Lesson 1 - Comp. Politics
Lesson 1 - Comp. Politics
detailed contents
Illustrations and features ix Nations and nationalism 62
Preface xii The future of the state 63
Guide to the eleventh edition xv
Guide to learning features xviii
Guide to the website xx 5 Democratic rule 70
Publisher’s acknowledgements xxi Democratic rule: an overview 71
Direct democracy 72
1 Key concepts 1 Representative democracy 73
Key concepts: an overview 2 Liberal democracy 76
Government and governance 2 Modernization and democracy 77
Politics and power 4 Huntington’s waves of democracy 79
The state, authority, and legitimacy 8 Democratization 83
Ideology 9 The future of democracy 85
Comparative politics 11
Classifying political systems 12 6 Authoritarian rule 89
Authoritarian rule: an overview 90
2 Theoretical approaches 18 Hybrid regimes 90
Theoretical approaches: an overview 19 Authoritarian regimes 91
The changing face of comparative politics 19 Forms of authoritarian rule 94
The institutional approach 23 The political impact of corruption 102
The rational choice approach 26
The structural approach 29
The cultural approach 30 7 Constitutions and courts 106
The interpretive approach 31 Constitutions and courts:
an overview 107
3 Comparative methods 35 The character of constitutions 107
The durability of constitutions 109
Comparative methods: an overview 36
The role of courts 110
The case study method 36
The role of the judiciary 113
The qualitative method 39
Systems of law 116
The quantitative method 41
Constitutions and courts in
The historical method 43
authoritarian states 119
The challenges of comparison 46
key concepts 1
Source: iStock/araelf
contents
◆ Key concepts: an
overview
◆ Government and
governance
PREVIEW ◆ Politics and power
The best place to begin the study of any topic is with an exploration ◆ The state, authority, and
of key concepts. Most of the political terms which interest us are legitimacy
embedded in ordinary language; government, politics, power, and authority
are all familiar terms. But – as we will see – this does not mean that
◆ Ideology
they are easily defi ned, or that political scientists are agreed on how ◆ Comparative politics
best to understand or apply them. ◆ Classifying political
This opening chapter begins with a discussion about the meaning
systems
of government and governance, which are related terms but quite different
in the ideas they convey: the first focuses on institutions while the sec-
ond focuses on processes. We then go on to look at politics, whose core
features are relatively easy to identify, but whose boundaries are not so clear: does it imply a search for a decision, or a
competitive struggle for power? This is followed by a review of the meaning of power, authority, legitimacy, and ideology,
all of which lie at the heart of our understanding of how government and politics work.
The chapter then looks at some of the core purposes of comparative politics, whose value – above all – lies in help-
ing us broaden and deepen our understanding of politics and government, taking us beyond the limitations inherent
in studying a single political system. The chapter ends with a review of the challenges involved in classifying political
systems, and looks at some of the typologies available to help us make better sense of a complex, diverse, and changing
political world.
KEY ARGUMENTS
◆ Like all fields of study, political science uses concepts whose defi nitions – while often disputed – are
important to understand.
◆ While government describes the institutions and offices through which societies are governed, governance
describes the process of collective decision-making.
◆ An exact defi nition of politics is difficult, because the term has multiple nuances. But it is clearly a
collective activity, occurring between or among people.
◆ Power is the capacity to bring about intended effects, and is central to understanding both government
and politics. Authority and legitimacy are key related concepts.
◆ Ideology may have lost its original meaning as the science of ideas, but it remains useful as a way of
packaging different views about the role of government and the goals of public policy.
◆ Typologies help us compare, imposing order on the variety of the world’s political systems, and helping
us develop explanations and rules.
Focus 1.1
Hobbes’s case for government
The case for government was well made by Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679) in
his famous treatise Leviathan, published in 1651. His starting point was the
fundamental equality in our ability to inflict harm on others:
For as to the strength of body, the weakest has strength enough to kill the
strongest, either by secret machination, or by confederacy with others.
From this equality of ability, arises equality of hope in the attaining of our ends.
And therefore if any two men desire the same thing, which nevertheless they
cannot both enjoy, they become enemies; and in the way to their end, which is
principally their own conservation, and sometimes their own delectation, Thomas Hobbes.
endeavour to destroy or subdue one another. Source: Getty Images/De Agostini
Picture Library
Without a ruler to keep us in check, the situation becomes grim:
Hereby it is manifest, that during the time men live without a common power to keep them all in awe, they
are in that condition which is called war; and such a war, as is of every man, against every man.
People therefore agree (by means unclear) to set up an absolute government to avoid a life that would
otherwise be ‘solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short’:
The only way to erect such a common power, as may be able to defend them from the invasion of
foreigners, and the injuries of one another … is, to confer all their power and strength upon one man, or
one assembly of men, that may reduce all their wills, by plurality of voices, unto one will … This done, the
multitude so united is called a COMMONWEALTH.
Source: Hobbes (1651).
us with protection from the harm that we would otherwise inflict on each other in our quest for gain and glory. By
granting a monopoly of the sword to a government, we transform anarchy into order, securing peace and the oppor-
tunity for mutually beneficial cooperation.
In a democracy, government supposedly provides security and predictability to those who live under its jurisdiction
(see Chapter 5). Citizens and businesses can plan for the long term, knowing that laws are developed in a standardized
fashion, take into account competing opinions, and are consistently applied. Of course, nothing is ever that simple,
because governments create their own dangers. The risk of Hobbes’s commonwealth is that it will abuse its own
authority, creating more problems than it solves. As John Locke – one of Hobbes’s critics –
Political
pointed out, there is no profit in avoiding the dangers of foxes if the outcome is simply to be system
devoured by lions (Locke, 1690). A key aim in studying government, then, is to discover how to The interactions
secure its benefits while also limiting its inherent dangers. and organizations
In democracies, government is influenced by wider forces, such as interest groups, political through which a
parties, the media, corporations, and public opinion. In authoritarian systems, meanwhile, the society reaches
and successfully
government may lack much autonomy, and effectively becomes the property of a dominant indi- enforces collective
vidual or clan. In both cases, the forces and influences surrounding government come together to decisions. See also
form a political system. This concept takes us beyond mere institutions and helps us pin down discussion in
all the factors involved in the political life of a given state or community. It has a hard edge, as Chapter 4 about
reflected in the adverb authoritatively in the famous definition of a political system offered by the regimes.
political scientist David Easton (1965):
A political system can be designated as the interactions through which values are authoritatively allocated for a
society; that is what distinguishes a political system from other systems lying in its environment.
Governance The ‘Swedish political system’ means more than ‘Swedish government’; it is the space in
The process by which most of the activity of Swedish politics – positive and negative, in the public or private
which decisions, interest – takes place. It has many similarities with the political systems of Finland, Denmark,
laws, and policies and Norway, but many differences with those in Mexico, South Africa, or India, even if all
are made, with or
without the input
these countries have governing institutions that have approximately the same purpose. (See
of formal Chapter 3 for details on how comparative politics goes about assessing the similarities and the
institutions. differences.)
Another related concept is governance. Where the concept of government suggests a rather
static account based on organizations, the concept of governance highlights the process and quality of collective
decision-making. The emphasis is on the activity of governing, so that we can – for example – speak of global gov-
ernance: there is no such thing as a global government, but there is a large community of international organizations
(such as the United Nations), thousands of treaties that form the basis of international law, and a constant interaction
involving governments, corporations, and interest groups, all of which amount to a process of governance. Governance
directs our attention away from government’s command-and-control function towards the broader task of public reg-
ulation, a role which ruling politicians in democracies share with other bodies. We need the concept of governance as
a supplement, rather than a replacement, for the notion of government.
The notion of governance has been prominent in discussions about the European Union. This regional integration
association has several institutions that look much like an EU government – they include an elected European Par-
liament and a Court of Justice – but which are better regarded as a system of governance (McCormick, 2015). Their
job is to develop policies and laws, and to oversee the implementation of those policies and laws, but they can only do
as much as the foundational treaties of the EU, and the governments of its member states, allow them to do. They are
better seen as servants of the process of European integration than as the government of the EU.
Because governance refers to the activity of ruling, it has also become the preferred term when examining the qual-
ity and effectiveness of rule. In this context, governance refers to what the institutions of government do and to how
well or badly they do it. Good governance should, at a minimum, be accountable, transparent, efficient, responsive, and
inclusive, but these are all ideals; even those countries that rank at the top of political rating systems (see later in this
chapter) have flaws. The kind of bad governance that we so often find in authoritarian systems is much more clearly
evident; see Spotlight Nigeria as an example.
◆ It is a collective activity, occurring between and among people. A lone castaway on a desert island could not
engage in politics, but if there were two castaways on the same island, they would have a political relationship.
◆ It involves making decisions regarding a course of action to take, or a disagreement to be resolved.
◆ Once reached, political decisions become authoritative policy for the group, binding and committing its
members (even if some of them continue to resist, which is – in itself – a political activity).
Politics is unavoidable because of the social nature of humans. We live in groups that must reach collective
decisions about using resources, relating to others, and planning for the future. A country deliberating on whether
to go to war, a family discussing where to go on holiday, a company deciding where to locate a new factory, a
university deciding whether its priority lies with teaching or research: these are all examples of groups forming
judgements affecting their members. Politics involves assessing different opinions, and ideally brings them together
into a compromise course of action.
Once reached, decisions must be implemented. Means must be found to ensure the acquiescence and preferably
the consent of the group’s members. Once set, taxes must be raised; once adopted, regulations must be imposed; once
planned and funded, highways must be built. Public authority – and even force if needed – is used to implement collec-
tive policy, and citizens who fail to contribute to the common task may be fined or even imprisoned by the authorities.
As a concept, then, politics can be defined idealistically as the process of making and executing collective deci-
sions based on the pursuit of a group’s common interest, or at least on seeking peaceful reconciliation of the different
interests within a group. This interpretation of politics as a community-serving activity can be traced to the ancient
Greeks.The philosopher Aristotle (384–322 bce) argued that ‘man is by nature a political animal’ (1962 edn), by which
he meant not only that politics is unavoidable, but also that it is the highest human activity, the feature which most
clearly separates us from other species. His view was that people can only express their nature as reasoning, virtuous
beings by participating in a political community which seeks to identify the common interest through discussion, and
tries to pursue it through actions to which all contribute. In Aristotle’s model constitution, ‘the ideal citizens rule in
the interests of all, not because they are forced to by checks and balances, but because they see it as right to do so’
(Nicholson, 2004).
This idea of politics as a peaceful process of open discussion leading to collective decisions acceptable to all stake-
holders in society is all well and good, but the reality rarely measures up to the ideal. Perhaps more realistically, politics
can also be seen as a competitive struggle for power and resources between people and groups seeking their own ad-
vantage. From this second perspective, politics can involve narrow concerns taking precedence over collective benefits
when those in authority place their own goals above those of the wider community, using methods that can spill over
into manipulation, corruption, and perhaps even violence and bloodshed.
In this view, politics is a competition for acquiring and keeping power, a process that yields winners and losers. This
is reflected in the famous definition by the political scientist Harold Lasswell (1936) of politics as ‘who gets what, when,
how’. In short, it is anything but the disinterested pursuit of the public interest. Taking the cynical (or perhaps realistic)
extreme, the Prussian general Carl von Clausewitz once said that ‘war is the continuation of politics by other means’,
a view backed up by Chinese leader Mao Zedong when he said that ‘war is politics with bloodshed’. But we could as
easily turn these ideas around and argue that politics is the continuation of war by other means, or that politics is war
without bloodshed.
Politics, then, has many different facets. It involves shared and competing interests; cooperation and conflict; reason
and force. Each concept is necessary, but only together are they sufficient. The essence of politics lies in the interaction
between conceptions, and we should not narrow our vision by reducing politics to either one. As Laver (1983) puts it:
‘Pure conflict is war. Pure cooperation is true love. Politics is a mixture of both.’
Meanwhile, at the heart of politics is the distribution and manipulation of power. The word comes from the
Latin potere, meaning ‘to be able’, which is why the philosopher Bertrand Russell (1938) saw power as ‘the production of
intended effects’.The greater our ability to determine our own fate, the more power we possess. In this sense, describing
Germany as a powerful country means that it has a high level of ability to achieve its objectives,
whatever those may be. Conversely, to lack power – as do many poor or unstable countries – is to Power
The capacity to
fall victim to circumstance. Arguably, though, every state has power, even if it is the kind of nega- bring about
tive power involved in obliging a reaction from bigger and wealthier states; Somali pirates, Syrian intended effects.
refugees, and illegal migrants from Mexico may seem powerless, but all three groups spark policy The term is often
responses from the governments of those countries they most immediately affect. used as a synonym
Notice that the emphasis here is on power to rather than power over – on the ability to achieve for influence, but
is also used more
goals, rather than the more specific exercise of control over other people or countries. But most narrowly to refer
analyses of power focus on relationships: on power over others. Here, the three dimensions of to more forceful
power distinguished by Steven Lukes (2005) (see Table 1.1) are useful, because they help us modes of influence
answer the question of how we can measure a group’s power, or at least establish whether one notably, getting
group is more powerful than another. As we move through these dimensions, so the conception one’s way by
threats.
of power becomes more subtle – but also, perhaps, somewhat stretched beyond its normal use.
SPOTLIGHT NIGERIA
Brief profile
Although Nigeria has been independent since 1960, it was not until 2015 that it experienced a presidential
election in which the incumbent was defeated by an opposition opponent. This makes an important point about
the challenges faced by Africa’s largest country by population, and one of the continent’s major regional powers,
in developing a stable political form. Nigeria is currently enjoying its longest spell of civilian government since
independence, but the military continues to play an important role, the economy is dominated by oil, corruption
is rife at every level of society, security concerns and poor infrastructure discourage foreign investment, and a
combination of ethnic and religious divisions pose worrying threats to stability. Incursions and attacks since 2002
by the Islamist group Boko Haram, have added to the country’s problems, but it has still – nonetheless – been
recently upgraded from authoritarian to a hybrid on the Democracy Index.
Form of government Federal presidential republic consisting of 36 states and a Federal Capital
Territory. State formed 1960, and most recent constitution adopted 1999.
Executive Presidential. A president elected for a maximum of two four-year terms,
supported by a vice-president and cabinet of ministers, with one from each of
Nigeria’s states.
Legislature Bicameral National Assembly: lower House of Representatives (360 members)
and upper Senate (109 members), both elected for fixed and renewable four-year
terms.
Judiciary Federal Supreme Court, with 14 members nominated by the president, and
either confirmed by the Senate or approved by a judicial commission.
Electoral system President elected in national contest, and must win a majority of all votes cast
and at least 25 per cent of the vote in at least two-thirds of Nigeria’s states.
Possibility of two runoffs. National Assembly elected using single-member
plurality.
Parties Multi-party, led by the centrist People’s Democratic Party and the conservative
All Nigeria People’s Party.
186m Population
Full
Democracy Very High
Free
Flawed High
Democracy Partly Free
Gross Medium
$375bn Hybrid Regime Not Free
Domestic Low
Product Authoritarian Not Rated
Not Rated
Not Rated
The first dimension is straightforward: power should be judged by identifying whose views prevail when the actors
involved possess conflicting views on what should be done. The greater the correspondence between a person’s views
and decisions reached, the greater is that person’s influence: more wins indicate more power. This decision-making
approach, as it is called, was pioneered by the political scientist Robert Dahl (1961a) in his classic study of democracy
and power in the city of New Haven, Connecticut. In the United States, for example, and in spite of repeated mass
shootings, the successful lobbying of the gun lobby has meant that most leaders of the two major political parties have
refused to impose meaningful limits on gun ownership, forming what amounts to an elite conspiracy to make sure
that guns remain widely available. So far, at least, the gun lobby has prevailed; it has the power (see Chapter 18). The
approach is relatively clear and concrete, based on identifying preferences and observing decisions, and connecting
directly with the concept of politics as the resolution of conflict within groups.
The second dimension focuses on the capacity to keep issues off the political agenda by preventing the emergence
of topics which would threaten the values or interests of decision-makers. As Bachrach and Baratz (1962) once put it,
‘to the extent that a person or group – consciously or unconsciously – creates or reinforces barriers to the public air-
ing of policy conflicts, that person or group has power’. In China, for example, fear of government reprisals currently
discourages many people from expressing their support for a transition to democracy. By narrowing the public agenda
in this way, the ruling communist party renders democracy a non-issue. In order to address the problem of control over
the agenda, we need to both study the groups that gain the most from political decisions or the status quo, and those
whose views are not heard.
The third dimension broadens our conception of power by extending it to cover the formation, rather than
merely the expression, of preferences. Where the first and second dimensions assume conflicting preferences, the third
dimension addresses the idea of a manipulated consensus. In war time, for example, governments often seek to sustain
public morale by preventing news of military defeats or high casualties from seeping into the public domain. In this
and similar cases, agenda control is achieved by manipulating the flow of information so as to prevent any conflict
from arising in the first place. So this third dimension of power focuses on manipulating preferences rather than just
preventing their expression.
The implication of these examples is that the most efficient form of power is one that allows us to shape people’s
information and preferences, thus preventing the first and second dimensions from coming into play. Denying people
access to information is one way of achieving this, as in the example of the selective briefings initially provided by the
power company responsible for operating the Japanese nuclear power station which leaked radiation after the 2011
earthquake. Power, then, is not just about whose preferences win out; we must also consider whose opinions are kept
out of the debate and also the wider context in which those preferences are formed.
authority inherent in the state. We can compare government and politics at multiple levels, from the national to
the local, but it is the state that provides us with our most important point of reference as we work through the
complexities of comparison, and states need both authority and legitimacy in order to function effectively.
Authority is a concept that is broader than power and, in some ways, more fundamental to comparative politics.
Where power is the capacity to act, authority is the acknowledged right to do so. It exists when subordinates accept
the capacity of superiors to give legitimate orders, so that while Russia may exercise some power
over Russians living in neighbouring countries such as Ukraine, the Baltic States, and Kazakh- Authority
stan, its formal authority stops at the Russian border. The German sociologist Max Weber (1922) The right to rule.
Authority creates
suggested that, in a relationship of authority, the ruled implement the command as if they had its own power, so
adopted it spontaneously, for its own sake. For this reason, authority is a more efficient form of long as people
control than brute power.Yet, authority is more than voluntary compliance. To acknowledge the accept that the
authority of your state does not mean you always agree with its decisions; it means only that you person in
accept its right to make them and your own duty to obey. In this way, authority provides the authority has the
right to make
foundation for the state. decisions.
Just as there are different sources of power, so too can authority be built on a range of foun-
dations. Weber distinguished three ways of validating political power:
This classification remains useful today, even in democracies where we might think that Legitimacy
legal–rational authority is the dominant form. We can also add to Weber’s ideas: much of what The condition of
a leader can or cannot achieve, for example, comes down to competence – or at least, to the being legitimate. A
perception that a leader actually knows what they are doing – and to the extent to which legitimate system
of government is
leaders are able to represent the moral values and ideological goals of their followers. one based on
Legitimacy builds on, but is broader than, authority. When a state is widely accepted by its authority, and
citizens, and by other states with which it deals, we describe it as legitimate. Thus, we speak of the those subject to
authority of an official but the legitimacy of a state. Although the word legitimacy comes from the Latin its rule recognize
legitimare, meaning ‘to declare lawful’, legitimacy is much more than mere legality: where legality its right to make
decisions.
is a technical matter, referring to whether a rule is made correctly by following regular procedures,
legitimacy is a more political concept, referring to whether people accept the authority of a state, Ideology
without which its very existence is in question. A system of
Legality is a topic for lawyers; political scientists are more interested in issues of legitimacy: how connected beliefs,
a political system wins, keeps, and sometimes loses public faith in its right to function. A flourish- a shared view of
ing economy, international success, and a popular governing party will boost the legitimacy of a the world, or a
blueprint for how
political system, even though legitimacy is more than any of these things. In fact, we can think of politics,
legitimacy as the credit a political system has built up from its past successes, a reserve that can be economics, and
drawn down in bad times. In any event, public opinion – not a law court – is the test of legitimacy. society should be
And it is legitimacy, rather than force alone, which provides the most stable foundation for rule. structured.
ideology
The concepts reviewed so far have mainly been about politics, but ideas also play a role in politics: political action is
motivated by the ideas people hold about it. One way to understand this is via the notion of ideology. This is a
term that was coined by the French philosopher Antoine Destutt de Tracy during the 1790s, in the aftermath of the
French Revolution, to describe the science of ideas. Its meaning has long since changed, and it now denotes
packages of ideas related to different views about the role of government and the goals of public policy. An ideology
is today understood as any system of thought expressing a view on human nature, the proper relationship between
state and society, and the individual’s position within this order.
Which specific political outlooks should be regarded as ideologies is a matter of judgement, but Figure 1.1 offers
a selection. In any case, the era of explicit ideology beginning with the French Revolution ended in the twentieth
century with the defeat of fascism in 1945 and the collapse of communism at the end of the 1980s. Ideology seemed
Elimination of the state system and private property will lead to the creation of a classless,
Marxism
non-exploitive, and self-governing society.
Individuals are the best judges of their own interests. Advocates a tolerant society which maximizes
Liberalism
personal freedom, and favours a government which is limited but freely elected.
Traditional institutions and practices work best, the free market is the most efficient at meeting
Conservatism
societal needs, and government should be as decentralized as possible.
Supports the achievement of national unity through an authoritarian state, strong leadership, mass
Fascism
mobilization, and an emphasis on nationalism and militarism.
to have been destroyed by the mass graves it had itself generated. Of course, intellectual currents – such as environ-
mentalism, feminism, and Islamism – continue to circulate, but it is doubtful whether contemporary ideas, values, and
priorities constitute ideologies in the classical sense. To describe any perspective, position, or priority as an ideology
is to extend the term in a manner that bears little relation to its original interpretation as a coherent system of ideas.
Even though the age of ideology may have passed, we still tend to talk about ideologies, placing them – and the p olitical
parties with which they are associated – on a spectrum between right and left. For the origins of this habit we turn again
to revolutionary France, where – in the legislative assemblies of the era – royalists sat to the right of the presiding o fficer,
in the traditional p osition of honour, while radicals and commoners sat to the left.To be on the right implied support for
aristocratic, royal, and clerical interests, while being on the left implied support for a secular republic and civil liberties.
The words ‘left’ and ‘right’ are still commonly encountered in classifying political parties; see Chapter 16. Hence the
left is associated with equality, human rights, and reform, while the right favours tradition, established authority, and
pursuit of the national interest. The left supports policies to reduce inequality; the right is more accepting of natural
inequalities. The left sympathizes with cultural and ethnic diversity; the right is more comfortable with national unity.
(See Table 1.2 for more details.) Surveys suggest that most voters in democracies can situate themselves as being on the
left or right, even if many simply equate these labels with a particular party or class (Mair, 2009).
Although the terms left and right have travelled well throughout the democratic world, enabling us to compare
political parties and programmes across countries and time, the specific issues over which these tendencies compete
have varied, and the terms are better understood as labels for containers of ideas, rather than as well-defined ideas in
themselves. The blurring of the distinctions can be seen in Europe, where the left (socialists and communists) once
favoured nationalization of industries and services, and the right (conservatives) supported a free market, but the wide-
spread acceptance of the market economy has meant that the concepts of left and right have lost some bite.
Left Right
Peace Armed forces
Global outlook National priorities
Democracy Authority, morality, and the constitution
Planning and public ownership Free market
Trade protection Free trade
Social security Social harmony
Education Law and order
Collectivist Individualist
Source: Adapted from Budge (2006).
Note: Based on an analysis of the programmes of left- and right-wing political parties in 50 democracies, 1945–98.
comparative politics
Recent years have seen the rise of political leaders and parties who have based their appeal on a combination of nationalism
(discussed in more depth in Chapter 4) and populism (Chapter 5). In the United States, Britain, France, Hungary,
Poland, India, and the Philippines, to name just a few, we have seen new support for the idea that countries should put
national interests first and build literal and metaphorical barriers with their neighbours and trading partners. What has
been going on here? Why have such similar policies been pursued by such a diverse group of
countries? What impact have these changes had on the health of democracy in those countries? Comparative
We could study each of these countries in isolation, but it would only be through comparing their politics
The systematic
records that we could gain real insight into the motives and thinking behind these trends.
study of
Comparative politics is just one of the major sub-fields of political science (see Figure 1.2), government and
but it is also arguably the most important and the most fundamental. Its core goal is to understand politics in different
how government and politics works by examining its varieties across a range of cases. Compar- countries,
ison has much to offer, including improvements in the simple description of political systems designed to better
understand them
and institutions, helping us understand the broader context within which they work, helping us
by drawing out
develop theories and rules of politics, and showing us how similar problems are approached by their contrasts
different societies. But two particular purposes are worth elaboration: broadening our under- and similarities.
standing of the political world, and predicting political outcomes.
Broadening understanding
The first strength of a comparative approach is straightforward: it improves our understanding of government and
politics. Through comparison we can pin down the key features of political institutions, processes, and actions, and
better appreciate the dynamics and character of political systems. We can study a specific government, legislature,
party system, social movement, or national election in isolation, but to do so would be to deny us the broader context
made possible by comparison. How could we otherwise know if the object of our study was unusual or usual, efficient
or inefficient, the best option available or significantly lacking in some way?
When we talk of understanding, it is not only the need to comprehend other political systems, but also to under-
stand our own.We can follow domestic politics closely and think we have a good grasp on how it works, but we cannot
fully understand it without comparing it with other systems; this will tell us a great deal about the nature of our home
system. Consider the argument made by Dogan and Pelassy (1990):
Because the comprehension of a single case is linked to the understanding of many cases, because we perceive the
particular better in the light of generalities, international comparison increases tenfold the possibility of explaining
political phenomena. The observer who studies just one country could interpret as normal what in fact appears to the
comparativist as abnormal.
International The study of relations between and among states, including diplomacy, foreign policy, international
relations organizations, war and peace.
The study of politics and government in the setting of individual states, including institutions and
National politics
political processes.
Political
The study of political philosophy, addressing issues such as authority, ethics, and freedom.
philosophy
Political theory The study of abstract or generalized approaches to understanding political phenomena.
Public policy The study of the positions taken or avoided by governments in response to public needs.
Comparison also has the practical benefit of allowing us to learn about places with which we are unfamiliar. This
ability to interpret events outside our borders grows in importance as globalization continues to deepen and broaden
the political, economic, and social links among us, as events from other parts of the world have a more direct impact on
our lives, and as we find that we can no longer afford to ignore the ‘foreign’. Understanding government and politics
in other systems not only helps us interpret the news, but also helps with practical political relationships. Diplomats, for
example, know the importance of understanding the political, economic, and social realities of the governments with
which they interact and negotiate.
political leaders, or political scientists. Unfortunately, such an ideal has proved hard to achieve; scholars of comparative
politics disagree about the value of typologies, and even those who use them cannot agree on the criteria that should
be taken into account, or the groups into which states should be divided, or the labels to use, or even which states to
place in each group.
The first attempt at developing such a system – and one of the earliest examples of comparative politics at work –
was Aristotle’s classification of the 158 city-states of Ancient Greece. Between approximately 500 and 338 bce, these
communities were small settlements showing much variety in their forms of rule, providing him with an ideal labora-
tory in which to consider which type of political system provided what he looked for in a government: stability and
effectiveness.
Aristotle based his scheme on two dimensions.The first was the number of people involved in the task of governing:
one, few, or many. This dimension captured the breadth of participation in a political system. His second dimension,
more difficult to apply but no less important, was whether rulers governed in the common interest (‘the genuine form’)
or in their own interest (‘the perverted form’). For Aristotle, the significance of this second aspect was that a political
system would be more stable and effective when its rulers governed in the long-term interests of the community.
Cross-classifying the number of rulers with the nature of rule yielded the six types of government shown in Figure 1.3.
Another example of an attempt to build a typology was The Spirit of the Laws, a treatise on political theory written
by Charles de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu, and first published in 1748. He identified three types: republican sys-
tems in which the people or some of the people had supreme power, monarchical systems in which one person ruled
on the basis of fixed and established laws, and despotic systems in which a single person ruled on
the basis of their own priorities and perspectives. Three Worlds
Both typologies remain interesting as historical examples, but the political realities out of which system
they were formed have long since changed. A more recent example that was current throughout A political
much of the Cold War (late 1940s to late 1980s) was the Three Worlds system. Less a formal typology that
divided the world
classificatory template developed by political scientists than a response to geopolitical realities, it along ideological
divided the world into three groups of countries based on ideological goals and political alliances: lines, with states
labelled according
◆ First World: wealthy, democratic industrialized states, most of which were partners in the to the side they
Western alliance against communism. took in the Cold
War.
◆ Second World: communist systems, including most of those states ranged against the
Western alliance.
◆ Third World: poorer, less democratic, and less developed states, some of which took sides in the Cold War, but
some of which did not.
The system was simple and evocative, providing neat labels that could be slipped with ease into media headlines
and everyday conversation: even today the term Third World conjures up powerful images of poverty,
underdevelopment, corruption, and political instability. But it was always more descriptive than analytical in the
Aristotelean spirit, and was also dangerously simplistic. The First and Second Worlds had the most internal logic
and consistency, but to consider almost all the states of Africa, Asia, and Latin America as a single Third World was
asking too much: some were democratic while others were authoritarian; some were wealthy while others were
poor; and some were industrialized while others were agrarian.
The end of the Cold War meant the end of this particular typology, but nothing has replaced it in the sense of having
won general support. There have been many candidates, though, of which two in particular – the Democracy Index
maintained by the Economist Intelligence Unit, and the Freedom in the World index maintained by Freedom House –
are among the most often quoted (see Focus 1.2).They are not perfect: questions can be asked about the methodologies
Rule by
Focus 1.2
Two options for classifying political systems
With political scientists unable to develop and agree a means of classifying political systems, it has been left
to the non-academic world to step into the breach. The two most compelling typologies (used in this book)
are the following:
◆ The UK-based Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU, related to The Economist, a British weekly news magazine)
maintains a Democracy Index based on 60 different measures. These include such factors as the
protection of basic political freedoms, the fairness of elections, the security of voters, election turnout
rates, the freedom of political parties to operate, the independence of the judiciary and the media, and
arrangements for the transfer of power. It then gives states a score out of ten, and divides them into four
groups: full democracies, flawed democracies, hybrid regimes, and authoritarian regimes. In the 2017
index, Norway ranked highest with a score of 9.87 and North Korea lowest with a score of 1.08.
◆ The Freedom in the World index has been published annually since 1972 by Freedom House, a US-based
research institute. It looks at the records of states in the areas of political rights (the ability of people to
participate in the political process) and civil liberties (including freedom of expression, the independence
of the judiciary, personal autonomy, and economic rights), and gives each state a score out of 100, rating
them as Free, Partly Free, or Not Free. Several countries – including Syria and North Korea – have
sometimes been ranked in the index as the ‘Worst of the Worst’.
Table 1.3 combines the results of these two typologies, focusing on the 18 cases used in this book, while also
including examples of countries with the highest and lowest scores on each index. In both indices there have
been worrying declines in recent years, the authors of both reports commenting on the kind of reversals of
democracy we will examine in other parts of this book. Among the more notable changes of recent years were
the downgrading by the EIU of the United States, Japan, and France from full democracies to flawed democracies.
High Low
upon which they are based, we should take into consideration the agendas and values of the EIU and Freedom House,
and we should beware the danger of taking classifications and rankings too literally; government and politics are too
complex to be reduced to a single table. Nonetheless, these rankings give us a useful point of reference and a guide
through an otherwise confusing world, and we will use them in the chapters that follow.
We will go further and also use some economic and social data to help us find our way through the maze. The
relationship between politics and economics in particular is so intimate that – as we will see in Chapter 20 – there is an
entire field of study devoted to its examination, called political economy.This involves looking not just at the structure
and wealth of economies, but also at the influences on economic performance: good governance is more likely to
produce a successful economy, and bad governance less so.
Gross The core measure of economic activity is output. There are various ways of measuring this,
domestic the most popular today being gross domestic product (GDP) (see Table 1.4). This is the sum
product of the value of the domestic and foreign economic output of the residents of a country in a
The core measure given year, and is usually converted to US dollars to allow comparison. Although the accuracy
of the size of of the data itself varies by country, and the conversion to dollars raises additional questions
economies,
calculated by
about the appropriate exchange rate, such measures are routinely used by governments and
giving a monetary international organizations in measuring economic size. While GDP provides a measure of the
value to all goods absolute size of national economies, however, it does not take into account population size. For
and services a more revealing comparison, we use per capita GDP, which gives us a better idea of the relative
produced within a economic development of different states.
country in a given
year, regardless of
Finally, we must not forget the importance of gauging political systems by looking at their
who owns the relative performances in terms of providing their citizens with basic needs. There are different
different means of ways of understanding ‘basic needs’, but at a minimum they would include adequate nutrition,
production. education, and health care, and in this regard the most often-used comparative measure of social
conditions is the Human Development Index main-
Table 1.4 Comparing economic size tained by the UN Development Programme. Using a
combination of life expectancy, adult literacy, educa-
Country GDP Per capita tional enrolment, and per capita GDP, it rates human
(billion US $) GDP (US $) development for most of the states in the world as either
United States 19,390 59,531 very high, high, medium, or low. On the 2017 index,
European Union 17,278 33,715
most democracies were in the top 30, while the poorest
states ranked at the bottom of the table, with Niger in
China 12,238 8,827 last place at 187 (see Map 1.1).
Japan 4,872 38,428
Germany 3,677 44,470
UK 2,622 39,720
India 2,597 1,940
France 2,582 38,477
Brazil 2,055 9,821
Canada 1,653 45,032
Russia 1,577 10,743
Australia 1,323 53,800
Mexico 1,150 8,902
Turkey 851 10,540
Sweden 538 53,442
Iran 439 5,415
Nigeria 375 1,969
South Africa 349 6,160
Egypt 235 2,412
New Zealand 205 42,940
Burundi 3 320
WORLD 80,684 10,714
Source: World Bank (2018).
Note: Data are for 2017. Data for Venezuela not available.
discussion questions
◆ What is government?
◆ What is politics? Where does it begin and end?
◆ Who has power, who does not, and how do we know?
◆ Does it necessarily follow that to be a democracy is to be legitimate, and to be legitimate
is to be a democracy?
◆ Are the ideological distinctions in modern political systems as important and as clear as
they once were?
◆ What are the strengths and weaknesses of the Democracy Index and Freedom in the World
as means of classifying political systems?
key concepts
◆ Authority ◆ Legitimacy
◆ Comparative politics ◆ Political science
◆ Concept ◆ Political system
◆ Governance ◆ Politics
◆ Government ◆ Power
◆ Gross domestic product ◆ Social science
◆ Ideology ◆ Three Worlds system
◆ Institution ◆ Typology
further reading
Boix, Carles, and Susan C. Stokes (eds) (2007) The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Politics
(Oxford University Press). At more than 1,000 pages in length, this is a rich survey of the
many different dimensions of comparative politics.
Dogan, Mattei, and Dominique Pelassy (1990) How to Compare Nations: Strategies in Comparative
Politics, 2nd edn (Chatham House). Although published many years ago, the arguments
made by this short and readable book are still relevant.
Goodin, Robert E. (2009) The Oxford Handbook of Political Science (Oxford University Press).
Another in the Oxford handbook series, offering a survey of the different facets of the
study of political science.
Heywood, Andrew (2017) Political Ideologies: An Introduction, 6th edn (Red Globe Press). An
informative and wide-ranging textbook that successfully introduces influential political
creeds and doctrines.
Peter, Fabienne (2011) Democratic Legitimacy (Routledge). An exploration of the components of
legitimacy in democracies, and the ways in which the concept has been understood and
interpreted.
Woodward, Kath (2014) Social Sciences: The Big Issues, 3rd edn (Routledge). A useful general
survey of the social sciences and the kinds of issues they include.
index
References for concept definitions personal rule 96–7, 137–8, 321, 339 organization 166–7, 170–2
are shown in bold. political communication 246–50 origins and evolution 161–5
political culture 211–14 outsourcing 163
political economy 352–3, 356–7 recruitment 172–3
A political participation 227–9, 232
political parties 282–5
red tape 161
regulatory agency 171–2
absolute monarchy 95–6, 137 public policy 337–40 spoils system 162
see also constitutional monarchy ruling parties 97–8 unified recruitment 172
accountability (bureaucracy) 174 sub-national government 193–7 Weber’s model of 161–3, 167, 170,
Acton, Lord 12, 102 theocracy 99, 102 174, 176
Afghanistan 99, 195 totalitarianism 97, 101, 103 Burke, Edmund 143, 235
affirmative action see bureaucracy voters 298–304
anarchism 10 see also hybrid regimes
Arab Spring xiii, 90, 96, 98, 99, 137, authority 5, 9, 54, 55, 56, 59–60, 63, 77, C
209, 213, 248 95, 102, 116–17, 121, 184, 190, 193
and online activism 249 cabinet 129, 134–5, 226
origins and events 84–5, 93 cabinet government 132–3, 166
Argentina 175, 182, 226 B Canada 148
bureaucracy 162, 173
Aristotle 5, 13, 36, 72
assembly see legislature Bagehot, Walter 126 elections 255
Athens, Ancient 72, 73, 142 behaviouralism 21, 153, 167 200, interest groups 311
Australia 112, 209 288, 293 legislature 152
bureaucracy 166 Belarus 96 multiculturalism 30, 189
city government 194 Belgium 63, 126, 184 multinationalism 63
constitution 111 Botswana 356 capitalism 26, 79, 345, 346, 347, 353
electoral system 256 Brazil career politicians 154
federalism 190 authoritarianism 175 cartel party 282
legislature 144 and BRICs 61, 352 case study method 36–9
political culture 200 executive 131 catch-all party 272
political parties 275 legislature 153 checks and balances 77, 125, 149
referendums 261 political parties 278 China
voting 296 Spotlight 130–1 as authoritarian state 8, 101
Austria 45, 113, 265 vote buying 294 and BRICs 61, 352
authoritarian rule 90 women in politics 226 bureaucracy 161, 174
absolute monarchy 95–6, 137 BRIC countries (Brazil, Russia, India, Communist Party 97, 101, 121–2,
authoritarian regime 91–4 China) 61, 348, 352 139, 150, 158, 196, 228, 248,
bureaucracies 173–7 see also individual countries 267, 274, 319, 353
bureaucratic authoritarianism 175 Britain see United Kingdom as communist state 97–8, 346, 347
civil society 319–20, 321 broadcasting 236–7 constitution and courts 121–2
clientelism 228 bureaucracy 161 crony capitalism 176
coercion 93, 288, 338 accountability 174 elections 267
communist parties 97–8 administrative capacity 176 executive 139
constitutions and courts 119–22 affirmative action 172–3 interest groups 319, 322
corruption 102–4 in authoritarian states 173–7 legislature 150, 154, 157–8
cult of personality 97, 103 bureaucratic authoritarianism 175 political communication 243, 248
despotism 90, 93 crony capitalism 176, 353 political participation 228, 229
forms of authoritarian rule 94–9 departmental recruitment 172 political parties 274
elections 266–8 departments 166–7, 170 political trust 208
electoral authoritarianism 299, 302 developmental state 176 public policy 340
executives 136–9 divisions 170 regional government 183
interest groups 318–19, 322 e-government 165–6 Spotlight 100–1
Islamic Republic 99, 119, 121, 300 meritocracy 161 state 55–6
legislatures 155–8 new public management 162–4 state capitalism 353
military government 98–9 non-departmental public sub-national government 39
patronage 94, 102, 104, 162, 193, bodies 171–2 Taiwan 54
229, 304 ombudsman 174 unitary government 184, 196
channels of influence 310–12 as nation state 63 Mao Zedong 5, 100, 101, 346, 353
corporatism 322 nuclear disaster 8 Marx, Karl 26, 161, 346
density 312–13 political culture 201 Marxism 10, 45, 97, 346
dynamics of groups 314–18 political parties 274 mass media 235–7
ingredients of influence 312–14 Spotlight 168–9 see also political communication,
iron triangle 317, 318 judiciary see courts social media
issue network 317 media influence 240–2
lobbying 307, 311, 312, 313 agenda-setting 241, 242
origins and types 307–10 K framing 241, 242
peak association 309 priming 241, 242
Kenya 237, 304, 316
pluralism 22, 92, 118, 181, reinforcement 241
Keynes, John Maynard 57, 347
314–16, 322 self-selection 241–2
KOF Globalization Index 49
promotional group 308, 309 transmission model 240–1
Kurds 62–3
protective group 308, 309, 317 meritocracy 161
Kuwait
revolving door 176, 312 Mexico
social movements 316–17, 318 corporatism 322
think tank 47, 120, 310, 318, 348
see also civic culture, civil society
L democratization 84
electoral system 258
intergovernmental law, systems of 116–19 federalism 189
organizations 66–7 see also constitutions; courts political culture 203
internet 72, 163, 182 legislatures 142 political parties 84, 277
access 239–40 in authoritarian states 155–8 Spotlight 276–7
and Arab Spring 248–9 committee-based legislature 145 term limits 156, 260
control of 248 committees 145, 148 women in politics 226
e-democracy 72–3 co-option 155 Michels, Robert 279
e-government 161, 165–6 debating legislature 145 microeconomics 344
and fake news 239 elections 253–8 microstates 59
and interest groups 315 functions 142–5, 148 military government 98–9
and political communication model of representation 153 coup d’etat 7, 40, 82, 83, 86, 91,
238–40, 243, 246, 250 plenary session 145 93, 97, 98–9, 138, 139, 320,
and political participation 218 political class 154 338, 353
and public opinion surveys 220, 221 representatives 153–5 Mill, John Stuart 63, 223, 343, 347
trolls 73 role of 142–5, 148 ministerial government 132–4
see also social media separation of powers 128 mobilized participation 229, 232
interpretive approach to size of 150 modern/modernization 77–8
comparison 31–3, 242, 259, 288 strong bicameralism 151 Moltke, Helmuth von 332
Iran 4, 44 term limits 156, 160 monarchy
electoral manipulation 268 unicameral and bicameral 148–53 absolute 95–6, 137
human rights 121 vote of confidence 148 constitutional 96, 126
media 94 weak bicameralism 149–51 Moore, Barrington 29
no-party system 273 women in 226 Mugabe, Robert 96–7, 120, 339
revolution 32, 39 legitimacy, defined 9 multiculturalism 30, 39, 189, 201
Spotlight 300–1 level of analysis 36 multi-level governance 180–1
theocracy 99, 102 liberal democracy 76–7 multinational state 63
voters 301 see also democratic rule
iron law of oligarchy 279 liberalism
iron triangle 317, 318 democratic 76, 213 N
Islam and politics 86, 91, 95, 118–19, economic, classical 343, 345–6
nation, defined 62
121, 193, 213, 248, 273 economic, modern 347
nation-state 63
Clash of Civilizations, The 208–10 ideological 10
nationalism xiii, 11, 39–40, 62–3,
see also sharia law Libya 85, 93
66, 282
Islamic republic 99, 119, 121, 300 limited government 76
economic 343, 347
Israel 82, 116, 256, 257 limited presidential executive 127–9,
natural rights 56
issue network 317 135
neoliberalism 346, 347, 355
issue voter 291–3 lobbying 307, 311, 312, 313
Netherlands
Italy 82, 144, 145 local government 190–3
bureaucracy 172
Locke, John 3, 56, 76, 142, 345
coalition governments 132–3
Lukes, Steven 5, 8
J electoral system 280
resource curse 356
Japan 78, 337
bureaucracy 166, 169, 176
M new institutionalism 23
new public management 162–4
electoral system 257 Machiavelli, Niccolò 20, 26, 223 New Zealand 170
executive 133–4 macroeconomics 344, 345 bureaucracy 163
interest groups 316–17 Malaysia 126, 190, 213 constitution 111, 116
iron triangle 317 mandate, electoral 258, 259 corruption 103