Mary Joiner - British Museum Add MS. 15117
Mary Joiner - British Museum Add MS. 15117
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by
Mary Joiner
The British Museum manuscript Additional 15117 is well known to scholars and
students and many from it have been referred to or transcribed. * The collec
pieces
tion is usually described as simply a miscellaneous collection of songs and instrumental
pieces ranging in date from the 1560s to about 1620. The British Museum catalogue
itself suggests that the manuscript contains a very diverse and rather arbitrary collec
tion of music.2 In the discussion which follows I suggest that the manuscript repays
consideration as a complete collection, one compiled possibly over quite a brief period
of time and reflecting a single interest: an interest in the music used in and associated
with the popular theatre. Any conclusions one is tempted to draw about the total plan
and intention of the collection from a study of individual pieces and their relation to one
another must, of course, be tentative. However, several of the pieces in the collection
- -
some of them well known from other sources exist in rather unusual versions or
forms and this requires explanation. The cumulative evidence of the conclusions one
is led to draw about individual pieces does seem significant and therefore worth record
The manuscript measures 7.7 inches x 11.8 inches. There is a note on the front
The references, mentioned by Hughes-Hughes, to John Swarland and Hugh Floyd occur on
give a more precise date for the paper than that given by Hughes-Hughes (after 1614).
^See my discussion of this collection in Music and Letters XLIX/1 (1968) Correspond
ence, pp. 98-100. To the list of references there should be added John Ward's article
("Joan qd John and other Fragments at Western Reserve University, ") Aspects of Med
ieval and Renaissance Music ed. J. LaRue et. al., London, 1966, pp. 832-855; in
51
occur in the manuscript: these are all "pot" marks (see Plate 1). Two of these occur
once each only - that on f. 1. and that on f. 25. (f. 24). The other mark occurs on the
following folios: 8, 10, 12, 14-16, 18-21, the blank leaf (unnumbered) which follows
f.21. , and f. 23 (f.22). None of these marks is similar to the "pot" marks in Edward
Heawood: Watermarks (Paper Publications Society, Hilversum, 1950), but the third,
Evreux, 1588.
The music in the manuscript occurs on the following folios: 2-11, 12-21, 23. v. (22. v.)
24 (23). Folio 1 includes various accounts; folio l.v. bears the inscription "John
" Folios 24. v. (23. v. ) is blank
Swarland / His Booke. 21. v. -23 (22) are blank. Folio
save for a pen sketch of a man's head (reversing the manuscript) with "[h] umillitie
constat" written above. Folio 25(24) contains a table of contents for The Psalmes of
David in Meter which was published by Richard Allison in 1599. A former, possibly the
original, binding of the manuscript (preserved with the collection) is inscribed "Psalmes
Folio 11 has been damaged. It seems that the final stanza of the song "Come gentle
Folio ll.v. is blank except for ruled staves and the fragment of a word in the right
hand margin indicating that the page was written on before the leaf was damaged.
-
The music is for various solo instruments and for voice and accompaniment either
lute or lyra viol. The songs in the manuscript divide, roughly, into five groups. These
are (there are also several secular consort songs which may for the
(i) theatre songs
moment be tentatively included with this group); (ii) sacred songs; (iii) dance ayres;
(iv) songs with quantitative settings; (v) songs which do not seem to belong under any
of the other but which might be referred to vaguely as "popular". Besides the
headings
of vocal and instrumental forms, the range in date from the earliest to the
variety
latest in the collection is almost sixty years. If one accepts the British Museum
pieces
of the paper 1614") then the collection was compiled quite a
catalogue's dating ("after
of its contents had been written. The latest dateable is "Haue
long time after most piece
52
to the manuscript as an afterthought since all the pieces which follow it in that collection
are earlier in date, some probably much earlier. For this reason, the date "after 1614"
seems reasonable. If, on the other hand, the manuscript was compiled over a number of
years (as is possible since the music has been written into the book in several different
hands) then "after 1614" does seem rather late. In either case one is surprised at the
old-fashioned nature of much of the music: there are several pieces which go back as
looked at as a whole, suggests two possible and related reasons for compiling such a
collection so late.
The first reason is an interest in the repertoire of the broken consort. General
interest in this combination of instruments and its music seems to have grown after the
publication of Morley's First Book of Consort Lessons in 1599. This is shown by the
Lessons in 1611 and the publication of a collection including pieces for this instrumental
writing of Rosseter's Lessons for Consort, has pointed out that the pieces there are
rather "old-fashioned" although there is absolutely no reason to suspect that the "collec
publication of Rosseter's Lessons for Consort was coincident with his interest in the
o
theatre". The use of the broken consort in the Elizabethan and Jacobean theatre,
particularly the public theatre, has been fully discussed by Sidney Beck in the Introduc
tion to his edition of Morley's Consort Lessons. Mr. Beck shows that such precise
designation of the parts for specific instruments as is found in the music for broken con
sort is a development which is isolated in the 16th century and one which occurs only in
dHarwood, Ian. "Rosseter's Lessons for Consort of 1609", Lute Society Journal, VII
53
paniment for dances and "singing dances" in the stage jigs and that the acoustics of the
tage of such a group was that it provided at least one of each kind of instrument which
The repertoire of the broken consort which began probably as simple and popular
toire of the sophisticated nature of Morley's collection. Mr. Beck points out that it is
not possible to say with accuracy how many of the settings in Morley's Lessons actually
formed part of the theatre repertoire because stage directions for particular music on
Perhaps the most important point to emerge from Mr. Beck's discussion is that the
music for the broken consort (and thus almost certainly to a large degree the music of
the public theatres) at the turn of the century belonged basically to an English tradition
known even in sophisticated forms. As the use of the broken consort in the public theatre
developed the repertoire itself developed from simple, popular, and ballad music to
arrangements of more sophisticated songs and lute music and music which was originally
written for voice accompanied by a consort of viols. At the same time, ballad tune was
often used as a basis for elaborate variations demonstrating subtleties of scoring as for
another way the equal popularity of simple song and sophisticated lute ayre is suggested
in the conversation between Acts II and ni of Beaumont and Fletcher's The Knight of the
Burning Pestle where the Citizen who thinks that the music being played is "scurvy music"
calls for "Baloo" and his Wife asks for "Lacrymae". This, and the fact that they both
occur in Morley's Consort Lessons suggests a fusing of the two kinds, at least in popular
taste.
The second reason for compiling the manuscript may be the interest the compiler
obviously had in theatre song iteself. If we consider this together with ;he fact that many
of the songs identifiable with specific plays were old by 1614 and the fact that the com
piler shows particular interest in broken consort music it would seem that the collection
54
which begins with the early choirboy plays (those before Lyly) and appears to be contin
ued in the use of song in the public theatre culminating in the use of music in Ben
Jonson's plays. The manuscript contains, for instance, no music from plays by
Beaumont and Fletcher which seems, rather, to be related to the influences and kinds
of music in the choirboy plays from Lyly on towards the early years of the 17th century.
While both traditions of music are influenced by continental sources, the music for the
later children's plays seems to use these influences far more 'fashionably' and in one
Hedon's song in Ben Jonson's Cynthia's Revels (written for the Children of the Chapel
Royal) and is clear when one considers not only the song's context in the play but also
the setting of the song itself which exists in Christ Church manuscript Mus. 439, pp.38
39. This setting is, in fact, a parody of fashionable musical devices.
The music for the earlier choirboy plays seems to have been mainly consort song
which grows directly out of a native English tradition of secular song though often at the
integrated into the structure of the song itself. The nature of these early songs, and
particularly of the consort songs which are laments, suggests that their function in a
play would be similar to that of the "set" speech: rhetorical in every sense of the Ren
aissance 7
usage. This indeed seems to be the case with the only consort song identi
fiable with a specific context in a specific play: "Awake ye wofull weights" on f.3. of
5For a discussion of music in children's and for of the nature and function
plays examples
of the songs see the following articles by A. J. Sabol:
"Two Songs with Accompaniment for An Elizabethan Choirboy Play",
Studies in the Renaissance, V (1958) pp. 145-159.
"Ravenscroft's Me lis mata and the Children of Paul's",
Renaissance News, XII / 1 (1959), pp. 3-9.
"Two Unpublished Stage Songs for the 'Aery of Children' ".
Renaissance News, XIII / 3 (1960), pp. 222-232.
-
A comparison with the music in later plays those of Beaumont and Fletcher in particu
- can
lar be made with reference to the transcriptions in Cutts, J.P. La musique de la
troupe de Shakespeare, Paris, 1959.
6See Brett, Philip. "The English Consort Song, 1570-1625", Proceedings of the Royal
Musical Association, (1961-1962), pp. 73-88. Consort were for
songs usually soprano
or alto solo -
accompanied by a consort of viols either three or four.
?For a discussion of the influence of Seneca on the set in pre-Shakespearean
speech Eng
lishtragedy and the emphasis (theoretical at least) on its serious function in drama see
Clemen, Wolfgang. English Tragedy Before Shakespeare, translated T. S. Dorsch,
London, 1961, pp.23-24. 55
(perhaps extra-personal) vehicle for the words and one which formally complements the
words. There are isolated instances of expressionism but these do not detract from the
total form of the music itself. Music is, in fact, for Pithias in "Awake ye woful wights",
a perfect form of eloquence, one which demonstrates, rather than expresses directly,
the meaning of his words. He makes clear the function of the Lament himself when he
asks what words can be "apt" for his "complaynte". He is absolutely conscious, even
as he is in the depths of his sorrow, that what he is about to utter is a formal expression
of grief. Music will "lend him yernfull tunes" so he may the better "vtter" his sorrow.
The function of music as part of eloquence (rather than as eloquence itself) and the
relation of "wisdom" to eloquence is something that later Ben Jonson was concerned
with in his plays and it is the specifically English interpretation of the general Renaiss
ance ideas about wisdom and eloquence, words and music, a development of the concepts
surrounding the use of song in Damon and Pithias. The songs from the two Jonson plays
in the 15117 ("Haue you seene but a whyte lillie grow" f.17. v. and "Come my
manuscript
Celia" f. 20. v. ) have a specific literary function both in their settings and in the larger
lude: though it is in this direction that the more fashionable influences of the later choir
boy play-songs lead. The serious use of music in the earlier choirboy plays has this in
common with the instrumental music of the broken consort repertoire that both adapt
native traditions in the light of new continental music and musical theory rather than
take these over completely. At the end of the 16th century a comparison of the two
kinds of musical traditions and influences can be seen in the lute-song and the madrigal
Thus the impression of a wide diversity of contents which the British Museum cata
logue gives is a mistake I think. Let us consider first of all the connexions the 15117
8Many other consort songs, and particularly laments, do however appear to have had a
dramatic context and the nature of the vocal line suggests in any case that they were
written for children. Peter Warlock has edited some of these consort songs in his
Elizabethan Songs with String Quartet, 3 Vol., London, 1926, and Philip Brett's
Consort Songs, M?sica Britannica XXII, London 1967, gives a more recent edition of
some of these and others as well. It is generally considered that "Awake ye woeful weights"
is the earliest instance of a musical lament in a play. The song occurs in Richard
Edwards's Damon and Pithias (1564).
56
The table of contents on f. 25(24) which is all that remains in the 15117 collection lists
all the Psalmes in Allison's publication and in the order in which they appear there. The
Psalmes was published in the same year as Morley's Consort Lessons and the two use
page who paid the "coast & charges" of the printing because the Psalmes was published
in the same year and because some of the best pieces in Morley's collection are by
Allison. As with Morley's Lessons the melody of the pieces in the Psalmes is in the
Cantus or highest part instead of in the Tenor. Although this was common in post
Reformation secular songs Mr. Beck describes it as "a relatively new departure in a
Among the actual music in the 15117 manuscript there are four pieces from another
(1614). These all occur together on folios 13. v. and 14. They are all taken from the
earlier part of the printed collection which contains songs for four voices, or voice (or
voices) and broken consort, or broken consort without voice (a consort identical to
Morley's and employing the same tuning). Unlike Allison's settings the only voice part
which is not doubled by an instrument is the Tenor which suggests that Leighton is
returning to the old concept of cantus firmus. However the Tenor part does not carry
the melody nor does it seem to be conceived as a solo part in anything more than name.
The versions in the present manuscript reproduce Leighton's Cantus (this is also the
treble viol part) and lute parts which are printed together in the 1614 edition. The text
in the 15117 manuscript differs slightly from that in the 1614 edition. In particular the
first song of this group, "Come let vs singe", supplies a fourth line for each of the four
stanzas which the printed text does not, this simply implying by the sign "ii" that the
third line is to be repeated as the fourth. (In the 15117 text the fourth line of each
stanza has been added in a different hand from that in which the rest of the song has
been written. )
**InMusic on the Shakespearean Stage, London, 1913, p. 60, G.H. Cowling suggested
that the broken consort pieces in Leighton's collection were possibly used as incidental
music in the theatre. He cited no evidence for this.
57
was interested in the broken consort. On folio 8 there occurs a piece in tablature, with
no voice part, entitled "thoughe you are younge and I am olde" (Example 1). The tabla
ture is for pandora, using a tuning similar to that which Morley uses for the pandora
part in his Consort Lessons (C D G c e a).10 This piece is not, obviously, a solo part:
it appears to be the lowest part of a consort arrangement since it does not have any of
the melody of Campion's song but does reproduce exactly the harmonic basis of that song
as it occurs in Rosseter's Ayres (as no. 2 in that collection). The only change is the key.
There are some pieces in the collection which, in their arrangement there, appear
to have been adapted from versions for larger groups of instruments. This does suggest
-
a popularity and also a popularization one which could well have come about through
their use in the theatre repertoire. Two of particular interest are Dowland's
public
"Sleepe wayward thoughts" (f. 7 for voice and lute, f. 23. v. (22. v. ) for solo keyboard)
and "Synce my ioyes" (f.16). The version of "Sleepe wayward thoughts" for voice and
lute has not been taken from the version which occurs in Dowland's First Book of Ayres
(1597) for four voices or for treble voice and lute accompaniment, although the two other
Dowland lute ayres in this manuscript (f. 15. v. and f. 21) do seem to have been taken
from versions - for voice and lute. The 15117 version of "Sleepe
directly their printed
wayward thoughts" follows the printed version in the voice part but gives a quite different
lute accompaniment (see Plate 2). This is obviously for a large lute with many diapasons,
but even for this the accompaniment is a strange mixture of very simple chords
allowing
and quite full chords involving octave leaps in progressions which distort the simple
effectiveness of Dowland's printed lute part. It is possible that the 15117 arrangement
was made not from a version for solo voice and lute (or even from the four-part vocal
but from an arrangement for several instruments and that the lute accompani
version)
The other point of interest in the song may support this suggestion. There is some
confusion over the clef in the vocal line at the beginning of the song. The C clef on the
lowest line of the stave (the same as that used in the preceding piece) and the B above it
have been crossed out: however, the scribe has not simply changed from the C clef on
on line two, the same - G The sharp on
line one to the G clef thus keeping key major.
10I use the conventional method of referring to the pitch of the notes: C = two octaves
below middle c, c = one octave below middle c, c'
=
middle c, and so on.
58
was to transfer the C clef to the second line rather than replace it with the G clef. The
-
key of G major would have been retained the sharp representing F-sharp. Assuming
however that the first note of the piece remained the same (that is the note on the middle
line of the stave) the piece would be in C major and would not require the sharp. If the
G tuning is used for the lute accompaniment this too is in C major. The voice part has,
however, been finally written in G major and must therefore have the following tuning
for the lute accompaniment: DGcead', The confusion over the clefs and the key of
the song may have arisen because the scribe was copying and attempting to transpose at
The accompaniment for "Synce my ioyes" (f.16. ) seems to involve problems similar
to those involved in "Sleepe wayward thoughts" (see Plate 3). I have not found this song
referred to in any other source either earlier than, or contemporary with, the 15117
manuscript, though it appears to be a popular song by its use of the popular "willo"
and here too the accompaniment seems to involve far fuller chords and more awkward
leaps than seems justified by the simplicity of the vocal line and the form of the piece as
-
fuller instrumental form rather than to regard it as simply for bass lute an instrument
Furthermore, it is of interest to compare both these songs with the other piece in
the manuscript whose accompaniment requires a lute tuning with d' as the highest note.
This is the setting of "In youthlye yeeres" (f,14.v. ). The same song occurs in a manu
script in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin: the Dallis Book, MS D. 3. 30, pp. 204
207 (see Plate 4). The Dallis version is ascribed "Qd Mr Parsons" and its accompani
ment, like that of the 15117 version, requires a lute tuning with d' as its highest note.
Although from the appearance of the tablature the Dallis Book version seems to have a
completely different accompaniment from the 15117 version the two versions are, in
fact, fairly similar when both are transcribed into notation. The similarities are in the
^See Sternfeld, F.W. "Shakespeare's Use of Popular Song," in Elizabethan and Jacobean
Studies. ed. H. Davis, Oxford, 1959, pp. 150-166. CR. Baskervill, The Elizabethan
Jig, Dover, New York, pp.21 and 254, refers to wooing games in which the "rejected"
lover stands apart wearing a willow The "Willow which Desdemona
garland. Song" sings
in Othello also occurs in the 15117 manuscript, see below pp. 67 and 71.
59
lines of each and the harmonic differences in the accompaniments suggest that the Dallis
version is more "old-fashioned" both in its often conservative lack of modulation to even
closely related keys and in its frequent use of the flattened seventh. The significant fact
which a comparison of these two versions, both using the D lute-tuning, points to is that
the accompaniments of both have probably been adapted from a contrapuntal version for
instruments which do not use tablature: probably a consort of viols. This would explain
the similarities in harmony and contrapuntal texture while the actual notes (the pitch and
"arrangement" of the chords) are almost completely different throughout: it would also
explain the D tuning which is the standard viol tuning. It seems probable, then, that
this song is an adaptation of a consort-song: and furthermore, since the words of the
song are usually considered to be by Richard Edwards (they occur in his anthology The
Paradyse of Daintie Devises) and since the Dallis Book ascribes the music to Parsons
Robert Parsons) both of whom are known to have written songs for early choir
(probably
boy plays this song may well be a consort song from a play.12 The relation between the
lute tuning for the accompaniment and the general style, nature and probable context of
the song "In youthlye yeeres" does therefore seem to be fairly satisfactorily explicable.
contrast the for the two other songs (f. 7. and f.16. ) do seem to
By accompaniments
indicate a reduction of a more scoring although the tuning required is the same
complex
as that for "In youthlye yeeres". The difference may be explained by the suggestion
that the transcriber of "Sleepe wayward thoughts" and "Synce my ioyes" was working
from a score tablatures rather than staff notation as I have suggested may have
involving
been the case for "In The the lowest instrument of the
youthlye yeeres". pandora,
broken has a very similar to that of the bass viol but its music is notated
consort, tuning
this would suggest a comparison with the other Dowland dance ayre in the 15117 manu
Another instance in the collection of popular adaptation can be seen in the version of
12See Parsons's "Pandolpho" in Christ Church, Oxford, MSS Mus 984-988. See also
below, p. 69.
60
the month of maying". In the 15117 manuscript the song occurs next to another madrigal
madrigal proper.l3
A different version of the words of "The peacefull westerne winde", usually consider
ed to be by Thomas Campion, occurs in his Second Book of Ayres (c.1613) set to the
music he composed for the song "Move now with measured sound" in Lord Hayes' Masque
(1607). The music in the 15117 collection is no. 3 of Morley's Ballets for Five Voices
(1595) and the words of Morley's ballet are given at the end of the song as an alternative
structure and rhythm from that for Campion's song in the 1613 printed edition, so the two
versions of the words are different although they are sufficiently similar to indicate that
Campion's printed version was following the 15117 version.14 The refrain of the third
our -
Record? musick thus
Fa la la',
indicating that these words are Elizabethan and earlier than the version set and published
A comparison of the adaptations of the two Morley madrigals in the 15117 manuscript
is illuminating. On the one hand the four-part vocal version of "Aprill is in" is contra
puntal in style giving equal value to all parts, and on the other hand the vocal
five-part
version of "Now is the month of maying" ("The peacefull westerne winde") is almost
entirely homophonic, the upper voice being clearly predominant. Because of this it
would seem that the original version of "Now is the month of maying" would lend itself
far more readily to adaptation as a solo song than would that of is in". It is
"Aprill
lute part from the three lower parts of "Aprill is in" follows the madrigal setting as
closely as possible, the lute accompaniment to "The westerne winde" does not
peacefull
61
thinner and some of the harmonies are altered with the result that the accompaniment is
more flowing. Furthermore, "Now is the month of may" (sic) occurs in an arrangement
for broken consort in Rosseter's Lessons for Consort (1609). The 15117 version has not
been adapted from Rosseter's arrangement for the harmonies there follow those in the
setting of the 1595 edition of Morley's Ballets. However, the fact that Rosseter arranged
it for his collection of 1609 does indicate the popularity of the music in itself and thus it
is possible that the arrangement in the 15117 manuscript has been adapted from an instru
mental version. The comparison of its accompaniment's instrumental texture with the
way "Aprill is in" very carefully adapts the three lower vocal parts for its accompani
The of part songs to songs with voice and lute accompaniment is not of
adaptation
course isolated or unusual here: Dowland's First Book of Ayres (1597) provided a lute
with the Cantus so that the ayres could be sung either as solo songs or as four-part
part
songs, and many other composers described their songs as "apt for voices and viols".
In the case of these, and particularly of Dowland's songs, however, the style of the
songs and the awkward setting of the words in many of the lower parts suggest that they
are more solo songs and indeed they have more often survived in this form.
properly
The adaptation of what are specifically madrigals (as is "Aprill is in") for solo voice
and accompaniment is not very common. More commonly solo song with instrumental
pect of the influence of the madrigal on English consort song, for instance in the publish
ed versions of many of Byrd's songs. These give words for all parts though the "First
singing part" (not by any means always the Cantus but always one of the upper parts) is
indicated. 1-5 As with the four-part versions of Dowland's Ayres these songs are
usually
more solo songs and it seems that it is basically from this native tradition that
properly
Dowland's evolved: they are, too, influenced from French and German
songs although
sources. The adaptation of consort song to lute song (as is the case with the songs by
62
and from "fashionable" ideas towards a more popular English form, that which forms
the tradition of consort song and lute ayre. In itself, of course, the occurrence of this
have himself arranged several of his madrigals as solo songs for his patron, Sir George
Carey. It is only when it is considered in relation to the direction in which the whole
manuscript collection turns that this arrangement becomes of interest. This turning
towards an English and popular tradition is more specifically seen in another song in
the manuscript: "Miserere my maker" (f.6. ). The text here is set to an arrangement
of the music to the first twenty-seven bars of Caccini's "Amarilli mia bella" with accom
"Amarilli mia bella" which appeared in Le nuove musiche (1602) seems to have been
with variations for keyboard by Peter Phillips dated 1603 in The Fitzwilliam Virginal
Book, and the song was printed together with another of Caccini's songs from Le nuove
musiche (Dovro dunque morir?") in Robert Dowland's A Musicall Banquet (1610) with
Caccini's figured bass realized and arranged in tablature for lute. The song also occurs
The music of the 15117 version of "Miserere my maker" does not follow Caccini's
music exactly, but differs from it in some points of rhythm and melody. The harmonic
alterations are generally simplifications and occur at the cadences. The melodic
mainly
alterations are more unusual: all tend to make the vocal line more monotonous
nearly
the J a rhythm into o o and the^ J J J J J figure (which was later to become almost a
standard one in English declamatory song) into . The existence of the sett
J J J J Jf
ing, to a religious text, obviously suggests the popularity of the Italian song; and the
16lt is known from the dedication of Morley's five-part Canzonets published in 1597 that
he made a lute arrangement of the four lower parts as an accompaniment to the Cantus
so that Sir George Carey might play and sing them alone. The lute tablature accompani
ment occurs on certain pages in the Cantus part-book. It is possible, no
although speci
fic evidence exists for this, that Morley arranged several other madrigals in the same way.
l?See also Ward, John. "Joan qd John and other Fragments at Western Reserve Univer
sity" in Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music, p. 842, footnote 35. a.
l^Caccini, Giulio. Le nvove mvsiche de Givio Caccini detto Romano . .. Nouamente
con somma diligenza reuiste, corrette, e ristampate. In Venetia ... M.D. CII. Sig.B.2
-
B.2v.
19See for example St. Michael's College, Tenbury, MS 1018, f.39; B.M. MS
Royal Appendix 55, f. 7v-8. 63
the techniques of declamatory song itself. It seems, however, a perverse kind of inter
est, for the English words do not always fit the Italian music and so cannot retain their
natural spoken accentuation (for example, unimportant words such as "the" and "with"
are often stressed) and the changes in rhythm make the vocal line more angular and less
fluid. What appears to be a curious insensitivity to the very characteristics which give
Caccini's song its life and meaning appears also to be an attempt to impose known rhyth
mic patterns of melodic song on this new foreign form.
Such a conclusion about the nature of the adaptation of Caccini here is strengthened
and a different setting of these words (with two additional stanzas) in the Francis Turpyn
Book of Lute Songs in the Library of King's College, Cambridge, Rowe MS 2. 20 (See
Example 2. )
This other setting of "Miserere my maker" appears to have been influenced in its
than that in the 15117 manuscript. The words probably existed before either setting
since the 15117 manuscript gives one stanza only and the Turpyn version three. It is
not easy to indicate precise details of influence here: there is, rather, a general im
pression of similarity between the two English versions. One may, however, compare
the treatment in each version of the following points. In each case the music follows
the line structure of the words and the between the two settings in this
correspondence
is most clear in the first three lines. The to ,TStrangly distressed" in the Tur
melody
-
version has been influenced the 15117 setting it is almost the same,
pyn obviously by
a tone lower. The point at which the 15117 manuscript differs from Caccini here, in
the repetition of the quaver on C, is reproduced in the Turpyn manuscript. On the other
"credio del mio cor"). However, this version moves away from the 15117
(Caccini:
version after and hence also avoids imitating the two occa
"Mightily vex't", completely
sions on which the 15117 manuscript has adapted Caccini's 7 J J J J J declamatory figure
- at "to the Souls " in the
bitter anguish" and "to Eare my ceaseles cryinge. Although
20See the article by Philippe Oboussier, "Turpyn's Book of Lute Songs", Music and
Letters, XXXIV/2 (1953), 149, which dates the manuscript as c.1615.
64
version, this, in a completely different melodic context, has none of that version's
stiffness.
It is, however, in the final chromatic "Miserere" section that the form the influence
of the Italian song has taken can be most clearly seen. The chromaticism is a "fashion
able" Italian method of affection. The 15117 version follows Caccini in the use of the
-
ascending chromatic passage supported in the accompaniment by a series of simple V
I cadences in G, C, and D, so that the emphasis is placed on the vocal line. The Turpyn
manuscript version imitates the chromatic affection ?t the final "miserere", but here
the passage descends, and literally, "dies" away from the preceding climax leading to
D major. Here one feels that the final section grows organically out the preceding mat
erial rather than being purely a declamatory "device": the descending chromatic pass
age is part of a series of far more complex harmonies and modulations here than are
fairly simple harmonic progressions. The emphasis of the setting is thus placed on the
what is most interesting about the two settings of "Miserere my maker" is that in these
one can observe a shift away from this very declamatory quality. In the 15117 version
such a shift can be seen only in details of change of rhythm to one less flexible. The
influence of Caccini can still be seen in the Turpyn manuscript version but here the
form and the meaning of Caccini's song have been changed The song is not
completely.
declamatory at all: and although the basic spoken rhythm of the words is maintained in
the vocal line, this is no longer completely separable from the accompaniment, which
itself no longer establishes only a simple harmonic basis. The function of the music is
not to "declaim" the words: rather, the words and the music make up a com
together
plex musical whole; the words and the "expression" of the words are controlled by the
musical form. In this respect it is interesting too that while the earlier, 15117, version
sets only one stanza and does not give any others, the version is
Turpyn stanzaic, giving
all three stanzas to be sung to the same music. Here the effect seems to be quite delib
erate. The words are a prayer to the Trinity, each stanza an invocation to one
being
aspect of the Trinity: Father, Son and Holy Ghost. The significance of the words lies
in this progression, which is at the same time cyclic. This can be seen in
quite simply
65
sense the three stanzas are contained within a single image (one which transcends each
part) which is God. The setting of the three stanzas to the same music stresses the
paradoxical nature of the Trinity, the Three in One. Like many of the airs of the luten
ist song-writers (particularly Dowland's dance ayres, for example) the words are given
ings. In "Miserere my maker" the fact that the progression through the three stanzas
in the end to One - which is at the same time climactic - is
leads beautifully pointed by
the way in which the same musical phrases "express" different, yet related, concepts.
It is this pointing of the inter-relationship between the stanzas by the musical setting
-
which gives the words an extra dimension one which in the words alone is not complete
ly clear. On the other hand, to repeat several stanzas to the 15117 version would become
simply monotonous; for there the musical form does not assert itself over the words but
is, rather, controlled by them, and would be almost meaningless without them. It does
not seem, therefore, to be entirely chance that the version closer to the Italian should
set one stanza, in declamatory fashion, and that the version which has converted this
Italianate model into a specifically English form of lute song should set several stanzas
The Turpyn manuscript version has converted both "Amarilli mia bella" and the
15117 manuscript's adaptation of Caccini"s song into an English lute song. The 15117
version illustrates the first step towards this while it is, itself, neither strictly declama
nor melodic song. In comparison with the later Turpyn version "Miserere my
tory
fluence which is not commonly remarked on in English song of this period; and in its
deliberate turning away from foreign influence towards a kind of song which is complete
There is one other song in the 15117 manuscript whose form there suggests further
wounde" The song is part of the second section of "Defiled is my name", usually
(f.15).
considered to have been set by Robert Johnson. It also occurs in the Mulliner Book (B. M.
66
perhaps, surprising to find it arranged in the 15117 manuscript for solo voice and lute.
Unlike the arrangement (in a similar way) of the Morley madrigal, however, the solo
part here is taken from the alto part and not from the soprano. More significant than
this is the fact that this arrangement provides some complication in the correspondence
between the tablature accompaniment and the voice part which points to a significant
feature of adaptation (see Plate 5). The 15117 version is closer to the four-part vocal
version in B.M. Add. 30480-3 than to the keyboard arrangement in the Mulliner Book:
the alto part of the section beginning "unto my fame" in the vocal is almost iden
setting
tical (except for slight variations and bars 9-10 of the 15117 version where the alto entry
is treated as part of the instrumental accompaniment) with the voice part in the 15117
manuscript. The 15117 version uses the alto clef and the voice part is in the same key
as the four-part vocal version. The lute is an of the three
accompaniment arrangement
other parts, but each of these has been transposed down an octave the alto
leaving part
only at its original pitch and making it now an upper part standing out above the instru
mental parts rather than mingling with them. In order that the lute accompaniment may
remain in the same key as the voice part the lute must be tuned with middle C as its
highest note rather than G, a 5th above. This gives the lute tuning as C F B-flat d g c',
one which is highly improbable. In performance, then, the lute would probably have
been tuned to the G tuning and the voice part transposed up a 5th. This means too that
the C clef on the second line of the stave would simply have to be read as the G clef on
that line. The voice part is now a soprano rather than an alto The of
part. adaptation
this song suggests a kind of popularization which seems related to the specifically English
influences of the lute song and the music for broken consort. Furthermore it is also poss
ible that the song may in fact be a play song and its popularity directly related to this: it
Of the four songs in the 15117 manuscript which are definitely able to be assigned to
plays ("Awake ye wofull weights", f.3. , "Have you seene but a whyte lillie f.l7.v. ,
grow",
"Come my Celia" f. 20. v. , "The poore soule sate the first three were
sighinge", f.18)
almost certainly written especially for their plays while the fourth, which Desdemona
sings in Othello makes its point there by being already a popular song. one of these
Only
("Awake ye wofull weights") belongs to an early choirboy play and is possibly adapted
from a consort song version. It has been suggested that the song which follows this ("O
67
no specific dramatic context for it has been identified. 22 Peter Warlock out
pointed
that this song was popularly considered to have been written by Anne Boleyn on her
death-bed and the same has been made about "Defiled is my name". 2S There
suggestion
is no reason for definitely assigning either song to her.24 The significance of the assoc
iation of both songs with Anne Boleyn (the legend in both cases is improbable) may be
seen in the placing of these two songs in their contexts in the 15117 manuscript. "O
Deathe" follows the lament from Damon and Pithias and is itself followed by another song
which was, in popular tradition, a This is "O heavenlye god" (f.4). In
"death-song".
The Paradyse of daintie Deuises the poem is ascribed to [F]rancis [K]inwelmarsh but
in most other sources, including the Harington manuscript at Arundel Castle, the poem
is ascribed to Walter Devereux, 1st Earl of Essex. In her edition and discussion of the
Harington manuscript Ruth Hughey gives evidence from several manuscripts which sugg
est that the song was sung by the Earl on the night of his death; and although, as she
herself points out, this does not necessarily mean that the Earl wrote the poem she is
iam Byrd but recently Philip Brett has considered the song as more likely to be the work
2? but there is a "death
of Nicholas Strogers. Very little is known of Strogers' music
22See Warlock, Peter. Elizabethan Songs with String Quartet, Vol. Ill pp. 1-3 and the
Notes. See also Ward, John, "Joan qd John and other Fragments at Western
Introductory
Reserve University", op. cit. pp. 837-844.
24"0 Deathe" has also been ascribed to Anne brother, Viscount Rochford. It is
Boleyn's
said to have been written by him while in the Tower awaiting execution for incest with his
sister, Anne, the Queen.
25Hughey, Ruther. The Arundel Harington Manuscript of Tudor Poetry, Columbus, Ohio,
1960. The occurs on f.34.v. of the manuscript (see Vol.1, no. 68). The discussion
poem
in favour of attributing the poem to Walter Devereux is in Volume II, pp. 68ff.
26Fellowes ascribes the song to Byrd in his edition of The Collected Works, Vol.XV, pp.
28-30. The music is ascribed to Byrd in St. Michael's College, Tenbury, MS 389, p. 103.
Fellowes attributes the poem, mistakenly, to Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of Essex. As
far as I know there is no evidence to support such an ascription. For the consideration
of the evidence the ascription to Nicholas Strogers see Brett, Philip, The
supporting
Songs of William Byrd, Typescript Ph.D. Dissertation (1965) in the University Library,
and Consort M?sica Britannica XXII, p. 180. Dr. Brett con
Cambridge, p. 329, Songs,
the most reliable source for the is the contra-tenor in
siders that song single part-book
the Bodleian Oxford, MS Mus. Sch. e.423, which was written between 1575
Library,
and 1586.
68
Oxford, a collection which contains a number of consort songs: MSS Mus 984-988.2?
This may be from a play, but whether this is so or not it has been influenced by certain
musical characteristics common to songs which almost certainly were written for a
dramatic context. One very common motif is the repeated "I die" at the end, often set
to a descending third figure as at the end of "O Deathe". 2? If Strogers wrote this song
for a play it is not impossible that "O heavenlye god" also belongs to a dramatic context,
And this suggestion is given some validity perhaps when one considers not only its posi
tion in the 15117 manuscript but also its association, like the association of the song pre
I have already suggested that the attribution of "In youthlye yeeres" (f,14.v. ) to
Robert Parsons in its version in the Dallis Book might support the suggestion that this
song too is from a play. Its occurrence in the 15117 manuscript immediately next to
"Vnto my fame" adds weight to the possibility that both these are play songs. The com
parison of "Defiled is my name" with the other "death-songs" in the manuscript points
to this as does its form here considered together with the other kinds of adaptation
The evidence for considering the 15117 manuscript as a collection in some way conn
ected with the popular theatre, even if regarded as tentative, does illuminate rather in
terestingly the two dialogue songs which occur together in the collection, "Come gentle
heardman" (f.lO.v.) and "Save fonde love" (f.12). "Come gentle heardman" is set here
to the old ballad tune "Go from my window" and the text alone, in a fuller occurs
version,
in Davis on's A Poetical Rhapsody (1602, 1621) ascribed "Ignoto", in a manuscript in the
University Library, Cambridge (D.5. 75. , f.39.v. ) and in the manuscript collection of
Sir Arthur Gorges' poems in the British Museum (MS Egerton, 3165, f. 101.v.). These
facts in themselves would not necessarily suggest that "Come heardman" is any
gentle
more remarkable than dozens of other pastoral dialogues, and indeed its place simply in
the tradition of the poetry of Tottel's Miscellany for instance does seem to be supported
28See the consort songs in the first part of Brett, Consort Songs, op. cit., pp. 1-33,
especially nos.l, 3, 4, 7 and 9.
69
probably originally wrote the poem for his wife, Douglas Howard, who is elsewhere
However, there is one other source of the poem, the only other source I have found
so far which includes a musical setting. This is the Thysius Luitboek, f.395, where
"Comme gentyl heardman" is set as in the 15117 manuscript to the tune "Go from my
" In his discussion and edition of the lute book, Het Luitboek van Thysius
window. (Am
sterdam 1889), J. P. N. Land says that the book was probably compiled early in the 17th
century. The reference to the association of "Go from my window" with "Comme gentyl
heardman" is on pp. 79-80 where Land suggests that the text may be related in some way
ad is, in fact, one of the many popular ballads about Walsingham pilgrims and has little
in common with "Comme gentyl heardman" except the opening line and the stanza form.
Whatever was Land's reason for the suggestion it would seem to be of small significance
now that the Egerton manuscript of Sir Arthur Gorges' poems has been discovered. How
ever, there are some observations to be made about the poem as it occurs in the Egerton
manuscript which should be taken account of for the present discussion, In her edition of
the Egerton manuscript H.E. Sandison says (p.xxxii) that the group of poems which in
cludes "Cumme gentle Heardman" was probably written before 1580, and the style of the
poems would also suggest this. CR. Baskervill (The Elizabethan Jig) points out that in
the middle of the 16th century until about the 1580s there was a great deal of interest in
the ballad metres and forms literary men, including non-professional poets, and that
by
the mutual influence of ballad and more courtly literature was great. Baskervill points
for instance (p. 30) to the fact that Surrey's use of long lines which are akin to ballad
"
metres "may have been due to an interest in native forms like the traditional ballad.
is evidenced by the large number of entries on the Stationers' Register in the 1560s of
ballads with classical stories. One of the other main kinds of ballads showing a "liter
29See the edition of the Egerton manuscript by Helen Estabrook Sandison, The Poems of
Sir Arthur Gorges, Oxford, 1953, p.xxviii. The poem is printed on pp. 118-123.
70
when considered in the light of Baskervill's study might indicate not only that Gorges was
writing in a ballad tradition but also that the poem could have become, like the ballad
type of poems in A Handefull of pleasant delites for example a part of the popular litera
ture. Its inclusion by Davison in his A Poetical Rhapsody would support this. This
seems further to be supported by its association in both the 15117 manuscript and the
Thysius manuscript with the ballad tune "Go from my window". It is therefore not im
that "Come gentle heardman" was used as a jig or after-piece for plays and
probable
this would explain its occurrence, in the Dutch manuscript. English theatrical companies
travelling on the Continent in the later years of the 16th century were famous for their
performances of j igs.
tion of both the words and the music of Dowland's dialogue-song "Humour, say what mak'st
thou here" in his Second Book of Ayres (1600) no. 22. which is almost certainly from a
masque of entertainment. By comparison with Dowland's "Houmour" the music for "Save
fonde love" is rather uninteresting and so it would be reasonable to suggest that Dowland's
version is the later version and not that "Save fonde love" is a vulgarization of Dowland.
Furthermore, because of its occurrence in the 15117 manuscript with "Come gentle
heardman" it is possible that "Save fonde love" is a folk dialogue and may have been part
of a theatrical repertoire as a jig. In his discussion of the Elizabethan jig Baskervill
points to a whole group of ballad and dialogue songs "based on a pagan custom of allowing
a youth secret access to his mate before marriage".3^ The conventional formula of the
opening and the subject matter of "Save fonde love" suggests that it might well be a song
of this kind. If this is the case then Dowland's sophisticated parody of it for a more soph
isticated theatrical occasion testifies to its popularity.
The suggestion that these two dialogue songs may belong to the ballad literature, or
the more sophisticated adaptations of it, that was included at the end of theatrical per
formances in the public theatres and was especially popular at the turn of the century
raises the question of the possibility of a similar function for the songs on folios 15. v.
and 16: "Treade Iunos steps" and "Synce my ioyes". I have already referred to the
"willo" refrain in both "Synce my ioyes" and "The poore soule sate sighinge" (f.18) and
its association with folk games.31 The words of "Treade Iunos steps" also suggest its
30Baskervill, C.R. The Elizabethan Jig. Dover reprints, New York, 1965, p. 199.
31 See and footnote 11.
above,p.59.
71
support this.
These suggestions might explain the inclusion in the manuscript of a group of songs
which at first sight seem unrelated in style and purpose to some of those considered
above. The group includes the three songs on folios 18. v. and 19 and the song on folio
24 (23). It appears, for instance, that the settings of the two songs with words by Sid
ney ("My trewe love hath my hart" and "Have I caught") have been influenced by the ex
periments and ideals of Sidney's group. The rhythm and accent of the words control
the vocal part completely and the accompaniment which is entirely homophonic in each
case supports this in simple harmonies. However, the effect of each song as a whole is
not of "academic" music in any sense. The characteristics of these songs can be most
clearly demonstrated by comparing the song ("Imust complaine") which occurs between
the two Sidney settings and whose own setting seems to be influenced by similar ideas
with a probably later setting of the same words by Thomas Campion in his Fourth Book
of Ayres (c.1617). Although the two settings in this case bear no relation to one another
a comparison suggests the tendency observable in the two settings of "Miserere my maker"
discussed above. The setting of "I must complaine" in the 15117 manuscript does not
complement the words by defining a "tone of voice" in its musical form but exists simply
to display the words (Example 3a). The sequence of bars 5-6 is an example. The song
in this setting exists primarily as statement. The setting in Campion's Fourth Book of
Ayres seems, on the other hand, to complement the words by defining more precisely
the exact balance in the poetry between statement and feeling about the statement. Thus,
though the setting takes account of verbal accentuation the effect is no longer one of a
musical governed by verbal phrases. Rather, one feels a pull towards the
simple shape
this (see Example 3b). While it maintains a partially narrative form the poem has been
assimilated into a musical form. It would appear, then, that the 15117 setting of "I must
complaine" is in fact the closer of the two to new fashioned ideas of words-and-music.
However, this setting, like the adaptation of "Amarilli mia bella" for "Miserere my
is rather The sequence at bars 5-6, for example, does seem rather
maker", clumsy.
angular in the way it emphasizes the breaking up of "to to beautifull of hew" and the
at bars 5-7 breaks up the sense of the words rather than points it. Here then,
sequence
the is far more theoretical than musical and appears to have been imposed
sophistication
72
which, like the whole of the collection from which that piece comes, represents quite
obviously an attempt to fuse the "new" with the simple and popular.
The two Sidney songs illustrate the same fusion of the sophisticated with the popular,
though perhaps more successfully. "My trewe love hath" is based on a dance rhythm
and the origin of both in the kind of song "Tread Iunos steps" or "Synce my ioyes"
represent is obvious. Certainly the popularity of "Have I caught" is born out by Fal
staff's reference to it in The Merry Wives of Windsor III iii 45, for it is more likely that
the popularization of the reference is due to the fact that the poem was set to music
The cumulative evidence of single pieces in the collection does seem to point clearly
to the relation of the manuscript to the repertoire of the public theatres. Just exactly in
what way this relation can be defined must be considered now. My discussion has ignored
almost entirely the sacred songs in the collection (apart from the four Leighton songs,
"O heavenlye God" and "Miserere my maker") as well as "It was a when bees
tyme sillye
coulde speake", f.21 and "What yf I f.23.v. (22.v. ). These last two are obvious
seeke",
ticularly Dowland's "It was a tyme"; and indeed the very fact of its occurrence here may
suggest that it is more definitely an "occasional" piece than has so far been thought and
perhaps throw some interesting light on others of Dowland's songs. While it is recog
nised that possibly some of Byrd's sacred songs, at any rate, were used in plays I think
says that because the collection contains music which could not be related solely to the
theatre the collection may well have to a professional musician
belonged occasionally
employed in the theatre. If the collection represents to a large degree the repertoire of
the public theatres, rather than of the private theatres, this suggestion seems logical
for the public theatres employed few full-time musicians. Certainly, apart from the
music in the manuscript which is known, or likely, to have to a public theatre
belonged
repertoire, the variety of instruments required by the collection a professional
suggests
73
There is, however, another aspect to be taken into consideration: apart from this one
pandora part the collection is completely self-contained. All the songs which exist in
versions for several voices or for voice and several instruments occur here in "reduced"
score ("Sleepe wayward thoughts" and "Synce my ioyes" very clumsily reduced) for solo
performance. While on the one hand this could simply mean that for a certain occasion
each was required as a solo song (and certainly the deliberate adaptation for solo perform
ance of "Aprill is in my mis tres face" might support this) we should, on the other hand,
bear in mind that this could also be said to contradict any suggestion that the manuscript
could be directly associated with the theatre, and that it could be argued that despite the
quite obvious interest the owner or compiler shows in the repertoire of theatre music
The first, however, is the more attractive hypothesis; and at the same time it is
obvious that the collection is not a haphazardly compiled one: songs of a certain kind are
grouped together. Moreover, the contents themselves (both sacred and secular) do all
belong to a particular tradition of song characterized by the relationship between text and
music which in this manuscript is traced from the middle of the sixteenth century into the
second decade of the seventeenth century. There are, of course, changes and experi
ments in the music and the poetry: but the fundamental attitude towards their relation
ship remains the same. It is one which is influenced in many ways, including theoretic
(see for example the Sidney settings) from the Continent. On the other hand the
ally
foreign influences are adapted to a firmly established native idiom which is also, basic
sort and one which Professor Dart has remarked on with regard to Morley's
repertoire
Consort Lessons: the existence of sophisticated settings beside popular and ballad tunes.33
What is perhaps at the moment more important than saying definitely that the 15117
is a theatre collection (since this cannot be said in any case without more
manuscript
of its origins) is the fact that it represents a varied collection of mus
precise knowledge
ic composed over a period of fifty years or more for a variety of instruments and instru
mental combinations; and yet within this variety and long time-span one observes that
fully compiled. These characteristics are similar to those found in Morley's Consort
Lessons which was enormously popular within the latter part of the time covered by the
contents of the manuscript (the period in which the collection seems to have been compiled)
and which was fairly specifically connected with the public theatre.
Because so very little, comparatively speaking, of the theatre music has been pres
erved it is often not possible to say "This piece of music or this song was used at this
point" and the suggestion that the 15117 manuscript may contain more music that was
actually part of the theatre repertoire than simply the songs assignable to specific plays
obviously does not help very much in this respect. However, very often no specific piece
of music was indicated; and in that case it is perhaps helpful to be able to say that this
kind of music, these kinds of influences were what the theatre musician or playwright was
concerned with.
75
To the servants
S. .. is xixs
To the ost[l]ers id
To the musitians xs
Mr Candishe Almaine
[Tablature]
[Tablature]
2.v. Curranto
Curranto
From of greife 98
5.v. depth
6. Miserere my Maker 98
thoughts 99
7. Sleepe wayward
76
f. 11. [Blank, except for ruled staves and the fragment of a word in the
right-hand margin.]
f. 19. v. -20. O God but God howe dare I name that name 107
f. 21. v. -23. [Blank. The folios are misnumbered from here on.
77
folio /
O Lord of whom 5
O Come let vs 6
My Soule doth 9
O Lord Because 10
Our father 13
Harke Israel 15
Wher Righteousness 16
There is no god 20
O god my Strength 21
0 god my god 23
1 Lift my hart 24
O Lord Consyder 30
78
78 Attend my people 38
Attend my people 65
Our father 66
All my beleife 67
geiue peace 69
f. 25. v. [Notes of various kinds. These have been written by different hands
(f.24.v. )
and probably at different times. They are very difficult to read as
f. 25 (f. 24) has been damaged at both the right-hand and the left
. .ad 3o. trin. 3o. or i.us[ ...] /Role 756 the dismiss e s 5o die
Piggott versus floyd Ro: 1608 / Piggott versus floyd Ro: 1608.
[Below this:]
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JulUfcw i?
^^
A * fc '
A' ft A A
?^Wi i g,r, * ?y* n* ****4
*i
2 *? ??
fe t
*
it-r
atlA ^
r x
A t r ,-?e r* E
j_utftl?'?>
4< ^ / e ?.a
EX
? _ik_ii_r. ?2=?
Plate 5: "Vnto my fame" Add. MS 15117, f.15.
86
^=m
i=5
n
ay f r r tr?_f |^
r
-fc-rt
10.
jt VT^^^.
u i_Ut A Ff
1 _-?L
?
S ig
_*?-_?_ dtz
13.
T
b
ZEZ
Example 1.
The transcription gives the whole piece an octave higher than written.
4 tablature I: MS =
Is
8 tablature If MS = | The lowest note of the chord is given
as a on course 6.
12 tablature I: MS = |
14 tablature I: MS gives the lowest note as d on course 6.
16 tablature I: MS = |
87
'r
Hf > r
Mi-
11JSe- fe-
,j JI .
fe ?*y toak-
I ?-r
N o H*ue mer-
r,
eye.
PUP XJ.
S *
S f^
lo
f i j &
a ?
On me? wrc-lctv d?'s~ Hress- casfc c?owne wifW ?
*W?*n?je- lye edl,
<S"
^E?=fe?i^gi?=??
Eu*rv +* tUe deattHe I la? -
y?-t let tt
ieT"?fc pleA5c
Ils
4U?e fc
gu.she,
RF
i
?F-* *
?
*=*: -? f
PFiNf^ W3o r.-.r
H=*
^^-44#
r?u- sc - *"? re. ^^pIM??l
**?- sc- ?*?-- re? I <?nr?
dy- iViqe.
F
=m^^ ?: ??=y w
?EfEE?jE ^
88
Miserere my maker.
tuning DGcead'.
=
8 accompaniment I: tablature b on string 2 as upper note. I
as though b on string 4.
= a on 6 as
30 accompaniment I: tablature string the lowest note.
89
*3? I J 1J J i ^=T=P
*= ^ mi- a- re- ?fc ?vu?k- er O K( wt ?mer cy or? ?v?e
?y
* ? S
f? TF t?1?? ITTT
fWT^? 5E?^ ?
=tp
m ?
- mm ?(Awn fcntW?irvix Of -
Wrelck ^arnj 'y ??s- Wss ed. catfc
^ m??m^s^m s
T
gii^? i =P=^
gg33=? ^ ^s
Si:F?^: ?H? ?
^
^&
T"
03e?^??^^ ?n- g?Ji'?vktuen lo tk* deo^K I |a*\- quisU et* left 'it ?lease ftv?*
=i= ^
Vf u r r ?
m^m
^S
?EE^
5_i_IZZjE LLii
? ?f?s
?S^i 25 fefE5?*Eg
T
^^^il?fillili re mi- *?-- re- re ( Qr*\ cJy
fe: ?^?
:?=?* #= -+ ifcg::
j? ill
^
90 r
Miserere my maker.
Stanzas 2 and 3:
miserere my Sauiour
91
^S
P^
g
*
U?Jr^^?
^ |> J ? fufcs
Beau- bc&rteS,
all ker es and de- v*?'- nest Ar+???. fo pa?*?, ker
gra<
rt ^^?
rr
?TT
m ?
rt f=F ^m
^m^^^^^tr^^^""1^1'^^
to fe> Bt??fc- f^i( +0 Pawe kev to 4fe Bea?-K- fUU <sf Uew? Skee kac? no fea-5?^
ipn?
t?: ?
T=1=r
leafr fc> **>e?lce her 4r?,we>.
iezzhsi
fe^ipf rr
^??
92
Imust complaine
FromB.M. MS Add. 15117, f.19.
Stanzas 2 and 3:
?
5
I mtAsi co?*- dto exx- (o^e>.
pt*?Vk, ye* j?y "wy
I must complain
From Campion, Thomas. Fourth Booke of Ayres. London, c.1617,
93
Oxford, 1967.
Fitzwilliam Virginal Book The Fitzwilliam Virginal Book, ed. J.A. Fuller
Maitland and W. Barclay Squire. 2 Vol. London
and Leipzig, 1894-99. Reprinted by Dover Pub
lications, New York, 1963.
Ward, "Joan John" Ward, John. "Joan qd John and other Fragments
qd
at Western Reserve University", in Aspects of
Medieval and Renaisance Music, ed. J. LaRue
94
inadequacies here. The list is as complete as I can make it at present. I view the mat
erial presented here as complementary to my discussion of the manuscript and for this
printed and manuscript, and contemporary references. Other sources, including mod
ern and standard editions have been listed for completeness and convenience. References
to modern critical, historical, or bibliographical discussions are cited where they prov
ide further or more detailed information on individual songs.
Edwards, Richard. The excellent comedie of two the moste faithfullest freendes,
Damon and Pithias ... London, 1571, D.I.
Sig. (words only).
"A Newe Ballade of a Louer Extollinge his Ladye. To the Tune of Damon and
Pithias." London, 1568. M. Osb[orne]. Facsimile of the broadside
ballad in the article by John Ward, J. A. M S. X / 3, facing page 168,
see below.
"
"Awake, ye woeful wights. ed. P. Warlock, for chorus. Curwen ed. no. 71690.
London, n.d.
References
Simpson, Claude. The British Broadside Ballad and its Music. New Brunswick,
New Jersey, 1966, pp.157-59.
95
Sources
Christ Church, Oxford, MS Mus 371, ff.10. v-11. v. "O death rock me aslepe"
for keyboard. (This is similar to the 15117 version. )
Western Reserve University, MS fragment (one leaf) bound into a copy of
Ernest David and Mathis Lussy, Histoire de la notation musicale,
B.M. MSSAdd. 18936-9 (i) f. 70v (ii) f.68v (iii) f. 50v (iv) f.68v
B.M. MSSAdd. 30480-4 (i) f.37v (ii) f.40v (iii) f.38v (iv) f.41 (v) f.l9v.
(Both these B. M. MS versions are completely different from the 15117 version. )
B.M. MS Add. 2637, f,107v (words only). The title "Vltima morientis/verba"
is given in the right-hand margin. The version gives four stanzas
additional to the one given in the 15117 MS.
Hawkins, Sir John. General History of Music. 5 Vol. London, 1776. ed. C.
Cudworth, 2 Vol. , Dover Publications, New York, 1963, Vol.1,
p. 376 (words only).
Ritson, Ancient Songs and Ballads. London, 1790, pp. 121-22. 2nd ed.
Joseph.
London, 1829, Vol.11, pp. 12-13, ascribed to Rochford. 3rd ed.
Rimbault, Edward. A Little Book of Songs and Ballads, gathered from ancient
musick books MS and printed. London, 1851, pp. 65-6.
Elizabethan Songs with String Quartet, ed. P. Warlock. 3 Vol. London, 1926,
Vol. Ill, no.l. Warlock gives the music from the two British Museum
manuscripts cited above.
" no.
"O Death rock me asleep. ed. P. Warlock. Curwen ed. 2389, London,
n.d. ?1928. Edited from B.M. MS Add. 15117.
96
Rollins, H.H. "A Note on Richard Edwards." R.E.S. IV (1928), pp.204-06., V (1929),
pp. 55-6. (This article discusses among other things B.M. MS Add.
26737, f.l06v.-108.)
Hebel, J.W. etal. Tudor Poetry and Prose. New York, 1953, p.43.
Stevens, J.E. Music and Poetry in the Early Tudor Court. London, 1961, p.449.
Sources
Byrd, W. Collected Works. Vol.XV, pp. 28-30. Fellowes attributes the words
here to Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of Essex. This is obviously a
mistake for Walter Devereux, 1st Earl of Essex.
Edwards, Richard, The Paradyse of daintie Deuises. London, 1576, 1606. ed.
H.E. Rollins, Cambridge, Mass. 1927, p.95. The poem is entitled
"The Complaint of a Synner" and is ascribed to
F[rancis] K|inwelmarsh].
(words only. )
References
Brett, Philip. Wiliam Byrd, pp. 329-330. Dr. Brett considers the song is more
97
Hughey Ruth. See above, Vol. II, pp. 68.If, Ruth Hughey discusses the reasons
in favour of attributing the poem to Walter De v?reux.
Sources
Bodleian Library, MS Rawl. Poet. 23. p. 114. Entitled "Miserere mei. Psalm
51". (words only. )
Sources
only. )
Sources
Dowland, Robert. A Musicall Banquet. London, 1610, no. XIX, Sig. L.lv-L.2.
"
"Amarilli mia bella.
"
B. M. MS 55, f. 7v-8. "Amarilli mia bella.
Royal Appendix
Christ Church, Oxford, MSS Mus 56-60, no. 31. (i) p. 151 (ii) p. 135 (iii) p. 31
(iv) p. 141 (v) p. 151 (vi) Bassus part missing. Ascribed to "Thomas
" The music is different from both the 15117 version and the
Foorde.
Rowe MS version.
References
" M & L XXXIV
Oboussier, Phillippe. "Turpyn's Book of Lute-Songs. (1953),
145-49; This discusses only the version in the Rowe MS, see
98
Sources
Durham Cathedral Library MSS c.4. , 5. , 7. , 9. , 10. , (i) f.49 (ii) f.47 (iii) f.235
(iv)f.27 (v)f.35.
St. Michael's College, Tenbury, MS 791, f. 72v.
Edwards, Richard. The Paradyse of daintie Deuises. London, 1576, 1606. ed.
H.E. Rollins. Cambridge, Mass., 1927, p.107. Ascribed to William
Hunnis (words only. )
Hunnis, William. Comfortable Dialogs. London, 1583, Sig. G. 8v. (words only.)
Bodleian Library, MS Rawl. Poet. 23, p. 114 (words only). Ascribed to W. Bird.
References
Frost, M. English and Scottish Psalm and Hymn Tunes. London, 1953, p. 467.
Dowland, John. The First Book of Ayres. London, 1597, 1600, 1603, 1606,
1613, no. 13. E.S.L.S. 1st series. Dowland 4, no. 13, p. 21.
Forbes, John. Songs and Fancies. Aberdeen, 1662, 1666, 1682, no.20.
Forbes, John. Songs and Fancies, (see above), no. 13. The words of the song
"If floods of tears" from John Dowland's Second Book of Ayres (1600)
no. 11 are set to the present melody.
99
B.M. MS Add. 36526, tenor and bass parts only, ff.3 and 9.
References
Eastwood Ho in The Works of John Mars ton, ed. H. Harvey Wood, 3 Vol.
Sources
New York Public Library MSS Drexel 4180-5, (i) f. 23v (ii) f. 24 (iii) f. 25 (iv) f. 22v
(v)f.l.
Reference
Sources
Lawes, Henry. Select Ayres and Dialogues. London, 1669, p. 76. (Music ascribed
to J. Playford. )
100
Reference
f. 8v. Vt re my fa sol la
Source
Sources
Mor ley, Thomas. First Book of Madrigals for Four Voices. London, 1594,
1600, no.l. E.M.S.
E.M.V. p.139.
Sources
Campion, Thomas. Second Book of Ayr es. London, c.1613. E.S.L.S. 2nd
series. The words in the 1613 version of the song are set to the
music of the song "Move now with measured sound" in Campion's
Lord Hayes' Masque, London, 1607.
Morley, Thomas. First Book of Ballets to Five Voices. London, 1595, 1600,
no. 3. E.M.S. This gives the 15117 music, but sets the words "Now
is the month of maying". These are the words given in the 15117 MS
as an alternative to (?) Campion's words.
Rosseter, Philip. Lessons for Consort. London, 1609, no. 5. "Now is the
month of May. "
Forbes, John. Songs and Fancies. Aberdeen, 1662, 1666, 1682, no. 10: "Now
is the month of maying. "
101
An Introduction to the Skill of Musick. London, 1672, 1674, Parti, p. 64; 1679,
"
Part I, p. 63: "Now is the month of maying.
Vivian, Percival (ed). Campion's Works. London, 1909, 1966. "The peaceful
western "
wind. pp.139 and 364 (words only). The words of the (?)
1613 version are given on p. 139 and of the 15117 MS version on p. 364.
References
Sources
Land, Jan Pieter Nicolaus Het Luitboek van Thysius . .. Amsterdam, 1889,
(ed).
pp. 79-80. The music in the 15117 MS and in the Thysius MS is based
on the ballad tune "Go from my window". For further sources of this
tune (but without these words) see
B.M. MS Egerton 3165, f.lOlv. (ed) Helen Estabrook Sandison, The Poems of
Sir Arthur Gorges, Oxford, 1953. "Cumme gentle heardman" is no.98,
pp. 118-123. It is entitled An Ecloge betwen a Shephearde and a Heard
man (words only).
Davison, Francis. A Poetical Rhapsody. London, 1602, 1621. ed. H.E. Rollins,
2 Vol. Cambridge, Mass., 1931-2, Vol.1 p.45. (words only).
References
Beaumont, F. and Fletcher J. The Knight of the Burning Pestle, III 496 ("Go
from my See also the note on this in The Dramatic Works
window").
of Beaumont and Fletcher, ed. Freds on Bowers. Cambridge, 1966,
Vol. I, p. 93.
Sources
John. Second Book of Ayres. London, 1600, no. 22: "Humour, say:
Dowland,
E.S.L.S. 1st series. Dowland 4, no. 35. , p. 54. The
ADialogue."
102
Reference
Sources
Source
Source
Source
Trinity College, Dublin, Dallis lute book, MS D. 3. 30, pp. 204-207, for voice
and lute. Ascribed "Qd Mr Parsons".
103
Reference
Ward, John. "Joan qd John", p. 841, footnote 33, and p. 842, footnote 35a.
Sources
"
B.M. MS Add. 30513, f.78v-79; "Defiled is my name. "Vnto my fame" occurs
in the 2nd part of "Defiled is my name", ed. Denis Stevens, The Mulli
ner Book, M?sica Britannica, I. London, 1951, no. 80, p. 59, ascribed
to Robert Johnson.
name. "
B. M. MSS Add. 30480-3, "Defiled is my (i) f.49v (ii) f. 56v (iii) f. 52v
(iv)f.55v.
Hawkins, Sir John. General History of Music. 5 Vol. London, 1776. ed. C.
Sources
Dowland, John. First Book of Ayres. London, 1597, 1600, 1603, 1606, 1613,
no.4. E.S.L.S. 1st series. Dowland4, no.4, p.6.
Morley, Thomas. The First Book of Consort Lessons. London, 1599, 1611.
Reconstructed and ed. S. Beck, New York, 1959, no. 5, p. 72.
"
"Galliard to Captaine Piper's Pavin.
Bodleian Library MSS Mus. f. 7-10, no. 6. (i) f. 7 (ii) f. 6 (iii) f. 6 (iv) ff. 8v-9.
E.M.V. p.455.
104
Reference
Sources
London, 1575, no. IX, Sparts, Latin text only. ed. in The Works of
Thomas Tallis. Tudor Church Music, Vol. VI. London, 1928, pp. 210
13.
B.M. MS Add. 30480-4 (i) f. 67 (ii) f. 71 (iii) f. 66 (iv) f. 68 (v) f. 6v. No words
are given in any part save at the beginning. This is the Latin text,
though the Bassus part has also "I call and crye to ye".
Christ Church, Oxford, MSS Mus 984-8, no. 42. (i) f.42v (ii) f.41v (iii) f.39
(iv) f.38v (v) f.41.
B.M. MS Add. 29247, f. 8v. Instrumental version for lute.
"O sacrum convivium" ed. R.R. Terry, Downside Motets, Vol. I no. 2. Publica
tion no.1318. London, n.d. 71931.
Jonson, Ben. The Devil is an Ass. II. vi. 94. (words only).
Jonson, Ben. The Underwood. London, 1640, II: "A Celebration of Charis in
Ten Lyrick Peeces", 4: "Her Triumph". The first line of the poem
is "See the Chariot at hand heere of Loue", (words only)
105
References
Simpson, Claude M. The British Broadside Ballad and its Music. New
Brunswick, New Jersey, 1966, pp.788-791.
Sources
Sidney, Sir Philip. Arcadia (1595). ed. A. Feuillerat in The Complete Works
of Sir Philip Sidney, 4 Vol. Cambridge, 1912-26, Vol. IV, pp.179-180
(words only).
John. Madrigals for 3,4,5, and 6 Voices. London, 1613, nos 1 and 2.
Ward,
E. M. S. This is a different setting from that in the 15117 MS.
Puttenham, G. The Arte of English Poetry. London, 1589. ed. G.D. Willcock
"My true love hath my heart", ed. P. Warlock from the 15117 MS Curwen
edition no. 2400. London, n.d. ?1928.
John. Third Book of Ayres. London, 1603, no. 17. E.S.L.S. 1st
Dowland,
series. Dowland 4, no.48, p. 73. This is not the 15117 version.
106
Christ Church, Oxford, MS Mus 439, pp.62 and 68-69. This is not the 15117
version.
Source
Sidney, Sir Philip. Astrophel and Stella, second song. ed. W. A. Ringler in
The Poems of Sir Philip Sidney. Oxford, 1962, p. 202.
References
Cutts, J.P. "Falstaff's 'Heauenlie Iewel', Incidental Music to The Merry Wives
of Windsor", Sh. Qu. XI (1960), pp. 89-92.
"
Ward, John. "Joan qd John, p. 842, footnote 35a.
Sources
Reference
Sources
Ferrabosco, Alfonso. Ayres. London, 1609, no. 6. E.S. L.S. 2nd series.
Bodleian Library, MSRawl. poet. 31, f.7 "Come sweete Celia" (words only).
Reference
107
Dowland, John. Third Book of Ayres. London, 1603, no. 18. E.S.L.S.
1st series. Dowland4, no.49, p.74.
Forbes, John. Songs and Fancies. Aberdeen, 1662, no. 54: 1666, 1682, no. 51.
MS Douce 280, f.123 (words only). The poem is headed "E Essex" and in the
left-hand margin is "R.D. E/E. ".
MS Rawl. poet. 148, f.87 (words only). Attributed to "Mr. John Lilly". This
text at what is stanza 3 in the other versions.
begins
MS Rawl. poet. c. 744. f. 63 (words only). Entitled "Verses made by the Earle
of Essex".
E.M.V. p.488.
References
Bond, R.W. The Complete Works of John Lyly. 3 Vol. Oxford, 1902, Vol. Ill,
pp.445-7.
108
Jones, Robert. First Book of Songs and Ayres. London, 1600, no. 18.
E.S. L.S. 2nd series.
E.M.V. p.557.
Hume, Tobias. The First Part of Ayres, French, Pollish, and others . . .
"
"Fain would I change that note. ed. P. Warlock and P. Wilson in English
E.M.V. p.541.
109