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 AN OFFPRINT FROM

KARIA AND THE DODEKANESE

CULTURAL INTERRELATIONS IN THE SOUTHEAST AEGEAN

II

Early Hellenistic to Early Byzantine

Edited by

BIRTE POULSEN, POUL PEDERSEN AND JOHN LUND

Hardback Edition: ISBN 978-1-78925-514-0

Digital Edition: ISBN 978-1-78925-515-7 (epub)

Oxford & Philadelphia

 13

Cultural interdependence between Kos and Karia as illustrated by

the grave markers (semata) of the Hellenistic period

Chrysanthi Tsouli

This paper presents the interrelations in the Koan and Karian funerary markers on the basis of the monuments’ typology
and iconography. In both areas, funerary monuments with a relief figural scene constitute only a small part of the funerary
production. Figural scenes, however, usually follow similar iconographic motifs.
Relief funerary steles seem to play a secondary role in comparison to altars, and this holds true for Rhodos as well.
The well-known cylindrical altars, adorned with a relief garland suspended by boukephalia, are found in Kos and in
various neighbouring areas of Karia. Many of these altars share common morphological traits, iconographic schemata,
technical workmanship, and material, enabling us to assign them to the same local sculptural workshops. One can
also detect common formal elements on other kinds of altars, such as the rectangular ones. The particular feature of
the stepped finial in the majority of Koan pillar-shaped altars finds good parallels in the crowning of monumental
funerary edifices in Asia Minor, as well as in smaller funerary stepped-block monuments in Loryma in the Karian
Chersonesos.
The common typological choices of the two areas are not confined only to steles and altar types, but also to phallus-
shaped monuments and certain sculptures in the round, such as lion statues. The choice of particular funerary markers
types in Kos and Karia apparently served post-funerary rituals atop the grave, whereas iconographic themes denoting
heroic virtues and civil merit were also extremely favoured in both regions.

The aim of this paper is to present the interrelations first in-depth survey of the surviving corpus of 1,200
between the Koan and the Karian funerary markers of published and unpublished tombstones from the island of
the Hellenistic period on the basis of the monuments’ Kos, even before the publication of the Koan sepulchral
typology and iconography. Research has revealed a multi- inscriptions in IG XII 4, 3 and IG XII 4, 4 in 2016 and
faceted mobility of artwork, architectural patterns, and 2018.3 A short overview of the typology and iconography
cultural concepts between these two regions. Exploring of the Hellenistic Koan grave markers will be presented
the interconnectivity of the Karian cities and the island here, stressing the interrelations between these monuments
of Kos on the basis of their grave markers will allow and the Karian ones. Unfortunately, I was not able to
us to better trace the cultural networks of these regions. examine the Karian tombstones myself. In drawing up the
Comparable evidence on the Karian and the Dodekanesian collection of published tombstones from Karia, I searched
grave monuments has rarely been brought together, with the main epigraphic corpora,4 journals presenting new finds
the exception of the relief steles and the altars known back from Asia Minor,5 monographs on funerary sculpture,6 and
in the 1970s and 80s.1 collective volumes on research in Karia. My research was
Koan grave markers were the subject of my PhD thesis,2 hindered, however, by the lack of photographic depiction
submitted to the University of Athens in 2013 under the for the majority of the inscribed monuments not bearing a
supervision of Prof. G. Kokkorou-Alevras. This was the relief decoration.
176 Chrysanthi Tsouli

Chronological framework of the funerary century BC was that with a cornice crowning, a type that
production rarely occurred in Karia.21 Steles with a pedimental crowning,
The temporal distribution of the Koan tombstones is uneven: either free-standing or rendered in relief on the triangular
no more than 20 grave monuments date to the Archaic and top of the tombstone, are quite numerous in both regions
Classical periods,7 while the rest of the monuments range in (Fig. 13.1).22 The type of plain, atectonic stele or wide slab
date from the Hellenistic to the Roman Imperial periods. The appears sporadically.23 Excavation findings from Karia has
restricted number of surviving Koan reliefs from the Archaic proven that some of these steles and plaques were also used
period show an artistic perception common in the production as niche covers,24 as well as in Rhodos. The relief scenes are
of the rest of the Dorian islands of the Dodekanese,8 usually rendered in a recessed panel or surrounded by a simple
with an apparent influence from the neighbouring Ionic frame in both Kos and Karia.25 Naiskos-shaped steles, either
artistic schools.9 Likewise, the surviving three fragments with a pedimental or a cornice frame, occur as exceptions in
of Koan Classical grave reliefs present Attic iconographic both areas, and for funerary banquets in Kos par excellence.26
traits,10 although their style still recalls the Ionic tradition. Nevertheless, traces of dowel holes on bases from Karian
Noteworthy is also the lack of significant evidence, in necropoleis, as in Loryma,27 attest to a wider use of naiskos
terms of private funerary monuments, from the rest of the steles in that region. Palmette steles sporadically appear in
Dodekanese and Karia during the Archaic and Classical the Dodekanese under Attic influence,28 and rarely in Karia,29
periods.11 The only exception in the Classical period is, but they are completely absent from Kos.
with due caution, Rhodos.12 The scarcity of civic grave Many Hellenistic rectangular bases found in Karian
markers in Karia from that era stands in strong contrast to necropoleis preserve sockets for stele tangs, denoting a
the monumental funerary architecture and sculpture of the wider use of the stele type as grave marker.30 It suffices
dynastic burials. to stress here that many of these bases have mouldings at
The significant amount of Koan gravestones from the both their top and bottom, thus resembling the Rhodian
succeeding periods, most of which were made of local stele bases, whereas from Kos there are just a handful of
marble, attest to a highly active workshop on the island simple stele bases.31
from the 3rd century BC to the 3rd century AD, mainly
producing aniconic monuments in a variety of types.13
The systematic extraction of marble from the quarries of
Mount Dikaios on the island and the flourishing of the
local sculpture workshops began in the 3rd century BC.14
The synoikism of 366/365 BC,15 as well as the recognition
of the Asklepieion asylia (inviolability) in 242 BC,16 had
a great impact on the growth of the city of Kos, the new
capital, whose necropolis has yielded the greater amount
of grave markers. The number of Karian tombstones also
increased from the Hellenistic period onwards, especially
during the Roman era.
The Koan Hellenistic grave markers amount to 607
monuments. 17 From the assessment of the published
material, one can conclude that in Karia there are a few
more than 400 funerary markers dating to the Hellenistic
period,18 mainly altars, steles, and cubic monuments. Those
bearing a figural scene are even scarcer.

Steles: typology and iconography

Steles of various forms compile one of the largest groups in
both areas, and they are the ones usually adorned with a relief
scene.19 Their number in the 3rd century BC was fairly small.20
By the 2nd century BC and throughout the 1st century BC,
however, the typology of the steles became fully crystallized
and fairly standardized, following a typology that was popular
in most areas of the Aegean world and in southwestern Asia Fig. 13.1: Funerary stele from Myndos, Epigraphic Museum, Athens
Minor. The type of aniconic stele that enjoyed great popularity no. 201 (© Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Archaeological
in Kos in the 2nd century and without interruption in the 1st Receipts Fund).
 13.  Cultural interdependence between Kos and Karia as illustrated by the Hellenistic grave markers 177

When trying to evaluate the Koan relief stele production, Stratonikeia, Idyma, and Tralleis.44 The composition of
we can conclude that its heyday occurred in the 2nd century the early Koan banquet reliefs followed the tradition of
BC, both in terms of quality and quantity. The reliefs of that the classical votive reliefs and it was usually restricted
period and those of the 3rd century artistically outmatch the to the reclining banqueter, his consort and the oinochoos.
first-century, mass-produced ones and show the adoption of A rhyton in the raised hand of the male figure, a horse
norms that were current at the time throughout the Hellenistic protome, and a coiling snake added heroic connotations
world. The iconographic themes in the 3rd century still to the scene. New iconographic elements (Fig. 13.2) were
depended largely on the Attic repertoire. The traditional added to these scenes during the 2nd century to put the
theme of the mistress of the household accompanied by a emphasis on luxuriant ambience, such as elaborate furniture
maidservant was revived in this period in Kos, as well as in and accoutrements of the banquet, kylikeia and curtains
Rhodos.32 This time, however, we see incorporated into the hanging in the background of Halikarnassian Totenmahls,
composition a number of additional elements or parts of the or armour depicted on a ledge. Inspiration from other
landscape that contribute to the characterization of the merits Totenmahl workshops – Samian, Byzantine, and Kyzikan –
of the deceased or to the depiction of refined surroundings, can occasionally be detected.45 In the 1st century BC, the
such as the mirror, the throne, and the phoriamos (chest) of female figure was sometimes omitted.
the gynaikonites. The same theme was also prized during
the 2nd and 1st centuries in the neighbouring areas of
Karia, where elaborate furniture, thrones, stools, chests, and
curtains seem to have played a prominent role.33
Following the tradition of the Classical period, athletes
in the 3rd century were still represented naked in both Kos
and Rhodos.34 But instead of holding their athletic attributes,
victorious athletes were represented with their prizes: a
wreath or a branch of palm and an amphora. The second-
century Karian and Dodekanesian reliefs, on the other hand,
depicted dressed male figures standing next to a herm or
a pillar, which allude to the sphere of the gymnasium,35
thus denoting an association with athletic and educational
pursuits and virtues. It seems that the image the users of
this iconographic type in Kos and Karia, as well as in other
cities of western Asia Minor, meant to project of themselves
was one of civil merit. Men were occasionally depicted as
warriors, either in repose or in a fighting pose, and rarely
shaking hands with a female figure.36 Regarding the single-
figured reliefs, the theme of the standing, frontal male or
female figure in a statuary pose, usually accompanied by
one or more attendants, dominated in both Karia and the
Dodekanese.37 The type of the frontal child, adolescent, or
maiden with its favourite pet also enjoyed great success.38
As far as double-figured reliefs are concerned, the traditional
theme of a seated woman and a standing man or, more rarely,
a woman united in a dexiosis was one of the most popular
designs in both regions.39 Standing couples, either shaking
hands or in a frontal, paratactic pose, were rare on Kos,40 but,
on the contrary, they were more common in Karia, where
more than two figures occasionally occurred.41 Attendants,
sporadically more than one for each main figure in Karian
reliefs, evoke the slave-serviced domestic environment, the
oikos, of the well-to-do.
The banquet motif was among the most popular themes
in the visual repertoire of Kos and Rhodos throughout the
Hellenistic period,42 whereas in Karia it only appeared Fig. 13.2: Funerary stele from Kos with banquet scene, Kos Museum
in the coastal cities of the Halikarnassos Peninsula,43 no.  Γ12 (© Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dodekanese. Hellenic
and sporadically in some other Karian cities, such as Ministry of Culture and Sports / Archaeological Receips Fund).
178 Chrysanthi Tsouli

Just a few themes from the Koan repertoire are absent

from the iconographic schemes of the Karian tombstones.
One is the youth sitting on a rock,46 a scheme heavily
dependent on Delian archetypes for castaways, widespread
throughout the Aegean islands in the Late Hellenistic
period.47 Two more reliefs stand out for their originality: one
depicts a male figure in the schema of the symposiast on
the prow of a war-ship,48 thus combining the heroic element
with military prowess, a theme elsewhere attested only in
variations. Extremely rare is the depiction of a female figure
nursing a baby, recalling two earlier Classical reliefs.49 Such
emotional scenes of mothers or parents with their infants,50
as also depicted on a funerary stele from Stratonikeia,51 are
usually absent from the Hellenistic repertoire. A unicum for
Karia is the naiskos stele of a priestess from Stratonikeia,52
a theme frequently attested in Smyrna.53
Within this uniform repertoire of figural scenes,
widespread throughout the Aegean islands and western Asia
Minor, there is an aspect of the Koan iconographic repertoire
that finds a good parallel in funerary monuments from Karia Fig. 13.3: Koan stele with a relief skyphos, Kos Museum E113
(© Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dodekanese. Hellenic Ministry
in particular. This is the depiction of a specific kind of
of Culture and Sports / Archaeological Receips Fund).
vessel related to funerary practices as autonomous themes.
A kalathos on a box, symbolizing the deceased woman’s
virtues, appears in the Koan iconography either alone or
accompanied by a particular type of skyphos/kantharos.54 A
similar kalathos is depicted on three Hellenistic monuments
from Delos,55 Byzantium,56 and Halikarnassos,57 whereas
this specific type of skyphos/kantharos is rarely attested as
an autonomous theme outside of the Hellenistic monuments
from Karia and the Dodekanese: it is rendered in the round
on an inscribed stone vase from the Rhodian necropolis,58
and in relief on a stele from Kos (Fig. 13.3),59 one more
from Byzantium,60 as well as on three funerary bases from
Halikarnassos (Fig. 13.4).61 On the last, a snake is depicted
drinking from the vase in front of an altar. On the upper
part of the Halikarnassian monuments is a shield, a motif
also extremely popular in funeral iconography from Kos,62
Rhodos,63 and Karia.64 Of particular interest is a monument
with a relief shield from Halikarnassos, mentioning in its
inscription that it was erected by the demos in honour of a
man for his bravery (ἄνδρα ἀγαθὸν γενόμενον).65 One can
suggest, then, that these represent a kind of monument of
distinctively local type, meant to denote military prowess
and civil merit.
Another type of vessel depicted on two Koan funerary
steles is the volute krater.66 I am aware of only one other
funerary stele depicting an unadorned volute krater, housed
in the garden of the Archaeological Museum of Aydin,
in North Karia.67 Another earlier example from Euboea
apparently follows the classical tradition of Attic funerary
steles depicting lekythoi and loutrophoroi with figural
scenes.68 I should mention here that the Koan workshop
has also produced a group of nine solid volute kraters
carved in the round in local marble.69 The Koan monuments Fig. 13.4: Relief base in Bodrum Castle (B. Poulsen).
 13.  Cultural interdependence between Kos and Karia as illustrated by the Hellenistic grave markers 179

comprise the most numerous group of this very rare type of

grave marker in the Greek world, and one more example
was found in Nisyros.70 In the 4th and 3rd centuries, the
type was fairly diffused in northern Greece (four pieces
in Macedonia) and in Magna Graecia (seven pieces in
Tarentum, three in Sicily).71 The custom of marking the
grave with a stone vessel is not widespread in Asia Minor
necropoleis, although rare examples of marble cauldrons
of the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC are known: one from
Pergamon,72 one from Rhodos,73 and some 14 more used as
acroteria on the Belevi Mausoleum in Lykia.74 A funerary
column in the Knidian necropolis, a unicum in the area of
Karia, apparently bore a stone vessel; it is hypothetically
reconstructed as a cauldron,75 like the one kept in the garden
of the Mylasa Museum surmounting a Korinthian capital.
One more unpublished monument lying in the Castle of
Bodrum among cylindrical altars could be a marble calyx
krater.

Altars
Altars correspond to the largest group of Hellenistic grave
markers in both Kos and Karia. Three main types are under
investigation here.
The pillar-shaped altar, named after the near square
cross-section of its orthostat, accounts for 67 pieces in Kos
during the Hellenistic period. It can bear crown mouldings,
crown mouldings topped with corner acroteria, two relief
pediments on the short sides, and, in the most common and
innovative type, a relief pediment in the front (Fig. 13.5).76
It occasionally bears relief decoration. Though pillar-shaped
altars appeared in Kos in the 3rd century BC, their systematic
production spans from the early 2nd century BC to the 1st
century AD, along with altars with relief pedimental barriers Fig. 13.5: Funerary pillar-shaped altar in Casa Romana, Kos (©
Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dodekanese. Hellenic Ministry of
and a double cornice produced in Rhodos and its territory.77
Culture and Sports / Archaeological Receips Fund).
The latter altar type, the formal elements of which were
apparently inspired by the altar in the Theatre of Dionysos
at Halikarnassos,78 was imitated in the Rhodian Peraia.79 BC Koan predecessor.85 To my knowledge, funerary pillar-
An altar in Loryma (Fig. 13.6),80 however, bears a single shaped altars with a freestanding or relief pediment occur
cornice and pediments inscribed in the flat termination of just once in the Hellenistic period: an unpublished altar
the monument and not in barriers, thus closer resembling with a relief pediment housed in Bodrum Castle. One more,
the Koan type. One more rectangular altar in Iasos is fitted dated from the time of Augustus, was found in the Knidos
with a circular “cushion” with a torus on its upper surface,81 area.86 This particular type of altar occurred in insignificant
comparable to the single boss of some Rhodian altars.82 numbers in Asia Minor, mainly in Phrygia and Lykia, from
On the other hand, it has no pediments in the short sides the 2nd century AD onwards.87
unlike the Rhodian ones, just a crown moulding with corner At this point, I would like to draw attention to the
acroteria, a morphological trait typical of the Koan altars particular feature of the set-back, stepped finial, which was
belonging to type Ε.I.β.83 combined with all types of crowning in the majority of the
The rest of the Koan pillar-shaped altars variations did not Koan altars. This formal element, used at the Maussolleion
have any serious impact on the Hellenistic Karian funerary of Halikarnassos, enjoyed a wide reception in Karia and
production. The type of altar crowned by mouldings or a throughout Asia Minor, as in the Lion Tomb at Knidos, the
cornice rarely appeared in Karia before the Roman period.84 Belevi Mausoleum, the so-called tomb of the Ptolemies in
A 1st-century AD altar in Halikarnassos, bearing relief fruits Rhodos, and other funerary edifices in Asia Minor and the
on top of its cornice, finds a good parallel in a 3rd-century Kyreneica.88 Koan altars were apparently influenced by these
180 Chrysanthi Tsouli

monumental tombs, which were the source of inspiration

for smaller funerary stepped-block monuments in Loryma
and the neighbouring areas in the Karian Chersonesos,89 also
appearing in Alexandria, Kyrene, Sicily, and Magna Graecia
in the West.90 Stepped conformations appear frequently in
funerary contexts in Karia, as in the stepped platforms of
rock-cut sarcophagi and a few monumental tombs in Teke
Kale in the North.91 However, only rarely did Karian altars
have this kind of stepped crowning, as illustrated in an altar
seen by Newton in front of some rock-cut tombs in Pasha
Liman (Fig. 13.7),92 a place between Bodrum and Cape
Termerion opposite Kos.
Koan rectangular altars with sofa-volutes,93 dating from
the 3rd to the 1st centuries BC, were not used to mark the
grave, since they do not bear an inscription (save for one
example), but were used as recipients of offerings for the
deceased. The detailed examination of the stylistic and
technical characteristics of their decorative motifs (garland
and boukephalia) proves their affinity to the decoration of
the Koan cylindrical altars and their production by the same,
local workshops.
The third and far more numerous type of Hellenistic
altar in both Kos and Karia is the cylindrical one. In Kos,
this amounts to 144 pieces;94 it was rarely plain and rarely
bore a figural scene.95 This is also the case with cylindrical
altars in Rhodos and a few in Karia.96 The most common
variation is adorned with boukephalia, ornamented with
fillets or vittae, connected with a garland. The garland is
Fig. 13.6: Funerary altar in Loryma (from Held 2014, fig. 8). either plain and made of laurel (leaf-garland), or else much

Fig. 13.7: Funerary altar in Pasha Liman (from Newton 1862, pl. LXXVII).
 13.  Cultural interdependence between Kos and Karia as illustrated by the Hellenistic grave markers 181

the relation to the Rhodian altars’ workshop must be

mentioned, though the Koan counterparts display superior
craftsmanship and detailing, partly depending on their
material.99 Separately carved crownings are attested in both
regions,100 although separately carved bases have been only
found in Rhodian and Karian necropoleis.101 The Koan and
Rhodian production of cylindrical altars certainly preceded
that of the Karian cities, and exports from both these centres
are attested in Karia, as is indicated by the altars’ material,
characteristic top mouldings, and decorative features.102 An
attempt is made to assign to distinct Koan workshops some
groups of Koan cylindrical and rectangular altars, as well
as some cylindrical altars from the neighbouring coastal
cities of Karia, Halikarnassos, Iasos, and Knidos, on the
basis of similar morphological traits (top mouldings and
fascia typical of the Koan type), iconographic schemata
(e.g. dikeras), homogenous style, technical workmanship,
and marble provenance.103 Micro-Asiatic workshops or
craftsmen might have been responsible for executing the
final decoration in semi-finished pieces made of Koan
marble and imported from the island; such a theory has
been put forward by B. Poulsen regarding some cylindrical
altars found in Halikarnassos with the characteristic Koan
mouldings and a continuous band of figural representation
all around the shaft.104 No such altar has been found in
Kos, except for a variation adorned with Nikes supporting
a garland, also occurring in Rhodos.105 This theory seems
confirmed by a handful of species from Halikarnassos, Iasos,
and the Rhodian Peraia, where innovative Karian craftsmen
added a decorative band, such as a meander- or palmette-
and-tendril-frieze below the top or above the bottom
Fig. 13.8: Koan cylindrical funerary altar (© Ephorate of Antiquities moulding of the altars (Fig. 13.9).106 These decorative
of the Dodekanese. Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports / elements are never found on altars in Kos itself. To meet
Archaeological Receips Fund). the demands of local clientele, Karian workshops apparently
started at some time in the 2nd century BC to imitate Koan
richer, made of ivy and vine leaves and adorned with flowers and Rhodian prototypes in their own local stone, combining
and fruits (fruit-garland). The subsidiary decoration also them with new decorative features, and also sporadically
includes bunches of grapes, the so-called Manschette and exported altars to Kos.107
dikerata (double cornucopiae) (Fig. 13.8), a characteristic Altars and other types of tombstones adorned with a
feature of the more monumental Koan altars that retain coiling snake enjoyed great popularity within the Rhodian
the fewer in number examples, destined obviously for the state and especially in Knidos, where they were produced in
financially stronger class.97 local stone.108 In Kos they appear just once.109 A Hellenistic
The main production of the Koan cylindrical altars began, funerary epigram from Tymnos (Borburun) in the Rhodian
in all probability, from the last quarter of the 3rd century to the Peraia, found near a tomb entrance adorned with a relief
2nd quarter of the 2nd century BC; some altars are securely snake, explicitly indicates that it has a snake as the tomb’s
dated to this period on the basis of prosopography.98 An almost guardian.110
equally balanced production of monuments is observed in
the 2nd and 1st centuries BC, although the gradual increased
schematization of the garland’s decorative elements became The rest of the tomb markers types
more common. The production continued in the 1st century The cubic monument, or trapeza (mensa), is a type of
AD, whereas in the Middle and Late Imperial period, earlier tombstone that was extremely favoured in Karia during the
altars were widely reused for a second or even a third time. Hellenistic period.111 In Kos, it appeared at the beginning
When trying to evaluate the place of the Koan production of the 3rd century and constituted the most popular type of
of cylindrical altars in its wider cultural framework, grave marker during that period.112 A group of monuments
182 Chrysanthi Tsouli

Roman periods. Five lion statues have survived in Kos and

much more in Karia.116 Other types of funerary statues were
produced sporadically in both regions.117

Conclusions
This up-to-date collation of the available data reveals that
in Kos, Rhodos, and the neighbouring Karian cities of
Halikarnassos and Knidos, the number of Hellenistic funerary
altars surpasses by far the steles with reliefs (Table 13.1) and
unadorned steles combined.118 This fact inevitably raises the
question: why was this type of tombstone so popular in this
region? Why would someone able to afford the cost of the
material and carving prefer to invest it on an altar than on an
elaborate stele with a relief scene? It is possible to deduce a
response to this phenomenon if considering that altars have a
dual function as memorials and recipients of the offerings and
libations to the deceased. Due to the existence of cavities on
the upper side of many Karian and Koan cylindrical altars,119
it is likely that libations were practiced on them. A few Karian
altars are fitted with a raised rim and a shallow concave
depression atop, presumably intended for the placement of
offerings.120 Several others preserve a dowel-hole for the
attachment of a small crowning (epithema),121 probably a
small kioniskos for suspending wreaths, like the one preserved
on top of a Koan pillar-shaped altar (Fig. 13.5),122 and the
bosses on Rhodian rectangular altars. Altars thus played an
active role in commemorative activities and post-funerary
rituals atop the grave.123 Some of them list at least two
generations of a single family, thus denoting that the altar
must have been regarded as the monument par excellence
that decorated the family tomb. Serving the cult of the dead,
they became the means of embodying the idea of heroization.
Bestowing the nenomismena to the deceased and
contributing to his commemoration and heroization with
altars seemed more important than self-representation
Fig. 13.9: Cylindrical altar in Iasos (from Tomasello 1991, through funerary statues or relief sculpture.124 On the other
pl. XXIXb). hand, epigraphic evidence on several Late Hellenistic and
Early Imperial cylindrical altars in Karia and on Hellenistic
rectangular altars in Rhodos confirms that these particular
that were used almost exclusively to mark the boundaries of types of monuments were selected for bestowing post-
private or religious associations’ burial grounds in Kos are mortem honours to citizens by local communities, koina,
roughly worked stones of various forms, whose production religious thiasoi (associations), or the demos, who even
began in the 2nd century BC.113 accorded the honour of a public funeral (ἔθαψεν δημοσίᾳ
From the rest of the Koan grave markers, classified ταφῇ).125 It seems undeniable that these honours imply
in small groups of monuments prevailing in the 1st some kind of superiority of these persons vis-à-vis the
century BC and the Roman times, we should mention communities, thus attesting to the heroic assimilation of
inscribed columellae and phallus-shaped monuments.114 the deceased.
The latter were probably inspired by monumental phallus Although it remains difficult to interpret the phenomenon
monuments used as tumulus markers, widespread in Lydia of heroization for ordinary people, textual attestations
and Daskyleion, but not lacking in Karia.115 confirm that the practice had a particular character and
Regarding sculpture in the round, lion statues were a was firmly rooted in Kos back to the late 4th century
predominant type of funerary monument in the whole region BC, as the inventory of the private cult foundation of
of the Dodekanese and Karia from the Late Classical to the the heroized Diomedon testifies.126 The inscription gives
 13.  Cultural interdependence between Kos and Karia as illustrated by the Hellenistic grave markers 183

Table 13.1: Table showing the occurrence of Hellenistic relief steles and altars in Kos, Rhodos, Halikarnassos, and Knidos.
Kos Rhodos Halikarnassos and region Knidos
Relief steles 53 in total 60 in total 15 in total 3 in total
(Pfuhl & Möbius nos 141, 364, 748; Hansen (Berns 2013, 206, fig. 7;
2008, nos A–E; Bean & Cook 1955, no. 31; Bru Blumel 1992, no. 395;
& Lafli 2011, no. 5; Bru & Lafli 2014, nos 2–3; Pfuhl & Möbius 1977,
Allen 1975 (3 relief bases).) no. 1068.)

Cylindrical 144 in total More than 300 54 in total (see n. 96) 46 in total
altars (see n. 94) in total 6 altar bases
(see n. 96)
Rectangular 67 pillar-shaped About 75 in 3 in total
altars 58 rectangular with total
sofa-volutes (Pfuhl & Mobius 916; Newton 1862 pl. LXXVII;
(see nn. 76 and 93) 1 unpublished in Bodrum Castle)

detailed information on a heroon with a temenos, gardens, inscriptions from the city of Kos, encompasses 1845 inscribed
xenones (guest rooms), and a lesche (club house), as well as monuments, classified in typological groups. The corpus
on the setting up of an endowment for regular sacrifices. The of IG XII 4, 4 (Bosnakis & Hallof 2018) added 145 more
Charmyleion in Kos, a monumental temple-like tomb with a funerary inscriptions from the Koan demes. Many of these
monuments, however, are unidentified or lost since the
subterranean chamber, was also equipped with a peribolos
beginning of the 20th century, thus their concise description
(precinct), a garden, and a temenos, dedicated to the cult
(“stelae quaedam”, “tituli sepulcrales formae incertae”)
of Charmylos and the Twelve Gods.127 Early Hellenistic is based exclusively on old excavation reports and diaries
heroa with temenoi are not absent from Karia either, as, without illustration of the monuments. Moreover, fragments of
for example, the mid-third-century temenos complex of the tombstones, preserving part of the shaft and their inscription
benefactor ἥρως Antigonos, son of Epigonos, in Knidos, (Bosnakis & Hallof 2016, group entitled “stelae mutilate”,
which included a sekos, a thymele (altar), a dromos, a nos 2471–2632), do not contribute to the study of the monu-
palaestra, and loutra (baths).128 The precincts and the rituals ments’ typology. Uninscribed monuments were de facto left
they framed were the raison d’être of these complexes that out from these corpora. Thus, for the quantitative data of the
determined the importance and sanctity of the sites, rather present typological and iconographic study, it was Tsouli’s
than the tomb buildings on their own. The popularity of the (2013) study that was taken into account, comprising 1200
monuments, all of them properly illustrated.
funerary banquet theme from the 4th century to Roman times
4 The whole corpus of Epigraphica Anatolica and Inschriften
also stands as evidence for the prevailing trend of heroizing
Kleinasien, the last 40 volumes of SEG and ZPE.
the dead in this area.129 In Keramos, a stone table for 5 The whole corpus of Arkeoloji Dergisi, Adalya, Anatolia
offerings has been recently found inside a chamber tomb.130 Antiqua, Gephyra, Arkeologi von Sanat, the last 35 volumes
In other Karian regions, such as Labraunda, where no of Anadolu and the last 20 volumes of Turk Arkeoloji Dergisi.
proper altars survive, it is the furnishing of sarcophagi with 6 Berges 1986;1996; Özgan 1995; 1999; Pfuhl & Möbius 1977;
platforms for placing offerings and the spatial arrangement 1979.
of the tombs themselves that aimed to organize the pomp 7 See nn. 8, 10.
of the funerary rites. Some of the tombs were provided 8 Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, nos 7, 26; Skerlou 2004; Segre 2007,
with an associated building, “transforming the burial into no. 834; Tsouli 2013, 66–72, pls 76–79. Just one archaic
a monumental burial altar”.131 aniconic funerary monument survives, an inscribed triangular
cippus, Bosnakis & Hallof 2016, no. 1246.
The assessment of the available data reveals that there
9 Sherwin-White 1978, 39; Kokkorou-Alevras 1997, 150, n. 4,
was common behaviour in Kos and Karia aiming at
153–154, n. 56. Walter-Karydi (1998, 296) has put forward the
promoting post-funerary cultic activities. The choice of existence of an East Dorian School claiming that “the leading
funerary markers apparently served these rituals atop the centre of East Dorian art lies elsewhere (not Rhodes), in all
grave. likelihood in Cos, and perhaps also Calymnus”.
10 Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, nos  34, 55; Tsouli 2013, 73–75,
Notes pls 80–82 and funerary banquets nos 461, 472; Kokkorou-
1 Fraser 1977; Pfuhl & Möbius 1977; 1979; Berges 1986; 1996. Alevras 2017, 51–52, no. K60. There are also a few aniconic
2 Tsouli 2013. monuments, Tsouli 2013, no. 1126; Bosnakis & Hallof 2016,
3 IG XII 4, 3 (Bosnakis & Hallof 2016), the latest thoroughly nos 1551, 1676, 2133, 2471–2472, 2633, 2634, 2938; 2018,
researched edition of the complete corpus of funerary nos 3279, 3283; Kokkorou-Alevras 2018, no. 4. Five Koan
184 Chrysanthi Tsouli

lion statues, most probably of funerary use, date from the late are more inscribed tombstones fragments of the Hellenistic
4th to the 3rd centuries BC, see n. 116. date, however, which cannot be classified into a specific type
11 For the Dodekanesian reliefs, see Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, nos 8 because of their fragmentary state of preservation or to the
(Syme), 14, 64 (Nisyros), 36 (Kasos), 79 (Telos). For the lack of depiction, cf. Bean & Cook 1952, nos 48, 55 (Knidia
Karian reliefs, see Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, nos 25 (Loryma), Peninsula). For fragments of relief steles, see Blümel 1992,
50 (Rhodian Peraia). Radt 1981/1983 (Halikarnassos). For no. 395 (Knidos).
aniconic, inscribed tombstones, Bean & Cook 1952, nos 1, 20 Tsouli 2013, nos 4–5, 11–12, 17–18, 462–465, 473, 478,
5–9; Blümel 1992, nos 623–625, 628, 629, 631, 633 (steles 596 (relief steles), 22–23, 339–347, 449, 480–483 (aniconic
and cubic monuments, Datça); Blümel 1991, nos 55, 121–122, steles); Cf. Bosnakis & Hallof 2016, nos 1677–1683, 2134–
126, 561 (cubic monuments, Rhodian Peraia). 2145, 2307–2311; 2018, no. 3229 (Kos). Hardly any Karian
12 Fraser 1977, 8–11, figs 15–21; Machaira 2019, 171–172. steles date to the 3rd century, Blümel 2019, no. 301 (Tralleis);
13 Tsouli 2013; 2020, fig.  6 (only 70 out of 1200 monuments Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, no. 364 (Halikarnassos); Șahin 2010,
of the Hellenistic and Roman production, i.e. 5.75%, bear a no.  1500 (Stratonikeia); cf. Blümel 1991, nos  42, 209, 612
figural scene). Seven more reliefs have been reported since (3rd/2nd century BC, Rhodian Peraia).
2013, Bosnakis & Hallof 2016, nos 2907, 2910, 2915, 2918 21 Tsouli 2013, nos 348–424, 449–453; 2020, 181–182, nn. 50,
(the last one now lost); 2018, nos 3242, 3272; Kokkorou- 53; cf. Bosnakis & Hallof 2016, nos 2146– 2257 (stelae cyma-
Alevras 2017, no. K59. Just the last one of these monuments tio ornatae); Bosnakis & Hallof 2018, nos 3080–3082, 3182
is published along with its picture. (Kos); Blümel 1992, nos 437, 531 (Knidos); Bru & Lafli 2014,
14 Kokkorou-Alevras 2017, 14–15; Poupaki 2012, 45–51, sum- no. 3 (Halikarnassos); Marek 2006, nos 148–149 (Kaunos);
ming up earlier bibliography Özgan 1995, no. 11 (Tralleis); Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, no. 748
15 Strab. 14.2.19; Diod. Sic., Historiae 15.76.2; Paton & Hicks (Halikarnassos); Ünver & Yaman 2013, nos 1–2 (Idyma).
1891, xxvii; Sherwin-White 1978, 68–71; Carlsson 2010, 22 Tsouli 2013, nos 24–43, 77–96, 106; 2020, 181–182, nn. 51,
284, 293–295. 53; cf. Bosnakis & Hallof 2016, nos 1684–1750 (stelae fas-
16 Buraselis 2004, with earlier bibliography; Sherwin-White tigatae), 1795–1799, 1806 (stelae parvae cum aetomate ins-
1978, 110–114; Höghammar 2016, 144–154. culpto vel inciso); Bosnakis & Hallof 2018, nos 3074–3076,
17 The quantitative data is based on Tsouli’s (2013) study, where 3126 (Kos); Aydaș 2012, no. 4 (Stratonikeia); Bean & Cook
only the surviving monuments are included and thoroughly 1955, no. 40 (Myndos); Blümel 1992, nos 321, 514 (Knidos);
illustrated. The data of the epigraphic corpora of Bosnakis & Blümel 2019, no. 286 (Tralleis); Held 2014, fig. 7 (Loryma);
Hallof (2016; 2018), where only a handful of monuments is Diler 2002, figs  16–19; Marek 2006, nos  150–151, 158
depicted and many of the ones included are unidentified or lost (Kaunos); Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, nos 361, 972 (Stratonikeia);
since the beginning of the 20th century, cannot be used for a Șahin 1994, no. 161 (Arykanda).
pure typological study, see supra n. 3. Thus, to the Hellenistic 23 Tsouli 2013, nos 484–497 (plain steles) and 569–570, 580
period date 223 steles, 21 roughly worked stones, 61 cubic (pillar-shaped steles); 2020, 182, nn. 52, 53; Cf. Bosnakis &
monuments, 144 cylindrical altars, 67 pillar-shaped altars, all Hallof 2016, nos 2307–2470 (stelae simplices); Bosnakis &
of the rectangular altars (58), 16 columellae/phallus-shaped Hallof 2018, nos 3084–3088, 3128–3129, 3220 (Kos); Blümel
monuments, seven statues in the round, eight volute kraters 1985, no. 390 (Iasos); Blümel 1991, no. 42 (Loryma); Blümel
and two architectural members in Tsouli’s corpus. 1992, nos 441, 622, 630 (Knidos).
18 Regarding the Karian monuments, one cannot give abso- 24 Diler 2002, pl. 24.2 (Kaunos).
lute numbers, since there is no thorough research into the 25 Tsouli 2013, nos 17–21, 76, 335–336, 459–460, 462–467,
Hellenistic material as a whole. Furthermore, dating and 473–476, 478, 569–570, 587–592, 596–599, 601–604 (Kos);
depiction of the monuments are in many cases missing, even Aydaș 2009, nos 29, 35; 2012, nos 1, 4 (Stratonikeia); Berns
in recent publications. The publication of new epigraphic 2013, fig.  7 (Knidos); Hansen 2008, steles B, C, E; Bru &
corpora, as I.Halikarnassus, may potentially change this data. Lafli 2014, nos 2–3 (Halikarnassos); Özgan 1995, nos 11, 13,
19 For a typological classification of the Koan steles, see Tsouli 14, 16 ; 1999, nos 2, 4, 6, 7, 9–14 (Tralleis); Pfuhl & Möbius
2004, 137–150; 2013, 80–137, 82 drawing 1; 2020, fig 7, 181, 1977, nos 141, 364, 748 (Halikarnassos), 157, 438 (Mylasa),
n. 47; Bosnakis 2008, 185–188. For Koan steles also Bosnakis 361 (Stratonikeia), 661 (Mesevle, Hillarima), 1068 (Knidos);
& Hallof 2016, 746–960. For Karian steles see nn. 20–29. Ünver & Yaman 2013, nos 1–3 (Idyma).
Plenty of Karian steles are mentioned as such, without a more 26 Tsouli 2013, nos  1–8, 11–14, 16 (Kos); Pfuhl & Möbius
precise type identification, see Bean & Cook 1955, nos 37, 51 1977, no.  1075 (Mylasa); Blümel 1985, no.  388 (Iasos);
(Halikarnassos Peninsula); Maiuri 1921–1922, no. 39; Blümel Blümel 1991, no. 722 (Rhodian Peraia); Blümel 2004, no. 39
1991, nos 19–21, 24–26, 257, 265–267, 612 (Rhodian Peraia); (Mylasa); Hansen 2008, steles A and D (Halikarnassos);
Blümel 1992, nos  302, 385, 515, 634, 636 (Knidos and its Marek 2006, no. 147 (Kaunos); Özgan 1999, nos 1, 3, 5, 8
region). On account of the surviving bases with sockets for (Stratonikeia).
the steles’ tangs, more steles must have originally existed than 27 Held 2003, nos  13, 15, 16, 23; 2014, 251, figs  4, 10 (spo-
the ones surviving nowdays, see nn. 30–31. Another impor- radically with traces of a statuette-plinth housed inside the
tant factor to take into account is that steles and other kinds naiskos).
of epithemata, also must have been fixed on sockets next to 28 Chatzinikola 2008 (Rhodos); Stampolidis, Tassoulas &
or on top of rock-cut sarcophagi in Labraunda, Kaunos, and Filimonos-Tsopotou 2011, 130–131 (Syme).
elsewhere: see Diler 2002, 65, 73; Henry 2009, 173. There 29 Lundgern 2016, 256, figs 9–10 (Loryma).
 13.  Cultural interdependence between Kos and Karia as illustrated by the Hellenistic grave markers 185

30 Berns 2013, 206, figs 2a, 8 (Knidos); Blümel 1991, nos 112, magnificent sarcophagus in the Hekatomneion in Mylasa, see
115 (Rhodian Peraia); Held 2003, nos 7, 14, 17, 18; Lundgren the article of A. Diler in this volume.
2016, 256, figs 7–8, 13, 19 (Loryma). See also supra n.  27 45 Regarding heroic elements and furniture, see Fabricius 1999.
for naiskos stele bases. 46 Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, no. 828.
31 Blümel 1991, no 59, 269, 271 (Rhodian Peraia); Blümel 2004, 47 Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, nos 822–847.
nos 34–37 (group of bases from Mylasa, destined for persons 48 Pfuhl & Möbius 1979, no. 1276.
with western Greek origin. They imitate the formal element 49 Bosnakis 2012.
of inscriptions carved in a panel, typical in western Greece); 50 Cf. Couilloud 1974a, no. 141 (Delos); Pfuhl & Möbius 1977,
Fraser 1977, figs 18a–20a, 23a–b (Rhodos). For Koan steles nos 954 (Rhodos), 1028.
bases, Tsouli 2013, nos 1127–1131. Cf. the relevant group 51 Özgan 1999, no. 13.
in Bosnakis & Hallof 2016, “bases”, nos 2939–2950, 2952; 52 Özgan 1999, no. 1.
2018, nos 3235–3236, 3290. 53 Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, nos 405–410.
32 Bosnakis 2008, nos 1, 4; Tsouli 2013, 286–291, nos 17–18 54 Pfuhl & Möbius 1979, no. 2257; Tsouli 2013, nos 478, 919,
(Kos); Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, nos 929, 945, 964–966, 970, 1168; 2020, 179, n. 32; Bosnakis & Hallof 2018, no. 3272.
995 (Rhodos), 943 (Chalke). 55 Couilloud 1974b, no. 58 (sarcophagus of Tertia Horaria).
33 Aydaș 2012, no.  1 (Stratonikeia); Bean & Cook 1955, 110 56 Pfuhl & Möbius 1979, no. 2256 (relief stele).
(Myndos), 106 no. 31 (Halikarnassos, the mistress alone); 57 Bru & Lafli 2014, 271–272, no. 4 (cylindrical altar. The sur-
Berns 2013, fig. 7 (Knidos); Blümel 2019, no. 292 (Tralleis); viving Roman inscription is from a reuse of the monument,
Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, nos 916 (Halikarnassos, 3rd/2nd cen- a fact that has escaped the authors’ attention). Cf. the votive
tury BC), 972 (Stratonikeia). kalathos in the round from Knidos, Blümel 1992, no. 140.
34 Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, nos 117, 146 (Kos), 118, 138 (Rhodos); 58 Fraser 1977, 68, n. 389, fig. 115a–c.
Machaira 2019, 185–186; cf. the half-naked youth in Özgan 59 Bosnakis 2008, no. 290; Tsouli 2013, no. 601.
1995, no. 11 (Tralleis). 60 Firatli 1964, no. 194.
35 Tsouli 2013, nos 16 and 1 (the latter dates from the 1st cen- 61 Allen 1975; Fraser 1977, 39, n. 217, fig. 106a–c; Berges 1986,
tury BC/1st century AD); Kokkorou-Alevras 2017, no. K59 no. 76 also refers to an altar in Knidos depicting a skyphos
(Kos); Özgan 1999, no.  4 (Stratonikeia); Pfuhl & Möbius of this type.
1977, no. 141 (Halikarnassos). 62 The 19th-century travellers refer to funerary monuments
36 Tsouli 2013, nos 2, 9 (dexiosis), 476 (Kos); Fraser 1977, adorned with relief shields lying on the road leading from the
fig.  93d; Machaira 2019, 180–183 (Rhodos); Özgan 1999, city of Kos to the villages (R.P. Pullan, Report on the island of
no. 9; Aydaș 2012, no. 2 (Stratonikeia). Cos in Newton 1862, 635), whereas Sherwin-White was aware
37 Tsouli 2013, nos 7, 14, 460, 588, 590, 1067 (Kos); Bru & Lafli of a base with a relief shield similar to the Halikarnassian ones
2014, no. 2 (Halikarnassos); Özgan 1999, no. 7 (Stratonikeia); lying on the road leading from Kos town to Zipari (mentioned
Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, nos 439, 491 (Rhodos), 486 (Telos), in Allen 1975, 4–5. It must have been the same monument
488 (Syme), 364 (Halikarnassos), 157, 438 (Mylasa). mentioned by P. Fraser (1977, 39 n. 217)). Just one of these
38 Tsouli 2013, nos 20–21, 336, 763 (Kos); Özgan 1999, no. 14 early monuments survives today, Tsouli 2013, no. 13. For
(Stratonikeia); Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, nos  733, 756, 779 other recently acquired Koan plaques with relief shields, see
(Rhodos), 748 (Halikarnassos). Tsouli 2013, 357–358, nn. 1914–1915, pl. 107.
39 Tsouli 2013, nos  9, 589 (Kos); Aydaș 2009, no.  35 63 Fraser 1977, 217, fig.  107a–b; Lauter 1988, 156, n.  24,
(Stratonikeia); Berges 1986, no.  95 (Iasos); Bru & Lafli figs 1–2 (the “Shield-monument” in Rhodos).
2014, no. 3 (Halikarnassos); Fraser 1977, fig. 44a (Rhodian 64 Berns 2003, no. 22Α1 (Knidos), 39Α1 (Karia, relief shields
Peraia); Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, nos 1053, 1059–1061, 1069, framing the tomb entrance); Baran 2014, 401–402 (tomb
1081 (Rhodos), 874 (Karpathos), 1054 (Astypalaia), 1068 façade in Thera, Karia).
(Knidos), 1075 (Mylasa); Ünver & Yaman 2013, no. 2 65 Bru & Lafli 2011, no. 5 (Halikarnassos).
(Idyma); cf. also Özgan 1999, nos 3 (woman standing, man 66 Pfuhl & Möbius 1979, nos 2263, 2264; Tsouli 2013, nos 462–
sitting), 11 (both figures sitting) and 6 (just the enthroned 463; 2017a, 349, fig. 3. Two more Koan reliefs, apparently
female figures survives) (Stratonikeia). lost (Bosnakis & Hallof 2018, nos 3242, 3280), are reported
40 Tsouli 2013, nos 587 (in dexiosis), 474 (frontal). to bear an amphora. However, one cannot be sure of the type
41 Standing in dexiosis: Özgan 1999, nos 2, 5 (Stratonikeia); of vessel depicted, since no picture is given.
Poupaki 2012, no.  B197 (Mylasa Museum). Frontal: Aydaș 67 Unpublished. I thank Prof. B. Schmaltz for the information.
2012, no. 4 (Stratonikeia); Özgan 1995, nos 13–14 (Tralleis); 68 Tsouli 2017a, 347–348, figs 1–2.
Pfuhl & Möbius 1977, nos 361a, 512, 651 (Stratonikeia), 661 69 Tsouli 2013, 243–246, nos 1160–1167; Kokkorou-Alevras
(Hillarima). 2017, 55–56, no. K63 (C. Tsouli).
42 Tsouli 2009; 2013, 324–327, nos 4, 8, 11, 464, 466–467, 596, 70 Stampolidis, Tassoulas & Filimonos-Tsopotou 2011, 351,
1068 (Kos); Fabricius 1999, 197–224; 2016, 52–55 (Rhodos). no. 24 (K. Bairami).
43 Bean & Cook 1955, 130; Hansen 2008 (six monuments in 71 Tsouli 2013, 246–258; 2017a, 349–350, nn. 50–63, with
total). earlier bibliography.
44 Özgan 1995, no. 16 (Tralleis); Özgan 1999, no. 10 72 Tuccinardi 2016; for parallels, see especially, 408–412.
(Stratonikeia); Ünver & Yaman 2013, no. 3 (Idyma). One 73 Von Mercklin 1926, 116. However, the funerary use of the
should certainly bear in mind the banquet scene on the Rhodian and the Pergamene cauldron is not certain.
186 Chrysanthi Tsouli

74 Ruggendorfer 2016, 92–93, cats SK 100–114, pls 87–89 (with 39–41, 43, 48–49, 60, 70, 86, 93 of unknown provenience in
earlier bibliography). Bodrum Museum; Poupaki 2012, nos B182–189, B191–192;
75 Berns 2005, fig. 7, with parallels in pp. 32–36. Bru & Lafli 2014, nos 4–6;Carbon, Isager & Pedersen 2017
76 Tsouli 2013, type E.I, nos 763–767, 770–775, 777–779, 781– (plain altar); Bean & Cook 1955, no. 43 (altar base, Bitez).
788, 792–821, 825, 831–833, 842–853; 2017b, 190, 192–193; In Knidos 46 cylindrical altars are reported, Berges 1986,
2020, 183, n. 67, fig. 8; Tsouli forthcoming; Cf. Bosnakis & nos 6–9, 12–17, 20–21, 25–27, 42, 46–47, 51–52, 55–56,
Hallof 2016, “arae sepulcrales tetragonales”, nos 1398–1456; 58, 64, 68–69, 72–73, 75–85, 87, 96; Blümel 1992, nos 326,
2018, nos 3060–3061, 3116–3117, 3151–3152, 3171, 3195, 379, 381, 389; 2017, no. 38 (unadorned altar), plus six more
3254–3257. altar bases, Blümel 1992, nos 327, 355, 418, 427, 495, 632.
77 Fraser 1977, 13–25; Ohnesorg 2005, 137–138; Tsouli 2017b, The date of these monuments should be treated with cau-
191. tion, however, since the surviving inscriptions are mainly
78 Ohnesorg 2005, 194–195, pl. 74.1. from their secondary use in Roman times. The cylindrical
79 Fraser 1977, 24–25. altar type was also extremely valued in Loryma during the
80 Held 2014, fig. 8. Hellenistic period, Blümel 1991, nos 17, 22–23 (altar bases);
81 Berti 2013, 71, pl. XVIa. Lundgren 2016, 264 (six altars and 12 altar bases) and the
82 Fraser 1977, 15–16. rest of the Rhodian Peraia (Blümel 1991, nos 57, 517, 591,
83 Tsouli 2013, nos 770–775. Only two votive Rhodian altars 604, 606, 614; Bresson, Brun & Varinlioğlu 2001, 109–110,
have no pedimental sides, Fraser 1977, 14, figs 34a–b. nos 3, 4, 5, 6, 37, 42, 43). In other Karian cities, such as
84 Blümel 1991, nos  613, 752 (Hellenistic, Rhodian Peraia). Mylasa, Aphrodisias, and Stratonikeia, it also appeared in its
For Roman examples, Şahin 1982, no. 1260; 2010, nos 1563, unadorned form, usually in the 1st century BC–1st century
1565, 1568 (Stratonikeia); Şahin 1994, nos  136, 138–139, AD: see Blümel 1987, nos 431, 437, 442, 444, 446, 449, 452,
142, 144, 147, 157 (Arykanda). 463, 465, 472, 483; 2004, nos 46–47, 61, 64; Poupaki 2012,
85 Maiuri 1921–1922, no. 14 (Halikarnassos); Tsouli 2013, nos B197–B198 (Mylasa); Berges 1986, nos 62, 94, 102–103,
no. 770 (Kos). 111, 113 (Aphrodisias); Marek 2006, nos 156, 171–172
86 Bean & Cook 1952, 200 no. 49; Blümel 1992, no. 415. (Kaunos); Șahin 1982, nos  804, 1209–1210, 1218–1219,
87 Tsouli forthcoming, n. 55. 1223, 1232, 1255; 2010, nos 1492–1493, 1560, 1566, 1577;
88 Henry 2009, 122–127; Held 2014, 252–253; Lundgren 2016, Varinlioǧlu 1988, nos 26, 29–30, 32, 36, 40, 42; Nováková
252–255; Tsouli 2017b, 189. 2016, 36–37, 100–103 (Stratonikeia). Altars are fairly attested
89 Carter 1982; Blümel 1991, nos 55–56; Held 2003, nos 13–16, in Iasos, see Berges 1986, nos 37–38 (votive altars), 65, 95;
20–21, 23; 2014; Lundgren 2016, 255–265. See also the article Blümel 1985, no. 398; Tomasello 1991, pl. XXIXb; Poupaki
of W. Held in this volume for a monument in Orthaniye. 2012, nos B195–196.
90 Tsouli 2017b, 189–190, n. 31 (with earlier bibliography). 97 For a systematic typological and mainly chronological clas-
91 Henry 2009, pls XV–XVI; Öncü 2009. sification of the Koan altars in their totality, Tsouli 2013,
92 Newton 1862, pl. LXXVII (bottom). 199–217, 220–222, also summing up earlier research; 2020,
93 Fraser 1977, 31, 119–120; Tsouli 2013, type E.II, nos 858– 187–188, nn. 96–98, fig. 9. A few altars with the typical Koan
915; 2020, 186, nn. 80–88, fig. 8. dikeras were also exported, Berges 1986 nos 1, 11; Poupaki
94 Tsouli’s corpus encompasses 164 cylindrical altars (2013, 2012, no. 192 (Halikarnassos, Koan marble); Berges 1996,
type E.III, nos 916–1079). 144 of them date to the Hellenistic no. 149 (Rhodos); Also Berges 1986, no. 5 (Istanbul); The
period, Tsouli 2013, nos 916–932, 934–962, 965–1018, Knidian altar Berges 1986, no. 7, combining Koan dikeras
1021–1037, 1043, 1048–1053, 1056,1058–1074, 1077–1078. and fascia to Rhodian crowning, may be a local imitation (its
The relevant group in Bosnakis & Hallof 2016 and 2018, marble does not seem to be Koan). All these altars are more
“arae sepulcrales rotundae” comprises 82 Hellenistic monu- modest in size and quality than the earlier Koan ones, and
ments, nos 1243–1306, 3054–3055, 3111–3114, 3149–3150, resemble the altars Tsouli 2013, nos 927–932.
3166–3170, 3191–3194, 3249–3250. The deviance in number 98 Höghammar 2004, 69–75.
between these two groups is due to the fact that the latter’s 99 A few imitations of the Rhodian type in Koan marble, as well
dating does not refer to the monuments themselves, but to as a few imports of Rhodian examples in lartian stone, have
the surviving inscriptions, which, in a plethora of altars, are been observed in Kos, Tsouli 2013, 215–217.
carved in their secondary use in Roman times. 100 Tsouli 2013, nos 1071–1076 (Kos); Fraser 1977, figs 64a–c;
95 Tsouli 2013, nos 916–918 (plain), 919, 1067–1070 (with Berges 1996, 57, nn. 176–177, 180 (Rhodos, Knidos).
figural scenes). 101 Fraser 1977, 25, figs  58a–d, 59a–c (Rhodos); Șahin 2010,
96 Altars with reliefs in a panel: Bean & Cook 1955, 110 no. 1551 (Stratonikeia). For altar bases from the Rhodian
(Myndos); Berges 1986, no. 95 (Iasos); Fraser 1977, figs 81j Peraia and Knidos see supra n. 96.
(Halikarnassos), 84a–d, 85a.f, 86a–c (Rhodos); Poupaki 102 The interrelations between Koan and Karian cylindrical altars
2012, no. B197 (Mylasa Museum). Cylindrical altars with had been already stressed by Fraser (1977, 43–45), Berges
boukephalia and garlands enjoy a great popularity in coastal (1986, 60 ff.), Höghammar (2004, 80), Poulsen (2004, 196)
Karian cities, especially those that are in proximity to Kos and Poupaki (2012, 144–145, 216–218).
and Rhodos. In Halikarnassos they amount to 54 specimens, 103 The identification of the marble as Koan has been made with
Berges 1986, nos 2, 4, 10, 11, 18–19, 22, 29–32, 33, 35–36, macroscopic observation by Dr. E. Poupaki, whom I warmly
45, 50, 59, 61, 71, 88–89, 91–92, 110, plus nos 1, 23–24, 28, thank for her valuable help.
 13.  Cultural interdependence between Kos and Karia as illustrated by the Hellenistic grave markers 187

To distinct workshops can be assigned the following altars: 111 Bean & Cook 1952, nos 11, 31, 46 (Knidia Peninsula); Bean
& Cook 1955, nos 21, 53, 60 (Halikarnassos Peninsula);
a) On the basis of the double rosette in the middle of the
Blümel 1992, nos  301, 375–376, 384, 386, 394, 428, 627,
fruit-garland: the Koan altars Tsouli 2013 nos 884, 965
635–636 (Knidos); Blümel 1991, nos  15, 16, 18, 33, 44,
and the Knidian altars Berges 1986, nos 20–21.
115–116, 119–120, 124, 164–166, 181, 183–186, 211–217,
b) On the basis of the fruit-garland with leaves escaping
219–221, 241, 259–261, 268, 294, 581, 611 (Rhodian
its contour, big rosette and hanging “triple” bunches of
Peraia); Șahin 2010, nos  1548, 1578 (Stratonikeia). Some
grape, Manschette and vittae: the Koan altars Tsouli
examples of rectangular altars from Loryma (Held 2003,
2013, nos 887, 893, 966–971 and the Karian altars
nos 19, 32–33) confirm not only their morphological resem-
Berges 1986, nos  27 (Datça Museum, not identified
blance to these cubic monuments, but also their common
marble), 29 (Bodrum Castle). Also imitated by the altars
function.
Berges 1986, no. 22 (Halikarnassos) and Poupaki 2012,
112 Tsouli 2013, 138, type Γ, nos 670–730; 2020, 183, nn. 64–66,
no.  B198 (Mylasa Museum) and fig.  587 (Marmaris
191 n. 134. Cf. the relevant group in Bosnakis & Hallof 2016,
Museum, local marble).
“lapides cubici”, nos 1552–1601 (3rd century), 1602–1653
c) On the basis of the tight leaf-garland rendered in “bands”,
(2nd–1st centuries); 2018, nos 3067–3071, 3099, 3198–3203,
the Manschette that correspond to the schematic triangu-
3260–3261 (3rd century), 3121–3125, 3153, 3172–3175,
lar hair of the boukephalia and the vittae ending in “pedi-
3204–3217, 3245, 3245, 3262–3276, 3289 (2nd–1st centuries).
mental” tassels: the Koan altars Tsouli 2013, nos 992,
113 Tsouli 2013, type B, nos 611–635. Cf. the relevant group in
998, 999 and the altars Berges 1986, nos 37–38 (Iasos).
Bosnakis & Hallof 2016, “termini sepulcrales”, nos 2702–
Quite similar is also Berges 1986, no. 39 (Halikarnassos).
2728, 2772–2790; 2018, nos 3098, 3133.
d) On the basis of the rosettes on the fascia presenting a
114 Tsouli 2013, nos 1080, 1090–1091, 1096, 1103, 1109 (1st
double row of petals, the elongated boukephalia and
century BC). Cf. Bosnakis & Hallof 2016, “cippi rotundi et
the double corymbs atop: the Koan altars Tsouli 2013,
fungiformes”, nos 2863–2866; 2018, nos 3064–3066.
nos 983–985.
115 Christof 2008. For Karian examples, Christof 2008, nos 39–43;
Minor groups of altars present similar decorative features, Henry 2009, 84–85, figs 25–26.
that could be indicative of different “hands” or of motifs 116 Tsouli 2013, 241–243, nos 1155–1159; Kokkorou-Alevras
exchange, e.g. boukephalia hair with curly tufts, rendered as 2017, 46–48, no. 53 (Kos). Vermeule 1972, 51; Fraser 1977,
triangular bunch of grapes in altars Tsouli 2013, nos 981, 990, 37–38 (Rhodos and Karia).
991, 1008 (Kos) and Berges 1986, no. 39 (Halikarnassos). 117 Either the statues themselves or just their bases have been
104 Poulsen 2004, 195–196. found, see Blümel 1985, no.  382 (Iasos); Blümel 1991,
105 Ajtai 1988–1989; Tsouli 2013, 218–219. These Nike fig- nos 111, 123 (Knidos); Tsouli 2013, nos 1143–1144 (Kos);
ures are comparable to the ones from the frieze of a tomb Bairami 2012, 308–322 (Rhodos).
monument in Stratonikeia, Berns & Mert 1999, 205–206, 118 During the 2nd and 1st centuries BC, Rhodian funerary relief
pl. 17.3–4. steles, which amount to 60 pieces, played a secondary role in
106 Blümel 1991 no. 57 (Kasara, Rhodian Peraia); Poupaki 2012, comparison to altars, accounting for more than 300 cylindri-
no. B192 (Halikarnassos, Koan marble); Tomasello 1991, cal and about 75 rectangular ones, along with a few sculptures
pl. XXIXb (Iasos, local marble). in the round, see Fabricius 1999, 191, 203, 211; Puddu 2010,
107 There is a startling resemblance between the crowning of two 36, 48. Hellenistic relief steles from Halikarnassos are much
altars in Iasos, made of local marble (inv. no. 2247; Berges rarer, since they do not exceed 15 pieces, see Table 13.1.
1986, no. 95) and the one of an altar in Kos (Berges 1996, There is just one Halikarnassian rectangular altar with figural
no. 40), probably made of the same material. These Iasian scenes on all four sides (Poulsen 2004, 195–197), whereas
altars, along with the one in Fig. 13.9, are adorned with fillets cylindrical altars account for 54 pieces, see supra n. 96. A
ending in overlapping edges, a feature unattested in Koan handful of other Hellenistic monuments are reported from
altars. An altar in Mylasa Museum (inv. no. 2830; Poupaki this area, see Bean & Cook 1955, nos 37, 51 (aniconic steles),
2012, 145), made of grey stone, seems to be imitating the 21, 53, 60 (cubic monuments); The frequent occurrence of
Koan altars of the aforementioned group (n. 103 group b). cylindrical altars, 46 in number plus six altar bases (see supra
An altar in Bodrum (Berges 1986, no. 49) and a similar one n. 96), in contrast to a limited number of steles, is attested
in Kos (Berges 1996, no. 55a) apparently imitate Rhodian in Hellenistic Knidos as well (Berns 2013, 206–208). Just
examples, cf. Berges 1996, nos 110, 115, 117, 127. Rhodian three relief steles are reported there (see Table 13.1) along
examples are also imitated in Karian altars made of Knidian with a few aniconic ones (Blumel 1992, nos 321, 385, 437,
stone, cf. Berges 1986, nos 64 (Knidos), 65 (Iasos), 68 (Datça) 441, 514, 515, 531, 622, 629, 630, 634, 636) and a few cubic
etc., as well as in altars in Loryma, see supra n. 96. monuments (Blümel 1992, nos 301, 375–376, 384, 386, 394,
108 Altars: Berges 1986 nos 76–85 (Knidos); Berges 1996, 428, 627, 635–636). For Kos, see supra n. 17.
nos 275–276 (Rhodos); Blümel 2004, no. 64 (Mylasa); Fraser 119 Tsouli 2020, 189, n. 110.
1977, fig. 102b (Nisyros). For coiling snakes as epithemata 120 Berges 1986, nos 1, 5, 64; Poupaki 2012, no. B191; Carbon,
in the round, see Fraser 1977, figs 105a–c, 108a–b, 110a–c Isager & Pedersen 2017, 170.
(Rhodos); Lundgern 2016, figs 11–12 (Loryma). 121 Tsouli 2020, 189, n. 111.
109 Berges 1996, no. 277. 122 Tsouli 2013, no. 782.
110 Blümel 1991, no. 290. 123 Brouma 2015, 160–161; Nováková 2016, 37.
188 Chrysanthi Tsouli

124 Quite revealing is the inscription on a rectangular funer- Bairami, Κ. 2012: H μεγάλη ροδιακή πλαστική των ελληνιστικών
ary altar from Karian Arykanda (Şahin 1994, no.  136), και ρωμαϊκών χρόνων (PhD thesis, Univ. of Athens. Accessible
fitted with a phiale on top, whose inscription explicitly via http://thesis.ekt.gr/thesisBookReader/id/33185#page/1/
mentions that the deceased’s mother set up the altar in mode/2up).
order to perform the nenomismenai choes to her daughter. Baran, A. 2014: A monumental tomb complex from Thera in
Fabricius (1999, 216 n. 249, 218) also argues in favour of Karia, in L. Karlsson, S. Carlsson & J. Blid Kullberg (eds),
the Rhodian altars’ iconography and use for suspending ΛΑΒΡΥΣ. Studies Presented to Pontus Hellström, Boreas 35,
wreaths or offering of libations as denoting a connection 387–403.
with the ideal of heroization. Gabelmann (1968, 101), Κurtz Bean, G. & J. Cook 1952: The Cnidia, BSA 47, 171–207.
& Boardman (1971, 301) and Wypustek (2013, 65, 67), Bean, G. & J. Cook 1955: The Halicarnassus Peninsula, BSA 50,
among others, consider altars as symbols of heroes. Such 85–171.
claims of heroization have been utterly rejected by Fraser Berges, D. 1986: Hellenistische Rundaltäre Kleinasiens, Freiburg.
(1977, 80–81). Berges, D. 1996: Rundaltäre aud Kos und Rhodos, Berlin.
125 For inscriptions on Rhodian rectangular altars, referring to Berns, C., 2003: Untersuchungen zu den Grabbauten der frühen
wreath proclamations at the graves or in the club houses Kaiserzeit in Kleinasien, AMS 51, Bonn.
for associations’ members, who were almost all metics, see Berns, C. 2005: Ein Säulenmonument in der Nekropole von
Fraser 1977, 13–24; Fabricius 1999, 202–210, 214–218; Knidos, in M. Şahin & İ.H. Mert (eds), Festschrift für Ramazan
2016, 52. Incised wreaths occasionally appear on these Özgan, Istanbul, 29–43.
altars. There is just one instance of such an honorific funer- Berns, C. 2013: Grabbezirke von Knidos. Zwei Standards der
ary inscription carved on a cylindrical altar from Rhodos Repräsentation in klassischer Zeit, in K. Sporn (ed.) Griechische
(Fraser 1977, 65). In Kos, two such inscriptions are recorded Grabbezirke klassischer Zeit. Normen und Regionalismen,
on cylindrical altars: one from the Koan demos of Phyxa Athenaia 6, München, 203–218.
(Bosnakis & Hallof 2018, no. 3054, probably also 3238), Berns, C. & H. Mert, 1999: Architekturfragmente aus der
according the honour of public erection of the tombstone, Nekropole von Stratonikeia, IstMitt 49, 197–211.
and one from the demos of Isthmus erected by an association Berti, F. 2013: Tra mura e porte urbane: ricostruzioni, ipotesi e
(thiasos) (Bosnakis & Hallof 2018, no. 3250). Much more proposte a margine della stoà occidentale dell’ agorà di Iasos,
frequent is the occurrence of funerary dedications, usually in D. Baldoni, F, Berti & F. Giuman (eds), Iasos e il suo
combined with honours of a public funeral, on cylindrical territorio, Roma, 61–74.
altars and their bases in Late Hellenistic and Early Imperial Blümel, W. 1985: Die Inschriften von Iasos, IK 28.2, Bonn.
Knidos (Blümel 1992, nos 326–328, 334, 632; 2017, no. 38, Blümel, W. 1987 Die Inschriften von Mylasa, IK 34–35, Bonn.
occasionally with the addition of the title ἥρως), Stratonikeia Blümel, W. 1991: Die Inschriften von Rhodischen Peraia, IK
(Șahin 2010; Varinlioǧlu 1988, see supra n.  96) and the 38, Bonn.
Rhodian Peraia (Bresson, Brun & E. Varinlioğlu 2001, see Blümel, W. 1992: Die Inschriften von Knidos, IK 41.1, Bonn.
supra n. 96; Wiemer 2010, 429–431). Blümel, W. 2004: Neue Inschriften aus Karien 2: Mylasa und
126 IG XII 4, 1 no. 348, with earlier bibliography; Tsouli 2013, Umgebung, EpigrAnat 37, 22–42.
192, 412. Blümel, W. 2017: Addenda und Corrigenda zu IK 40 (Knidos),
127 Schazmann 1934; Tsouli 2013, 33–38, summing up earlier EpigrAnat 50, 45–75.
bibliography. Blümel, W. 2019: Die Inschriften von Tralleis und Nysa 2, IK
128 Blümel 1992, no. 301; Berns 2013, 211. 36.2, Bonn.
129 For Koan banquet reliefs see supra, n. 42. For Rhodian ban- Bosnakis, D. 2008: Ανέκδοτες επιγραφές της Κω. Επιτύμβια μνημεία
quet reliefs, Fabricius 1999; 2016, 52–55. Halikarnassian και όροι, Αθήνα.
banquet reliefs, though not very numerous, constitute one Bosnakis, D. 2012: Επιτύμβια ανάγλυφη στήλη με παράσταση
third of the total local relief monuments production, see θηλάζουσας από την Κάλυμνο, ADelt A (2003–2009), 377–390.
supra n. 43 and Table 13.1. Nováková (2016, 35–36) claims Bosnakis, D. & K. Hallof 2016: IG XII, 4, 3. Inscriptiones Graecae
that “an altar and a relief depiction of a funerary banquet can Insularum Maris Aegaei praeter Delum, fasc. IV. Inscriptiones
be understood as carriers of the same or similar ideological Coi Calymnae insularum Milesiarum 3. Inscriptiones Coi
message”. insulae. Tituli sepulcrales urbani, Berlin.
130 Kizil 2013, 363, fig. 9. Bosnakis, D. & K. Hallof 2018: IG XII, 4, 4. Inscriptiones Graecae
131 Henry 2010, 98. Insularum Maris Aegaei praeter Delum, fasc. IV. Inscriptiones
Coi Calymnae insularum Milesiarum 4. Inscriptiones Coi
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