I discovered an infinitude of
loathsome creatures, foul, obscene, truly damnable, it is my task, aided by the light of
truth, to reduce them to order, so that we upon opening our eyes find ourselves within
the light of truth, may offer praise to Almighty God, and have compassion for those who,
blinded by their ignorance, love and prize these things of darkness, and cannot open
their eyes to any light beyond. I shall speak first concerning the false heathen belief that
they hold concerning the divinity of their idols; second, of their priests and priestesses;
third, and last, of their sacrifices and superstitions. All their government and religion is
founded on tradition, and on custom introduced by the Devil himself, who spoke to them
through their idols and the ministers of these. They preserve it in songs, which they
know by. heart and learn when children, by hearing these sung when they are sailing or
tilling their fields, when they are rejoicing and holding feast, and especially, when they
are mourning their dead. In these barbarous songs they relate the fabulous genealogies
and vain deeds of their gods–among whom they set up one as the chief and superior of
them all.
This deity the Tagalogs call Bathala Mei capal, which means "God the creator or
maker;" the Bisayans call him Laon, which denotes antiquity. These songs relate the
creation of the world, the origin of the human race, the deluge, paradise, punishment,
and other invisible things, relating a thousand absurdities, varying much the form, some
telling it one way, others in another. To show better what lies and fables these all are,
there is one story that the first man and the first woman came from the knot of a cane
[bamboo] which burst off from its plant. After that, certain disputes resulted concerning
the marriage of the two, on account of the difficulties arising from the first degree of
blood- relationship, which among them is inviolable, and thought to be allowed only the
first time from the necessity of propagating mankind. In short they recognized an
invisible spirit, and another life; also demons, the enemies of men, of whom they were in
abject fear from the evils and dread which these caused them.
Their idolatry is an adoration and deification of their ancestors–especially of
those who distinguished themselves through valiant deeds, or cruelties, or obscene and
lewd acts. It is a general practice for anyone who could successfully do to attribute
divinity to his old father when the latter died. The old men themselves died with this
illusion and deception imputing to their illness and death and to all their actions a
seriousness and import, in their estimation, divine. Consequently they chose as
sepulchre some celebrated spot, like one which I saw on the shore of the sea between
Dulac and Abuyo, in the island of Leite. This man directed that he should be placed
there in his coffin (which was done), in a solitary house remote from any order to be
recognized as the god of sailors, who would offer worship and commend village,
themselves to him. There was another, who had caused himself to be buried in a certain
place among the mountains of Antipolo; and out of reverence to him no one dared to
cultivate them, fearing that he who should go thither might meet his death. In memory of
these departed ones, they keep their little idols, some of stone, wood, bone, ivory, or a
cayman's teeth; others of gold. They call these Larawan, which signifies "idol," or
"statue;" and in their necessities they have recourse to these, offering to them
barbarous sacrifices.
They also worshipped, like the Egyptians, animals and birds; and, like the
Assyrians, the sun and moon; they attributed moreover, a sort of divinity to the rainbow.
The Tagalogs adored a blue bird, as large as a thrush, and called it Bathala,
which was among them a form of divinity. They also worshipped the crow (as the
ancients worshipped the god Pan and the goddess Ceres). It bore the name Mei lupa,
which signifies "master of the soil. They held the cayman in the utmost veneration: and,
whenever they made any statement about when they described it in the water, they
called it Nono, which means "grandfather." They softly and tenderly besought it not to
harm them: and to this end offered it a part of what they carried in their boats, casting
the offerings into the water. There was no old tree to which they did hot attribute divinity;
and it was a sacrilege to cut such a tree for any purpose. What more did they adore?
The very stones, cliffs, and reefs, and the headlands of the shores of the sea or the
rivers; and they made some offering when they pass by these, going to the stone or
rock, and placing the offering upon it. In the island of Mindanao between La Canela and
the river (i.e. No Grande), a great promontory projects from a rugged and steep coast.
When passing by this headland, the natives, as it was so steep, offered their arrows,
discharging them with such force that they penetrated the rock itself. This they did as a
sacrifice that a safe passage might be accorded them. I saw with my own eves that
although the Spaniards, in hatred of so accursed a superstition, had set a great many of
these arrows on fire and burned them, those still remaining. and those recently planted
in the rock numbered, in less than a year, more than four thousand arrows; they
certainly seemed as many as that, to all of us who passed that point. Besides these,
they had a thousand other superstitions. If they beheld a serpent or lizard, or heard
anyone sneeze, they always retrace their steps, and on no account go further at that
time, for such an occurrence would be an evil omen.

Of Marriages, Dowries, and Divorces Among the Filipinos.

I lived in the Philippines for almost ten years before I learned that there was any
man who had married several wives; and I did not know it until I went to the islands of
Ibabao and Leite, for in Manila, Mindoro, and Panai, I had not observed the practice of
such a custom. I had, however, been once told by a Spaniard that in a certain part of
Mindanao, toward Dapitan, it was the custom for the Bisayan women (the inhabitants of
Mindanao also are Bisayans) to marry two husbands; the practice of having several
wives I understood, belong only to the Mahometans who dwell in Mindanao and Brunei.
It is certainly, however, not a general custom in the Philippines to marry more than one
wife; and even in the districts where this is done the practice is by no means general.
The most common and general usage is to marry one woman. The Bisayans always try
to procure a wife from their own class, and closely connected with them in relationship.
The Tagalogs do not insist so much on this latter point; they are satisfied if the wife be
not of inferior rank. As I have already stated, in neither race is any impediment
considered than the first degree of kindred. Uncle and niece marry as readily as do first
cousins; but brother and sister, grandfather and granddaughter, or father and daughter,
can in no case marry. There is a marked distinction between concubinage and wedlock;
because the latter, besides consent, has its own ceremony, as we shall later see. For
marriage, moreover, they have distinct formalities of bethrothal, which are accompanied
by conventional penalties, most rigorously executed. Here is an example: Si Apai
promises to marry CaiPolosin; these married persons make an agreement with another
married pair, while the wives are with child that if the wombs of their respective wives
should bear a male and a female those two children shall be joined in marriage, under a
penalty of ten gold taes. This compact is solemnized by a feast, where they eat, drink,
and become intoxicated; and he who later is the occasion of breaking the compact must
pay the penalty. This is bethrothal. In the marriage there figures a dowry, and the
surrender of the woman, with consent for the present, but not perpetual. It is not the
wife, but the husband, who gives her the dowry - an amount agreed upon, fixed in
accordance with his means. This is what some authors relate of various nations, which
were accustomed to purchase women as their wives. In addition to the dowry the
husband is wont to make presents to the parents and relatives - more or less, according
to his means.... The marriage lasted no longer than did peace between them; for they
are divorced on the slightest occasion. If the cause of divorce is unjust, and the man
parts from his wife, he loses the dowry; if it is she who leaves him, she must restore the
dowry to him. But if the man has a just cause for divorce, and leaves her, his dowry
must be restored to him; if in such case the wife leaves him, she retains the dowry. For
the husband, the adultery of his wife is sufficient grounds for divorce; for the woman,
just cause for divorce is more limited. In case of divorce, the children are divided equally
between the two, without distinction of sex; thus, if they are in two numbers, one falls to
the father and one to the mother; and in a state of slavery the same thing occurs when
husband and wife belong to different masters. If two persons own one slave, the same
division is made; for half belongs to each, and his services belong to both alike. These
same modes of marriage and divorce are in use among who marry two or three wives.
The man is not obliged to marry them all in one day; and, even after having one wife for
- indeed, like the Mohametans as many as he can support ... many years, he may take
another, and yet another

The Manner Which the Filipinas Had of Shrouding and Burying their
Dead.

The first and last concern of the Filipinos in cases of sickness was to offer some
sacrifices to their anitos, or diwatas, which were their gods. These sacrifices were
offered with dancing to the sound of the bell; and it would happen as I have sometimes
heard, that in the most furious part of the dance and the bell - ringing, when the
catalona or bailana was exerting more force, all at once she stopped at the death of the
sick person. After the death there followed new music, the dirges .and lamentations,
which were also sung, accompanied by weeping, not only by the mourners but by
others – the former on account of their sorrow and grief; the latter for their wages and
profit, for they were hired for this purpose, as is and has been the custom among other
nations of greater reputation. To the sound of this sad music they washed the body of
the dead person, performing it with the gum of the storax-tree and other aromatics
which they are wont to use, cloth it in the best garments which the dead man
possessed; then, after having kept and mourned over it for three days, they buried it.
Others anointed the body with aromatic balsams which prevent corruption, especially
with the juice of a sort of ivy which grows there abundantly, and is truly a very valuable
drug, which they call buyo. It is very pungent, and for the living a notable stimulant, also
strengthening the teeth, hardening the gums, and sweetening the breath. Consequently,
both Spaniards and Indians make much -use of it, and always carry it in their mouth, as
they use the coca on Peru. With the juice of this plant, then, they anointed the dead
body, and so injected it through the mouth that it penetrated the whole body. Thus
prepared, many bodies have been found uncorrupted after a lapse of many years; but
they did not place the corpses in the earth, but in their dwellings, enclosed in coffins of
the hardest wood, incorruptible, and with the cover so fitted that it was impossible for
the air to enter. Moreover, they placed gold in the mouths of the corpses, and laid with
them many articles of values; and thus they buried them, under the house, richly
adorned, and with the corpse another chest, containing garments. Besides this, they
usually were careful to carry to the burial various viands, which they left there for the
dead person. In former times, they would not let them depart to the other world alone,
but gave male and female slaves to accompany the dead. These slaves, having first
eaten a hearty meal, were immediately killed, that they might go with the dead man. It
once happened that they buried with a chief a vessel manned by many rowers, who
were to serve him in his voyage to the other world. The usual place of burial was the
dead man's own house, at least on the lower part were a great pit was dug, in which the
coffin was placed. A small railing was constructed about the pit, and, leaving it open,
they placed inside the food which they brought. Others buried their bodies in the open
field, and for several days burned fires beneath their houses and set guards, so that the
dead man might not return and carry away with him those whom he had left.
After the burial, mourning ceased, but not the feasting and intoxication, which
lasted for more or less time according to the rank of the deceased. The widow or
widower, and the orphans and other relatives who felt most keenly their grief, expressed
their sorrow by fasting, abstaining meat, fish, and other viands–eating during this period
only vegetables, and those in very small quantities. Among the Tagalogs the color for
mourning is black, and among the Bisayans white. The latter also tear out their hair and
eyebrows, which makes them ugly indeed. Upon the death of a chief, silence must be
observed in the village during the period of mourning until the interdict was raised a
longer or shorter time, according to his rank; and during that time no sound of a blow or
other noise might be heard in any house under penalty of some misfortune. In order to
secure this quietness, the village on the coast placed a sign on the banks of the river,
giving notice that no one might travel, on that stream, or enter or leave it, under penalty
of death - which they forcibly inflicted, with the utmost cruelty, upon whomsoever should
break this silence. Those who, died in war were extolled in their dirges, and in the
obsequies which were celebrated at the sacrifices made to or for them lasted for a long
time, accompanied by much feasting and intoxication. If the deceased had met death by
violence, whether in war or in peace, by treachery, or in some other way, the mourning
habits were not removed, or the interdict lifted, until the sons, brothers, or relatives had
killed many others - not only of the enemies and murderers, but also other persons,
strangers, whoever they might be, who were not their friends. As robbers and pirates,
they scoured the land and sea, going to hunt men and killing all of whom they could,
until they had satiated their fury. When this was done, they made a great feast for
invited guests, raised the interdict, and, in due time, abandoned their mourning.

Of Feasting and Intoxication Among the Filipinos.

The time for their feast, wherein they ate and drank to excess (and they drank
too much, much more than they ate), upon occasions of illness, death, and mourning.
Such was also their custom at bethrothals, weddings, and sacrifices, and with guests
and visitors. Upon all these occasions there was not a door closed against anyone who
might desire to go to drink with them - for they designate a feast by the term "drinking,"
not "eating." In the feast which they held upon occasions of sacrifice, they went to place
at one side of the table, a plate upon which he who chose would throw, by way of
religious ceremony, some mouthful of food, which he refrained from eating out of
respect to the anito. They eat, sitting in a low position; and their tables are small, low,
and round or square in shape, without covering or napkins. The plates containing the
victuals being placed on the table itself. They eat in groups of sufficient number to
surround the tables and guests drinking. The food is placed altogether upon various
plates, and they have no hesitation in putting the hands of all into the same dish, or in
drinking out of the same vessel. They eat but little, drink often, and spend much time in
the feast. When they are satiated with food and intoxicated with the drink, they remove
the tables and clear the house; and, if the feast is not one of mourning, they sing, play
musical instruments, dance, and in this way, spend days and nights, with great uproar
and shouting - until finally they fall, exhausted and drowsy. But they are never seen to
become, in their intoxication, so frenzied or crazed that they commit excesses; on the
contrary, they preserve, in the main, their ordinary conduct, and even under the
influence of wine, act with as much respect and prudence as before, although they are
naturally more lively and talkative, and utter witty remarks. It is proverbial among us that
none of them, upon leaving the feast late at night in a state of intoxication, fails to reach
his home. Moreover, if they have occasion to buy or sell anything, they not only make
no mistake in the bargaining, but if it be necessary to weigh the gold or silver for the
price (which is the common usage among those nations, each person carrying for that
purpose a small pair of scales in his wallet), they do it with such accuracy that the hand
never trembles, nor is there any error in the weight.

Of Usury and Slavery Among the Filipinos.

 Among other vicious practices common to these natives and proceeding from
that fountain and abyss of evil, idolatry, one was that insatiable cupidity mentioned by
the evangelist St. John as one of the three which tyrannize over the world. This caused
them, forgetful of that natural compassion which we owe to one another, never to lend
succor in cases of need without assurance of profit. Consequently, whenever they made
loans (not of money which they did not use or possess, but other things, most
commonly rice, bęlls, and gold - this last more than all else, for when weighed it took the
place of money, for which purpose every one carried in his pouch a balance), they must
always agree upon the profit which should be paid in addition to the sum that they were-
to lend. But the evil did not stop here, for the profit or gain itself went on increasing with
the delay of making payment–until finally, in the course of time, it exceeded all the
possessions of the debtor. The debt was then charged to his person, which the poor
wretch gave, thus becoming a slave; and from that time forth all his descendants were
also slaves. There was another form of this usury and slavery, by which the debtor or
his son must remain from that time a slave, until the debt, with all the usury and interest
which were customary among them, was repaid. As a result of this, all the descendants
of him who was either a debtor or security for the debt, remained slaves. Slaves were
also made through tyranny and cruelty, by way of revenue and punishment for offenses
of small account, which were made to appear matters of injury. Examples of these are:
failure to preserve the silence of the dead or happening to pass in front of a chief who
was bathing, and other similar oppressions. They also captured slaves in war by means
of ambuscades and attacks, keeping as much all those whom they did not wish to kill.
Since these cruelties were so usual among them, and, on the other hand, the poor are
commonly oppressed by the powerful, it was easy to increase the number of slaves.
Consequently they used to have, and still do have, a very large number of slaves, which
among them is the greatest of riches.

The Manner in Which Names are Conferred Among the Filipinos.

When a child is born, it is the mother's duty to give it a name; and whatever
appellations she gives it must remain its name. The names are most often conferred on
account of certain - as, for example Malivag, which means "difficult," because the child's
birth was such; Malacas, which signifies "man of strength," because the mother thinks
that the child will be strong, or desires that it be so. At other times they name it, without
any symbolism or special reason, by the first word which occurs to them - as, for
example, Daan, which signifies "road;" Babui, which means "pig;" or "Manug," which
signifies "fowl." All persons are called by- these names from birth, without using
surnames until they married. The first-born son or daughter then gives his or her name
to the parents; for until they die they call the father AmaniCoan, "father of So-and so,"
and the mother InaniCoan, "mother of So-and so." The names of the women are
distinguished from those of the men by adding "in." Thus while the name of a man and
of a circumstances woman may be practically the same, that of the man is left intact,
and "to the woman's is added You sent Today at 3:33 PM the (termination) "in;" for
example, Ilog (which means "river") being the name of two persons of different sex, the
man is called log, the woman Illoguin. In naming children they use diminutives; just as
we do; but in order not to exceed the limits of my narrative, or to enter those of
grammar, I shall not enumerate these, or the other appellations more personal, more
intimate, or more elegant, which those people use for nearly all the degrees of
relationship.

Self-assessment:
1. What were the significant ancient customs of the Tagalogs indicated in the
readings?
2. Do you think the abovementioned customs were still present today? If yes, name
a few.

References:
De Viana, A. & Picadizo, Ma. V. (2018). "Pahiwatig. A Guide for Understanding Readings in
Philippine History." Books Atbp. Publishing Corp.
2Fr. Pedro Chirino, "Relacion de las Islas Filipinas," Blair and Robertson, The Philippine
Islands, Vol. XII, pp. 212-213.
Blair and Robertson, ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 302-305.
Blair and Robertson, ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 308-310
Blair and Robertson, ibid., Vol. XIII, pp. 56-57.
Blair and Robertson, ibid., Vol. XIII, pp. 200-202.
Blair and Robertson, ibid., Vol. MI, pp. 235-239.
Blair and Robertson, ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 240-241.
Blair and Robertson, ibid., Vol. XII, pp 242-244.
Blair and Robertson,ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 262-267.
Blair and Robertson, ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 293-295.
Also Zaide, Documentary Sources of Phil History Vol. 2 Document 131 pp. 383 – 387