Major-Minor Concepts and Modal Theory in Germany, 1592-1680 Joel Lester
Major-Minor Concepts and Modal Theory in Germany, 1592-1680 Joel Lester
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This passage goes to the heart of the matter. For, if the placement of the
semitones within the octave species is the factor differentiating one mode from
another, who is to say which semitone alterations are essential and which are
merely superficial ?7 Glarean himself is not willing to follow it to its conclusion
and admit all semitone arrangements or even all diatonic semitone arrange-
ments; he does not want to establish true modes with a final on b. Thus, he
needs two criteria for the definition of mode: "Musical modes are nothing but
the consonant species of the octave itself, and the very ones (species) which are
joined together from the various species of fifths and fourths as we have said
above concerning intervals."'
The formal exposition of the twelve modes occupies Chapter 3 of Book II:
"How twenty-four octave-species arise from the connection of the fourth and
7 All theorists who would differentiate modes by semitone placement are vulnerable to this
argument. It is used nearly two centuries later by Mattheson in his controversy with Fux on
whether there are twelve modes or twenty-four keys.
8 Book I, Chap. 11: "Modi musici nihil aliud sunt quam ipsius Diapason consonantiae
species, quae et ipsae ex variis diapente ac diatessaron speciebus conflantur, ut supra de
intervallis diximus." The translation of this sentence is taken from Edward Houghton's review
of Clement Miller's translation, this JOURNAL, XX (1967), 292-93.
the fifth, from which species twelve are rejected and twelve are
There are three species of fourths and four species of fifths. If the s
fourths can be placed above and below the species of fifths, there are
four possible connections. Twelve of these are rejected because they g
successions of steps not found in a diatonic scale (i.e., they are not "c
species"): four or five whole tones in succession, two semitones in succe
a single whole tone between two semitones. The remaining twelve con
are the models for Glarean's six authentic and six plagal modes:
i. Dorian
2. Hypodorian
3. Phrygian 4. Hypophrygian
5. Lydian 6. Hypolydian
7. Mixolydian 8. Hypomixolydian
9. Aeolian io0. Hypoaeolian
I . Ionian 12. Hypoionian.
The traditional Greek names of the eight modes are retained. The names of
the new Aeolian and Ionian modes are adopted in accord with Glarean's
argument that he is merely restoring the ancient teaching of the modes to its
rightful place.
A second, less formal, generation of the modes is used in Chapter 4. The
seven octave species and their harmonic and arithmetic divisions are listed.
Two octave species are rejected because of a tritone or diminished fifth
between the final and fifth: the authentic and plagal modes with a final on b.
These two rejected modes are named Hyperaeolian (above Aeolian) for the
authentic form and Hyperphrygian (above Phrygian) for the plagal form."
Relationships among the modes are discussed in Chapter i i of Book II:
Modes are also changed from one into another but not with equal success. For in some
cases the change is scarcely clear even to a perceptive ear, indeed, often with great
pleasure to the listener, a fact which we have frequently declared is very common
today in changing from the Lydian to the Ionian. Those who play instruments and
who know how to sing readily the verses of poets according to a musical plan,
understand this. Indeed, in this way they are frequently worthy of praise if they do it
skillfully, especially if they change the Ionian into the Dorian. But in other cases the
changing seems rough, and scarcely ever without a grave offense to the ears, as
changing from the Dorian to the Phryian.... It is evident from the previous
discussion that the entire difference between the modes arises from the changing of the
fifth and the fourth within the octave in which all modes fit. But this variation arises
from the different placing of the semitone, which alters the entire situation. It is also
evident that the Lydian and Hypolydian modes have a common fifth, namely, the
third species; the Phrygian and Hypophrygian have a common fifth, the second
species, each of which includes the tritone, a hard interval, and somewhat unsuitable
9 Glarean explains that there is no other name for the authentic mode on b (Book II, Chap.
i8). The plagal mode with a final on b could be named as other plagal modes, "but no sensible
person says Hypohyperaeolian" (Book II, Chap. 25).
to the diatonic system.... And thus if one changes the Ionian and Hyp
the Dorian and Hypodorian, the fifth is changed but is still without a trito
reason, the ears are not offended, but rather one will be pleased by the chan
modes.
identical, to Glarean's. Only eleven years after the publication of the Dodeca-
chordon, Zarlino accepts the twelve modes with neither question nor acknowl-
edgement. Following a discussion of the ancient Greek and medieval writer
on mode (Chaps. 1-8, pp. 359-78), Zarlino discusses the division of th
octave (Chap. 9, p. 379), the generation of modes by the connection of th
species of the fifth with that of the fourth (Chap. i o, pp. 379-8o),12 and the
second generation of the twelve modes by the division of the six octave specie
capable of harmonic and arithmetic division (Chap. i i, pp. 380-83). H
divides the modes into authentic and plagal categories (Chap. 12, p. 384) an
discusses range (Chaps. 13-14, pp. 384-89). The modes are differentiated b
the placement of the semitone within the octave species. If a semitone is
changed by an accidental only a few times, then the mode is not considered to
be changed. But if this alteration occurs throughout a composition, then the
mode is changed (Chap. i6, pp. 389-90). Transposition is treated in Chapte
17 with greater freedom than in the Dodecachordon. Glarean had include
only the transposition up a fourth to a signature with one flat-a transposition
sanctioned by the inclusion of bb in the solmisation hexachords. Zarlino notes
in addition that transposition is particularly necessary when singing wit
organ or other instruments. The most common transposition is up or down by
a fourth, but transpositions by a second "or another interval, not only by
chromatic notes, but even enharmonic" (p. 391), are also possible. On th
same page, a Dorian melody appears in examples transposed down and up
second; first, it appears with a signature of two flats and then with one of two
sharps. In the individual discussions of each mode (Chaps. i8-29), however
only the transposition to a signature with one flat is listed. Other aspect
treated for each mode include, in part, cadences, a list of compositions, and an
example in two voices.
In the aspects of modal theory described above, Zarlino's presentation i
either the same as Glarean's, or it differs only in minor ways. But there are
two important issues on which there is an essential difference between the tw
theorists: one concerns the ordering of the modes, and the other the differen
tiation of the modes on the basis of the imperfect consonances.
The question of the ordering of the modes arises in Chapters 18-29 of
Part IV, in which each mode is discussed in turn. In the prints from I558 to
I572, Glarean's ordering is used: Dorian and Hypodorian are the first mode
In the 1573 edition, however, the first mode discussed is Ionian. When, i
Chapter 20, Zarlino reaches the third mode (Dorian) "which was universall
placed by musicians in the first place until now, though with little reason" (p
12 "Se dalla unione, o compositione della Diapente con la Diatessaron nascono li Mod
moderni .. ." (p. 3 79-"The union or composition of the fifth with the fourth gives birth to th
modern modes").
I. The model for the pure tuning on the keyboard is the octave C-c. Hence t
mode should be the first mode.16
2. The second and third reasons concern the relationship between the modes
Guidonian solmisation. "Our ancestors, having reduced the order of musical
into hexachords, and having attributed to them that order of the syllables whic
have named [ut, re, mi, fa, sol, la], they should sooner have given first place to
species of the first syllable ut than to those of re, which is the second, so that whe
fourth species is reached in their manner, it would not be necessary to retur
begin in the fourth place from the syllable ut-which for every reason should ho
first place, and not the last. .. .""
3. Zarlino then hypothesizes that A was originally selected as the first o
species since it was the first letter of the alphabet. Re was thus associated with the
mode. However, since there can be no mode on b, d was selected as the final of the
mode (also re). Zarlino, of course, does not accept this.
4. Zarlino notes that in the ordering beginning with C, there are no skips bet
is Carl Dahlhaus (Untersuchungen, p. 188) mentions only Zarlino's last reason for
reordering the modes. He thereby ascribes the new ordering solely to a misunderstanding of
Greek theory already present in the I558 edition. Hence the use of numbers, not names, for the
modes even in that edition. Dahlhaus then wrongly attributes to Calvisius and Lippius the
explanation of Ionian in first position because it is the "most natural." This is already presented
in Zarlino's first reason, which is repeated by Calvisius (see fn. 36, below). Furthermore,
Lippius never argues for Ionian mode in the first position because it has the "natural triad" in
the "natural position," as Dahlhaus asserts.
19 Among later appearances of Zarlino's nomenclature are: (i) Johann Fux, who otherwise
referred to the modes by pitch in his Gradus adparnassum (Vienna, 1725), but who uses these
names on p. 231; (2) Charles Guillet (? -1654), Vingt quatre fantasies a quatre parties
dispose'es selon l'ordre des douze modes (i6 Io). Guillet also wrote a manuscript treatise,
Institution harmonique, in 1642, concerning which, see Herbert Schneider, Die franz6sische
Kompositionslebre in der ersten Hdlfte des 17. Jahrhunderts (Tutzing, 1972), pp. 189-92 et
passim; (3) The French lutenist Denis Gaultier (ca. 1603-1672) ordered compositions in his
Rhbtorique des dieux (manuscript from 1652, facsm. ed. with introduction by Andre Tessier
and Jean Cordey, Publications de la Soci6t& franpaise de musicologie, t. 6-7 [Paris, 19321)
according to twelve modes. The names agree with Zarlino, except that Ionian and Aeolian are
reversed, now with finals on g for the latter and a for the former; (4) Marin Mersenne uses
these names in several of his treatises. See Schneider, op. cit., pp. I3 i f.
was the model for minor mode in many late seventeenth- and early
teenth-century writings, including even Rameau's Traite' (1722).20 T
choice was probably influenced by the relative ease of cadencing on
dominant in Dorian as opposed to Aeolian (which was probably also a f
in the persistence of incomplete signatures well into the eighteenth centu
Finally, although some early seventeenth-century theorists adopted Zarlin
ordering, many theorists later in the century and at the beginning of the
century maintained Dorian in first place.21
The second essential difference between Glarean's and Zarlino's theories
on mode concerns the latter's differentiation of the affect of the modes
according to the major and minor imperfect consonances, presented in Part
III, Chapter io of the Istitutioni: "On the property or nature of the imperfect
consonances."
The property or nature of the imperfect consonances is that some of them are l
and cheerful, accompanied by much sonority, and some, although they are sweet
smooth, tend somewhat towards sadness or languor. The first are the major thirds
sixths and their compounds: and the others are the minor [thirds and sixths]
There are some songs which are lively and full of cheer; and some others on
contrary which are rather sad or languid. The reason is that in the first the m
imperfect consonances are often heard above the final or mediant notes of the modes
tones, which are the first, second, seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth, as we shal
elsewhere. These modes are very cheerful and lively because in them we often hear
consonances placed according to the nature of the sonorous number: that is, the f
divided harmonically into a major third and a minor third, which gives mu
pleasure to the ear.22
20 See Book III, Chap. 22, Art. 2 of the Traitt (pp. 264-65 of the English translation
Philip Gossett [New York, i97'1). In a footnote to p. 264, Gossett points out that in
supplement issued along with the Traiti, Rameau changed his mind and argued for the Ae
mode as the model for minor. The dispute between different orderings of the modes conti
until the eighteenth century and was not confined to these two principal orderings. See b
for a discussion of the orderings of Johann Magirus, Joachim Burmeister, and others.
works present both orderings (e.g., Michael Praetorius; again, see below).
21 See especially Johann Criiger (fn. 76, below), including the works listed in Table 2;
consider also Johann Mattheson, Das neu-eriffnete Orchestre (Hamburg, i 713), pp. 6o-
where D minor is the first of the twenty-four keys to be listed.
22 "Della
Consonanze Propiet.,
imperfette e, ochenatura
alcune delle
di loroconsonanze
sono vive & Imperfette. Cap. io. da
allegre, accompagnate 11molta
propio, o Natura delle
sonorita; & alcune, quantunque siano dolci & soavi, declinano alquanto al mesto, overo
languido. Le prime sono le Terze & le Seste maggiori & le Replicate: & le altre sono le minori
... sono alcune Cantilene, le quali sono vive & piene di allegrezza; & alcune altre per ii
contrario, sono alquarto meste, over languide. La cagione e, che nelle prime, spesso si odono le
Maggiori consonanze imperfette sopra le chorde estreme finali, o mezane de i Modi, o Tuoni,
che sono ii Primo, ii Secondo, il Settimo, I'Ottavo, il Nono, & il Decimo; come vederemo
altrove: i quali Modi sono molto allegri & vivi: conciosia che in essi udimo spesse fiate le
Consonanze collocate secondo la natura del Numero sonoro: ciob la Quinta tramezata, o divisa
harmonicamente in una Terza maggiore & in una minore; ii he molto diletta all'Udito"
(Istituzioni, p. 182).
In the continuation, Zarlino notes that the other modes are characterized by
the minor imperfect consonances above the final and mediant. It is important
to examine carefully the choice of words in this passage. Zarlino writes that
"the major imperfect consonances [not only the major thirds] are often [not
always] heard above the final or mediant notes [not only above the final: note
that mediant here refers to the note which divides the octave of the mode, i.e.,
the fifth] ... we often [not always] hear the consonances [note the plural]
placed according to the nature of the sonorous number [not merely according
to the sonorous number]." For Zarlino, the perfect fifth and fourth are
generated by the harmonic and arithmetic division of the octave. Similarly,
the major and minor thirds arise from the divisions of the perfect fifth. But the
major sixth "is composed of the perfect fourth and the major third," and the
minor sixth "is born from the conjunction of the perfect fourth with the minor
third" (Part I, Chap. i6, p. 3 3). Thus, the consonances which are arranged
according to the nature of the sonorous number are the sixth and third.23
The disposition of these intervals over the final and fifth in each mode are
shown in Table i. Note that the quality of the intervals corresponds in most
cases, but not all, hence the modifier "often" in Zarlino's passage.
TABLE I
Ionian + 3 + 6 + 3 +6
Lydian + 3 +6 + 3 +6
Mixolydian + 3 + 6 - 3 +6
Aeolian - 3 -6 -3 - 6
Phrygian -3 - 6 -3 - 6
Dorian -3 +6 -3 --6
This differentiation of th
The intervals are heard "ab
as well as many later ones,
differentiate modes. Zarlino
formal presentation in Par
semitones, major and mino
entiation of affect lies in
important tones in the dif
The Istitutioni also contain
tal harmony with a fifth a
major and minor according to the quality of the third.24 This discussi
appears twenty-one chapters after the sole mention of the major-min
differentiation of the affect of the modes. In Chapter 30 of Part III, Zarlino
discusses problematic harmonic intervals such as the tritone, diminished fift
and diminished and augmented octave. The discussion continues in Chapt
3 1, prohibiting the use of these intervals in two-part counterpoint. Th
situation is more complex in counterpoint with more voices, however, becaus
combinations of consonances may introduce dissonances unintentionally:
... The variety of the harmony in such situations does not consist solely in the varie
of the consonances which are found between two voices, but also in the variety of t
harmonies-which [variety] is determined by the position of the note which makes
third or tenth above the lowest voice of the composition. Either these [intervals] a
minor, and the harmony which arises is determined by or corresponds to th
arithmetical proportion or division, or they are major, and such a harmony
determined by or corresponds to the harmonic mean. On this variety depends all t
diversity and perfection of harmonies.... For as I have said elsewhere, when t
major third is below, the harmony is cheerful, and when it is placed above, th
harmony is sad.25
tale Harmonia e ordinata, over si assimiglia alla mediocrit. Harmonica: & da questa varieti
dipende
quando tuttala laTerza
si pone diversit. & la
maggiore perfettione
nella parte grave,delle Harmonie...
i'Harmonia percioche
si fi allegra; (como
& quando si h6 detto altrove)
pone nell' acuto si fa mesta" (Istitutioni, pp. 2 10 f.).
26 "Dobbiamo etiandio sempre osservare, di far le Cadenze principalmente nel Tenore:
essendo questa parte la Guida principale di ciaschedun Modo; sopra il quale si compone la
Cantilena: & de esso deboe il Compositore pigliar la inventione dell' altre parti" (Istitutioni, p.
394-"We should always take care to make the cadence principally in the tenor, this part being
the principal guide of each mode, over which the song is composed; and from this the composer
should take the invention of the other parts").
Soprano far. Unisono col Tenore, Et il Basso farai Terza sotto il Tenore; I'Alto si porra. Quinta,
o Sestasopra'l
Decima sopra'lBasso..."
Basso.(Istitutioni,
Ma se'l Basso far"f.--"Here
pp. 283 la Quinta sotto'l
follows theTenore,
table of L'alto far. which
the chords la Terza, over
the parts of the song make together.... If the soprano makes a unison with the tenor and the
bass makes a third below the tenor, the alto can make a fifth or sixth above the bass. But if the
bass makes a fifth below the tenor, the alto makes the third or tenth above the bass ... Ietc.l").
28 Hermann Gehrmann, "Johann Gottfried Walther als Theoretiker," Vierteljahrsschrift
fiir Musikwissenschaft, VII (1891), 469: "Es ist dies derselbe Unterschied, den wir heute
zwischen
study einerbyDur-
of Zarlino undWienpahl,
Robert Mollskala wahrnehmen
"Zarlino, ... and
the Senario, ." This samethis
Tonality," viewpoint is XII
JOURNAL, presented in a
('959) 27-41. On p. 29, he mistranslates the sentence beginning "La cagione" from Chap. io
of Part III of the Istitutioni to read: "The reason is that in the first [case] the Major imperfect
consonances frequently appear above the final note, as in the case of the Modes, or Tones, such
as the First, Second, Seventh, Eighth, Ninth, and the Tenth...." But Zarlino writes that the
major imperfect consonances appear "... above the final or mediant notes of the modes." The
same mistranslation appears in Mr. Wienpahl's "English Theorists and Evolving Tonality,"
Music & Letters, XXXVI (1955), 377.
Lyn Tolkoff ("French Modal Theory before Rameau," Journal of Music Theory, XVII
[ 19731, 151-52) writes: "After acknowledging the existence of twelve different modes, Zarlino
goes on to state that all of them could ultimately be broken down into two groups ... " As was
pointed out above, Zarlino did not differentiate modes into two groups "after," but before
presenting twelve modes. No such differentiation occurs in Part IV. And the differentiation in
Part III applies only to the affect of the modes.
Walter Atcherson ("Key and Mode in I7th Century Music Theory Books," Journal of
Music Theory, XVII [19731, 207) notes that Lippius differentiates modes into two types
"according to the quality of third above the final; Zarlino had already done this before him!"
Cf. fn. 64, below; see also the references cited in fnn. 4 and 5, above.
arise from the seven octave species by the varied joinings of the f
fourths."35 There is a reference to the ordering of the modes startin
Dorian, but Ionian is still placed first. "If that mode which arises from
species of octave, and is composed from the first species of fifth and
species of fourth, should be placed first in order, Ionian with its plag
the first.''36
As with Zarlino, the differentiation of the modes according to the major
and minor imperfect consonances does not appear along with the formal
presentation of the modes. Calvisius places the discussion in Chapter 18 of the
Melopoeia, the chapter on text setting ("De oratione sive textu"). After a
discussion of the different intervals used to express various emotions, Calvisius
notes that
the more joyful modes are Ionian, Lydian, and Mixolydian, because the fifth is divided
harmonically. The sadder and more languid [modes], on the other hand, [are]
Dorian, Phrygian, and Aeolian because of the arithmetic division of the same interval.
For everywhere the harmonic division expresses a smoother sound than the arith-
metic.37
"" Exercitatio musica tertia, p. 76: "Modi sunt certa Harmoniae genera, quae ex septem
diapason speciebus, seu octavis pro varil quintarum & quartarum connexione oriuntur."
3"Melopoeia, fol. H2r-H2': "Si is modus in ordine primus collocari debet, qui oritur ex
prima specie diapason, & componitur ex prima specie diapente, et ex prima diatessaron, lonicus
cum suo remisso, primus erit."
"7Melopoeia, fol. I3r: "Modi etiam laetiores sunt. Ionicus, Lydius, Mixolydius propter
diapente quod Harmonica dividitur. Tristiores contra & languidiores Dorius, Phrygius, &
Aeolius, propter ejusdem intervallis Arithmeticam divisionem ubiq[ue] enim suaviorem sonum
exprimit Harmonica, quam Arithmetica divisio." "Laetiores, tristiores" and "languidiores" are
translations of Zarlino's "allegra, mesta" and "languido."
38 "Modi principales Sex sunt" (p. I 1).
39 "Clausulas autem formant ejusdem nominis Modi, tam Contentus quam Remissus" (fol.
H 3).
Example I
Melopoeia, cadential pitches for the Ionian mode (p. 15) and Phrygian mode (p. 23)
? II ? ] II
45 Hypomnematum musicae poeticae (Rostock, 1599); and Musica poetica (Rostock, i606;
facsm. ed. Kassel, 1955). See Martin Ruhnke, Joachim Burmeister: Ein Beitrag zur Musik-
lehre um i6oo (Kassel, 1955).
46 The discussion appears in the second edition of the Artis musicae, printed in Frankfurt in
161 i. See Eckhard Nolte, Johannes Magirus (1558-1631) und seine Musiktraktate, Studien
zur hessischen Musikgeschichte, 4 (Marburg, I97i), for new information on Magirius's
birthdate (pp. 6-7), and for the correct identification of Frankfurt as the place of publication for
the second edition of the Artis musicae (p. 58); previous lists, including the RISM Jcrits
imprimens, give Braunschweig as the publication site.
7' Other treatises of the time incorprate a numerological scheme of organization, including
the Plejades musicae (Halberstadt, 16 15) by Heinrich Baryphonus (i58 i- i655). See Martin
Vogel, Die Zahl Sieben in der Spekulativen Musiktheorie (Bonn, I955).
48 A poem by Calvisius praising Lippius is found at the end of both the Disputatio m
secunda (Wittenberg, 1609) and the Synopsis musicae (Strasbourg, i612).
49 A second edition appeared in 16 14.
50 For the most complete biography to date of Lippius and a thorough study of his t
(especially on triads and the inversion of intervals) and their relation to contemporary
see Benito Rivera's splendid dissertation, "Johannes Lippius and His Musical Trea
Study of German Musical Thought in the Early Seventeenth Century" (Ph.D. diss., R
Univ., 1974).
s' See fols. B7'-E 1V. Several folios in this section are printed in the wrong order. They
should be read as follows: B7r, B8r, B7", B8V, Cir; the folios then continue correctly.
52 Disputatio tertia, fols. A2z-B2r; Synopsis, fols. F3V-F3v.
" Synopsis, fol. B7V: "Quarta cum Tertia majore seu Sexta major ... Quarta cum Tertil
minore seu Sexta minor...."
"54 Disputatio tertia, fols. B2r-B4V; Synopsis, fols. F4r-F7v.
55 Note the use of the term mollior to refer to the minor triad. On fol. E 7, the minor third
and minor sixth are also described as "softer" (mollius). Lippius is clearly describing the affect of
are discussed in the Synopsis but without musical examples, leaving it unclear
whether inversions of the triad, in the modern sense of the term, are included.
The text and examples in the Disputatio musica tertia, however, answer this
point in the affirmative.
Virtually the entire presentation of mode is based on the triad.56 Lippius's
definition of mode is that which controls melodies at their beginnings, middles,
and ends; it is related to the harmonic triad and limited to the range of an
octave:
Example 2
40
the intervals and does not appear to intend the hexachord-derived dicho
persistence of the usage of moll for minor intervals and the later trans
major are the origins of the present-day meanings of the terms. It is
considered using the term moll only for this modern meaning. Thus, on
transposition to a one-flat signature, he notes that the mode is changed f
irregular, commonly called moll" (emphasis added: ".. . ex Modo Regu
laris, vulgo dictus Mollis ..."). But elsewhere in the Synopsis the term m
traditional sense. Problems raised by these terms continued to plague th
the middle of the eighteenth century. See, for example, Andreas We
mathematicae (Frankfurt and Leipzig, I687), p. z25; and Georg Andre
der musicalischen Composition (Lobenstein, 1745), P. 27. Carl Dahlhau
distinct meanings of dur and moll from antiquity to the seventeenth
however, attempt precise dates for each usage; see his article, "Die Te
Archiv fir Musikwissenschaft, XII (i955), 280-96. See also Lester
Inverted Triads," p. i i5, fn. I9.
56 Synopsis, fols. H 8r-14 .
57 Ibid., fols. H8v, 13V: "Modus Musicus est vel Simplex: vel Compo
quo una saltem dominatur Trias Harmonica cum suae Octavae C
Modus ex Simplicioribus pronascitur: & vel ex cognatis Primario & Se
Hypoionico, qui creber: vel ex plane diversis ut Jonico & Dorio, ... qu
S"Ibid., fols. H 8v-I Ir: "Estque aut Primarius seu Authenticus: aut
Mediatio Octavae Harmonica quae Competit Primario mutatur in Arit
Quartae infrA Quintam manentem cum Triade."
59 Ibid., fol. 13r: "Primaria Fuga & Clausula est A Prima Triadis Pr
Suprema: Tertiaria A Media."
Example 3
Propriae Peregrina
0 a a/o7\
Example 4
4' Io
UTVP,,F
In every legitimate primary mode, the principal proper harmonic triad is that whose
root is the same as the lowest note of the [modall octave. . . . Hence, we reduce these
60 Ibid., fols. Ir, IZV: "Primarius ergo vel Legitimus est vel Spurius. Legitimus est alius
Naturalior qui tenet Triadem Harmonicam Naturaliorem: alius Mollior, qui Triadem Mollio-
rem obtinet.... Spurius Modus est Triadis Spuriae ?. d. f. ni, ce, ga. Hyperaeolius cum suo
secundario Hypohyperaeolio seu Hyperphrygio, ideoque rejectus est." Note Lippius's use of the
bocedization syllables, based on the octave, rather than the traditional solmisation based on the
hexachord.
61 Ibid., fol. I r-I IV: "Uterque Trinus est juxta Species Triadum: ille Jonicus, Lydius, &
Mixolydius: hic Dorius, Phrygius & Aeolius: ut ita 6. sint Simplices Modi Primarii Legitimi &
12, cum suis viror 6irois."
62Ibid., fols. 1IV-I12r: "Omnium Naturalissimus & Primus in hodierna MusicS (contrA
quAm plerique Veteres & Recentiores autumant) est Jonicus cum suo Secundario Hypoionico
habens Triadem Harmonicam propriam. c. e. g. bo, di, lo.... 2. Dorius est Triadis, d. f. a. ce,
ga, ma, cum Hypodorio . 3. Phrygius cum Hypophrygio est Triadis e. g. ?. di, lo, ni. .
six modes to two: one, which has the naturalis triad, the other which has the mollis.
The trinity [of modes] of each type is formed according to the same triad-from which
the special ornaments, fugues, and cadences of harmonic song should be chosen and
formed.'
fugal entries, etc. A differentiation of modes based on a single interval over the
final is alien to traditional theory, whether the distinction be made on the basis
of a major or minor third, a major or minor second, or any other interval.
Since these different compositional possibilities in each mode influence nearly
all aspects of a modal composition, the study of mode was understood as one of
the most important subjects to the musician of the Middle Ages and Renais-
sance. Glarean wrote in the Dodecachordon "we consider scarcely any other
part of music equally worthy of explanation, equally necessary, and equally
pleasant, as the one which we are about to discuss now, the treatment of the
musical modes" (Book I, Chap. 10). Much of compositional theory was
subsumed under or directly related to modal theory: the construction of
melodies, ranges, cadences, "form" (e.g., where to place cadences), the charac-
ter of the composition, the relationship between the ranges and structures of
different voices in a polyphonic composition, etc. Writings on mode occupy a
large portion of many Medieval and Renaissance treatises. Glarean's Dodeca-
chordon, of course, is almost entirely on the modes. But even in Zarlino's
Istitutioni, the discussion of mode is one third as long as the entire section on
counterpoint and composition.
By contrast, the modal distinction between major and minor in Lippius is
harmonic. Dorian and Mixolydian, for example, differ in scale only by their
third degrees. Yet the one is included with the minor modes and the other with
the major. Only the interval of a third over the final is crucial. Compare this
with Glarean's discussion of mode as octave species quoted above on page 210.
6" Peter Benary (Die deutsche Kompositionslehre des 18. Jahrhunderts, Jenaer Beitraige zur
Musikforschung, 3 [Leipzig, i961], p. 14) argues for the independence of German theoretical
thought from the direct influence of the south, largely because of this rapid development. Earlier
historians, most notably Hermann Gehrmann (in "Johann Walther als Theoretiker," Viertel-
jahrsschriftfiir Musikwissenschaft, VII [18911, 468-578), had argued for the dependence of
these developments on Italian theory.
There has been a tendency to group together a number of theorists of this generation. Adam
Adrio, for example, in the MGG article on Heinrich Baryphonus (Vol. I, cols. I350-55), links
Baryphonus to Calvisius, Johann Nucius, Johann Lippius, and Johann Criiger as a series of
German masters, who, in the early seventeenth century, strove to establish the teachings and
outlook of Zarlino's Istitutioni among their compatriots: "As conservative as their basic musical
outlooks might have been, just as clearly their textbooks mirror the change effected in the music
of their time from contrapuntally to primarily harmonically conceived music (col. 1354).'
Although the conservatism referred to here might fit Baryphonus's and Nucius's positions, this
statement otherwise implies misconceptions symptomatic of much writing on seventeenth-
century theory and its relationship to Zarlino. Certainly Lippius progressed far beyond Zarlino
in many areas.
the period.67 Taken as a whole, however, his theories were not the beginning
of a new tradition of German modal theory. Several reasons can be cited. One
is the nature of the Synopsis. As the title itself implies, the work is only a terse
summary of Lippius's theoretical views. Many points are stated but not
elaborated, leading to some ambiguities and conclusions which may seem
arbitrary in the absence of a statement of the reasoning behind them. Most of
these points are fully explained in the Disputationes, but it may not have had
the circulation of the Synopsis. Since Lippius was only twenty-seven at the
time of his death (in the same year the Synopsis was published) and had
published some seven works on music within three years, it is reasonable to
assume that he did not intend the Synopsis to be his definitive theoretical
work. In addition to its limited discussions of vital points, the Synopsis was
prevented from gaining a wide circulation by its nature. Although it covers all
the material necessary for composition, it is not convenient for practical use.
Besides the dearth of practical examples, it is replete with speculative sections
relating musical discussions to theology and numerology. This backward-
looking approach has been contrasted to the progressive features of the work
by modern commentators.68
Lippius's theories had their widest circulation in the more practical
treatises and manuals of Johann Crtiger. As we shall demonstrate below,
however, Criiger did not present these theories with the force and originality
of Lippius's own publications.
Finally, the musical situation in Germany played its part in the contin-
uation of a modal tradition. The chorale played a vital role in the musical life
of Protestant Germany. In contrast to the use of modal plainchant in the
Catholic countries, the chorales were not a body of centuries-old music largely
divorced from modern repertories. Thus, whereas in France and Italy works
appeared between i6Io and 1614 definitively separating the theoretical
systems of ancient sacred music from contemporary music,69 no such develop-
ment was possible in Germany.
The remainder of this paper covers the transmission of Lippius's theories
in the works of Cruiger and the contemporary treatises and manuals which
maintained the traditional modes in Germany right up to the end of the
seventeenth century.
67 But not always in the form of Lippius's original conception. The term trias, for example,
was used by some theorists only to refer to the three important notes of the mode, without any
implication of its status as a harmony. See, e.g., Conrad Matthaei, Kurtzer doch ausfiihrlicher
Bericht von den Modis musicis... (KSnigsberg, 1652), p. 2 et passim.
68 See Benary, Die deutsche Kompositionslehre, pp. 13-14.
69 Pierre Maillart, Les Tons, ou discours sur les'modes de musique, et les tones de l'rglise et
la distinction entre iceux (Tournai, I6Io); Adriano Banchieri, Cartella musicale, 3d ed.
(Venice, 1613/14).
How does one recognize the modes? First, observe, above all, the final tone of th
lowest voice or bass. Add above this (') the diapente or perfect fifth and (2) th
mediant, distant by a major third from one of the extreme tones [of the fifth], an
distant by a minor third from the other, and you will have the triad, the root of a
most perfect and fullest harmony which can exist in the world, and the root o
thousands and thousands of thousands of sounds, all of which are led back to a part o
the triad. ... If a fourth will be placed above the triad (harmonically), the concord wi
form the authentic and primary mode. If the same be placed below (arithmetically)
[it forms] the plagal and secondary [model.72
Finally, each mode is listed with its triad. But before this, Crfiger opens the
chapter by counting "fourteen modes [which] are born from the seven octave
70 In addition to what is presented on this work in the following discussion, see Table
below.
71 See Elisabeth Fischer-Krfickeberg, "Johann Criiger als Musiktheoretiker," Zeitschriftfli
Musikwissenschaft, XII ( 19 30), 6 I 2-14, for a discussion of the confusion concerning the date
the first edition of the Synopsis. Her study contains a full biography and information on th
works discussed here.
72 Praecepta musicae, fols. B6V-B 7": "Unde cognoscuntur Modi? Primum omnium respic
vocis insimae sive Basis clavem finalem. Huic superadde i. Diapente vel quintam perfectam,
Intermediam ab extremarum una per Ditonum, ab altera per Semiditonum distantem,
habebis Triadem omnis perfectissimae & plenissimae harmoniae, quae dari in mundo potes
radicem, sonorum etiam mille & millies mille, qui omnes ad unam hujus Triadis partem referr
debent.... Si quarta supra Triadem (harmonice) fuerit locata, Authenticum modum
species."" The differentiation into major and minor is not made explicit in
this work.74
primarium concentus repraesentabit. Si ver6 infra eandem (ArithmeticO) locetur, Plagalem &
secundarium."
73Ibid., fol. B6V: "Ex septem diapason speciebus quatuordecim oriuntur Modi."
7' Since the scales and semitone placements of each mode are not specifically mentioned by
Crtiger in this work, Fischer-Krfickeberg ("Johann Crlger," p. 618) writes that the only
difference between modes is between major and minor. The double generation of the modes,
however, makes it clear that Crtiger is using the octave species as a determinant.
71 On the title page, Crtiger labels the 16yo print "Editio Tertia. Auctior & Correctior."
The 1625 Praecepta is apparently the first edition. Is there a lost second edition?
whereas the modes had been ordered as in Zarlino in the earlier works, Crilge
returns to Glarean's ordering in the later ones:
Although the most convenient and most natural ordering of the modes occurs if Ioni
with its Hypoionian holds the first position, yet in order not to confuse young student
we want to retain that ordering of the ancients, in which Dorian and its Hypodoria
take the first position."
Also added is a listing of the repercussio of each mode, an archaism that had
been dropped in his earlier works. In other matters, the changes represen
accomodations to newer musical practices. Thus, in the Synopsis of I65
Criiger added the Bb-minor and B-major triads to the list of possibilities.
The most important change in the I654 Synopsis concerns the thirteenth
and fourteenth modes-Hyperaeolian (the authentic mode on b) and Hy-
perphrygian (for Crilger, the authentic mode on e in the transposed system
with a one-flat signature):78
These two modes are rejected by most musicians and called spurious on account of th
aharmonic triad. But truly the more reasonable musicians will decide, with me, tha
they not be altogether done away with and rejected on account of that. Because the
aharmonic triads can easily be turned into harmonic triads with the help of th
semitones: namely, in B cantus durus, the uppermost tone of the triad,f, changed to
(Fis, as the instrumentalists call it) by the addition of a semitone. Hence, out of th
false fifth the true disposition of the same triad will arise in this manner:
Example 5
Trias anarmonica Triasharmonica
IAlf) ::R"I
Simn, ?
On the other hand, in cantus mollis, E, the lowest tone of the aharmonic triad h
been changed to eb [sic-dgl],"7 that diminished and false fifth is changed to th
fifth:
Example 6
Trias anarmonica Trias harmonica
mg,'
51", SHIPi
76 Quaestiones, fol. C5V: "Licet convenientissimus & omnium naturalissimus sit Modorum
ordo, si primum locum obtineat Jonicus cum suo HypoJonico: Attamen, ne confundantur
ingenia discentium, veterum illum, quo primo loco collocant Dorium cum Hypodorio suo
retinere voluimus ordinem."
77 Fischer-Kriickeberg ("Johann Crilger," p. 619) writes that the Eb-, A-, and Bb-major
triads are also added here. But they were already present in the 1630 edition.
78 Crilger gives no reason for this last name. Hyperphrygian had meant the plagal mode
with a final on b for all theorists from Glarean up to this point.
79Dis (d#) was used to refer to the semitone between d and e well into the eighteenth
century, no matter what the function. In staff notation, of course, the pitch referred to here
And thus all aharmony is removed. Accordingly, the thirteenth and fourteenth modes
have the harmonic triads: b-d-fj in cantus durus, eb-g-bb in cantus mollis.80
would be written as eb, but organ tablatures in Germany used Dis (see Willi Apel, The
Notation of Polyphonic Music 9oo-z6oo [Cambridge, 1 9531, pp. 24-26 etpassim). A number
of later writers complained about this usage, but it apparently persisted at least until I789,
when Daniel Tiirk argued against it in his Klavierschule (Leipzig & Halle; facsm. ed.
Marburg, 1962), pp. 58-59.
"8Synopsis, 1654, P. 123: "Rejiciuntur hi duo Modi a plerisq[uel Musicis, & Spurii
propter Triadem anarmonicam vocantur. Verum non omnino istos esse abolendos & rejiciendos
mecum saniores: Musici statuent, propter ea, quod Triades istae anarmonicae beneficio
Semitonii in harmonicas apte verti queant, mutata nimirum, in ? cantu duro, suprema Triadis
clave F addito Semitonio minore in Fis, (ut a Musicis Instrumentalibus appellatur). Hunc enim
in modum ex quinta ista falsa vera ejusdem dispositio pronascetur.... Sic in cantu molli versa
infima Triadis anarmonicae clave E in Dis, Quinta ista diminuta & falsa in veram mutatur...
& ita omnis anarmonia tollitur ut: Sunt igitur decimus tertius, & decimus quartus Modus
Triadis harmonicae H D Fis in Cantu duro Dis G B in Cantu molli."
A similar classification of modes is found in Wolfgang Mylius, Rudimenta musices, Das ist:
Eine kurtze und Grundrichtige Anweisung zur Singe-Kunst (Gotha, I686). Mylius first lists all
the diatonic octaves between c and a, divided both arithmetically and harmonically (with the
F-f octave divided arithmetically by Bb). His second grouping of modes includes the octave B-b
divided arithmetically (the traditional Hypophrygian), and then harmonically with an F#
(Criger's Hyperaeolian); and two divisions on eb (Dis). The third grouping includes various
ficta triads: D, E, A, and B majors, and F# and B minors. The separation of modes on b and eb
from the other modes appears to derive from Crtiger; see fols. G4r-G5r.
8 Cf. fn. 75, above.
82 For additional information on this treatise, see below, fnn. Io8, I Io.
83 Bericht, p. 22.
84 Tractatus compositionis augmentatus, Chap. 45. (For bibliographphical details about this
treatise, see fn. I 15, below.)
8" Quaestiones, fol. C5": "Unde oriuntur Modi? Ex septem Clavibus c d e f g a h, a quibus
tota Modorum doctrina dependet."
" Clavis ad thesaurum magnae artis musicae (Prague, i 70 ), s.v. "Tonus," pp. 287-304.
87Neu erfundene und griindlicbe Anweisung (Hamburg, 1711), esp. the "musical circle"
on p. 261.
" The credit for first listing all twenty-four keys apparently goes to M. Ozanam, a French
mathematician, who gives them in the Dictionaire mathbmatique ... dans lequel sont contenus
les termes de cette science, outre plusieurs termes des arts (Amsterdam, 169 1), p. 66o. His
Thus far, a relatively direct line of historical development has been traced,
ignoring for the most part numerous contemporary works which continued to
present and elaborate the traditional view of the modes. In the concluding
section of this paper, the contents of several different types of such works will
be surveyed.
A considerable number of these fall under the rubric of manuals designed
for use by schoolchildren. Music, as is well known, held an important position
in the curriculum of the German Lateinschulen. Handbooks containing the
elements of notation, solmisation, some rudimentary theory, and many singing
exercises were published by a broad spectrum of authors, including music
teachers, headmasters, pastors, well-known composers, and theorists. (Among
prominent musicians discussed elsewhere in this paper, for example, Calvisius,
Criiger, and Printz wrote such works.)89 Their aim was primarily to teach
schoolchildren to sing religious music. The repertoire of musical examples is
generally limited to chant or chorales with the possible addition of some
polyphonic sacred music or secular didactic exercises. Since texts for general
educational purposes often present the lowest common denominator of ac-
cepted musical pedagogy, these works are, virtually without exception, rather
conservative in their treatment of mode. It is precisely for this reason that they
are important to the present study. Well into the eighteenth century, the
premise that the quality of the tonic triad should be the principal differen-
tiating factor between modes was highly controversial in Germany. Many
singing manuals do not contain discussions of the modes,90 but those that do
help to fill in the complete picture of the acceptance of new theoretical ideas on
the modes by the general musical audience of the seventeenth century. The
listing, however, divides them into three categories, including "les modes transposez" (wher
the tonic is a black key). And Ozanam presents neither full scales nor key signatures for all keys
Compare with similar, but incomplete listings of sixteen keys in Georg Falck, Idea boni cantoris
(Niirnberg, I688), p. 86; and fifteen keys in Daniel Speer, Unterricht der musicalischen Kunst
(Ulm, 1687, pp. 13-15; and Ulm, 1697, pp. 6-7. Facsm. ed. of the 1697 print [Leipzig
'9741). Similarly, both Sebastien de Brossard (Dictionaire de musique [Paris, 1703; facsm
ed. Amsterdam, 1964], s.v. "Modo," point No. Io) and Alexandre Fr&re (Transpositions d
musique [Paris, 17061) recognize twenty-four major and minor keys, but they distinguish the
transposed keys or modes from the "natural" ones requiring no accidentals in the signature. I
am indebted to Herbert Schneider, "Charles Masson und sein 'Nouveau trait '," Archiv fir
Musikwissenschaft, XXX ( 1973), 245-74, for the reference to Ozanam. No previous articles or
books cite Janowka's recognition of twenty-four keys.
89 The most thorough surveys of these works are found in Eberhard Preussner, "Die
Methodik im Schulgesang der evangelischen Lateinschulen des 7. Jahrhunderts" (unpublished
diss. Univ. of Berlin, 1924); and Albert Allerup, Die "Musica Practica" des Johann Andreas
Herbst und ihre entwicklungsgeschichtliche Bedeutung: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der deuts-
chen Schulmusik (Kassel, 19 3 ).
" Of the works of more than thirty-five authors consulted, about one-third contained
chapters on the modes.
manuals of Faber and Gumpelzhaimer, which were the two most widely
circulated works, are cited in theoretical literature into the eighteenth century.
Some works listed below appeared virtually unchanged in many editions over
the period of a century or more, even though they became increasingly
alienated from contemporary developments with each new edition.
One of the earliest German manuals, and the one which appeared in the
most editions, was written by Heinrich Faber (Magister Heinricus Faber),
about whose life little is known. He died in 55 2, leaving his Compendiolum
musicae pro incipientibus in one Latin edition, that printed in Braunschweig
in I548. As many as forty-six subsequent prints through I617 are extant,
published in numerous places, the most common of which are Leipzig,
Niirnberg, Hantzch, Frankfurt, Erfurt, Goslar, and Augsburg.91 There were
several German translations:
Chapters 1-9 are bilingual with Latin and German on opposite side
page. Chapter io appears in Latin only. The work was probably u
Latin text as well. By the time the student was ready for Chapter i o
presumably mastered Latin sufficiently to allow him to understand th
cussion without German. The end of the book (fols. 2 3-78v) contains
for singing practice. The material is presented in the form of catechi
Chapter i o on the modes covers folios 17-23, nearly one-third the
of the text. Fourteen modes are listed in Glarean's ordering (Dorian -
in a table presenting the number, name, and affect of each. Hyperaeo
Hyperphrygian are listed last and are rejected as spurious because they
proper division. The range and repercussio of each authentic and plaga
in its original position and transposed down a fifth to a one-flat sign
presented in musical examples. Each mode is then discussed brie
example:
Dorian is the first mode or tone. The first tone is used in cantus {molis between d I
&{ d} through an octave. It has two intervals. The first from { d to {a modurs
by the fifth re, la. The second from a } to d, durus by the fourth re, sol. It
This is followed by three examples: one presenting the range in original and
one-flat transposition; one with a composition in four voices; and one contain-
ing a "tropus" in chant notation. The same format is used for all the modes.
Table 2 indicates some features of the discussion of mode in singing
manuals after Gumpelzhaimer.
" For example, the first chapter opens: "What is music? It is an art of singing properly and
well." ("Was ist die Music? Sie ist ein Kunst recht und wol zu singen.")
95 "Dorius, id est, tonis sive modus primus. Primus tonus versatur in cantu molliro inter
(D)& (D) per octavam. Intervalle habet duo. Primum ex (D)D in (A, durum )
G G D, mollemD durum
per quintam Re, La. Alterum ex (A) in G D, dumollem )per quartam Re, Sol. Finem
habet in D, duro & G, molli (fol. 17).
Several
transpositions
0
X X~
One transposition
0
Friad + fourth
0
0
? .! Fifth + fourth
0
Repercussio
Affects
o0
cz Zarlino
v,
cz
X XX
0.4 Glarean
7
12 modes and
H
z 0
E
8 tones
14
0
~Cl
6
um
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z 14 modes with
0 2 rejected
H
Z
X X Xc C
German
[-.
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Latin-German
Xl X
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cz cz 0.4 c~
E -t -Z E Z.
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cr z
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-0 - 0
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o C0 e
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transpositions
cz One transposition X X
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e-)
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Affects
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to
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Qd
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12 modes and
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14 modes with
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German
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transpositions X X
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rriad + fourth
bfr
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Glarean
o
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12 modes and SXX
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German
cz
Latin
o
Latin-German
~G 3
Its czcz s t
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? . ?
__~C 3 2
? ~ E 4?, ,o ,
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Cd One transposition
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bL
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Glarean
z
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12 modes and
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96The preface of the 1596 edition, however, is dated 1592; it is reprinted in Nolte,
Johannes Magirus, pp. 192-31 i1. Magirus's Musicae rudimenta of 1619 repeats the formula-
tion of mode found in the 16 i1 edition of the Artis musicae.
97 Book II, Chaps. 5-23 (pp. 42-98; pp. 232-70 of the 1971 reprint).
98 The table appearing on page 51 is reproduced in facsimile in Nolte, Johannes Magirus, p.
136.
99 Although Magirus claims to use the species of both fourth and fifth in his differentiation,
the placement of Dorian and Mixolydian makes it clear that the species of fifth is the principal
criterion.
3. Musica poetica (Rostock, i6o6). Chapter 6 deals with the modes and Chapter
7 with their transpositions.
noteheads. The second series (pp. 40-45) presents each pair of authentic and
plagal modes in bass, tenor, alto, and cantus registers. A third series (pp.
46-47) repeats the second series in organ tablature in both regular and
transposed systems. The remaining aspects of modal theory presented are
traditional, including the range of an octave as the limit of the ambitus.
Praetorius discusses neither the application of the modes to composition, nor
any major-minor differentiation. Perhaps the projected fourth volume of the
Syntagma, which was to have dealt with composition,102 would have included
a fuller discussion. The reader is referred to many other works, including those
of Calvisius, Glarean, and Magirus, for further information.
Johann Andreas Herbst (1588-i666) represents a school of German
musicians different from any discussed thus far. Although he lived and worked
in Germany for his entire adult life (in Darmstadt, Niirnberg, and Frankfurt),
Herbst was best known as a musician versed in the contemporary Italian vocal
styles. There are extensive discussions on the Italian manner of vocal embel-
lishments in his Musica practica sive instructio pro symphoniacis . . . auff
jetzige Italienische Manier (Niirnberg, 1642) and Musica moderna prattica,
overo maniera del buon canto (Frankfurt, i65 3 and 1658). The Arte prattica
et po'tica is a translation of the counterpoint text, Arte pratica latina et
volgare di far contrapunto (Venice, i6 i1o) by Giovanni Chiodino. Herbst's
composition treatise, Musica po"tica (Nornberg, 1643),103 presumably repre-
sents the outlook of mid-century musicians active in contemporary styles. The
treatise is a compilation from many different sources, as is noted in the subtitle:
"collected for the most part from the foremost Latin and Italian authors and
musicians, old as well as new, and presented briefly in this compendium."104
But Herbst failed to digest much of the material, resulting in a confusing
organization of data and contradictions between different presentations of the
same material only a few pages apart.
Mode is discussed in four of the twelve chapters: Chapter 6 on the modes
proper (pp. 45-58), Chapter 7 on cadences (pp. 58-80), Chapter 8 on the
beginning, middle, and end of songs (pp. 81-88), and Chapter ii on text,
which consists of a discussion of the affect of each mode (pp. 101-12).
102 Apparently, Baryphonus was to have written this volume, a plan probably aborted by
his death in 1621.
103 Herbst believed this to be the first composition treatise ever published in German:
... in Teutscher Sprach / der gleichen zuvor niemals also gesehen worden .. " But in I6io,
Maternus Beringer had published a free translation into German of Magirus's Artis musicae of
1596. The choice of language was not an inconsequential decision among German writers of
this period. Conrad Matthaei consciously chose German for his Bericht (see fn. io8, below),
blaming some of the ignorance of modal theory among musicians on the use of Latin in many
earlier treatises (fol. A4 v).
104 "So mehrentheils auss den firnembsten / so wol Alten als Newen / Lateinischen und
Italienischen Authoribus und Musicis, mit besonderm Fleiss zusammen getragen / und in dieses
Compendium kiirtzlich verfasset. . . (title page)."
105 Pp. 46-5 1. ") Nomen modi, 2) Definitio, 3) Fundamentum. Oder der Grund, 4)
Ambitus, oder Umbschweiff, 5) Licentia. Oder Freyheit, 6) Mediatio Octavae. 7) Clausularum
sedes, 8) Finis. Oder End dess Gesangs, 9) Repercussio, oder Widerschlag, io) Intonatio oder
Tropus, i i) Usus, oder der rechte Gebrauch."
'" P. 32: "..-. weil er die Melodiam und gemeiniglich den Choral, und dess Modi ambitum
oder Lauff in sich begreifft und hailt ...."
107' Cadence is discussed both in point 7 and Chap. 7. Cadences are placed on the lowest note
of the fifth of the mode (Principalis), the highest note of the fifth (minus principalis), and the
third between the extremes of the fifth (affinis or affinalis). Extensive examples are given for
each mode in Chap. 7, including twenty-one cadences in four voices by Gabrieli on pp. 64-67.
In all modes but Phrygian, each cadence is, in effect, a V-I progression concluding on the
indicated pitch. The cadences for Phrygian are given in Ex. 7. The designations refer to the
tenor pitch: the final, fifth, or third of the mode. But the final harmony is not necessarily the
"tonic."
__,,, tj --a - v a 43
Princ. Minus princ. Princ.
Affinalis Finalis
Aflinalis Finalis
cost him just as little effort to write his own thoughts from scratch as it would
have taken him to collect all the different sections that appear in this work.
Additional evidence that the attitudes expressed in this treatise were his own is
found in the treatment of mode in Lorenz Erhard's Harmonisches Chor- und
Figural Gesang-Buch (Frankfurt, 1659), of which the contents are outlined in
Table 2. Erhard worked with Herbst in Frankfurt during several periods after
1625. The conservative treatment of mode in the Gesangbuch agrees with
Herbst's presentations. If Herbst was so confused about the nature of contem-
porary music that he drew up a composition text recommending that a
composer begin by putting the chorale in the tenor and compose a discant to it,
why did he write a composition treatise at all?
CrUiger, in his Musicae practicae of I660, incorporated a section on the
popular vocal embellishments similar in presentation to the same material
found in Herbst's works. Perhaps some of Crilger's conservatism in his later
works was influenced by Herbst.
The Kurtzer, doch ausflbhrlicher Bericht von den Modis Musicis1?8 by
Conrad Matthaei (16I9-1667?), a cantor in KOnigsberg after 1654,1"' is the
first of a number of German treatises published between I65o and 1750o, in
which the authors attempted to restore the old teaching of the modes to its
rightful place. Other such works are by Johann Buttstett (in 17 15/16), Franz
Murschhauser (in 172 I), and Meinrad Spiess (in 1745). In all these works,
the author bemoans the current state of ignorance and cites various authorities
to restore the modes. The authorities are often several decades-sometimes
even more than a century-old. But the teachings of the old authorities are
interspersed with contemporary practice. Thus, in some respects, Matthaei's
Bericht is more progressive than Herbst's Musica po'tica (in terms of cadences
and references to the triad, for example). Matthaei studied music with
Heinrich Grimm (1593- 16 3 7), himself a student of Michael Praetorius and a
musician and publisher in Magdeburg and Braunschweig."'
1o8 Kurtzer doch ausfibihrlicher Bericht von den Modis Musicis, welchen aus den besten,
aeltesten, beriuhmtesten und bewerthesten Autoribus der Music zusammen getragen . . . ([K5-
nigsberg], 1652).
109 According to Johann Gottfried Walther's Musikalisches Lexikon (Leipzig, 1732), Mat-
thaei practiced law in Braunschweig after becoming cantor in KoSnigsberg. There is, however,
no independent confirmation of this. See Arno Forchert, "Matthaei," MGG, Vol. VIII, col.
1795.
110 Grimm published the second edition of Calvisius's Melopoeia and Baryphonus's Pie-
jades in 1630. In addition to Matthaei, he taught Otto Gibel (1612-1682), the author of works
on mathematical aspects of music, including temperament. It is unclear how much of the
Bericht is influenced by Grimm. Matthaei notes in the preface that "this entire treatise is not
mine, but the work of the late Grimm; and I have not altered so much as a single letter in it"
(fol. Bv-'-"... dieser gantze Tractat sey nicht meine sondern des sehl: Grymmi Arbeit und
dassappear
not ich auch
on thekeinen eintzigen
title page, Buchstaben
and later writers refer todaran ver.ndert
the work hatte").
solely under Butname.
Matthaei's Grimm's name does
In any event, if Grimm is the author, then the work must date from before 163 7 in manuscript.
"' See fn. 90, above. About two-thirds of the elementary manuals of the seventeent
century do not discuss the modes.
112 On the ordering of the modes and the use of the term trias, see above, fn. 67.
113 The work was published in three parts and later in a complete edition in 1696. Part I
which mode is discussed, was published first in 1676. Mode is discussed in Chaps. 9 and i o.
mode, for that would hinder variety. "The repercussio of each mode is b
taken into consideration when the discant and bass wander, for the most pa
by long notes through the harmonic triads whose lowest notes are the notes
the harmonic triad of the mode in use. The harmonic triad of the lowest note is
us'ed the most, that of the uppermost is used often, and that of the mediant
more rarely."''114
Christoph Bernhard's Tractatus compositionis augmentatus is one of the
best-known treatises of the second half of the century."15 Bernhard
(1627-I692) was a student of Paul Siefert (himself a student of Sweelinck),
Heinrich Schiltz, and Giacomo Carissimi. It was formerly thought that the
Tractatus was based on Schuitz's teachings, but it now appears that it might be
derived from other sources as well.116 The study of composition is approached
through a solid grounding in the strict style of the sixteenth century. Contem-
porary usages are then explained as modifications and combinations of this
strict practice. If this approach had been extended to the modes, a traditional
approach would have been followed by a discussion of modern usages. But
such is not the case.
The discussion of mode covers ten brief chapters (Chaps. 44-53). The
presentation is traditional. Zarlino's ordering is followed: "... the mode on c
must be the first because all the remaining modes arrange the perfection of
their cadences according to this one."117 There is no formal distinction made
between modes with major and minor thirds. But statements in the chapters
on the individual modes relate those with minor thirds. Dorian is "quite
closely related to the eleventh because it often changes the b above the fifth to
11 Satyrischer Componist, p. 37: "Die Repercussion eines ieden Modi wird am besten in
acht genommen wenn Discant und Bass am meisten Notis Quantitate Intrinseca longis durch
die Triades Harmonicas, deren unterste Soni von denen Sonis Triadis Harmonicae des
gebrauchten Modi seyn schweiffen; Doch das Trias Harmonica Soni infimi am meisten
supremi offt und medii seltener gebraucht werde."
1' The Tractatus, apparently written after 1655, was not published until the twentieth
century, but it circulated widely in manuscript until well into the eighteenth century. See Josef
Maria Miiller-Blattau, Die Kompositionslehre Heinrich Schbitzens in der Fassung seines
Schilers Christoph Bernhard (Leipzig, 1926; repr. Kassel, I953). This contains the first
publication of the treatise; and Helmut Federhofer, "Der Gradus ad Parnassum von Fux und
seine Vorlaiufer in Osterreich," Musikerziebung (1957), pp. 31-35, in which it is shown that
Bernhard's treatise circulated in manuscript copies in southern Germany and Austria as well as
in the north. An English translation of the Tractatus by Walter Hilse appears in The Music
Forum, III (1973), 1-196.
16 See the preface (pp. 1-12) to the English translation cited in fn. i15 for references.
11 Tractatus, Chap. 45: ".... der Modus aus dem C. der erste seyn muisse, weilen die
ibrigen
prets this alle ihrer
to mean thatSchliisse Perfection
all final cadences nacha major
end with diesem richten
third. ... a."criterion
But such Walterwould
Hilse, loc. cit., inter-
allow Mixolydian or even Lydian in first position. It seems more likely that Bernhard is
referring to the entire cadential progression with the raised leading tone in the penultimate
chord. See Chap. 12 of the Tractatus concerning the "bass cadence.
bb .. .",s Similarly, Phrygian "also has a great kinship with the above-
mentioned eleventh, especially if the cadence on a is often heard in it,
considering that the cadence on b is not at all acceptable ..."1119 T
Hypophrygian "is mixed with the twelfth quite a bit, as its authentic is mixe
with the eleventh, so that they can hardly be differentiated from one anoth
except by their endings."120 But the irregular cadences are not the same in a
minor modes. In Dorian and Phrygian they are on the fourth and sixth
degrees,121 in Aeolian on the fourth and seventh. The modes with major thirds
above the final are not so closely related except for the customary statement
that the Lydian modes are changed to Ionian. Mixolydian is treated independ-
ently.
118 Tractatus, Chap. 47: "Dieser modus ist gar nahe verwandt mit dem undecimo, weil er
fiber der Quinte das ? offt in b molle verTindert."
119 Ibid., Chap. 48: "Auch dieser hat grosse Verwandschafft mit dem vorigen gemeldeten
eilften, zumahl wenn die Cadentz des a offt darinnen geho5ret wird, angesehen die ins ? nicht gar
annehmlich ist ....
120 Ibid., Chap. 48: "Er wird gar sehr mit dem 12ten Modo vermenget, wie sein Authen
ticus mit dem i ten, so dass sie kaum von einander als am Ende unterscheiden."
1211n Dorian on bb!
thus was the background prepared for the continued presentations of the
modes until after mid-century when even historical works in England and
France barely mentioned them any more.122
City College of The City University of New York
122"' See, for example, John Hawkins, A General History of the Science and Practice of
Music (London, 1776). I, 399- In a discussion of Zarlino's relationship to Glarean, Hawkins
notes that Zarlino "does not indeed profess to follow Glareanus in his division, but whether he
has so done or not is a matter in which the science of music is at this time so little interested, that
it scarce deserves the pains of an enquiry." For a study of these eighteenth-century debates, see
Joel Lester, "The Recognition of Major and Minor Keys in German Theory: i68o-I 730," to
appear in Journal of Music Theory, Spring 1978.