Hungarian Historical Review 2, no.

2 (2013): 261–287

György Rácz

The Congress of Visegrád in 1335:

Diplomacy and Representation*

The Congress of Visegrád, held in 1335, was one of the outstanding diplomatic events in
Central Europe in the fourteenth century. The present study, after outlining the general
historical developments which characterized the kingdoms involved, namely Bohemia,
Hungary and Poland, in the early decades of the fourteenth century, retraces the
immediate preliminaries of the diplomatic summit, before all the efforts at eliminating
the political and territorial conflicts which opposed Poland and Bohemia on the one
hand, and Poland and the Teutonic order on the other hand, through the mediation of
Charles I of Hungary, the senior ranking ruler of the region. The study examines all
the chief agreements concluded during the conference, on the basis of all the available
charters and the narrative sources, carefully accounting for the differences of viewpoints
which characterize the narratives of chroniclers from the various countries. It comes to
the conclusion that, contrary to Hungarian historiography, although the conference did
have a commercial aspect, it was certainly not the main thrust of the events at Visegrád.
Finally, the study makes an effort at establishing, upon the amounts of food consumed,
the number of the respective retinues of the Polish and Czech rulers, and thereby
determine whether the numbers involved could be regarded as average or whether they
implied a conscious show of strength on the part of the two kings.

Keywords: Fourteenth-century diplomacy, Central European politics, princely retinues

The Congress of Visegrád was by far the biggest diplomatic event that took
place in Central Europe in the first half of the fourteenth century.1 In the
following pages we offer a summary of the events, based on the narrative and
documentary sources, and make an effort at establishing the respective numbers
of the Czech and Polish delegations.

*  The present study is the revised version of: György Rácz, The Congress of Visegrád, in Visegrád 1335,
ed. György Rácz (Budapest: International Visegrád Fund, 2009), 17–80.
1  A realistic assessment of the congress on the Hungarian side is Pál Engel, “Visegrádi kongresszus”
[The Visegrád Congress], in Korai magyar történeti lexikon (9–14. század) [Encyclopedia of Early Hungarian
History (Ninth–Fourteenth Centuries)], ed. Gyula Kristó (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1994), 732–33.

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Hungarian Historical Review 2, no. 2 (2013): 261–287

The picturesque little town of Visegrád is located in the largest bend of

the river Danube. The historical sources unanimously testify that here, in the
autumn of 1335, the leaders of Central European kingdoms held an international
conference, a so-called royal summit, in order to resolve international disputes.
The meeting was held in the court of the Hungarian King Charles I of Anjou,
the actual initiator of the conference. The upper castle on the hilltop was built
during the reign of King Béla IV to provide a line of defence in the event of
a new Mongol invasion. The strategic significance of this location led to the
extension of the upper castle with a massive keep by the Danube, as well as
the construction of a fortified wall that connected the upper and lower castles,
turning the hillside into a formidable system of fortifications.
Interestingly enough, the Slavic origin of the name Visegrád (meaning “high
castle”) does not refer to what is now the upper castle but to an older one built on
a hill farther north. What was once a Roman fort later became an ispán’s castle,
which the local Slavs called “high castle,” a name retained by the Hungarians
even after the building’s dilapidation. Populated by German settlers, the village
at the foot of the hill rapidly developed into a town in the second half of the
fourteenth century, shortly after King Charles I of Anjou had relocated his
seat from Temesvár (Timişoara, Romania) to Visegrád in 1323 and defeated his
oligarchic opposition. It was here that the central court and the administration
were established. The harmony of landscape and architecture that evolved at the
foot of the hill inspired Charles of Anjou to envision what would become one
of Central Europe’s most significant royal seats in the fourteenth century. The
excavation of the buildings of the royal court destroyed under Ottoman rule
has been ongoing since 1934. Archaeologists have uncovered the foundations of
the palace built by the Angevins, where an assassination was attempted against
Charles I in 1330. By 1335 the castle and the town were able to accommodate
the Bohemian King John of Luxemburg, his son and heir Charles, Count of
Moravia, Casimir III (the Great) of Poland, Prince Rudolf of Saxony and
Boleslaw III, Duke of Silesia, representatives of the Order of Teutonic Knights
as well as their entourage for over an entire month.2
2  The most recent literature on the town, the castle and the palace: László Iván, A visegrádi vár története a
kezdetektől 1685-ig [The History of the Castle of Visegrád from the Beginnings to 1685] (Visegrád: Magyar
Nemzeti Múzeum Mátyás király Múzeuma, 2004), especially 24, 37; Lajos Bozóki, “A fellegvár leírása és
építéstörténete” [The Description and Construction History of the Citadel], in A visegrádi fellegvár [The
Citadel of Visegrád], ed. Gergely Buzás (Visegrád: Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum Mátyás király Múzeuma,
2004), 7–25; Orsolya Mészáros, A késő középkori Visegrád város története és helyrajza [The History and
Topography of the Late Medieval Town of Visegrád] (Visegrád: Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum Mátyás király

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In order to understand the reasons that led to the royal summit one needs
to study the circumstances of the respective countries at the beginning of
the fourteenth century. Although the spread of the Black Death and other
epidemics in this period in a sense marked the closure of the Middle Ages in
Western Europe, the culture of chivalry was at that time still in full bloom.
The fourteenth-century history of the three Central European kingdoms,
Bohemia, Poland, and Hungary, features a time of progress and development
reflected in similar ways in each country. At the beginning of the century all
three neighboring kingdoms had been experiencing frictions and social unrest.
By the second half of the century the three leaders had managed to resolve
internal conflicts and build up strong countries. In Bohemia and Hungary the
old dynasties had died out almost simultaneously at the beginning of the 1300s,
while in Poland, Władisław Łokietek – who belonged to one of the branches of
the Piast dynasty – ascended to the throne. The demanding tasks that all three
countries were about to face influenced as a matter of fact their relationship to
one another. Władisław Łokietek I, Prince of Krakow (1306–1320), succeeded
in unifying the fractured Polish territories and made himself king upon the
approval of the pope in 1320, thus re-making the Kingdom of Poland (ruled
from 1320 to 1333). In Hungary, once the lineage of the Árpád dynasty ended
in 1301, Charles of Anjou (1301–1342) came to the throne and, like Łokietek,
commenced his reign with dedication and a gift for leadership. The rulers of
Poland and Hungary supported each other in their struggles against the oligarchs
in their own territories, and this alliance would remain one of the pillars of
Central European politics throughout the fourteenth century.3

Múzeuma, 2009), 19–27; Gergely Buzás, “A visegrádi királyi palota története” [The History of the Royal
Palace at Visegrád], in A visegrádi királyi palota, ed. Gergely Buzás and Krisztina Orosz (Budapest: Magyar
Nemzeti Múzeum Mátyás király Múzeuma, 2010), 11–17.
3  On the contemporary situation of the three countries and their political history, I have used the
following basic works, to which I make no reference henceforth: Paul W. Knoll, The Rise of the Polish
Monarchy: Piast Poland in East Central Europe, 1320–1370 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago
Press, 1972); Stanisław Szczur, Historia Polski: Średniowiecze [The History of Poland: The Middle Ages]
(Krakow: Wydawnictwo Literackie, 2002); Pál Engel, The Realm of St Stephen. A History of Medieval Hungary,
895–1526 (London–New York: I.B. Tauris, 2001), 130–34, 136–37. On the details of Hungarian domestic
policies, see Pál Engel, “Az ország újraegyesítése. I. Károly küzdelmei az oligarchák ellen (1310–1323)”
[The Reunification of the Country. The Struggles of Charles I against the Oligarchs], Századok 122 (1988):
89–144. A modern, balanced survey on the reign of Charles I is Enikő Csukovits, Az Anjouk Magyarországon
I. I. Károly és uralkodása (1301–1342) [The Angevins in Hungary I. Charles I and His Reign] (Budapest: MTA
BTK Történettudományi Intézet, 2012).

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With the end of the Bohemian Přemyslid dynasty in 1306, the rival of
the Angevins, John of Luxemburg (1310–1346), ascended to the throne of
Bohemia, which brought about stability in Czech–Hungarian relations as well.
One indication of this is that Charles of Anjou, having suffered the untimely
loss of his first two wives, married Beatrice of Luxemburg, sister of the king
of Bohemia, in 1317. The death of Beatrice in 1319, however, put an early
end to this marriage. Because John did not have any more sisters to marry,
Charles resorted to asking his other neighbor, the Polish king, for a fiancée. His
marriage with Elizabeth, daughter of the newly crowned Władisław Łokietek,
in 1320 forged a strong alliance between Hungary and Poland. At the same
time, King John provided further support to Charles’s campaign against Máté
Csák, his major adversary – a favor Charles did not let go unreturned. With
the subsequent worsening of Hungarian–Austrian relations, the ties between
the two kings strengthened, thanks to the long-standing animosity between the
Luxemburgs and the Habsburgs.4
Charles’s good relations with both countries were eclipsed, however, by the
enmity between the Bohemians and the Poles. One of the causes of this conflict
lies in the Luxemburgs’ claim to the Polish throne, who in this regard simply
stepped into the shoes of their Přemyslid predecessors. According to the rules
of contemporary international relations, such a claim was legally justifiable and
involved the whole heritage of Wenceslas III (1305–1306). The realization of
this goal, however, was hindered by the unsuccessful campaign of the Bohemian
king on the one hand, and by the diplomatic policies of the Angevins, who
supported Łokietek, on the other. As a result, John of Luxemburg reduced his
claim to Greater Poland and yielded Pomerania to the Teutonic Order. The
Piasts had intended to lay claim to Silesia, a one-time Polish territory, but by
the beginning of the fourteenth century the majority of the Silesian rulers were
already under the overlordship of the Luxemburgs.
After the death of Władisław Łokietek I in 1333, his son Casimir III
ascended to the throne, which breathed new life into the relations of the three
countries. Once in power, Casimir launched himself into the task of sorting
out matters left to him by his father. Poland was not only burdened by the
feud with the Luxemburgs but also by territorial disputes with the Teutonic
Order. With the new king on the Polish throne, John of Luxemburg also took
an interest in improving Bohemian–Polish relations, for he was in search of an

4  On the marriages and family relations of Charles I in general see Csukovits, Az Anjouk 109–13.

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ally against his long-time enemies, the Austrians and Emperor Louis of Bavaria,
with whom he had disputes over the heritage of Henry, Duke of Carinthia.
In 1334, in order to settle the dispute over the Polish territories, the parties
involved decided to choose arbiters: the Polish king appointed Charles of Anjou,
while the Teutonic Order appointed John of Luxemburg.5 This move served as
a platform for the subsequent peace process. The Hungarian king—who, after
the death of Łokietek, became the ranking ruler of the region—set to the task
with great zeal and mediated between the old Bohemian king and the young
Polish ruler. Chief among his motives was his long-term goal to lay claim to the
Polish throne for the Angevin dynasty. With Hungary in the role of mediator,
the conference at Visegrád thus marked the closure of a two-year process of
diplomatic negotiations between Bohemia and Poland on the one hand, and
Poland and the Teutonic Order on the other. The mechanism of diplomatic
preparations seems to have been engineered from Visegrád, which meant the
constant coming and going of deputies to maintain contact and secure the flow
of information.6
As a first step Casimir signed a one-year ceasefire with Charles, Margrave
of Moravia and son of the Bohemian King John, at Sandomir on May 28, 1335.
In the treaty he included King Charles of Hungary along with two Polish dukes
as bails to confirm the peace treaty with their charters.7 Afterwards, on August
5  May 15, 1334: Casimir, King of Poland, having taken the counsel of his barons listed, acknowledges
King Charles of Hungary on his part, and John King of Bohemia on the part of the Teutonic Order,
as arbiters elected to judge in and terminate his dispute with the said Order. Codex diplomaticus Prussicus.
Urkunden-Sammlung zur ältern Geschichte Preussens aus dem Königl. Geheimen Archiv zu Königsberg nebst regesten, vol.
2, ed. Johannes Voigt (Königsberg: Bornträger, 1842), 194–95. See also: Das virtuelle Preußische Urkundenbuch.
Regesten und Texte zur Geschichte Preußens und des Deutschen Ordens. 2.842 Accessed September 5, 2013, http://
www.uni-hamburg.de/Landesforschung/pub/orden1334.html.
6  On Polish diplomatics see also Stanislaw Szczur, “Dyplomaci Kazimierza Wielkiego w Awinionie”
[The Diplomacy of Casimir the Great in Avignon], Nasza Przeszlosc 66 (1986): 43–106; Idem, “A lengyel
diplomáciai testület Nagy Kázmér korában” [The Polish Diplomatic Corps in the Age of Casimir the
Great], in Visegrád 1335. Tudományos tanácskozás a visegrádi királytalálkozó 650. évfordulóján. Visegrád 1985.
szeptember 30–október 1, ed. József Köblös (Budapest: Pest Megyei Levéltár, 1988), 97–102.
7  Original: Národni archív, Praha [National Archives, Prague], AČK, Inv. Nr. 162. Accessed September
5, 2013, http://www.mom-ca.uni-koeln.de/mom/CZ-NA/ACK/162/charter; published edition: Codex
diplomaticus Hungariae ecclesiasticus ac civilis, 11 vols., ed. György Fejér (Budae: Typis typogr. Regiae Universitatis
Ungaricae, 1829–1844), vol. VIII/4, 62–65; Regesta diplomatica nec non epistolaria Bohemiae et Moraviae, 4 vols.,
eds. Karol Jaromir Erben and Joseph Emler (Prague: Typis Gregerianis, 1855–1892) (hereafter: RBM),
vol. IV, 62–63 (no. 164); Codex Diplomaticus Silesiae. Regesten zur Schlesischen Geschichte 1334–1337, vol. 29,
ed. Konrad Wutke (Breslau: Hirt, 1922), 48 (no. 5459); Rudolf Koss, Arhiv Koruny Ceské. 2. Katalog listin z
let 1158–1346 [The Archives of the Czech Crown. Catalogue of the Charters from the Years 1158–1346]
(Prague: Zemsky Správný Výbor, 1928) 140–41 (no. 176) with the data of previous editions.

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24, John’s and Casimir’s deputies met in the Hungarian town of Trencsén
(Trenčín, Slovakia). Casimir authorized his deputies to follow the advice of
the representatives of the Hungarian king throughout the peace process. The
deputies also had the right to assume financial responsibilities on behalf of
the king up to 30,000 silver marks. The Polish politicians were well aware that
reimbursement of the financially unstable Bohemian king would be the key to
the solution. After all, with the exception of the financial aspect, the other points
of the peace treaty, which revolved around the Bohemian king’s claims to the
Kingdom of Poland, had already been clarified. Consequently, King John, along
with his son, waived his rights concerning Poland, while the Polish king gave up
his claim to overlordship over Bohemian-governed Silesia and Masovia (Plock).
The agreement was documented in a charter issued by the representatives of
Casimir and sealed by their own seals, upon the promissory note that the Polish
king would confirm it as well.8 With that, the Bohemian delegation went to the
Hungarian royal court in Visegrád, where the Bohemian–Hungarian agreement
was soon signed. The copy, dated September 3 and issued and sealed by the
Hungarian king, has survived in the Czech royal archives.9
The time was now ripe for the commencement of the negotiations
between the arbiters and for the meeting of the three kings. At the beginning
of November 1335, the 47-year-old Hungarian King Charles of Anjou invited
and hosted his brother-in-law and ally, the 25-year-old Polish King Casimir III,
the 39-year-old Bohemian King John of Luxemburg, along with his 19-year-old
son Charles, Margrave of Moravia (the future Emperor Charles IV), and a great
number of Polish, Silesian, and German princes as part of their delegations, as

8  Original lost. Published edition: Johann Peter von Ludewig, Reliqviae manvscriptorvm omnis aevi, diplomatvm
ac monvmentorvm, ineditorvm adhvc (Frankfurt: n.p., 1723), vol. V, 599. Following him: Codex diplomaticus et
epistolaris Moraviae: Urkunden-Sammlung zur Geschichte Mährens, vols. VII/1–2 (1334–1349), ed. Joseph Chytil
(Brünn: Winiker & Schickardt, 1858–1860), 56–57; Lehns- und Besitzurkunden Schlesiens und seiner einzelnen
Fürstenthümer im Mittelalter, 2 vols., eds. Colmar Grünhagen and Hermann Markgraf (Leipzig: Verlag von S.
Hirzel, 1881), vol. 1, no. 1; Hungarian abstract: Anjou-kori oklevéltár [Charters of Angevin Hungary] 32 vols,
eds. Tibor Almási et al. (Budapest–Szeged: n.p., 1990–2012), vol. XIX, 234–35 (no. 523).
9  Original: Národni archív, Praha, AČK, Inv. Nr. 167. Accessed September 5, 2013, http://www.mom-
ca.uni-koeln.de/mom/CZ-NA/ACK/167/charter. (Photocopy: Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár Országos
Levéltára [Hungarian National Archives], Diplomatikai Fényképgyűjtemény [Collection of Photocopies,
DF] 287 457). The latest edition is: Visegrád 1335, ed. György Rácz (Bratislava: International Visegrad
Found, 2009) 83–85 (with English, Czech, Hungarian, Polish and Slovak translations of all the charters
published in that volume). Earlier editions: RBM, vol. IV, 78–79 (no. 202); Codex Diplomaticus Silesiae, 57 (no.
5499); Koss, Arhiv Koruny České, no. 180; Hungarian abstract: Anjou-kori oklevéltár, vol. XIX, no. 539 (with
the information on earlier editions).

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well as the representatives of the Teutonic Order, for over three to four weeks.
Contemporary chroniclers soon realized the significance of this event and
reported on it in several accounts in all the countries involved. These documents
typically highlight one aspect of the event while leaving others in the background.
In contemporary Czech historiography, represented by the Chronicle of
Francis of Prague, compiled in the first half of the fourteenth century, the
attitude is illustrated by the very title of its relevant chapter: “How the King
of Bohemia Alienated Poland.” The author answered the question in the
following way. The king of Bohemia, in the company of his firstborn, Charles,
and several noblemen, went peacefully to Hungary and visited its king, Charles.
There he spent three weeks, in the course of which they mutually preserved the
fidelity and concord which existed between them, and confirmed them by oath,
whereupon the king of Bohemia and his retinue returned to his kingdom, loaded
with gifts. He took with him to Prague Casimir, already king of Poland, to whom
he had sold Poland for twenty thousand marks in the presence of the king of
Hungary. Here the Polish king spent several days, seeing many honors lavished
upon him, and then returned home, where he proclaimed the happy news of
having obtained the right and title to the Kingdom of Poland. While still in
Hungary, these three kings had sworn a mutual alliance against all princes (contra
omnes principes). Part of this alliance was a promise that the daughter of the Polish
king would be given in marriage to the brother-in-law of the king of Bohemia,
namely the five-year-old son of Henry, duke of Bavaria, who was called John.10
Charles of Luxemburg, Margrave of Moravia and later Holy Roman Emperor,
offers an account of the congress in his autobiographies, which amounts to
a contemporary report on the event, given that he attended it in person. No
wonder he does not go into details about the formalities of hospitality, nor does
he provide insight into the dynamics of the talks; yet it comes rather as a surprise
that he emphasizes the Bohemian–Polish–Hungarian alliance only, without
discussing the arbitration process. In his work he mentions that his father was
already in Visegrád when he arrived; he then goes on to explicate the above-
mentioned familial relationships among the rulers, and finally describes the roots
of the Bohemian–Polish dispute.11 It is worth citing his text verbatim: “After this

10  Chronicon Francisci Pragensis / Kronika Františka Pražského, ed. Jana Zachová, Fontes rerum Bohemicarum,
series nova, vol. 1 (Prague: Nadace Patriae, 1997) 159–160.
11  Karoli IV Imperatoris Romanorum Vita ab eo ipso conscripta et Hystoria Nova de Sancto Wenceslao Martyre.
Autobiography of Emperor Charles IV and his Legend of St. Wenceslas, eds. Balázs Nagy and Frank Schaer, Central
European Medieval Texts (Budapest: CEU Press, 2001), 80–83.

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had taken place, we took the road to Hungary to our father, whom we found in
Visegrád on the Danube with King Charles I. This king had earlier been married
to the sister of our father, but she had died, and now he was married to the sister
of King Casimir of Krakow, with whom he fathered three sons: the first was
Louis, the second Andrew, the third Stephen. In that place King Charles brought
about a peace between our father and the king of Krakow, by the terms of which
our father renounced the rights belonging to him over Lesser Poland, namely
Gniezno and Kalisz and the other provinces of Lesser Poland. To our father
and the kingdom of Bohemia the king of Krakow renounced in perpetuity for
himself and his successors, the kings of Lesser Poland, all his claims to all the
duchies of Silesia and Opole and the city of Wrocław. There had previously
been dissension between them because our grandfather, King Wenceslas II of
Bohemia, held the aforementioned Lesser Poland and the duchies of Krakow and
Sandomierz, having married the only daughter of Przemysł, the king of Lesser
Poland and duke of Krakow and Sandomierz. On his death this Przemysł gave
his kingdom along with the duchies which he possessed to our grandfather and
the crown of the kingdom of Bohemia in perpetuity. But the aforementioned
Casimir was the princess’s uncle and said that he held the right to the kingdom
of Lesser Poland, asserting that a woman did not have the right to inherit the
kingdom. And thus for a long time war had continued between the kings of
Bohemia and Casimir and his deceased father Władisław, who were the kings
of Krakow or Lesser Poland. It was thus that this war was brought to an end by
the mediation of the aforementioned king of Hungary. In this he allied himself
and promised to aid our father against the duke of Austria, who had taken the
duchy of Carinthia from our brother, and against the aforementioned Louis [ie.
Wittelsbach]. The following princes were allied together: our father, the king of
Hungary, and Duke Henry of Bavaria, who was married to our sister.”12
The fifteenth-century Polish chronicler Jan Długosz highlights this other
aspect of the congress in his account: the actual reason why the kings gathered
together in Visegrád had been to settle the dispute over those Polish territories
seized by the Teutonic Knights. While he thus captured the essence of the event,
he provided the text of the charter of peace as well: “When the time approaches

12  Hungarian translation and comments: Balázs Nagy, “Magyar vonatkozások Luxemburgi Károly
önéletrajzában” [Hungarian Aspects in the Autobiography of Charles of Luxemburg], in Auxilium historiae:
tanulmányok a hetvenesztendős Bertényi Iván tiszteletére [Auxilium Historiae: Studies in Honor of Iván Bertényi
on his Seventieth Birthday], eds. Tamás Körmendi and Gábor Thoroczkay (Budapest: ELTE BTK, 2009),
227–29.

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for the royal arbitrators to pronounce judgment, the two kings agree to meet in
Wyszehrad (!) Castle on St. Elizabeth’s Day and there deliver judgment. King
Casimir goes there to present his case in person. King John of Bohemia is there
too. The Knights, who have never implemented the condition whereby the town
and castle of Brześć were to be transferred to a third party, either the Duke of
Mazovia or the Bishop of Włocławek, are represented by [Henry] Reuss of
Plauen, the Governor of Toruń and Świecie. Each side presents its case and the
documents to back it. But the King of Bohemia behaves more as an advocate
for the Knights, than as an arbitrator, and is especially concerned that his sale of
Pomerania to the Knights, which had brought him a very sizeable sum in coin,
silver and gold, should not be invalidated. The decision, when pronounced, is
that Kujawy and Dobrzyn belong to Poland, and Pomerania to the Teutonic
Knights. This is a bitter blow for Casimir, for it deprives him of part of his
inheritance, but, knowing how weak he is and afraid lest he become weaker
still should hostilities be resumed, for he has enemies enough already and is
considering declaring war on Ruthenia, he accepts even the condition that the
castle of Nieszawa, though belonging to Kujawy, is to remain with the Order,
thus giving the latter control of both banks of the Vistula and enabling it to use
the river as a waterway. It is further decided that all liegemen, whether of King
Casimir or of the Order, who have been expelled from their properties, are to
be allowed to return and have their properties and the favour of their liege lord
restored to them; or, should they prefer, they may sell their properties and go
elsewhere. These decisions are pronounced on November 26.”13
The text of a fourteenth-century chronicle has survived in the work of
the fifteenth-century Hungarian chronicler János Thuróczy, which gives a
presumably contemporary account of the formal details of the meeting of 1335.
Unlike Długosz’s account, this document focuses primarily on formalities; but
such a description is just as valuable for us as political information. Let it be
quoted here word for word, also because this will be the starting point for our
attempt to establish the numbers of the retinues present: “In the 1335th year of
the Lord, around the festivities of Saint Martin, King John of Bohemia, his son
Charles, and the king of the Poles came to the castle of Visegrád, to the court
of King Charles, to seal their alliance with a peace treaty for all time. And so it
happened. Out of the generosity of the Hungarian king 2,500 loaves of bread
13  Ioannis Dlugossi, Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae. Liber nonus, ed. D. Turkowska (Warsaw:
Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1978); Jan Długosz, The Annales of Jan Długosz, ed. and transl. by
Maurice Michael (Charlton Mill, UK: IM Publications, 1997), 285–86.

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were provided for the lunch of the Czech king, as well as a good share of the
royal meals, all in abundance, while the horses’ daily share of fodder was 25
garleta. For the lunch of the Polish king 1,500 loaves of bread and other foods,
as well as 180 barrels of wine were provided. The king of Hungary presented
the king of Bohemia with various sorts of jewellery: 50 silver jars, two quivers,
two belts, a magnificent chess board, two invaluable saddles, a knife with a belt
that are worth 200 silver marks, and an elaborate pearl-oyster. Because the king
of Poland was to pay homage to the king of Bohemia, and because Charles
of Hungary took the sister of the Polish king as his wife, King Charles gave
him 500 marks of the finest gold so as to save him from paying taxes to the
Bohemian king. It was resolved that in the event of an enemy attack on any one
of these countries, the others would help the one in trouble. And this has been
sealed by an oath among one another.”14
The official documents issued in Visegrád in the autumn of 1335 do little to
nuance the descriptions of the chroniclers. Although the chronicles do contain a
kernel of truth, the events that they describe often occurred in different places,
at different times, and not in the way they suggest. In the above example the
Hungarian chronicler falsely asserts that Poland, as a feudal subject, had financial
commitments to Bohemia and that Charles offered the required amount to
“ransom” his brother-in-law. On the basis of the documents connected more
immediately to the conference, it is possible to draw a more realistic picture.
We have seen that at the meeting in Trencsén the “ransom” to be paid to
the Bohemian king had not yet been specified. At the Visegrád meeting in
November, however, Casimir, facing financial difficulties at the time, had no
14  „Anno domini millesimo tricentesimo tricesimo quinto circa festum sancti Martini Johannes
rex Bohemorum cum Karolo filio suo, et rex Polonorum venerunt ad regem Karolum in Hungariam
ad castrum Wyssegrad pro perpetue pacis concordia componenda, quod et factum est. Omni enim die
ad prandium regis Bohemorum ex magnificentia regis Hungarie expendebantur duo millia et quingenti
panes, et de cibis regalibus copiose, pabulum etiam equis suis per singulos dies viginti quinque garlete. Ad
prandium vero regis Polonorum mille et quingenti panes, de cibariis etiam habundanter. De vino autem
expense sunt centum et octoginta tunelle. Remuneravit autem rex Ungarie regem Bohemorum diversis et
preciosis clenodiis, videlicet quinquaginta vasis argenteis, duabus pharetris, duobus baltheis, et una tabula
pro scacis mirabili, duabus sellis inestimabilis precii, uno biccello valente ducentas marcas argenti, et una
concha margaritharum mirabili opere composita. Item quia rex Polonie erat regi Bohemorum censualis, et
quia rex Hungarie Karolus habebat sororem regis Polonie in uxorem, dedit ei rex Hungarie idem Karolus
ad redimendum eum regem de solutione censuali regi Bohemorum quingentas marcas auri purissimi, et ibi
ordinatum est, ut quemquam ipsorum regum vel regna eorum hostis invaderet aliquis, ceteri debeant in sui
adiutorium et iuvamen festinare. Et istud fuit confirmatum inter eos magno federe iuramenti.” Johannes
de Thurocz, Chronica Hungarorum I. Textus, eds. Erzsébet Galántai and Gyula Kristó (Budapest: Akadémiai
Kiadó, 1985), 152–53.

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choice but to haggle over the amount to be paid. He finally agreed to pay 20,000
threescore Prague groschen (20,000 Bohemian silver marks) to the Bohemian king
in exchange for the latter’s renunciation of his title of king of Poland. King
John, in turn, issued a charter of abdication to be deposited with the Hungarian
king. Should Casimir fail to produce the amount missing, the Hungarian king
had the choice of giving the deposited charter back to the king of Bohemia
or supplying the missing 6,000 marks himself.15 As 6,000 silver marks amount
to 500 golden marks, the chronicle cited above has preserved this aspect of
the event; however, it is mistaken in identifying the Hungarian king’s collateral
statement with the payment itself.16
The actual celebration of the treaty of alliance took place on November 19,
the nameday of Elizabeth Piast, wife of the host king.17 Many charters were dated
that day, as was the Bohemian–Polish peace treaty,18 one of the most important
documents of the meeting. Another charter of the same date provided for the
security of the road leading from Poland to Wrocław and the demolition of the
castle of Boleslauitz (Bolesławiec).19 Yet another was a marriage contract among
the allied dynasties (a usual protocol on such occasions) aimed at protecting the
newly forged Bohemian–Polish alliance. Due to the lack of younger sisters to

15  See the charter issued by King Casimir and his sureties, dated November 22, 1335. Original: Wroclaw,
Wojewódszkie Archiwum Panstwowe, Archivum miasta Wroclawia [The State Archives of Wroclaw,
Archives of the City of Wroclaw] no. 237; published editions: Codex Diplomaticus Moraviae, vol. VII, 69–
70 (no. 89), dated November 12 following the previous editions; RBM, vol. IV, 85–86 (no. 221); Codex
Diplomaticus Silesiae 62 (no. 5522); Anjou-kori oklevéltár, vol. XIX, no. 688, again with a wrong date, following
Codex Diplomaticus Moraviae, although the Codex Diplomaticus Silesiae had already called attention to the errors
in the previous editions (61, no. 5515).
16  The exact conversion/commutation of the monetary data was done by Elemér Mályusz in his
commentaries to the critical edition of the Thuróczy Chronicle: Johannes de Thurocz, Chronica Hungarorum
II. Commentarii 2. Ab anno 1301 usque ad annum 1487, ed. Elemér Mályusz, with the help of Gyula Kristó
(Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1988), 78–79.
17  On her life, and the important political role she played beside her husband, see László Szende, “Piast
Erzsébet, a hitves, az édesanya, a mecénás” [Elizabeth Piast, Wife, Mother, Patroness], in Károly Róbert
és Székesfehérvár [Charles Robert and Székesfehérvár] (Székesfehérvár: Székesfehérvári Egyházmegyei
Múzeum, 2011), 78–100.
18  Original: Národni archív, Praha, AČK, Inv. No. 168. Accessed September 5, 2013, http://www.mom-
ca.uni-koeln.de/mom/CZ-NA/ACK/168/charter. Published editions: Codex diplomaticus Moraviae, vol. VII,
71–72 (no. 91) on the basis of a copy and of previous editions, maintaining that the original is in Vienna;
RBM, vol. IV, 87–88 (no. 223); Codex Diplomaticus Silesiae, 61 (no. 5518); Koss, Arhiv Koruny České, no. 181;
Anjou-kori oklevéltár, vol. XIX, no. 707; Rácz, Visegrád 1335, 105–06. (English, Czech, Hungarian, Polish and
Slovak translations, 107–16).
19  Original lost. Edition: Ludewig, Reliqviae, vol. V, 588–89. Following him, and each other: RBM, vol. IV,
88–89 (no. 225); Codex Diplomaticus Silesiae 62 (no. 5520).

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marry, Casimir offered his baby daughter Elizabeth to the six-year-old grandson
of the Bohemian king, the only child of Duke Henry of Bavaria and Duchess
Margaret of Luxemburg (John’s daughter). Due to the untimely death of the boy
in 1340, the marriage was not realized.20
The signing of the peace treaty took place on the same day as the verbal
declaration of the arbitration. A thorough study of the historical sources
demonstrates that this was the most important underlying reason for the
meeting of the kings. The adversaries had been conscientiously preparing for
the decisive event of the arbitration proceedings. On September 21, 1335, the
Teutonic Order had the charters underpinning their rights transcribed in the
archives of the Grand Master of the Order at Marienburg (Malbork),21 while
the Polish king had already submitted a lawsuit against the Teutonic Knights to
the pontifical court of law in the summer of 1335.22 In Visegrád the arbitration
process had already commenced in November with an investigation into the
plenipotentiary powers of the representatives of the Teutonic Order. This
procedure was inevitable because the Grand Master of the Order was absent
from the meeting (as appears from the charter on the peace itself). Once the
authorization documents had been approved, it came to the presentation of
statements and charters by the two sides. We have no information on the charters
presented by the Polish deputies, but the Teutonic Knights certainly had those
from the archives at Marienburg in their hands, as well as a complete draft of
the peace treaty that they had composed earlier on.23 The arbitration was first
declared orally, definitely before November 21, which is the date of the charter
addressed by Władisław, Duke of Leczyca and Dobrzyn, to John of Luxemburg.
Władisław cites the decree of the court of arbitration, which decided that the
territories of Dobrzyn, hitherto under the rule of the Teutonic Order, were to
revert to Casimir the Great. The duke reasserts that he had ruled over these
20  The original is missing. Edition: Ludewig, Reliqviae, vol. V, 292–93 (dated 1305); Codex Diplomaticus
Moraviae, vol. VII, 70–71 (no. 90, on the basis of previous editions); RBM, vol. IV, 86 (no. 222, on the basis
of previous editions); Codex Diplomaticus Silesiae 61 (no. 5519);
21  Preußisches Urkundenbuch (1335–1342), vol. I/3, ed. Max Hein (Königsberg: Hartung, 1944), nos. 11–16;
Das virtuelle Preußische Urkundenbuch 3. 11–16.
22  Helena Chlopocka, “Galhard de Carceribus i jego rola w sporze polsko-krzyżackim w XIV w.”
[Galhard de Carceribus and His Role in the Dispute between the Poles and the Teutonic Knights in the
Fourteenth Century], in Europa–Słowiańszczyzna–Polska. Studia ku uczczeniu Profesora Kazimierza Tymienieckiego
[Europe–Slavdom–Poland. Studies in Honor of Prof. Kazimierz Tymieniecki], ed. Juliusz Bardach et al.
(Poznań: Wydaw. Naukowe UAM, 1970), 135–45.
23  The articles of the peace treaty are known from a fifteenth-century copy: Das virtuelle Preußische
Urkundenbuch 3. 27.

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territories until the Teutonic Knights and John of Luxemburg seized the area
following the war waged against Łokietek.24 According to the charter, after the
arbitration Casimir the Great would restore to him the region of Dobrzyn, and
the duke would not demand war indemnities from John of Luxemburg.25 Closely
connected to this charter is another document issued by Casimir the Great on
November 23, in which he requested King John of Bohemia to give back the
region of Dobrzyn to Duke Władisław.26
After days of negotiations between the arbiters and the barons, the arbitration
was set down in a charter dated November 26. It stipulated that Casimir ruled
over Kujawy and Dobrzyn, while the Teutonic Order received Pomerania.27 In
his letter dated December 3 the King of Bohemia informed the Master of the
Teutonic Knights of the dispositions drawn up during the meeting and of the
subsequent duties at hand. He also listed the charters which the negotiating
parties had to issue with regard to the case: “To the venerable Lord Theoderic,
Knight, Grand Master of the Order of the Glorious Virgin Mary of the German
Hospital of Jerusalem, to the beloved friend, John, by divine grace King of
Bohemia, the Count of Luxemburg sends greetings, grace, and blessings. Let it
be known that, during the three weeks we spent at the court of the Lord King of
Hungary, we arranged your affairs and those of the Order, as we could, precisely
as your knights who were with us could have reported it. First, the Lord King
of Poland ought to guarantee by documents the renunciation of the lands of
Culmerland (Chełmno Lands) and Pomerania (Gdansk Pomerania) as well as
sincere friendship towards you in the future. Item, the Lord King of Hungary
and we ought to give testimonial documents on the aforementioned renunciation
of the King of Poland and on the concord and agreement between you and the

24  Original: Národni archív, Praha, AČK, Inv. Nr. 169. Accessed September 5, 2013, http://www.mom-
ca.uni-koeln.de/mom/CZ-NA/ACK/169/charter. Judging by the place where it is kept now, it must have
been the copy of John of Luxemburg. Published editions: Preußisches Urkundenbuch, vol. I/3, no. 30; RBM,
vol. III, no. 2060; Codex Diplomaticus Silesiae 62. In the dating tricesimo tercio is an evident misspelling of
tricesimo quinto.
25  Cf. Stanisław Szczur, “Az 1335. évi visegrádi királyi találkozó” [The 1335 Royal Summit in Visegrád],
Aetas 1 (1993): 26–42 (31).
26  Original: Národni archív, Praha, AČK, Inv. Nr. 170. Published editions: Codex Diplomaticus Prussicus,
vol. III, no. 31; RBM, vol. IV, 89 (no. 227); Codex Diplomaticus Silesiae 62 (no. 5523); Koss, Arhiv Koruny
České, 145 (no. 182).
27  Original: Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz Berlin–Dahlem XX. HA, Urkunden,
Schieblade 109, no. 39 (MNL OL, DF, 288 349). Published editions: RBM, vol. IV, 89–90 (no. 228);
Preußisches Urkundenbuch, vol. I/3, 32; Codex Diplomaticus Silesiae 63 (no. 5526); Anjou-kori oklevéltár, vol. XIX,
no. 725.

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King of Poland. Item, the King of Poland ought to submit a supplication to the
Lord Pope in order that the Pope shall make a confirmation of the donation of
the lands of Culmerland and Pomerania to you and to the Order. Item, the King
of Poland ought to give documents and receive documents from archbishops
and other ecclesiastical and secular persons to the fact that damages of the past
war shall not be avenged, and shall not be attacked in any ecclesiastical or secular
court. Item, the King of Poland ought to order documents from the King of
Hungary on the renunciation of the lands of Culmerland and Pomerania in his
and his successors’ names, since his wife is the sister of the King of Poland.
Done under our seal on the Sunday when “Ad te levavi” is sung in the year of
the Lord 1335.”28
Although there is no indication as to where the letter was written, it
is quite certain that it was not written in Visegrád. According to the dates
mentioned in the charters, the kings convened around All Saints’ Day, which
designates November 1 as the starting date of the conference. In his letter
dated December 3 King John talks about a meeting lasting three weeks; but
the peace treaty between the Teutonic Order and Poland, which took place on
November 26 in the presence of all those invited, indicates that the meeting
lasted a bit longer. According to the Prague chronicle cited above, John and
Casimir arrived in Prague on December 6. Casimir drafted another charter,
addressed to the Teutonic Order and dated May 26, 1336, declaring that he
accepted the arbitration.29
In addition to the two main points of the meeting’s agenda (the peace treaties
between Bohemia and Poland, and between Poland and the Teutonic Order), we
also have information on the follow-up discussions between the three kings that
took place after the arbitration process. The lack of written documents on these
discussions does not mean that questions unrelated to the arbitration were not
addressed. For instance, the alliance forged between Hungary and Bohemia on
September 3 was clearly designed against the Austrian dukes.30 It seems certain
that the idea of a prospective campaign against them was also conceived in
Visegrád. The military events of the following year, presumably also orchestrated

28  Original: Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz Berlin–Dahlem, vol. XX, Ha. StA.
Königsberg 109.40 (MNL OL, DF, 288 350). Published editions: Rácz, Visegrád 1335, 156; Codex Diplomaticus
Moraviae, vol. I/7, 75 (no. 98); Preußisches Urkundenbuch, vol. I/3, 33; Anjou-kori oklevéltár, vol. XIX, no. 739.
29  Preußisches Urkundenbuch, I/3, no. 64.
30  Iván Bertényi, Magyarország az Anjouk korában [Hungary in the Age of the Angevins] (Budapest:
Gondolat, 1987), 108.

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from Visegrád, show evidence of prior arrangements, although they have not
been documented. Some historians therefore regard the Visegrád meeting as a
cradle of war rather than peace.31
Although the meeting received a lot of attention from all sides, as we have
seen above, each party tended to highlight its own points of interest. As the event
represented a turning point in fourteenth-century Polish international relations,
it is not surprising that Polish historiography has addressed it in most detail,
primarily focusing on Polish–Teutonic and Polish–Bohemian relations.32 Such
aspects remained in the background in the writings of Hungarian chroniclers
and the Visegrád meeting has instead been widely understood as a crucible of
economic alliances.33 This assumption was based on a decree issued by Charles
I in Visegrád on January 6, 1336, which regulated routes of commerce and the
customs tariff between Hungary and Bohemia.34 The text of the decree suggests
that Charles and King John had thoroughly discussed the issue beforehand –
almost certainly in November in Visegrád. The commercial agreement was an
important preliminary to the military campaign against the dukes of Austria.
Also, the towns in the territory of present-day Slovakia may have played a role
in initiating this trade agreement. The meeting in Visegrád therefore did have an

31  Iván Bertényi, A 14. század története [The History of the Fourteenth Century] (Budapest: Pannonica,
2000), 152..
32  For a brief historiography, see Szczur, “Az 1335. évi visegrádi,” 28–29.
33  On this view, see Bálint Hóman, A Magyar Királyság pénzügyei és gazdaságpolitikája Károly Róbert korában
[The Finances and Economic Policy of the Kingdom of Hungary in the Age of Charles Robert] (Budapest:
Nap Kiadó 2003 [1921]) 66–68.
34  Original: Archiv města Brna [Archives of the City of Brno], A 1/1 – Archiv města Brna – sbírka
listin, mandátů a listů, 1208–2000, sign. 93. (MNL OL, DF, 267 832). The editions are listed in Anjou-
kori oklevéltár, vol. XIX, no. 6. The newest edition: Rácz, Visegrád 1335, 164–178. The charter was
also translated into Slovak in two published versions: Dokumenty slovenskej národnej identity a štátnosti I
[Documents of Slovak National Identity and Statehood], ed. Ján Beňko et al. (Bratislava: Národné
literárne centrum – Dom slovenskej literatúry, 1998), 150–51; Pramene k dejinám Slovenska a Slovákov IV.
Pod vládou anjouovských kráľov [Sources on the History of Slovakia and the Slovaks IV. Under the Rule of
the Angevin Kings], ed. Vincent Sedlák (Bratislava: Literárne informačné centrum, 2002), 108–09. It
has to be noted that the name “Laurencius Sclavus,” which figures in the charter, has been rendered as
“Vavrincovi Slovákovi” in these translations, which is an evident mistake since the person in question,
known as Lőrinc Tóth in Hungarian historiography, was a man of Southern Slav origins with ancestors
from the county of Dubica (Croatia); see Antal Pór, “Tót Lőrinc, a királyi tárnokok és zászlótartók
mestere (1328–1348)” [Lőrinc Tót, Master of the Royal Treasurers and Flagbearers (1328–1348)],
Századok 25 (1891): 347–77; Ede Reiszig, “Az Újlaki-család” [The Újlaki Family], Turul 57 (1943): 1–13,
56–65, Table 65; consequently, the word sclavus should be interpreted in a general sense and by no means
as synonymous with Slovak.

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economic aspect; yet this should not be generalized into the main focus of the
conference.35
Finally, it is worth touching briefly upon the rather anomalous description
of the conference that has come down to us as part of the Hungarian
Thuróczy Chronicle, cited above, which has hitherto defied historians’ efforts at
interpretation. Moreover, a closer examination of the text may probably take
us nearer to establishing the size of the princely retinues that came to Visegrád,
and thus provide relevant new information to both Czech and Polish historians.
According to the ruling opinion of Hungarian historiography, the chapters
dealing with the last years of the rule of Charles I of Anjou were probably
inserted into the chronicle composition in the time of Louis I, by the hands of
a Franciscan friar, thought by some scholars to have been called John Kétyi.36 It
was from there that Turóczy adapted it into his own chronicle in the fifteenth
century. We have seen above that the 500 marks given by the king of Hungary
exactly corresponded to the 6,000 silver marks of which King Charles gave a
warranty to King John on behalf of Casimir the Great. Thus, the fourteenth-
century Hungarian chronicler was apparently well informed about the financial
aspects of the negotiations, which increases our confidence in the reliability
of his other data. For the lunch of the Czech king 2,500 loaves of bread were
distributed every day, along with an ample portion of the royal victuals. The
fodder (pabulum) for the horses amounted to 25 garletas per day. The relevant
figure of bread for the Polish king was 1,500 loaves, plus a share in the royal
victuals, while 180 barrels (tunella) of wine were also on supply.
The text makes a clear distinction between the amounts of bread due to the
retinues of the kings of Bohemia and Poland respectively. As for the amount
of wine, the figure given in the text should perhaps be interpreted in the sense
that it represents not a daily portion but the total amount consumed by all the
participants during the conference. Although fodder turns up only with reference
to the retinue of the king of Bohemia, it is highly improbable that the Poles’
horses received none. While the plural form (equis suis) could also be interpreted as

35  Hungarian historiography now interprets differently the opening of the trading route of Brünn (Brno,
Czech Republic), which had taditionally been explained in terms of an effort to get round the staple right
of Vienna. Renáta Skorka, “A bécsi lerakat Magyarországra vezető kiskapui” [Backstairs of the Vienna
Staple towards Hungary], Történelmi Szemle 54, no. 1 (2012): 1–16.
36  Elemér Mályusz, “Krónika-problémák” [Chronicle Problems], Századok 100 (1966): 725–47; Gyula
Kristó, “Anjou-kori krónikáink” [Our Chronicles from the Angevin Period], Századok 101 (1967): 467;
idem, Magyar historiográfia I. Történetírás a középkori Magyarországon [Hungarian Historiography I. The Writing
of History in Medieval Hungary] (Budapest: Osiris, 2002), 86.

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János Thuróczi, Chronica Hungarorum, 1488, Theobald Feger, Erhard Ratdolt. Augsburg, 165
(Széchényi National Library, Budapest, Manuscript Collection, Inc. 1143.)
Accessed September 3, 2013, http://www.corvina.oszk.hu/corvinas-html/hub1inc1143.htm.

including the horses of both kings’ retinues, it is more probable that it refers more
precisely to bohemorum, meaning that it was the amount provided for the Czech
horses, as the portions supplied for the Poles are listed in a separate sentence. It is
only the bread portion which figures separately on both “menus.” It makes evident
that the retinue of the Polish king was much smaller than that of his colleague
from Bohemia. More can be learned, however, if we can convert the figures of
consumption into numbers of persons and animals, thereby gaining important
information on the probable numbers of retinues attending the Visegrád summit.
It is certainly worth the effort, of course without surveying the entire history of
bread in the Middle Ages, especially because we do not know whether we are
dealing with leavened bread or with unleavened flatbread, and nor do we have
information on the size of bread in 1335.37 We should therefore count in the
simplest possible way. We will surely not be too wide of the mark if we take one
kilogram as the weight of one loaf of bread, and count with half a kilogram as the
daily portion, taking into consideration that it was a princely conference, and thus
other victuals, mainly meat, were also abundantly on the offer, as is indeed stated
by the chronicler. In this case, the Czech delegation would number 5,000 persons,
as opposed to 3,000 on the Polish side.
We can base sounder calculations on the amounts of fodder consumed
by the horses. These amounts are given by the Latin text in garleta, a unit
which has been interpreted in Hungarian historiography in various ways: it
was most commonly translated as either köböl or mérő.38 Whereas the köböl

37  “Kenyér” [Bread], in Magyar Néprajzi Lexikon [Encyclopedia of Hungarian Ethnography], vol. III, K–
Né, ed. Gyula Ortutay (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1980), 145–46.
38  Antal Pór (“Tót Lőrincz, a királyi tárnokok és zászlótartók mestere,” 363) translated it as “köböl”
(“köböl, Muth, korec”), while János Horváth rendered it as “mérő”: János Thuróczy, A magyarok krónikája
[Chronicle of the Hungarians], transl. János Horváth (Budapest: Európa Könyvkiadó, 1980), 223.

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contained 64 liters on average, defining the mérő is much more difficult, for
its size varied, although it was generally somewhat smaller than the köböl. The
amount obtained by either way of counting, however, is out of keeping with
the information we have on the quantities of bread. Moreover, the Latin term
for mérő is metreta, and the equivalent of köböl is cubulus, not garleta.39 Neither
translation, therefore, is good.
That the garleta was a measure of grain of Italian origin has been known for
a long time.40 Its exact size, and thus the meaning of the word, was established
beyond doubt by Jenő Szűcs, but his results failed to raise the scholarly interest
they merit.41 The number of charter references, which has grown considerably
since the publication of the charters from the era of King Sigismund began,
support abundantly Szűcs’s calculations.42 After a thorough examination of the
sources, Szűcs came to the conclusion that “one gerla of wheat corresponded in
modern measures to 13,536 (or at least 11,589) quintals, an enormous quantity,
which by its sheer dimensions evokes a good cartload.” This huge number is
underpinned, according to Szűcs, by the fact that in a whole series of late medieval
Hungarian texts the gerla (girla) is the equivalent of corus (“cart”). Accordingly, he
drew the conclusion that “when János Kétyi comments with regard to the royal
summit of Visegrád in 1335 that the daily amount of fodder for the horses of
the king of Bohemia was 25 garleta of oats, this piece of information is entirely
in keeping with those which maintain that the retinue of that king consumed
2,500 loaves of bread and 180 barrels of wine for lunch each day…”43
Now, it is easy to calculate that the 25 cartloads of fodder which the horses
belonging to the retinue of the king of Bohemia consumed corresponded to
39  István Bogdán, Magyarországi űr-, térfogat-, súly- és darabmértékek 1874-ig [Cubic, Volume, Weight and Piece
Measures in Hungary to 1874] (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1991), 218–19, 328–29; Lexicon Latinitatis medii
aevi Hungariae, 5 vols., eds. Iván Boronkai and Kornél Szovák (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1987–1999),
vol. II, 430.
40  Gyula Zolnai, Nyelvemlékeink a könyvnyomtatás koráig [Our Linguistic Relics until the Age of Printing]
(Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, 1894), 90. The author lists its occurrences in linguistic relics
in the forms gerla/garleta.
41  Jenő Szűcs, “A gabona árforradalma a 13. században” [The Revolution in Grain Prices in the Thirteenth
Century], Történelmi Szemle 27 (1984): 14–18.
42  Zsigmondkori oklevéltár [Charters from the Age of Sigismund], 12 vols. (1387–1425), eds. Elemér
Mályusz et al., (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, Magyar Országos Levéltár, 1951–2013), vol. I, no. 2247; vol.
III, no. 1591; vol. V, no. 1832; vol. VIII, no. 72; Lexicon Latinitatis Hungariae, vol. IV, 183.
43  Szűcs, “A gabona árforradalma,” 16. Since in his thorough manual of cubic measures István Bogdán
does not include the data of Szűcs, nor does the latter make reference to his work, it is evident that Bogdán
worked independently, yet he came to roughly the same results. See Bogdán, Magyarországi űrmértékek, 289,
where he cites data of 1611, 1208, and 916 kgs, and finally opts for the latter as the most authoritative.

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33,900 kgs. Then we have to turn to consumption itself, however, for, as our
source gives no information on either the nature of fodder or the size and type
of horses, we do not know whether we are dealing with hay or oats, or a mixed
fodder, and whether it was smaller or larger horses which ate it.44 Unfortunately,
we have no data on the consumption of fodder by horses from medieval
Hungary, but later evidence can be used for estimation.45 Thus, the need for dry
matter by a full-grown horse a day would oscillate—depending, of course, on
the intensity of work done and on the quality of fodder—between 8 and 12 kgs.
In my view, we do not run the risk of making a big mistake if we calculate with
a daily amount of 6-7 kgs in the case of horses that were not required to do any
hard work during the conference. They were also probably put out to graze on
the bank of the Danube, and thus had access to green fodder as well. In this way,
we would come to an average of 5,000 Czech horses. However, we also have to
take into consideration that a nobleman may have had several horses, and that
the fodder must have been of excellent quality, and so it is unlikely for the horses
to have consumed 6-7 kgs a day. Yet by reducing the daily portion, our stock of
horses increases, and we may end up with as many as seven or eight thousand.
However we juggle the numbers, they remain very high, and it is still only the
Czechs we have counted with. If we take everything into account, a minimum
of 5,000 Czech retainers and 3,000 Polish ones must have meant an onerous
burden for the small town of Visegrád, especially in view of a stay there which
extended for a whole month. Moreover, these persons and animals had to be
not only fed but also accomodated, and the fodder of 25 cartloads a day stored
somewhere on the territory of the town. If we take these numbers seriously, and
we have no reason not to, as they mutually support each other, then we have to
accept the fact that in 1335 the royal court at Visegrád, in the widest sense of
the term, was able to host and provision an army of about 8,000 horsemen.46
This certainly indicates a fairly developed logistical ability on the part of the
contemporary Hungarian royal court.

44  László Veszprémy, “Csatamének, paripák és hátaslovak. A középkori hadilovakról” [Destriers, Coursers
and Rounceys. On Medieval Warhorses], in idem, Lovagvilág Magyarországon [The World of Chivalry in
Hungary] (Budapest: Argumentum, 2008), 155–70.
45  Géza Perjés, Mezőgazdasági termelés, népesség, hadseregélelmezés és stratégia a 17. század második felében (1650–
1715) [Agricultural Production, Population, Army Provisioning and Strategy in the Second Half of the
Seventeenth Century] (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1963), 60; Géza Hatos, A lovak takarmányozása háborús
viszonyok között [The Foddering of Horses under Wartime Conditions] (Budapest: Pátria, 1942), 25.
46  According to Mátyás Szőke (personal communication) there are archeological finds in Visegrád that
could be interpreted as grain-storage pits.

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Hungarian Historical Review 2, no. 2 (2013): 261–287

In view of this, it is almost unnecessary to engage in the interpretation of

the 180 barrels (tunella) of wine. It is, indeed, almost impossible, as the tunella
could range anywhere from 50 to 900 liters, which makes any estimation of
its actual size illusory. Hungarian historians used to translate tunella as átalag, a
barrel used around Tokaj and in the neighboring northeastern counties, which
contained roughly 75 liters.47 As a matter of fact, this figure fits neatly with the
amounts of bread and fodder. As our source fails to reveal whether this amount
belonged to the Czechs or the Poles, we have to suppose that it was the quantity
consumed by all the participants in a single day. If we count with barrels of 75
liters, we come to a minimum of 13,500 liters. In the case of a mixed Czech–
Polish entourage of 8,000 men, this would yield a per capita consumption of 1.7
liters a day; not too much for just hanging around for a month.
However, wine was certainly consumed not only by the Czechs and the
Poles, but also by all those present, the Hungarian hosts and the representatives
of the Teutonic Order included. The Hungarian chronicler, besides passing over
the fact of the arbitration itself in silence, fails to mention the presence of the
representative of the Order. True, the delegation of the latter was led not by
the Grand Master but by Count Henry of Plauen, governor of the province of
Chulm, but even he certainly had a retinue of his own. As mentioned above, it is
only natural that the chronicler limited his narrative to facts which mattered from
a Hungarian point of view, as did all the other writers, each of whom framed
his own account of the summit from the standpoint of his home country. Yet
today we can safely break with the narrowly nationalist approach of the medieval
chroniclers and state that the prime cause of the Visegrád royal summit was to
provide the occasion for the two arbiters, the kings of Hungary and Bohemia,
to make their judgement in the dispute between Poland and the Teutonic Order.
The mere fact that the Hungarian chronicler failed to realize this and left the
presence of the Order unrecorded, by no means diminishes the value of his
work, for he makes several other statements which were clearly based on either
the information provided by an eyewitness or some kind of contemporary
account. The list of those gifts offerred to the king of Bohemia by his hosts,

47 Bogdán, Magyarországi űrmértékek, 155–56; Antal Pór, “A történeti jelenetek korhű reconstruálásáról.
Fejedelmi congressus Visegrádon, 1335. novemberben” [On the Faithful Reconstruction of Historical
Scenes. A Princely Congress in Visegrád, November 1335], Századok 27 (1893): 421–28; István Miskolczy,
Magyarország az Anjouk korában [Hungary in the Age of the Angevins], Historia Incognita (Máriabesnyő–
Gödöllő: Attraktor, 2009), 26–27.

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for instance,48 is more likely to have been taken from a contemporary notice or
register than from the narrative of an eyewitness.49 In my opinion, therefore,
the chronicler drew on the accounts of the royal court, then still available, in
which the expenses of the Hungarian king for 1335 were recorded. This would
also account for the lacunae and oddities which can be observed in the text.
The author converted columns of numbers into a narrative. As for the expenses
of the delegation of the Order, they were probably missing from the royal
accounts. Their provision was presumably made from other (their own) sources,
which is far from surprising in view of the fact that, unlike Casimir III and John
of Luxemburg, the Order was not an ally but merely one of the parties in an
arbitration. This may be the reason why the Order remained unmentioned in the
accounts on which the chronicler drew and which put into writing the expenses
of the Hungarian king in connection with the summit.
Finally, one more question must be asked. Was the enormous size of the
royal retinues attending the summit an exception or the norm? The retinue of
Sigismund of Luxemburg which escorted him on his well-documented travels
in Western Europe amounted occasionally to 1,000 to 1,500 persons,50 and that
of the guests who gathered around him at Buda in 1412 also contained several
thousand people.51 Prague and Krakow were too near to Visegrád for the kings
of Poland and Bohemia to resist the temptation of taking a huge entourage
with them. Was their enormous retinue the part of routine representation or did
it amount to an extraordinary and purposeful display of strength? In order to
answer this question, one has to remember on the one hand that from Bohemia
two princes came, each with his own entourage. On the other hand, the kings of

48  It would be interesting to follow the traces, if any, of these gifts in later Czech tradition. The historians
who dealt with the topic give the lists with variations: Antonius de Bonfinis, Rerum Ungaricarum decades,
3 vols., eds. I. Fógel et al. (Lipsiae: B.G. Teubner, 1936), vol. II, 213 (2. 9. 360); Ioannes Dubravius, Historiae
regni Bohemiae (Francofurti: Bibliopolae Wratislaviensis, 1687), 562.
49  A Hungarian historian in the nineteenth century opined that the chronicler may have received his
information from a tavarnicus, that is, a person employed in the provision of the court; Pór, “Tóth Lőrinc,”
363.
50  Enikő Csukovits, “Egy nagy utazás résztvevői (Zsigmond király római kísérete)” [Participants in a
Great Journey (King Sigismund’s Retinue in Rome)], in Tanulmányok Borsa Iván tiszteletére [Studies in Honor
of Iván Borsa] ed. E. Csukovits (Budapest: Magyar Országos Levéltár, 1998), 11–36; Attila Bárány,
“Zsigmond király 1416-os angliai kísérete” [King Sigismund’s Retinue in England in 1416], Aetas 19, no. 3–4
(2004): 5–30; Péter E. Kovács, “‘A Szent Koronára! Ez kedvemre telik.’ Zsigmond császár Luccában” [‘On
the Holy Crown! This Is to My Liking!’ Emperor Sigismund in Lucca], Századok 141 (2007): 355–56.
51  István Draskóczy, A tizenötödik század története [The History of the Fifteenth Century] (Budapest:
Pannonica Kiadó, 2000), 150.

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Hungarian Historical Review 2, no. 2 (2013): 261–287

Bohemia and Poland engaged not only themselves but also their most powerful
subjects in making the peace, and they could not terminate the negotiations
without their knowledge and consent. We know that urban delegates were also
present, for some of the documents have survived in the city archives of Breslau
(Wroclaw). Altogether some forty individual partners can be shown to have
participated in the negotiations, the Hungarian lords included. Naturally enough,
each brought a retinue of his own, which, together, constituted a mass of some
10,000 people, organized into various hierarchical structures. In all probability,
its constituent parts idled away their time by memorable amusements and hunts,
excursions to Fehérvár and Buda, and, of course, by chivalric tournaments on
the bank of the Danube, while the kings negotiated and made peace up in the
Citadel or in the Solomon Tower.
The scope of this study does not allow for a survey of the effects of the
decrees passed at the meeting. Suffice it to say that the treaty forged with the
Teutonic Order created a precedent and would later serve as a cornerstone of
peace. The arbitration concerning Pomerania proved that the parties were willing
to settle international conflicts through diplomatic means. The alliance between
the three Central European countries lasted for over half a century and provided
each country with the right to conduct its international relations autonomously
(with the Balkans, the eastern regions, Germany, and Italy). Visegrád would also
play an important role in the maintenance and renewal of the alliance in the
upcoming years as well. It was here that Charles I renewed the 1335 treaty with
Charles, Margrave of Moravia, heir to the throne of Bohemia. The margrave
promised that he would support the Hungarian king’s claim to the Polish throne
and, in turn, the Hungarian king would relinquish his claims on Silesia if he or
his sons ascended to the Polish throne. Casimir and his royal delegation visited
Visegrad again in 1339 with the intention of bequeathing Poland to his sister’s
son Louis. This agreement ensured that Louis was elected king of Poland in 1370.
These events illustrate that throughout the Middle Ages Visegrád functioned
as a place for conflict resolution and rightly became an emblem for Central
European cooperation over the centuries to come.

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Archival Sources

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