OXFORD

The Bhagats of the

GURU GRANTH SAHIB

Sikh Self-Definition and the

THE BHAGATS OF THE GURU
GRANTH SAHIB
 The Bhagats of the Guru
Granth Sahib
S1kh Self-Definition and the Bhagat Bani

PASHAURA SINGH

OXFORD
VNIVERS.IT'l PRESS
 OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS

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 In Memory

Master Jaswant Singhji

(1906-1986)

and

In Gratitude

Mrs Gurdev K. Attariwala

Contents

List of Tables and Map ix

Foreword X

Preface and Acknowledgements xzz

Note on Orthography xvii

1. BHAGAT BANI IN THE ADI GRANTH 1-41

Introduction 1
Collection ofthe Bhagat Bani 8
Canonization of the Bhagat Bani 13
Theoretical Framework 18
l. The Notion of a Universe ofDiscourse 18
2. The Theory ofDivine Name 21
3. The Idea of Religious Pluralism 25
4. The Issue of Self-Definition 28
5. Procedure of this Study 33

2. BANI SHAIKH FARIDJI KI 42-80

Biographical Sketch 42
Textual Traditions 44
Shaikh Farid in the Adi Granth 47
Guru Nanak and Shaikh Farid 54
Guru Amar Das and Shaikh Farid 64
Guru Arjan and Shaikh Farid 69
Conclusion 74

3. BANI BHAGAT KABIRJI KI 81-115

Biographical Sketch 81
Textual Traditions 83
Kabir in the Adi Granth 87
Guru Amar Das and Kabir 94
viii Contents

Guru Arjan and Kabir 101

Kabir's Gaun Hymn with Guru Aijan's Additional Verse 106
Conclusion 109

4. BANI SRI JAIDEV JI KI 116-51

Biographical Sketch 116
Textual Traditions 119
Jaidev in the Adi Granth 123
1. Jaidev's GujariHymn 123
1.1. Language ofthe Gujan Hymn 124
1.2. Structure 126
1.3. Major Themes 127
2. Jaidev's Maru Hymn 131
2.1. Language ofthe Maru Hymn 131
2.2. Structure 132
2.3. Major Themes 133
Question ofAuthorship 134
Sikh Response to the Vaishnava Bhakti Tradition 141
1. Textual Issue ofSurdas's Hymn 143
2. Textual Issue ofMira Bai's Hymn 145
Conclusion 146

5. STATUS OF THE BHAGAT BANI 152-85

Historical Perspective 152
Doctrinal Perspective 166
Liturgical Perspective 168
Inter-Religious Dialogue Perspective 170
Recent Developments 175
Conclusion 179

6. CONCLUSION 186-92

Glossary 193-200
Index 201-10
List of Tables and Map

TABLE 1 .1 . Information about the Bhagats of 9

the Guru Granth Sahib: Dates of birth
and death, places, number of hymns, and
couplets and longer works.
TABLE 5. 1 . Sequence of the hymns from the 1 69
Amrit Kirtan

MAP

MAP 5.1 Map showing the places associated with 1 65

the Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib.
Foreword

It is a particular pleasure to be invited to write a foreword to

Professor Pashaura Singh's The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib.
Two reasons account for this. The first is that Pashaura Singh
has established himself as the leading scholar in the field of Adi
Granth studies. This is no idle comment. Pashaura Singh brought
to his work a background of thorough training in Adi Granth
studies from Gurmat College, Patiala, and from 1973 until 1980
he was Head of the DivinityDepartment of the Guru Harkrishan
Public School in New Delhi. From there he was invited to Calgary
as Granthi of the gurdwara and journeyed there in 1980. While in
Calgary he returned to university to pursue an MA He then
joined the University of Toronto where I had the privilege of
supervising his Ph.D. studies. From there he proceeded to his
first academic appointment at the University of Michigan, and
after co-editing and contributing to two valuable collections on
Sikh Studies, his first major work appeared in 2000.
It was this work which propelled him to the front rank of Adi
Granth scholars. Entitled The Guru Gmnth Sahib: Canon, Meaning
and Auth!Yrity, it was a major work, covering with great knowledge
and skill all important aspects of the sacred scripture of the Sikhs.
In it Pashaura Singh brought together his years of training, both
traditional and strictly academic, and complemented them with
a genuine faith as a loyal member of the Khalsa. He now adds
to The Guru Granth Sahib this second publication, based upon
the extensively-revised work which he undertook for his MA
studies. This work takes one component of the Adi Granth and
deals with it in much greater detail than was possible in the ear­
lier more comprehensive book.
The second reason for the pleasure of writing this foreword is
that it provides me with an opportunity to say publicly how much
I admire Pashaura Singh for the courage he has shown while
confronting the extreme opposition that greeted the completion
 Fm-ewo·rd

of his Ph.D. studies and the illegal circulation of numerous copies

of his thesis. As was proper for a Ph.D. thesis Pashaura Singh
had followed strictly academic criteria in his study of the Adi
Granth. His approach greatly alarmed many conservative mem­
bers of his own community and serious attempts were made to
compel him to withdraw certain features of the thesis. In spite of
the vehemence and hostility of these attacks Pashaura Singh did
not give way, and stood by his courage and a firm conviction that
his approach had very sound underpinnings. He agreed to ap­
pear before Akal Takhat in Amritsar and apologized for any dis­
tress that his scholarship may have caused, but he did not agree
to amend any part of that scholarship other than what was proven
to be incorrect. The pressure to renounce his views was exceed­
ingly intense, but Pashaura Singh refused to buckle under it.
The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib is a very useful supple­
ment to his previous book. It has my warm approval and I wish it
every success.

W.H.McLEOD
Dunedin
Preface and
Acknowledgements

This study seeks to address three questions closely related to the

process of scriptural adaptation in the Adi Granth: How was the
Bhagat Bani collected and canonized in the Adi Granth? Why
did certain hymns of the poet-saints of Sant, Sufi and Bhakti
origin receive direct comments from the Sikh Gurus? What is
the status of the Bhagat Bani in the Sikh scriptural tradition?
I first encountered the issues related to the Bhagat Bani in
the Sikh scripture at Guru Nanak Institute, Gurmat College,
Patiala, where I had the privilege of attending the late I)r Sahib
Sahib Singh's lectures on these issues during my training for the
Master's degree in Religious Studies. Those years ( 1 97 1-3)
constituted the most productive period of my graduate work
since we had the unique opportunity to listen to the views of
such distinguished scholars as DrTaran Singh, Professor Harbans
Singh, Dr Ganda Singh, Principal Satbir Singh, Giani Lal Singh,
Professor Piara Singh Padam, Dr Avtar Singh, Professor
Gurbachan Singh Talib, Dr L.M. Joshi (Buddhism), Dr M.P.
Christanand (Christianity) and some others. Frequently, we had
visiting scholars from other universities. One such visitor was
Professor W.H. McLeod who gave us a talk on the historical
approach he adopted in his work Guru Nanak and the Sikh Reli­
gion ( 1 968) in 1 973. At that time we were more fascinated by his
interest in the area of Sikh studies than by his critique of the
hagiographical janam-sakhis ('birth narratives').
After completing my degree I joined Guru Harkrishan Public
School, New Delhi as the Head of Divinity Department. This
school was the most prestigious Sikh institution in the capital of
India. It was here that I met a Canadian Sikh visitor, Dr
Gurcharanjit Singh Attariwala, Board of Trustees of Sikh Society,
Calgary, in December 1979. The Calgary Sikh community had
 Preface and Acknowledgements xiii

built their first beautiful gurdwara, the Guru Nanak Centre, by

that time. The Sikh Society invited Professor W.H. McLeod to
inaugurate the gurdwara on the Baisakhi of 1979. Their aim in
inviting a Western scholar of Sikh Studies from New Zealand
was to build a positive image of the Sikhs in the host socie t)i. Dr
McLeod inspired the Sikh community to work for the establish­
ment of a Chair of Sikh Studies at a Canadian university. He
assured them that this kind of programme would give academic
respectability to the Sikh tradition within the academy and
remove the prevailing ignorance about the Sikhs in a larger social
context.
The Sikh community of Calgary was looking for an educated
Sikh Granthi ('Reader') and teacher. Dr Attariwala approached
me through a personal friend and made the following proposal:
'We need an educated Granthi who is well versed in Sikh scrip­
tures. We will help him study at the University of Calgary in
addition to his priestly responsibilities at the Guru Nanak Centre.
As part of his duties he will teach the Punjabi language and Sikh
religion at the Guru Nanak school, organize Sikh Youth camps
in summer to pass on Sikh heritage to the new generation of
Canadian-born Sikhs, visit hospitals to meet Sikh patients and
participate in inter-faith dialogues. Occasionally, he will also visit
the Police Academy in Calgary to teach the Police officers about
Sikh traditions and culture.' I accepted the position and laid
down my own c.onditions. The Sikh Society, Calgary, invited me
on the Baisakhi of 1980 with my wife and two children. I had
multifarious duties and activities at the Guru Nanak Centre. Mrs
Gurdev K. Attariwala took me to the University of Calgary and
introduced me to Dr Harold G. Coward, Chair of the Department
of Religious Studies. Dr Coward immediately encouraged me to
start taking up courses in religious studies on a part-time basis. I
was exposed to both Eastern and Western religious traditions,
including various methodologies of studying religion. Eventually,
I was accepted in the graduate programme of the department
and schooled in the application of modern historical and literary
critical methodologies.
The initial project of the study of the issues related to the
Bhagat Bani was taken up as a Master's thesis under the supervi­
sion of Dr Ronald W. Neufeldt. Indeed, it was a great privilege
to have hii:n as my first mentor at the University of Calgary. Being
xiv Preface and Acknowledgements

a superb teacher he, carefully and with great sensitivicy, guided

me through every phase of that project. I owe a particular debt
of gratitude to him, I acknowledge it with warmest thanks. I am
also grateful to Dr Harold Coward and Dr Inder Nath Kher for
their interest in the original project and their willingness to serve
on my thesis committee. In fact, Professor Harbans Singh, the
then Editor-in-Chief of the Encyclopaedia of Sikhism, read the th�­
sis proposal very carefully and provided great encouragement
in the initial stage of the project: 'As far as I know, the Bhagat
Bani has not been studied by anyone in the frame you have set
yourself. Relating the study to the issue of Sikh self-definition
was, I thought, a very original idea.... I am quite convinced that
this should prove a very interesting piece of work and an original
contribution to Sikh learning' (Personal communication, 3
December 1985).
The present work is, however, much extended and a highly
revised version of the two original chapters on Shaikh Farid and
Kabir. During the interim years my thinking has become much
more crystallized on the subject. I have also added three entirely
new chapters to update the research in the field, and cast the
enquiry within the theoretical framework of pluralism.
It was a rare privilege to have Professor W.H. McLeod as the
supervisor of my doctoral work at the Universicy ofToronto. Since
then I have worked with him closely on a number of research
projects. He went through the manuscript of The Bhagats of the
Guru Granth Sahib very carefully and provided me with valuable
feedback. In addition, he very generously agreed to write a fore­
word to the book. I am profoundly grateful to him for his time
and effort, and the words of encouragement. Special thanks are
due to Professor N. Gerald Barrier who read the final draft of
this study and agreed to write the blurb for the jacket. Professors
JosephT. O'Connell and Himadri Banetjee read the earlier drafts
of Chapter 4 onJ aidev and offered their stimulating feedback. I
am obliged to them for their comments that helped me improve
the critical appraisal ofjaidev's work. I am also grateful to the
tvvo anonymous referees of this study for offering their critical
comments and encouragement.
I am thankful to Professor Donald S. Lopez,Jr., Chair of the
Department of Asian Languages and Cultures, for providing me
with summer research grants that made my visits to India and
 Preface and Acknowledgements XV

England possible. Special thanks are due to Dr Satnam Singh

Bhugra, Dr Jaswant Singh, Dr Virinder Singh Grewal, Dr Amrik
Singh Chattha, DrJaswinder Kaur Chattha, Dr Trilochan Singh,
Baldev Singh Dhaliwal, Chain Singh Sandhu, Gurmale Singh
Grewal and Raman Kaur of the Sikh Studies Association for their
continuous support and encouragement. The Sikh Studies
Program at the University of Michigan has grown over the years
with the active support and cooperation of these dedicated
individuals.
My deep appreciation is extended to the Sikh Society, Calgary,
for providing me with the opportunity of studying at the University
of Calgary along with my multifarious duties at the Guru Nanak
Centre. Dr G. S. Attariwala, Dr Ranjit Singh Dhaliwal, Dr Devinder
Singh Mohindra, Dr Rishpal Singh, Dr Teja Singh, Dhanwant
Singh Mundae, Manmohan Singh Sandhu, Harcharan Singh
Sanghera, Surinder Singh Sanghera, Harinder Singh Sanghera,
Parminder Singh Sanghera, Nahar Singh Kalsi, Amar Singh
Mangat, Chet Singh Sidhu, Gurcharan Singh Wirk, Harbhajan
Singh Atwal, Amatjit Singh Grewal, Hardev Singh Kooner, Avtar
Singh Gahunia, Inderjit Kaur Gahunia, Gurmit Singh Gahunia,
Sukhdev Singh Punia, Harinder Singh Sekhon, Dalip Singh
Waraich, Karamjit Singh Shergill, Dilbag Singh Grewal, Shamsher
Kaur Grewal, Sundar Kaur Grewal, Sujan Kaur Harry, Gurdev
Kaur Dhaliwal, Harjinder Singh Gill, Dalel Singh Thiara, Mehar
Singh Chandna, Harcharan Singh Dhesi, Harbhajan Singh
Chera, Gurbakhash Singh Brar, Manjit Singh Bedi, Manjit Singh
Pannu, Ranjit Kaur Pannu, Naginder Singh Virdi, Satwinder
Singh Virdi, Parminder Singh Randhawa, Ram Raghbir Singh
Chahal, Hargovind Singh Chahal, Basant Singh Mangat and
Inder Singh Brar were some of the prominent individuals who
provided me with their love and affection during my stay at
Calgary. In fact, the Sikh Society gave me a very touching fare­
well when I left to join the University of Toronto in 1987 for my
doctoral programme. I still miss those good old days that I spent
at Calgary.
My son, Maninder Pal Singh, drew the tables and the map of
India for this study and was always there to help me with any
technical problem related to my computer. He has now received
a well-deserved reward for his voluntary services-he proposed
to Kamaljit Kaur on August 2001, the very day I finished the writing
 Preface and Acknowledgements

the preface and acknowledgements. She will now be a welcome

addition to our family. My two daughters, Manpreet Kaur and
Kiratpreet Kaur, have always been a source of inspiration for me.
I warmly acknowledge their love and support. My wife, Baljeet
Kaur, deserves special mention for her unfailing love, support
and care during the whole period of research and writing. I am
eternally grateful to her.
My special thanks go to my publishers, the Oxford University
Press, New Delhi. I am extremely grateful to the editors for their
patience, understanding and editorial help.
Finally, I am dedicating this study to the two most refined and
cultured individuals who have touched my life in more than one
way. FirSt, the dedication of this study in the loving memory of
my respected teacher, MasterJaswant SinghJi ( 1906--1986). It is
the least I could have done to pay iny tribute to a noble person.
He was a great influence in shaping my career, and was alway...
enthusiastic about my academic progress. He introduced me to
Professor Harbans Singh who inspired me to join the Gurmat
College, Patiala, in 1 971 to pursue my interest in the area of
Sikh studies. Second, I dedicate this study in gratitude to Mrs
Gurdev K Attariwala, who introduced me to Dr Harold G. Cow­
ard at the University of Calgary where I produced the first results
of this study. I still remember that cold winter day in November
of 1980 (with a temperature of -37 °C) when I received a phone
. call from Mrs Attariwala, urging me not to wait outside in that
weather to catch the bus to the University. Instead, she came b y
and gave m e a ride i n her car so that I could attend m y class on
time. She stayed at the University for more than two hours and
gave me a ride back home at the end of my class. When I gradu­
ated from the University of Calgary, she celebrated my achieve­
ment by inviting my Professors, some of my class fellows, some
dignitaries, including Professor William Warden (Canadian
Ambassador to India), to dinner at her home. It was one of the
most unforgettable days of my life.
PASHAURA SINGH
University ofMichigan, Ann Arbor
Note on Orthography

In this study many terms and words have been used from the
Arabic, Persian, Sanskrit, Hindi and Punjabi languages. Such terms
as are common to Punjabi and other North Indian languages have
almost all been transliterated into their Punjabi forms, that is,
shabad instead of shabda ('divine Word'), bani instead of vani
('divine utterance') , bhagat instead of bhakta ( 'devotee' ) , salok
instead of sloka ('couplet' or 'stanza'). The exceptions comprise a
few instances in which a Sanskrit or Hindi form has secured an
established place in the English usage, for example, bhakti ('loving
devotion' ) , karma ('action'), and raga ('melodic organization') .
These terms are given in their anglicized forms. All other terms
are italicized, although they are not presented with the appropriate
diacritical marks in the text.
Except where otherwise indicated, the translations of the scrip­
tural quotations are my own. While working on these transla­
tions I have relied on three translated versions of the Adi Granth:
Gopal Singh, Sri Guru Granth Sahib, 4 vols. (Delhi: Gur Das
Kapoor, 1 962); Manmohan Singh, Sri Guru Granth Sahib, 8 vols.
(Amritsar: Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee, 1962-9);
and Gurbachan Singh Talib, Sri Guru Granth Sahib, 4 vols. (Patiala:
Punj abi University, 1 984-90). Also, I have reworked translations
of Shaikh Farid' s verses as they appear in So Said Sheikh Farid
edited by Harnam Singh Shan. Most of the time, I have used
Charlotte Vaudeville's translations of Kabir's verses, reworking
from the texts given in Kabir, vol. I and A Weaver Named Kabir.
Her translations of some of Shaikh Farid' s verses were also used
in this study.
The most commonly used abbreviation in this study is AG,
which refers to the Adi Granth. For all quotations from the Adi
Granth I have used the text printed in Shabadarath Sri Guru Granth
SahibJi, which follows the standard Adi Granth pagination of the
1 430-:page text. The reference 'Ml, Tilang 5, AG, p. 722', for
xviii Note on Orthography

instance, means that the passage is from the hymn numbering 5,

in measure Tilang, by Guru Nanak, on page 722 of the Adi
Granth.The code-word Mahala (or simply 'M') with an appro­
priate number identifies the composition of each Guru. The
works by Guru Nanak, Guru Angad, Guru Amar Das, Guru Ram
Das, Guru Arjan and Guru Tegh Bahadur are indicated by 'M'
1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 9 respectively. All the Gurus sign their composi­
tions 'Nanak' in the Adi Granth. Again, the reference Var Sarang
1 (16) defines the position of the salok in the var, that is, the first
salok of the sixteenth stanza of the Va r Sarang. The varof the Adi
Granth is a distinctive genre, which is constituted by a series of
stanzas (pauris). Each pauri is preceded by a number of subsidiary
stanzas called salok. Another abbreviation used in this study is
CE, which stands for the 'common era'. Apart from where otherwise
mentioned, all dates are CE.
Most of the time only English translations of scriptural passages
are given. In certain instances, however, where it is absolutely
necessary for the sake of the argument, the transliterated versions
of the original are also given side by side. This is particularly done
in Chapter 4 while discussing the hymns ofJaidev.
ONE

Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth

INTRODUCTION

"'{A Jhat is scriptural adaptation? How does one religious

V V movement explicitly incorporate the scriptural writings of
other religious movements into its own scriptures? Why do
certain hymns of other such writings receive direct comments
from the compilers of the main scripture? What issues are
involved in this phenomenon of intertextuality? What is the status
of those writings within the main scripture? How does the
community of believers look at the received tradition? These
are some fundamental questions that have inspired the human
imagination for centuries. It was the quest for satisfactory answers
to these questions that led me to look at the Sikh scriptural
tradition more closely. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to
understand various issues related to the presence ofthe writings
of the Bhagats ('Devotees') in the Sikh scripture, the Adi Granth
('Original Book') .
A distinctive feature of the Adi Granth is that it contains the
Bhagat Bani, the 'utterances' of fifteen medieval Indian poets of
Sant, Sufi and Bhakti origin, along with the compositions of the
Sikh Gurus. While most of these poets are generally referred to
as Sant poets, two of them (Bhikhan and Shaikh Farid) were
avowedly Sufis. The word sant is derived from sat ('to be' and
'true ' ) , and thus designates one who knows truth or compre­
hends reality . The English word 'saint' is the best translation of
sant, though one should be careful not to apply the Christian
notion of sainthood in this case. The word sant came to be ap­
plied to a particular devotional tradition of North India, which
was radically different from the main Bhakti tradition. The word
bhakti is derived from the Sanskrit root bhaj meaning to 'share' .
I t points to the importance of relationship-both to God and to
human beings-in the kind of enthusiastic, often congregational,
2 The Bhagats of the Gum Granth Sahib

religion it describes. 1 In the Sikh tradition, the term bhagat has

two meanings, one in the general sense of'devotee' or 'worship­
per' who practises bhakti, and the other specifically referring to
historical figures such as Kabir, Namdev, Ravidas,Jaidev and so
on. As such, the title Bhagat Bani is used in the Sikh scripture to
describe the compositions of the fifteen poet-saints as a whole.
The presence of the hymns of the non-Sikh saints in the foun­
dational text of the Sikhs has attracted considerable scholarly
attention in the last few decades. In this context, Wilfred Cantwell
Smith raises an important issue of how one religious movement
explicitly incorporates the scriptural writings of other religious
movements into its own scriptures, 'adding things new but mak­
ing the old part and parcel-even though in ways to this day
never fully clarified: a somewhat subordinate part and parcel,
heavily re-interpreted.'2 Although the author claims that the
Christian scripture provides the 'only instance in world history,'
he cites the example of the Sikh scripture, the Adi Granth (or
the Guru Granth Sahib), emulating the idea in a minor fashion.
The Adi Granth, Smith argues, includes primarily the hymns and
sayings of the Sikh Gurus, but also a relatively small percentage
of passages by the Bhagats ('Devotees') of a slightly earlier time
or of those who were not formally members of what has subse­
quently coalesced into the Sikh community.3
Traditionally, it is assumed that the Bhagat Bani was included
in the Sikh scripture on the basis of complete doctrinal identity
with the teachings of the Sikh Gurus. Harbans Singh, a distin­
guished interpreter of Sikh history and tradition, holds that Guru
Arjan 'applied rigorous standards and took only such of the
hymns of the saints as were in accord with the Gurus' in their
spiritual tone and meaning'.4 It is recorded in the traditional
sources that when some contemporary poet-saints-Kahna,
Chhaju, Shah Hussain and Pilo-approached Guru Aijan for
inclusion of their own compositions in the scripture, they were
turned down because their hymns were found to be lacking in
the universal vision, humility and deep humanitarianism that was
characteristic of the Gurus' teaching.5 This traditional account
of the rejection of the verses of the four poet-saints provided a
sufficient reason for many scholars of Sikhism to maintain that
the selection of the Bhagat Bani was made on the principle of
conformity with the Sikh teaching. Karine Schomer, for instance,
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 3

maintains that some selection ofKabir's sayings must have been

made by the compilers of the Adi Granth on the basis of confor­
mity to the 'moods and motivations' of the Sikh community.6 In
a similar vein, W.H. McLeod writes about the inclusion of the
Bhagat Bani in the Sikh scripture as follows: 'This comprises the
works of various religious poets (notably Kabir, Namdev, and
Ravidas) which were evidently included in the Adi Granth be­
cause the beliefs which they express correspond to those of the
Gurus.'7
Nirbhai Singh discusses· the issue at length and gives three
main arguments to explain the inclusion of the Bhagat Bani in
the Adi Granth. First, the hymns of the Bhagats bear testimony
to their highly critical attitude towards brahminical rituals. Since
Sikh doctrine also stood against much of brahminism of the day,
it was natural for the compiler to incorporate in the scripture
some representative works of the Bhagats of the time. Second,
since different groups used the Bhagat Bani for their sectarian
ends, it was edited and included in the scripture to preserve it in
its original form. Third, the Sikh scripture includes the compo­
sitions of those Bhagats who evolved their philosophy of spiri­
tual development on the basis of their personal mystic experi­
ence.8 The 'common core' of their immediate mystical experi­
ences is expressed through a diversity of linguistic expressions
couched in regional dialects, myths, metaphors, symbols and
other folk genres. On the whole the mystical experiences of the
Sikh Gurus and those of the Bhagats have an essential likeness
despite their cultural and linguistic diversities.9
The third argument of Nirbhai Singh makes sense when one
carefully examines the similarity between the teachings of the
Bhagats and the Gurus based on their writings in the Sikh scrip­
tures. However, his first two arguments acquire some validity only
when emphasis is placed upon the fact that at least six poet-saints
of the Adi Granth belonged to the Shudra caste. Besides the
julaha ('weaver')Kabir, there was Namdev the Chhimba ('cotton
printer'), Sain the Nai ('barber'), Sadhana the Kasai ('butcher'),
Dhanna thejat('peasant'), and Ravidas the Chamar ('cobbler').
All of them refuted the claims of brahminical orthodoxy. That is
why they were usually scorned by the learned and twice-born
and their compositions were generally ignored as being of no
significance.
4 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

In this context, it will be useful to look at the attitude of the

celebrated poet Tulsidas-a Brahmin (b. 1543) and a contempo­
rary of the Sikh Gurus-toward the low-caste poet-saints. Tulsidas
was a vehement defender of the smarta tradition, that is, the social
and religious order taught in the Dharmashastras and the Puranas
and based on the Vedas. It is no wonder that he frequently de­
scribes the horrors of Kaliyuga ('Dark Age') depicted by the
Bhagats and their compositions in the following manner:
'

In this Kaliyuga the 'devotees' describe bhakti by reciting verses (sakhis),

songs (shabads), couplets (dohas), stories, and anecdotes while they scorn
the Veda and Puranas.
(Dohavali, 554)

The Shudras dispute with Brahmins. They cast angry looks and scold: 'Are
we something less than you? V\ll10ever knows Brahman becomes a noble
Brahmin.'
( Ramacharitamanas)
Without any knowledge of Brahman, women and men speak about noth­
ing else. They are so controlled by greed that for a mere trifle they physi­
cally attack Brahmins and gurus.10
(Ramacharitamanas)

It is highly likely that here Tulsidas is alluding directly to Kabir

and other poet-saints who had attacked brahminical pretensions
in their compositions. Besides these poet-saints, he must have
intended to include Guru Nanak and his successors as well be­
cause they also composed the three types of verses to which h e
referred. Tulsidas considered all o f them a serious threat t o con­
ventional Hindu tradition and accused them in this way: 'They
leave the path of devotion to Hari and dream up many new
paths.'11 In the wake of such criticism, it is quite possible that
the learned class of that age did not recognize the Bhagat Bani
and that it was consequently often presented in inflated and di­
vergent versions. This may have helped to prompt the urge to
canonize the Bhagat Bani.
However, it should be emphasized that there are also four Brah­
min saints-Jaidev from Bengal, the celebrated Ramanand,
Parmanand and Surdas-whose verses are incorporated in the
Adi Granth. Although a token representation is given to them, it
is sufficient to justify the Sikh contention that the selection of the
Bhagat Bani was not made on the basis of any caste consideration.
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 5

In Sikhism, the caste system is categorically condemned as an

agent of institutionalized discrimination. Guru Nanak, for in­
stance, proclaims: 'Recognize the divine light within all and do
not inquire into one 's caste as there is no caste in the next
world. >12 The Guru clearly implies here that it is the divine light
(jot) symbolizing spiritual enlightenment, and not the caste (jati),
which gives human beings their worth. Moreover, the works by
two Sufi mystics, Shaikh Farid and Bhikhan, are also included in
the Adi Granth. Thus the criterion for the inclusion of the Bhagat
Bani was not based upon the caste or religion of the poet-saints.
W. Owen Cole has advanced another reason for the inclusion
of the Bhagats in the Adi Granth-that their beliefs were based
on ethical monotheism. He elaborates on the points of his argu­
ment as follows:
The features common to all of them are their belief in the one God who is
ultimately beyond physical form and sectarian garb, their emphasis upon
the inwardness of true religiosity and their importance in the history of
North Indian piety. All the main bhagats are represented. The most obvi­
ous reason for their inclusion is a wish to commend the Sikh Panth as
widely as possible by demonstrating its catholicity.13

Here Cole appears to be claiming that it was the intention of

the Gurus to commend the Sikh Panth ('community') as widely
as possible by including the Bhagats in the Adi Granth, and else­
where he explicitly states that the Gurus had wished to bring
together into the fold of Sikhism the disparate followers of the
poet-saints.14 This view may be accepted to a certain extent, but
this alone would appear to be too simplistic.
Recently, Nirmal Dass offers the following reasons for the in­
clusion of the Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth:
Thus by apposing the saints with the songs of the Gurus, Atjan placed the
tenets of the new faith within a religious context that stretched back to the
twelfth century, if not earlier. Consequently, Guru Arjan Dev not only en­
riched Sikh piety by historically contextualizing it, but more importantly
he gave it a prehistory. Therefore, the fifteen saints are not merely adjunct
to the Adi Granth, nor are they marginal to the teachings of tl1e Gurus;
rather they are the intertextual ground from which Sikh piety itself
·
springs-for prehistory implies continuity. In brief, the words of the Gu­
rus complete the utterances of the various saints: the old flows into the
new, and the new encompasses tl1e old; both receive and perfect each
other.1'
6 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

Here, Dass makes the following three points. First, the inclu­
sion of the compositions of the poet-saints in the Adi Granth
provides the historical context and prehistory. Second, the poet­
saints are not merely 'adjunct' or 'marginal' to the teachings of
the Gurus, but they are the 'intertextual ground' for the devel­
opment of the early Sikh tradition. Finally, they provide 'conti­
nuity' to radical inner religiosity of North India. On the whole,
the author intends to show that the Gurbani is an extension and
completion of the Bhagat Bani and that the Adi Granth is a 'new
Veda' for the Sikh community because it is part of the larger
Indian spiritual literary tradition. In a certain sense, his argu­
ments may be read as part of an agenda that attempts to dilute
the independent identity of Sikhism. Elsewhere, Dass argues that
hymns of the Gurus merge and become separated from these
intertextualities: 'It is through these contexts that Sikhism ar­
rives at specificity; an identity.'16 In other words, Sikh identity
depends upon these 'intertextualities'.
More recently, Haljot Oberoi has raised the question of the
inclusion of the Bhagat Bani in the Sikh scripture in the follow­
ing manner:
Given our contemporary denominational labeling, it may be hard to
understand why Sikh scripture, besides containing the writings of Sikh
Gurus, also includes a considerable number of compositions by Hindu
and Muslim saint-poets. There is no simple answer to this question.
Intriguingly, from time to time even some Sikhs have been baffled by this
religious inclusion across religious boundariesP
Oberoi then tries to speculate on the answer by saying that in
India religious boundaries were highly fluid in the premodern
period and that is 'perhaps' why the Bhagat Bani was included
in the Adi Granth. His answer is, however, based upon the
postmodern assumption that the discourse of 'world religions'
had no cultural register in the Indian environment.18 This
general view, held by most of the scholars oflndian studies, fails
to explain the process of identity-formation in the premodern
world that we encounter in the actual comments on the works of
the Bhagats made by the Gurus from time to time.
To sum up these arguments, it may be stated that it is partially
true that the hymns of the Bhagats are included in the Adi Granth
because of a basic agreement with the beliefs of the Gurus. It is
also true that Guru Arjan edited the Bhagat material before
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 7

incorporating it in the scripture and chose only those aspects of

the Bhagat Bani that were in basic agreement with the Sikh teach­
ings. But these assertions may not tell the whole story. They tend
to underscore the traditional view of absolute identity between
the teachings of the Bhagats and the Sikh Gurus. This is too
simplistic a view of what may have been a complex phenomenon.
There are, for instance, some verses of the Bhagats that are
juxtaposed with comments made on them by the Gurus. Par­
ticularly, the verses ofKabir, Shaikh Farid, Surdas and Dhanna19
have received direct comments from the Gurus. These comments
are not always made because of agreement between the Gurus
and the Bhagats, but are sometimes made to register clear dis­
agreements with the views of the Bhagats. In both instances of
agreement and disagreement, the comments of the Gurus serve
to define their own understanding of the developing Sikh com­
munity at that particular stage of its history. In this study we will
examine in more detail the concerns behind the Gurus' com­
ments on the verses of the poet-saints. These comments serve a
triple purpose. First, they highlight the Gurus' self-understand­
ing of particular themes contained in the verses of the Bhagats
and thereby promote a process of self-definition for the Sikh
community. For instance, the Gurus recommend the ideals of
moderate living and disciplined worldliness for the Sikh com­
munity in their comments on the verses of Shaikh Farid that
emphasize the ideals of self-torture. Second, the Gurus' com­
ments provide more clarity and understanding to the obscure
texts of the Bhagats so that they become intelligible. The aim
here is to render the whole of the Bhagat Bani coherent and its
message meaningful to the Gurus' contemporary audience.
Third, these comments voice emphatically the Gurus' differences
from the Bhagats on certain important issues. For instance, the
Gurus differ from both Kabir and Shaikh Farid on the issue of
the primacy of divine grace over personal effort in spiritual
progress. The Sikh view of divine grace requires one to believe
that the whole of one's spiritual progress is a matter of divine
grace, not of one's efforts alone. Thus, in their comments on
the verses of the poet-saints, the Gurus emphasize that God's
gifts are not ultimately dependent upon the merit of an indi­
vidual. Divine grace is ultimately fundamental but is a mystery.
In the light of these observations it may be stated that the selections
 8 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

from the Bhagat Bani were not made exclusively on the basis of
identity with the teachings of the Gurus. There is difference as
well as identity. It is important to note that the Gurus were deeply
concerned about cultivating a particular Sikh view of true teach­
ing, practice and community by way of commenting on and edit­
ing the received tradition of the Bhagat Bani.

COLLECTION OF THE BHAGAT BANI

Sometimes, it is suggested that the inclusion of the Bhagat Bani

in the Adi Granth was motivated primarily by the popular
impulse of the times in which different sectarian traditions
(sampraday) were equally involved in moulding the poetry of
the Sants into collections of scripture. For instance, the
Fatehpur manuscript (15 82 CE) on Surdas contains a total of
149 hymns (padas) by other poets including Kabir ( 15), Ravidas
(8) and Namdev (11).20 But the kind of selection and treatment
of the Bhagat Bani that we encounter in the Adi Granth
__collection wouldscarcelr be found anywhere else. We shall
return to this point in the following section and the next three
chapters of this study.
It is instructive to note that Kabir is prominently represented
in the Sikh scripture, followed by Namdev, Ravidas and Shaikh
Farid, although eleven other figures from different regions and
castes are included to reinforce the pan-Indian stance of the Sikh
movement. These Sants, Sufis and Bhagats hailed from Banaras
(Kabir and Ravidas), Satara (Namdev), Sholapur (Trilochan and
Parmanand), Pakpattan (Shaikh Farid), Tonk (Beni and
Dhanna), Oudh (Surdas), Lucknow (Bhikhan), Rewa (Sen),
Gagraun (Pipa), Sindh (Sadhana), Paryag (Ramanand) and
Birbhum (Jaidev). To a certain extent the presence of the Bhagat
Bani in the Sikh scripture justifies the inclusive ideal of Guru
Arjan's editorial perspective.21 In this context, Surjit Hans
argues that by including the poet-saints, the Sikh faith claims to
transcend and subsume the different regional and caste divisions
of the Bhakti movement. 22
On the whole Bhagat Bani covers approximately 117 pages of
the standard Adi Granth pagination of the 1430-page-text,
constituting slightly over eight per cent (8.2%) of the Bhagats'
contribution to the Sikh scripture. The following Table 1.1
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 9

provides us with a chronological chart of these poet-saints, along

with their contributions in the Adi Granth:

TABLE 1.1 . Information about the Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

No. Name Dates Place Hymns Saloks Longer

Works

1 Shaikh Farid 1 1 73-1 265 Pakpattan 4 112

2 Jaidev l ca. 1 1 70-1 245 Birbhum 2
1} Trilochan ca. 1 267-1335 Sholapur 4
4 Namdev ca. 1 270-1350 Satara 61 2
5 Sadhana 1 5th CE Sindh 1
6 Beni 1 5th CE Tonk 3
7 Ramanand ca. 1 366-1467 Paryag 1
8 Kabir ca. 1 398-1448 Banaras 224 237 3
9 Ravidas ca. 1 450-1 520 Banaras 40
1 0 Pipa 1 5th CE Gagraun 1
1 1 Sain ca. 1 390-1 440 Rewa 1
1 2 Dhanna 1 5th CE Tonk 3
1 3 Bhik.han 1 480-1 573 Lucknow 2
1 4 Parmanand 1 5th CE Sholapur
1 5 Surdas ca. 1478-1585 Oudh 1 line
only

Let us now address the issue of the collection of the Bhagat

Bani. There are four major theories regarding the transmission
of the hymns of the poet-saints and their inclusion in the Adi
Granth. The first one relates to the Sant poetry in general and is
advanced by Winand M. Callewaert.23 Accordingly, the hymns
of the poet-saints were used by travelling singers in their perfor­
mances as they went from village to village, from one region to
another, in different parts ofNorth India.Not surprisingly, these
songs became a part of their musical repertoires. As these
repertoires grew bigger, some musicians started to keep note­
books as an aid to their memory. They frequently adjusted the
poetic line to suit the rhythm and adapted the language for the
convenience of the audience. Evidently, the variants in the hymns
of the poet-saints that we encounter in different manuscripts
available in different regions are to a great extent musical, and
often of minor importance. It was through a singing tradition
10 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

that these hymns reached Punjab and became accessible to the

Sikh Gurus.
The second theory is based upon traditional Sikh sources,
beginning with Sarup Das Bhalla' s Mahima Prakash (1776) in the
eighteenth century. The author reports that various Bhagats (in
addition to the fifteen poet -saints, the name of Mira Bai, also
appears in the list) approached Guru Arjan with the request to
include their hymns in the Sikh scripture. Accordingly, the Guru
incorporated their hymns in the sacred text but rejected the
hymns of four other poet-saints, namely, Kahna, Chh:yu, Pilo
and Shah Hussain of Lahore.24 The rejected hymns did not
conform to the 'spiritual tone and meaning' of Sikh teachings
because of the following reasons: first, the claim that a human
being is somehow complementary to God; second, the deprecation
of women; third, the denunciation of human birth; and fourth,
the quietist attitude towards life.25 This narrative reappears with
additional fanciful details in later Sikh sources, Sikhan di
Bhagatmala (late eighteenth century), Sri Gurbilas Patashahi 6
(1840) , Suraj Prakash (1843) and Tvarikh Guru Khalsa (1894).2 6
The authors of these chronicles knew that many of the poet­
saints belonged to earlier periods and that they could not be
present in the Sikh court in the physical form in a historical sense.
To overcome this difficulty of chronology, the Bhagats were made
to appear in 'spiritual forms' at the Sikh court before Guru
Arjan.27 Due to the many difficulties of this traditional under­
standing, scholars have questioned the theory that Guru Arjan
was solely responsible for the inclusion of the Bhagat Bani for
the first time in the Sikh scripture.28
The third theory about the question of how and when the
Bhagat Bani was introduced in the Sikh scriptural tradition is
more sophisticated. It is based upon the scientific and ratio­
nalistic influence of the western mode of education, introduced
in the Punjab during the colonial period. At the turn of the
twentieth century the Singh Sabha scholars, trained in the new
educational system, addressed this issue purely on the basis of
internal evidence from the writings of the Gurus and the
Bhagats. They applied the form-critical method of Biblical
scholarship to study the close affinities between certain hymns
of Guru Nanak and those of the Bhagats to form their own opinion.
By the end of the first half of the twentieth century, Teja Singh
 \
Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth II

and Sahib Singh skillfully argued that it was Guru Nanak himself
who introduced the Bhagat Bani in the Sikh scriptural tradition
in the early sixteenth century.29 They further argued that Guru
Nanak's extensive travels provided him with an opportunity to
collect the hymns of the poet-saints. They established a firm
connection ben.veen the hymns of Guru Nanak and those of
Shaikh Farid, although this has been recently questioned.30 We
will return to this issue in Chapter 2 and show that Guru Nanak
certainly knew some of Shaikh Farid's works. The link between
the works of Guru Nanak, Kabir and other Bhagats, however,
cannot be sustained. This issue will be treated in Chapter 3. In
the light of recent research on early manuscripts in textual
studies, there is no documentary evidence to support the
contention that Guru Nanak was primarily responsible for
collecting the hymns of the poet-saints and making them part
and parcel of Sikh scriptural tradition.
The fourth theory about the entry of the Bhagat Bani in the
early textual tradition is linked with the name of Guru Amar
Das. Mohan Singh Dewana and G.B. Singh proposed it in the
middle of the last century on the basis of their work on early
Sikh manuscripts.31 Recently, Giani Gurdit Singh, Balbir Singh
Dil and Gurinder Singh Mann have endorsed this theory on the
basis of their research.32 It has the support of the following
historical facts that may be regarded as part of hard evidence.
First, it was Guru Amar Das who mentioned the names of Kabir
and Namdev for the first time in his hymns. Second, he also in­
serted a number of Kabir's saloks in his own vars ('ballads')
and responded to them in his commentary verses for the sake
of defining true teachings, practice and community from the
viewpoint of Sikh doctrine. Third, Guru Amar Das provides the
reasons underlying the inclusion of the Bhagat Bani in the Sikh
scriptural tradition in a particularly interesting verse:
Namdev the Chimba ('cotton printer') and Kabir the julaha ('weaver')
obtained their spiritual status from the perfect Guru. In divine knowl­
edge, recognizing the Word (shabad), they spurned all self-centredness
(haumaz) and caste. Even gods and men sing their bani and none can wipe
it away, my brother.
(M3, Siri Ragu 22, AG, p. 67)
Here Guru Amar Das acknowledges that Namdev and Kabir
had the experience of divine Truth that they proclaimed in
12 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

verbal form (shabad) in their compositions. Thus their inclusion

in the Sikh scriptural tradition follows naturally from the
doctrine of the universal bani that appears perpetually in all
ages in the works of the Bhagats.33 What cannot be effaced
deserves to be preserved, and thus collected alongside the works
of the Gurus.
Four, the presence of the Bhagat Bani in the two available
copies of the Goindval volumes (pothis) provides the documentary
evidence that Guru Amar Das was responsible for introducing
the compositions of medieval poet-saints into the early scrip­
tural tradition. Finally, before coming to the Sikh fold Guru
Amar Das was reputedly known as a staunch Vaishnava who
loved devotional songs and visiting pilgrimage centres in his
early life. We have contemporary evidence about his visits to
Hindu pilgrimage centres after he was designated as the third
Guru in the lineage of Guru Nanak.34 Not surprisingly, he
may have collected the hymns of the Bhagats during those
visits and made them an integral part of the Goindval pothis
later on.
In sum, the fourth theory has the strongest support in con­
temporary research although it is still based on partial evidence.
We do not yet have access to the two missing manuscripts of
the Goindval pothis.Their sudden appearance in the future
might change the whole picture.Even the Guru Harsahai pothi
. that was stolen in 1970 might resurface on the scene. Then it
will be possible to accept the claim that the Bhagat Bani was
not part of the first portion of that document. For the time
being we must suspend our judgement on the issue of whether
the Guru Harsahai pothi was identical with Guru Nanak's pothi
or not. It should, however, be emphasized here that no single
theory is sufficient in itself to understand the issue of the
collection of the Bhagat Bani in the early Sikh scriptural tradition.
We must not dismiss the first three theories completely. Parts
of them must be taken into account while forming a compre­
hensive picture and an accurate assessment of this issue. For
instance, how can we completely ignore the role of Guru Arjan
who was ultimately responsible for establishing the canonical
form of the hymns of the Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth? This
will become increasingly clear as we proceed in our analysis in
this study.
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 13

CANONIZATION OF THE BHAGAT BANI

The ministry of Guru Amar Das was certainly marked by the

institutional and geographical expansion of the Sikh Panth. It
included the establishment ofthe city ofGoindval, the bi-annual
festival ofDivali and Baisakhi, providing an opportunity for the
growing community to get together and meet the Guru, and the
establishment ofa missionary system ( manjis) for attracting new
converts. There was a demand for copies of the bani in various
Sikh sangats ('congregations') . Bhai Gurdas indica tes the names
of Pandha and Bula as the singer and scribe of the third Guru
who made copies ofthe hymns ofthe Gurus to distribute among
the Sikhs.35 It is quite possible that the issue of the floating of
the divergent versions ofthe hymns ofthe poet-saints would be
raised among the various sangats. These hymns were circulating
in the Punjab through travelling singers who used them in kirtan
(' devotional singing' ) sessions.36 That was why they were taken
as a starting point during the selection process, to be confirmed
after Guru Amar Das had carefully gone through them. The
selection process began with a sifting through the writings of
those Bhagats who shared the Sikh theological vision, a vision
that involved a beliefin one God beyond all form and sectarian
garb, the basic equality of human beings, the doctrine of the
Word (shabad) , the spiritual discipline of nam-simaran, the
doctrine of God as true Guru immanen� in the human heart,
mind and soul ( man) , the company of saintly people, and the
emphasis upon true inner religiosity. Those hymns that did not
conform to these ideals were rejected during the preliminary
scrutiny.
In the Goindval pothis the dusters of hymns by Kabir and
Namdev are entitled 'The hymns in Bhairau mode by Kamiru and
Nama, the devotees ofGuru Baba [Nanak) . '37 Two explanations
may be offered for this striking title concerning the status of the
poet-saints in the Sikh tradition. First, we have already noted how
the learned Brahmins generally scorned Kabir and Namdev and
how they ignored their compositions as being ofno significance.
The following verse ofNamdev's autobiographical hymn in the
Malar raga indicates how he suffered abuse at the hands of the
Brahmins: ' I infuriated all those deluded by their high birth. With
shouts of "Shudra ! Shudra ! " they beat me and threw me out [of
14 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

the temple] . What am I to do, 0 Father Bithala?'38 Commenting

on the low-born Sants including Kabir and Namdev, for instance,
Charlotte Vaudeville writes: 'They are generally ignorant, if not
always illiterate, workshop prophets and village saints whom the
learned and high-born despise and ignore. ' 39 In the wake of such
criticism it may have been necessary for Guru Amar Das t o
describe Kabir and Namdev a s devotees of Guru Nanak so that
he could establish them in the early Sikh scriptural tradition.
Second, the title in the Goindval pothis may reflect an editorial
device that simultaneously incorporates and supersedes the
compositions of the Bhagats. To use Wilfred Cantweel Smith's
phrase, it may also imply that the Bhagat Bani was held at that
particular time as 'a somewhat sub-ordinate part and parcel' of
the early Sikh scriptural tradition. By making Kabir and Namdev
'devotees of Guru Nanak,' the third Guru was in fact extending
an open invitation to their followers to join the Sikh Panth. I t
should, however, be emphasized that the title in the Goindval
pothis reflects the contemporary Sikh understanding of the
status of Kabir and Namdev as devotees of Guru Nanak. This
understanding may be seen in the panegyrics of bards in praise
ofGuru Nanak.40 It was part of the ancient triumphant (digvijaya)
tradition. We will return to this issue in the fifth chapter.
Guru Aljan extended the precedent set by Guru Amar Das
when he compiled the first canonical text of the Adi Granth in
1604. He made further selections and dropped several hymns of
Kabir and Namdev available in the copies of the Goindval volumes.
In the case of the works of Namdev, he seems to have recast
certain hymns to fit them in the context of the teachings of the
Gurus and simplified the language of others originally composed
in the Marathi dialect. There are 1 48 hymns of the Bhagats in
the two extant copies of the Goindval pothis in eleven raga
sections. Of these 1 2 9 hymns were introduced in the Kartarpur
manuscript (160 4) in their revised form while nineteen hymns
were excluded.41 It is interesting to note that of the nineteen
'excluded hymns' only three hymns are in the hand of the prime
scribe while the other sixteen are in the hand of the second scribe
and are invariably written at the closing of the raga sections. It is
quite possible that these sixteen hymns were not part of the
original Goindval pothis and that Baba Mohan introduced them
in the two available copies later. Some of these hymns are
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 15

coloured with Vaishnava ideals and hence th ey were not)ikely to

be acceptable to GuruArjan. Moreover, thirty-four other hymns
that were included in the Kartarpur manuscript came from
independent sources. It means that there existed some other
manuscripts ofthe Bhagat Bani that were available to Guru Arjan
at the time of the making of the Sikh scripture.
Let me now address the issue of certain hymns of the Bhagats
that were deleted from the first canonical text. These hymns must
have had considerable a priori status to get so far as to be
included in the Kartaipur manuscript. Their subsequent deletion,
however, raises the following important questions: Why were
these hymns included in the Sikh scripture in the first place and
why were they excluded later on? Could the later deletions
reflect a tension between the followers of the Bhagats and the
Sikhs at that particular time? The answers to these questions have
been supplied in my major work on the formation of the Sikh
canon.42 The following four hymns of Kabir were deleted either
by the use of hartal ( 'yellow-greenish paste' used to cover the
writing) . or erased with a pen in the Kartarpur manuscript:
( 1 ) Kabir's Gauri salok (folio 275) ; (2) Kabir's Asa hymn (folio
374} ; (3) Kabir's Sorathi hymn (folio 497) ; and (4) Kabir's salok
( Folio 943) . Mira Bai's hymn was originally present in the Maru
raga in the Kartarpur manuscript (folio 8 1 1 ) but subsequently
,

deemed unworthy of inclusion and hence was crossed out with a

pen. Furthermore, a single line ofSurdas's hymn stands recorded
in the Sarang raga (folio 885 ) , followed by a blank space. The
rest of the hymn was not recorded. Even the single line is followed
by Guru Arjan ' s comment on the issue raised by Surdas. An
examination of old manuscripts indicates that the scribes normally
used the hartal during the process of writing (when they were
so directed to delete a particular verse or hymn) , whereas the
crossing out with a pen reflects a later decision of the editor to
exclude a particular composition from the scripture. A marginal
note sometimes accompanied the latter. All these examples clearly
illustrate Guru Arjan's readiness to exercise editorial discretion.
This was part of the process of canonization of the Bhagat Bani
in the Sikh scripture.
Guru Arjan arranged the works of the Bhagats under the
common title of 'The bani of Bhagats [such as] Kabir, Namdev
and Ravidas in Asa mode.'43 This new title indicates that the
16 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

Bhagats J¥ere duly acknowledged as part and parcel of the Sikh

tradition when their compositions were included in the final text
of the Adi Granth. It also suggests that they all shared a common
status because they were all adjudged to have spoken the divine
Word (shabad) and confirmed as such by the Sikh Gurus. It is
quite possible that by this time the followers of the Bhagats had
become part of the Sikh Panth. It is, however, important to note
that a clear distinction is always maintained between the Gurbani
and the Bhagat Bani in the very structure of the Sikh scripture.
The writings of the Bhagats are kept separate from those of the
Gurus and are placed at the end of each raga section.
It is instructive to note carefully the use of 'poetic signature'
(chhap) in the comments of the Gurus when they offer their
reflections on the verses of the poet-saints. In contrast with Guru
Nanak ' s comments on Shaikh Farid and Guru Amar Das ' s
reflections o n both Kabir and Farid, Guru Arjan ' s verses of
commentary bear the signatures of the Bhagats who are being
commented upon. This new convention shows a more intimate
relationship with the Bhagat Bani. In these instances, Guru Arjan
actually addresses the followers of Kabir or Farid directly, while
commenting on a particular composition of the Sant or Sufi
poet.44 Through these comments he in fact addresses the issues
that were being debated between the Sikh community and the
followers of the poet-saints. There is an interesting instance in
the Bhai.rau raga where Guru Aijan has inserted his own hymn
in Kabir's works and employed his signature as well. It reads as
follows:
Bhairau Mahala 5II
Those who call stones gods waste their devotion. Those who prostrate them­
selves before their feet waste their efforts. ( 1 ) My Lord ( lhakur) is alive. He
bestows blessings on aiL ( 1 ) Refrain ( rahau) . The blind do not see God
who is inside them; caught in Jsion, they are trapped. Neither the stones
•

speak nor do they give any blessing. Serving them bears no fiuit. (2) If you
rub sandal paste on a corpse, tell me, what good will it be to the corpse?
And if you roll a corpse in filth, does it really matter to the corpse? (3) Says
Kabir: 'I am shouting with loud voice: See and ponder, 0 hardened fools!
They who offer their loving devotion to 'other' [objects such as stones and
dead bodies] have destroyed many homes. Only Ram's devotees are truly
happy.' (4)45
(M5, Bhairau 1 2, AG, p. 1 1 60)
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 17

N otably, this hymn i s attributed to Kabir i n the Jalandhar

copy of the Goindval pothis, although it is quite possible that
the compiler of the volume attributed this hymn to Kabir based
on its chhap alone.46 Here, Guru Aijan has employed Kabir's
signature because of his strong ideas of iconoclasm to apprise
his own audience that i t is useless to worship s tone-gods and
dead bodies. In this context, Linda Hess aptly observes: 'Kabir
�-- �is famoiis-for-his solitariness, vigor, fearlessness, and iconoclasm;
for his swift and original mind that pierces dark places with
sudden probes of light and finds a natural idiom in paradox
and obscure metaphor. '47
Many scholars have misunderstood this convention of the use
of Kabir's signature in Guru Aijan's comments.48 For instance,
Nirmal Dass makes the following observations on the comments
of Guru Amar Das and Guru Aijan on Kabir:

A particular sense of authorship is at play here. The Sikh Gurus all took
the pseudonym 'Nanak', the personal name of their first Guru; this was to
demonstrate continuity-the 'spirit' ofNanak was embodied in all of them.
The signature 'Nanak' authorized a poetic utterance. When Guru Arjan
Dev and Guru Amar Das approach Kabir's work, they freely move within it
also in order to highlight this continuity-what Kabir said is what the two
gurus say-the tradition, the utterance, begun by Kabir is now being
completed. 49

Here, Dass interprets the use of Kabir's signature as an indi­

cation of 'continuity' and ' completion' of Kabir's ideas by the
Gurus. These examples, he argues, are in fact, affirmation of
Kabir's work: there is agreement, endorsement, and if need be,
clarification.50 This is partially true. However, in Dass's mind
there is no place for any kind of disagreement between the ideas
of the Gurus and those of Kabir. This is far from the truth. We
will see in Chapter 3 how Guru Amar Das and Guru Arj an
frequently disagree with Kabir's ideas and how they try to
provide correctives to his views on important issues from the
viewpoint of their own religious ideals.
In conclusion, let me make a brief comment on the technique
of textual commentary in religious debates. In the context of
the present discussion, Gurinder Singh Mann has recently made
the following assertion: 'The very practice of engaging in dialogue
began with Guru Amar Das and was expanded by his successors. '51
18 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

This is not correct. First, Guru Nanak's Siddha Goshti (' Discourse
with the Siddhas') in the Ramakali mode provides clear evidence
that this technique began with him. The immediate influence in
the Punjab was that of the Naths and Sufis and Guru Nanak
responded to them by commenting on their writings. Second,
even if we accept Guru Amar Das's authorship of the Suhi hymn
(jap tap ka bandh berula) there are still four saloks of Guru Nanak
that are direct comments on the works of Shaikh Farid.52 Finally,
Guru Amar Das adopted the technique of textual commentary
from the writings of Guru Nanak. In fact, most of his compositions
are carefully modelled on the pattern of the works of the first
Guru.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

To put the inquiry into a theoretical framework we need to

examine the various issues related to the Bhagat Bani from the
perspectives of the notion of a universe of discourse, the theory
of the divine Name, the idea of religious pluralism and the issue
of self-definition. Also, we need to set the procedure for this
study that will be followed in the next chapters.

1. The Notion of a Universe of Discourse

Recent scholarship has placed a great deal offocus on the notion

of a universe of discourse. It generally refers to a type oflanguage
associated with an institution, and includes the ideas and
statements that express an institution's values. For instance, in
Michael Foucault's writings, the idea of discourse is used to
describe individual acts of language, or 'language in action'­
the ideas and statements that allow us to make sense of and 'see'
things in their proper perspective. These discursive windows or
explanations shape our understanding of ourselves, and our
capacity to distinguish the valuable from the valueless, the true
from the false, and the right from the wrong. Indeed, discourses
operate as forms of language working through vari ous
institutional settings to lay down the grounds upon which we
make sense of the world. They can be analyzed at various levels,
from their basic constituents, statements, to accumulat e d
discursive formations, which provide the basis for the way i n which
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 19

people make sense of the world in certain times and certain

places. 53
In fact, the CQncept of ideology may be defined as a form of
discourse, primarily verbal but also behavioural, that directly or
indirectly claims to describe the structures and functioning of
society in such a way as to define the power relationships among
different groups within the society. 54 The present study relates
to an examination of the texts based upon what may be called
'Bhakti discourse' of medieval India. The Bhakti movement arose
as a phenomenon of a set of religious ideas and structures first
seen in the South in the seventh century and which slowly spread
up to the North by the fifteenth century. 55 The protagonists of
this movement employed vernaculars as literary languages in con­
trast with the classical Sanskrit of the ancient Hindu tradition.
They opened the doors of liberation to all persons including
women and members of most non-privileged classes ( varanas)
such as Shudras. Thus they offered a challenge to earlier classi­
cal Hindu tradition based on the Vedas and Dharmashastras
that had become the exclusive province of a small Brahmin elite
wlio had 'unilaterally barred the rest of the population from any
direct eligibility for salvation, or even from hearing Vedic texts
on which the Brahmin's religious authority depended. '56
It is, however, misleading to speak of a single organic or mono­
lithic Bhakti movement. Different groups employed various
regional languages in their poetry, directed their devotion to
different deities, and assumed distinct theological standpoints. 57
Since the classi cal period ofNorth Indian Bhakti in the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries, two major streams of thought have
emerged in the form of nirguna and saguna discourses, primarily
on the basis of a theological difference in the way of conceptualiz­
ing the nature of the divine being that is the object of devotion.
The persons who follow nirguna ('without attributes') school of
thought prefer to worship a divine being who remains mostly
non-anthropomorphic. These devotees are commonly referred
to as nirguna Bhagats or simply Sants. They were a group of
mystical poets who preferred to worship God 'without attributes'
or 'without form' ( nirankar) . They had a tendency to be critical
of anyone who approached God through icon and legend, as
most Hindus did then or do evert today.58 They believed in the
basic equality of human beings and thus reje cted all social
20 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

distinctions based upon the caste system. They shunned the

outward symbols ofreligious life, including images, formal religious
exercises, pilgrimages and ritual bathing associated with the ideas
of pollution and purity. They challenged the authority of the
scriptures, the priests and sacred languages, and expressed their
ideas not in the traditional Sanskrit but in the vernacular that
enabled the common people to access and participate equally
in religious discourse. By rejecting the doctrine of avatar (incar­
nation of a deity, usually Vishnu) they diverged radically fro m
the Vaishnava bhakti� Their emphasis was o n a strictly inward
meditation on the divine Name as the sole means of deliverance
from the cycle of transmigration.
The devotees ( bhagats) who follow God 'with attributes'
(saguna) affirm that God has indeed entered History and taken
form-even the form of an image in a temple. They worship
anthropomorphic manifestations of the divine being. They are
also called Vaishnavas because they tend to be worshippers of
one of the two major expressions of the high god Vishnu: his
avatars Krishna and Ram. 59 Since these followers constitute the
majority, their movement has generally been equated with the
'main Bhakti tradition'. Thus the discourse of saguna bhakti has
been dominant in the Hindu community fo r more than a
thousand years. Not surprisingly, except in the Punjab nirguna
bhakti has remained a subordinate, minority tradition subj ect
to the 'hegemony' ofthe saguna tradition.60 In this context, David
Lorenzen has aptly observed: ' Indeed, it is precisely the distinction
between hegemonic and subordinate or subaltern ideological
discourse that underlies the distinction between the nirg;uni and
sag;uni devotional movements.'61 He further notes: 'Theological
differences are not simply the product of historical accident; they
are symptomatic and expressive of differences in social identities. '62
In other words, theological differences in beliefs and practices
provide the foundation for different identities and ideologies of
different groups.
Although the origins of Sikhism may be trace d back to the
nirguna current of Bhakti or the Sant tradition ofNorth India, I t
has established a conscious identity o fits own as a separate religion.
The main purpose of the present study is to understand the
interaction between the early Sikh tradition and the various
religious traditions of the Punjab. Through this exercise we will
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 21

b e able t o look a t the process o fidentity-formation more closely

in the early period when the discourse of Sikhism as an inde­
pendent scripture gained currency, especially within the oppo­
sitions ofSanskrit/Prakrit and classical/vernacular, leading to a
more adequate understanding of the rise of Sikhism as a claim
to re-open revelation ( shrutt) . Despite the stress laid on the
nirguna discourse within the Sikh tradition which directs the
devotee to worship a non-incarnated, universal God, in the Sikh
doctrine God is partially embodied in the divine Name (nam)
and in the collective Words (bani) and in the person ofthe Guru
and the saints.63 Sikhism thus tries to transcend the dichotomy
ofnirguna and saguna discourses.

2. The Theory of the Divine Name

One of the most significant criteria for the inclusion of the
Bhagats in the Adi Granth was that they experienced a vision of
Akal Purakh ( ' the Timeless One', God) by following the interior
discipline of mi.m-simaran ( 'the remembrance of the divine
Name') in spite of their low caste. In fact, the discipline of the
divine Name was at the heart ofvarious strands of the Sant, Sufi
and Bhakti movements.64 If Shaikh Farid was stressing the
remembrance ofthe divine Name ('They who forget the divine
Name become a burden on the earth ') in the 1 3th-century
Punjab, thenJaidev was singing the glory of God's Name as .the
' sole ambrosia and essence o f life' in Bengal.65 For the
Maharashtrian Sant Namdev, the divine Name is the support of
life in much the same way as a ' guide-stick' ( khundkara) is to the
blind.66 In Kabir's teachings the divine Name is 'conceived ofas
unique and as expressing or revealing in a mysterious manner
the all-pervading Reality: it is the voiced form of the divine'.67
Similarly, the transforming power of the divine Name to grant
liberation to the fallen is the central feature in Ravidas' s works.68
In this context, the most striking example is Guru Arjan's Basant
Astapadi in which he illuminates the spiritual attainment of all
the poet-saints who followed the discipline of the divine Name. 69
The word nam (' divine Name' ) along with its cognates occurs
5999 times in the Adi Granth that evidently refers to its centrality
in the teachings of the Gurus.70 W.H. McLeod has offered the
following definition ofthis term: 'The Name is the total expression
22 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

of all that God [Akal Purakh] is, and this is Truth. Sati Nam-His
name is Truth. Mediate on this and you shall be saved. '71 In Guru
Nanak's teachings, therefore, the nam expresses the nature of
divine revelation in its totality. Accordingly, the nam reflects the
manifestation of divine presence everywhere around us and
within us, yet the people fail to perceive it due to their haumai
or self-centeredness. The Punjabi term haumai ('1, I') signifies
the powerful impulse to succumb to personal gratification so
that a person is separated from Akal Purakh, and thus continues
to suffer within the cycle of rebirth ( sansar) . However, Akal
Purakh who is the sole Creator of the entire universe looks
graciously upon the suffering of the people. He reveals himself
through the Guru by uttering the shabad ( 'divine Word') that
communicates a sufficient understanding of the nam to those
who are able to 'hear' it. The Guru is thus the 'voice' of Akal
Purakh, mystically uttered within the human heart, mind and
soul ( man) . The shabad is the actual 'utterance' and in 'hearing'
it a person awakens to the reality of the divine Name, immanent
in all that lies around and within one.72
This theory of the divine Name has certain features common
with the Shabad-Brahman ('Word-Absolute') notion of the Gram­
marians of Indian philosophy.73 According to this concept the
Being ( sat) of God is evoked by the spoken syllables ofhis revealed
Name (nam ) . Indeed, the divine Name contains in seed form all
revelations. It is the material cause of the wor+d and has identity
with the 'divine sound' (shabad) from which all things spring. The
devotees evoke this omniscient knowledge and power by chanting
the 'seed form' (usually 'Vahiguru', meaning 'Praise to the Eternal
Guru' ) . The sound vibrations of this 'seed form' of the divine Name
are supremely powerful. They resonate with and awaken the vibra­
tions ofthe various hymns ofthe Adi Granth. To chant God's Name,
therefore, is to say ' in short form' all that is written in full in the Adi
Granth. The devotional practice of chanting the divine Name or
singing the hymns of the Adi Granth leads a devotee to the same
mental and spiritual state experienced by the Guru.74
As pure Being or Truth God is an impersonal-Absolute which
cannot articulate itself. Thus there is a need for a mystic (Guru or
Bhagat) through whom th e undifferentiated sound of the
Absolute becomes differentiated . The Guru is an awakened
individual who has a clear vision of the Absolute and it is through
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 23

him that the Word-Absolute articulates itself. Such a Guru has given
up his individual identity based on self-centredness (haumai) and
is merged with God. Indeed, the words he utters come forth spon­
taneously without any effort on his part. Such words are to be dis­
tinguished from words and names produced by human effort. Thus
the words of the Guru (g;urbani) are of a differe n t order of
language; They are special revelation (satnam) because they refer
to something that is real and true (sat) . It is no wonder that gurbani
occupies a unique place in the Sikh tradition. In fact, this is the
philosophical basis of the adoration of the Guru Granth Sahib.75
It is instructive to underline the radical difference between the
Name of God and the names of God. In the Sikh scripture both
Hindu and Muslim names of God are commonly employed. They
express different aspects of the divine Name. For instance, Ram,
Hari, Govind, Mukand, Madhav, Murari, Sarangapani, Parmeshvar,
Jagdish and so on, refer exclusively to Hindu (particularly
Vaishnava) names, while Allah, Khuda, Rahim, Karim and Sahib
are of Muslim origin. These names are 'designated names' (kirtam
nam) in various religious traditions associated with different at­
tributes of God.76 The 'truth of the Name' (satnam) is, however,
far beyond these names. It points towards the reality that i s
beyond any given name. For Kabir, 'Ram' i s the divine Name par
excellence. This 'Ram' has nothing to do with the divinized hero of
Ramayana or with the incarnation of Vishnu, but connotes the
all-pervading Being.77 In this context. Guru Nanak acknowledged
the usage of different names of God across religious boundaries:
'What can the poor Nanak say? All the [devout] people praise the
One Lord. Nanak' s head is at the feet of such people [in rever­
ence] . May I be a sacrifice to all Your Names, 0 Timeless One! '78
In order to bring cross-cultural and comparative insights in
our analysis let us focus briefly on Jacques Derrida's discussion
entitled ' On the Name ' . He refers to via negativa theology in
Greek, Christian andJewish networks, in which 'reference to God,
· the name of God, with the experience of place' is frequently
mentioned as follows:

They name God, speak of him, speak him, speak to him, let him speak in
them, let themselves be carried by him, make (themselves) a reference to
just what the name supposes to name beyond itself, the nameable beyond
the name, the unnameable nameable. As if it was necessary both to save
the name and to save everything except the name, save the name [ . . . ), as if
24 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

it was necessary to lose the name in order to save what bears the name, or
that toward which one goes through the name. But to lose the name is not
to attack it, to destroy it or wound it. On the contrary, to lose the name is
quite simply to respect it: as name.79
Not surprisingly, the underlying theme in Derrida's analysis
points toward the incomprehensibility of the nature of God's
Name. This approach is quite similar to the one adopted by
Indian philosophers in defining the nirguna aspect of ultimate
Reality in negatives ( neti neti, 'not this, not this' ) : 'So neti neti is a
perfecdy valid language. In this process, first of all, we make an
ascription , and then we negate it. In the transition from false
ascription to the negation, we become conscious of the ground
on which we made a certain false ascription and then negate it.
We say that there is something behind, which is a support of this
false ascription. So it can be known through negation . '80
In a similar vein, Piar Singh makes the following observation
from the Sikh point of view: 'Yearning for Name in Gurbani is
tantamount to yearning for the Being whose actual Name we do
not know, but to whom we are content to refer symbolically as
nam, meaning thereby "whatever His Name is".'81 It is no wonder
that Guru Go bind Singh 's Jap Sahib declares the 'Immortal One'
(Aka() as 'Nameless' ( anam) even though he offers a lengthy
catalogue of epithets to describe his Names.82 Further, Derrida
continues his discussion on the name as follows: 'It is a matter of
holding the promise of saying the truth at any price, of testifying,
of rendering oneself to the truth of the name, to the thing itself
such as it must be named by the name, that is, beyond the name. '83
Indeed, the truth of the Name may become apparent from the
'referential transcendence' of which the negative way is the only
one methodic approach in our understanding.84 There are
schools in the Christian mystical tradition that lay emphasis on
the repetition of the divine Name as part of their religious ·

discipline. For instance, Eastern Orthodox Christian tradition

recommends the continual repetition of Jesus Prayer for its
adherents. Similarly, Diarysius provides us with a classic example
ofwestern spirituality based on the divine Names.
The theory of the divine Name enjoys the most esteemed place in
Islam. In the Qur'an God calls himselfAllah, revealing his persorlhl
Name. This name is normally heightened by calligraphic means or
written in gold in precious copies of the Qur'an. In this context,
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 25

Annemarie Schimmel makes the point that Islam is the so-called

'prophetic religion' that tends to 'address God with a name, for He
has to be 'nameable' ( . . . . ) so that He can be known and obeyed'.85
She then contrasts this with 'mystical religion' that tends to hide the
divine Name. For instance, the Mughal prince, Dara Shikoh ( 1615-
59) , whose relation to the Upanishads and the seventh Sikh Guru,
Har Rai, is well known, says at the beginning of his poetry: 'In the
Name of Him who has no Name, Who lifts His head at whichever
name you call. '86 Even though the Sufis knew that the Qur'an
highlights ninety-nine beautiful Names of God, they also knew that
the gre:atest Name of God must never be revealed to the uninitiated,
as 'someone who knows it would be able to perform heavy incanta­
tions and magic, for the Name has a strong power. '87 The following
cita�on by Jalal al-Din Rumi ( 1 207-73) illustrates the power of the
divine Name: 'Someone who pronounces His name, his bones don't
decay in the grave.'88 The most fascinating cosmogonic myth that
tells us how and why creation came into existence may be found in
the theological writings of Ibn al-'Arabi
( 1 165-1240) . He offers his
grand vision of creation by means of the divine Names that longed
for manifestation. That is, the divine activity of creation is channelled
through the names to the things named.89
While concluding this section we need to describe the interior
discipline of nam-simaran or 'remembering the divine Name' from
the perspective of the Sikh tradition. This three-fold process ranges
from the repetition of a sacred word (usually 'Vahiguru') , through
the devotional singing ofhymns in the congregation to sophisticated
meditation on the nature of Akal Purakh. The first and the third
levels of this practice relate to private devotions, while the second
refers to corporate sense. On the whole the discipline ofnam.ffinaran
is designed to bring oneself into harmony with the divine order
(hukam) . Thus one gains the experience of ever-growing wonder
(vismad:) i n spiritual life, and achieves the ultimate condition of
blissful 'equanimity' ( sahaja) when the spirit ascends to the 'realm of
Truth' (sack kharuf1 , the fifth and the last of spiritual stages in which
the soul finds mystical union with Akal Purakh (God) .

3 . The Idea of Religious Pluralism

Religious pluralism refers to the co-existence of many religions
in the society where we live and our reaction to that fact. It may
26 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

be defined as the legitimate co-existence of various worldviews

(or systems of thought, life and ac tio n ) that are judged
incompatible among themselves.90 It has always been a fact of
life but its awareness has become more evident in recent times
than before as a result of globalization. As part of this process
the world is now witnessing the breaking of cultural, racial,
linguistic and geographical boundaries. In the ' one world' of
today different religious traditions are consciously interacting
with each other through mutual observation and dialogue. In
this context, Harold Coward perceptively remarks: 'The creative
tension pluralism generates has often been the catalyst for new
insight and religious development. '91 He further argues that
religious pluralism 'provides the opportunity for spiritual self­
judgement and growth'.92 In fact, the ability to accept religious
pluralism is a necessary condition of religious tolerance that
requires t h a t p e o p l e of d i ffe r e n t fai t h s live togeth e r
harmoniously.
Sikhism originated in the Punjab region of northwest India
five centuries ago in a religious universe that was pluralistic in
nature. It was rooted in a particular religious experience, piety
and culture and informed by a unique inner revelation of Guru
Nanak. It evolved in response to three main elements. The first
ofthese was the ideology based on religious and cultural innovations
of Guru Nanak and his nine successors. The second was the
rural base of the Punj abi society. The third significant element
was that period of the history ofPunjab during which two dominant
religions, Hinduism and Islam, were constantly in conflict with
each other. All these three elements combined to produce the
mutual interaction between ideology and environment in the
historical development of Sikhism.
Much scholarly debate has already taken place on the issue of
Guru Nanak's attitude towards Hindu tradition and Islam of his
days, and it need not detain us here. One cannot, however, fail
to notice his famous remark that ' neither the Veda nor the Kateb
[that is, the four Semitic religious texts, namely the Torah, the
Zabur (Psalms) , the Injil (Gospel) , and the Qur'an] know the
mystery' .93 Indeed, Guru Nanak adopted a typically classic approach
towards the Hindu tradition and Islam, an approach through
which he condemned the conventional forms of both religions
such as ritual and pilgrimage, temple and mosque, Brahmin and
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 27

Mullah, Vedas and Qur'an. By defining the ' true Hindu' and
the ' true Muslim ' as opposed to the false believer wh o con­
tinued to follow the conventional forms, he was in fact offering
his own path of inner religiosity to the followers ofboth religions.
The universality of his teachings involved drawing upon a wide
range oflinguistic resources. For instance, Guru Nanak was able
to reach out to his Muslim audience by using the concepts of
Islam ; he encountered the Yogis through the use of Nath
terminology. But in each case the message of the divine truth
revealed in those terms reflected his self-understanding. As
W. Owen Cole aptly remarks: 'Guru Nanak accepted the religious
language of Islam and Hinduism when it suited him, but the
truth which he wished to express was h i s own . '94 Thus the
s implistic rendering of Sikhism as a syn thesis of Hinduism and
Islam must be rejected.
In any discussion of religious pluralism we need to take into
account the presence of the Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth.
Notably, certain compositions of the poet-saints were first intro­
duced in the early Sikh scriptural tradi tion during the period of
Guru Amar Das. Later on, Guru Arjan extended the precedent
of the third Guru and made the Bhagat Bani part and parcel of
the first canonical text in 1 604. This was done in the historical
context of the Mughal emperor Akbar's rule. In a certain sense,
Akbar was a true pluralist. He was born a Muslim but he married
a Hindu wife, and 'entertained a veritable circus of holy men at
his multireligious salons' .95 As Wendy Doniger remarks: 'He
[Akbar] flirted with Christianity to such a degree that missionaries
congratulated themselves that he was on the brink of converting­
until they realized that he still continued to worship at mosques
(and, indeed, Hindu temples) . '96 However, Akbar's pluralism
must be understood as part of the larger process of state formation
in Mughal India. I t is no wonder that his liberal approach was
much despised by his more aggressive co-religionists.
In sum, the inclusion of the Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth is
h istorically linke d with a genuine experiment of religious
pluralism in India in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth
centuries. Although the effect of this experiment did not last
long after Akbar' s death, perhaps we can draw some inferences
from this original impulse and develop a theory of pluralism
that may be useful in the present-day interfaith dialogues. The
28 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

evidence of the Bhagat Bani certainly highlights the point that

some forms of religious expression from outside the tradition
were meaningful enough for them to have been preserved along
with the compositions of the Gurus themselves. We will try to
address this issue in the fifth chapter.

4. The Issue of Self-Definition

The issue of self-definition may be better understood as a

standard gradual process of consolidation of a religious tradition.
Wilfred Cantwell Smith identifies it with the process o f
'crystallization', a process which begins with the preaching o f a
vision by a mystic and is followed by the emergence of followers,
the organization of a community, the positing of an intellectual
ideal of that community and the definition of the actual pattern
of its institutions.97 From a purely theoretical perspective, there
are two important strategies that a newly emerging religious
community predictably follows in its search for normative self­
definition. The first strategy involves a conscious process of
defining the essential features or internal markers of identity.
Basically, this strategy deals with the issues of fundamental beliefs
and practices that make the bedrock of a religious identity.
Notably, at no time could people of a faith identify themselves
without some reference to the substance of their beliefs. How
people define themselves shapes how they develop.98
The second strategy, which is more frequently employed across
cultures, is to provide a comparison with other prevailing tradi­
tions. There is a certain utility in the concept of the ' other' in the
process of creating identities. The 'other' represents all that is
perceived as not oneself. Intrinsically, the 'other' is the unspoken
definition o f the self. Therefore, that which one is not, is
pertinent in defining what one is. It is often easier to understand
a tradition by noting what it is not, rather than defining essential,
inherent characteristics that may be elusive or difficult to explain
without comparison. It should be emphasized that one does not
conceive of the ' other' as totally different from oneself in every
way. What is shared, however, does not appear to be as important
as what is not shared. Thus it is the differences that are relevant in
understanding identity. Every encounter with a new society or new
culture brings with it new self-discovery. In fact, modern
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 29

psychology has taught us that we discover ourselves only in en­

counter: what is self and what is not self are disclosed to us in the
same experience. Although seeing in the 'other' precisely what
one is not might be construed as a necessary project for refining
the view of the self. The two strategies employed in the process of
self-definition are not mutually exclusive. They go hand-in-hand
in the construction of identities.99
It is instructive to note that the development of the Sikh tradi­
tion cannot be understood simply by itself, but only if seen within
the context of the religious universe of North India, in whose
history it was an active participant. Indeed, it was a religious uni­
verse marked by a lively atmosphere of interaction and debate
between different groups. It is no wonder that the Sikh tradition
that developed from Guru Nanak's teachings was faced with the
problem of defining itself vis-a-vis the existing and known reli­
gious traditions in the Punjab. Mostly, these traditions were of
Hindu, Muslim (particularly Sufi) and Nath origins, although
from the beginning there seems to have been an awareness of
the existence of the major religious texts that were neither Hindu
nor Muslim.100
Throughout his works, Guru Nanak made a very clear distinc­
tion between his own teachings and practices and the teachings
and practices of other paths. A careful study of his works reveals
his thorough familiarity with the religious texts, beliefs and prac­
tices of other traditions. In his critique of those traditions lies
his quest for self-definition. For instance, note the following
critical descriptions of Muslims, Hindus and Yogis:

The Muslims praise their law and they read and dwell upon it; but [God's)
true servants become his slaves to see his face. The Hindus praise the infi­
nite forms to see the divine; they bathe at the holy places, make offerings
to the idols and burn incense before them. The Yogis dwell upon the
'void' and name the Creator as 'Ineffable' ; yet to the subtle form and the
divine Name, they give the form of a body. . .Says Nanak: the true devotees
hunger to praise [the divine ) ; tl1e true Name is their only support. They
abide in everlasting joy day and night: May I obtain the dust of the feet of
such virtuous ones!
(Ml , Var Asa, 1 ( 6) , AG, pp. 465-6)
Here, Guru Nanak clearly distinguishes the two categories
of contemporary Muslims. On the one hand, there were
people who strictly followed the path of orthodox Muslim law
 30 The Bhagats of the Gum. Granth Sahib

( shari'at) as promulgated by the learned class ( 'ulema) . On

the o ther hand, there were people who followed the path of
the Sufis to experience the vision ( didar) of the divine Beloved.
In the case of conte mporary Hindus, most of them worshiped
(puja) i mages of deiti e s i n a conve ntional Vaishnava way
through external rituals. Similarly, the Nath Yogis used psycho­
physical techniques (Hatha yoga) to experience the 'void'
( sunn) in their own bodies. Finally, Guru Nanak defined his
own path of liberation in the last two lines of this salok, a path
based upon the interior discipline of meditation upon the
' true Name' (sach nam) that the ' true devotees' followed to
experience everlasting bliss ( anand) .
It should be emphasized that Islam in medieval India took on
a Sufi colouring. The word sufi derives from the Arabic term for
'wool' ( suj) , referring to the coarse woollen garment worn by early
Muslim mystics. These Sufis chose to represent their austerity and
renunciation of worldly concerns through a conspicuous rejec­
tion of comfortable clothing. They spoke of the 'jihad ( 'righ­
teous struggle') of the heart' as a more important struggle than
the jihad of the sword' . 1 01 Sufi presence was already well known
in the Punjab during the Ghaznavid p eriod. However, with the
establishment of the Delhi Sultanate three great Sufi orders had
migrated from Iraq and Persia into northern In dia-the Chisti,
the Suhrawardi and the Firdausi. Of these three the Chisti order
was the.largest and most popular. Its original sphere of influence
was the area of Pakpattan where Shaikh Farid-ud-din Ganj-i­
Shakar(1 1 73-1 275) established his centre. His early successors
Nizam ud-din Auliya ( 1238-1 325) and Nasir ud-din Muhammad
Chiragh of Delhi (d. 1 356) lived and taught in the present-day
Uttar Pradesh around Delhi. The Suhrawardi order was prima­
rily confined to Sind. The Firdausi order moved to Bi har
because it could not establish itself in the Delhi area in wake of
. the official Chisti order. All these Sufi orders were indebted
for the theoretical expression of their ideas to a mystic textbook
Kashf ul-Mahjub ( 'The Unveiling of the Veiled') by Sahikh Ali
Hujwiri, written in the twelfth century partly at Lahore, the capital
of the Punjab.
Two other formal Sufi orders, the Naqshbandi and Qadiri,
were established during the Mughal period. The greatest lumi­
nary of the Naqshbandi order was Shaikh Ahmad of Sirhind
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 31

( 1564-1 624) who was paradoxically able t o wean Indian Islam

away from Sufi extremism by means of mysticism itself. Shaikh
Mir Muhammad (d. 1 635) of the Qadiri order, popularly known
as Mian Mir in the Sikh tradition, was tutor to the Mughal prince
Dara Shikoh who was introduced to the saint by his disciple Molla
Shah Badakhshi. Dara Shikoh compiled a fine biography ofMian
Mir entitled Sakinat al-auliya. These Sufi orders were, however,
distinctively different, as much in the Punjab as elsewhere over
North and Central India. In particular, the pantheistic ideas of
the Spanish Muslim mystic Ibn al-'Arabi ( 1 1 64-1240) were well
known in Multan, Saharanpur and Panipat (through Shaikh
Aman, d. 1 55 1 ) . These ideas deeply influenced the Sufi orders
in India. Moreover, the adherents of these orders were often
intimately acquainted with Hindu mysticism.
Most of the time the Sufis vied with the more orthodox
Islamic scholars (' ulema) for status and influence within the court
of the Muslim rulers. In this context, Guru Nanak's observation
of contemporary Sufi practices is very significant. He frequently
appreciates the Sufi path of love, although at times he offers his
criticism of contemporary Sufi masters ( shaikhs) for their subsis­
tence on revenue-free land ( madad-i-ma 'ash) offered by the Muslim
rulers. There is a direct reference in Guru Nanak's Malar salok
where he ridicules a common practice among disciples to
initiate others into Sufi path. Indeed, presuming to be sure of
his own place of honour with God, the Shaikh reassured the others
of the same as welL Such a Shaikh is likened to the mouse too
big to enter a hole that ties a winnowing basket to its taiL 1 02 Thus
we find a general rejection of the Sufi notion of wilayat ( 'spiritual
territory ' ) and the khanqah (hospice for Sufis) life in Guru
Nanak's works. From his own standpoint, Guru Nanak consid­
ered dependence on alms or begging degrading. He denounced
those self-styled religious leaders of both Hindu and Muslim ·

persuasions-gurus and pi1S-who used to live on alms.1 03

Guru Nanak emphatically declared his independence from
the other thought forms of his day and tried to kindle the fire of
autonomy and courage in those who claimed to be his disciples.
He laid down the foundation of ' true teaching, practice and
community' from the standpoint of his own religious ideals. This
process of Sikh self-definition reached another milestone during
the period of Guru Aijan. This may be seen from the treatment
32 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

of the Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth . The most striking example
of i t is the use of Kabir's signature in the Bhairau hymn, where
Guru Arjan directly asserts an independent Sikh identity: 'We
are neither Hindu nor Musalman.' The complete hymn reads as
follows:

Bhairau Mahala 5
I do not keep the Hindu fasts or [the Muslim fasts during] the month of
Ramadan. I serve him, and him alone, who is my ultimate refuge. ( 1 ) I
believe in one Gusain ('Lord') who is also Allah. I have broken off with
the Hindu and the Turk. ( 1 ) Refrain. I do not go for Hajj or worship at
Hindu pilgrimage places. I serve only him and no other. (2) I offer
neither Hindu worship (puja) nor Muslim prayers (namaz) . Holding the
only formless one (nirankar) in my heart, I worship him there. (3) We are
neither Hindu nor Musalman. My body and soul belong to the one who is
called Allah and Ram. ( 4) Kabir has uttered the truth; meeting with Guru
and pir I have met the Lord. (5.3)
(M5, Bhairau 3, AG, p. 1 1 36)

This hymn has a parallel in the Kabir-granthavali (pad 338) ,

but the last two verses are not to be found there.104 On the
authority of Sahib Singh's exegesis of this hymn, Haijot Oberoi
has raised. the issue that Guru Aijan is only reinforcing Kabir's
thought: ' In line with a dominant theme in medieval sant poet­
ics, both Kabir and Arjan are speaking of rejecting the received
Hindu and Muslim orthodoxies, not taking part in their formal
modes of worship and pilgrimage, and finally announcing that
the mystery of the Supreme being is to be resolved in one' s
heart . ' 105 Oberoi concludes t h e discussion as follows: ' I t i s
oversimplistic to suggest that they " are discounting one set of
categories to embrace a new set of labels.'106
In his interpretation of Bhairau hymn, however, Oberoi has
failed to understand the technique of textual commentary
adopted by the Gurus in the Adi Granth. In this hymn Guru
Arj an seems to have adapted certain lines of Kabir in the first
three verses and for this reason he employed his 'poetic signature'
( chhap) . The last two verses are definitely Guru Arj an's own
composition in which he makes the claim of an independent
Sikh identity. He had in mind a particular composition ofKabir
on the same theme and in the same musical mode, when h e
composed his own hymn. Thus Guru Arjan was reflexively
responding to the following hymn of Kabir:
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 33

Bhairau Kabir
By turning away from the world, my caste and lineage are forgotten. Now
my weaving is done in the blissful state of sahaja ( ' equipoise') . ( 1 ) I have
no disputes with anybody, since I have discarded both the Pandits and the
Mullahs. ( 1 ) Refrain. By constantly weaving with devotion [to the divine
N arne], I offer this garment [of piety] to my self. Discarding self-centredness,
I sing the praises of God. (2) I have discarded all the codes inscribed by
the PanditS and the Mullahs. I have taken nothing out of them. (3) If
purity is in the heart, one can behold the Lord. Kabir says: By searching
the self, one realizes the Supreme Being. (4)
(Kabir, Bhairau 7, AG, pp. 1 1 58-9)

Oberoi cites this hymn ofKabir partially in his arguments and

claims rightly that Guru Arjan wrote his own hymn in a definite
context. But in the process of contextualizing the Guru 's hymn
he has missed an important point in his line of arguments. That
is, Guru Arjan was addressing the issue of independent identity
being debated between the Sikh community and Kabir' s followers.
Thus the Bhairau hymn originated in the situation of conflict in
which Guru Arjan made Kabir's followers realize their master's
stance on the issue of independent identity.
In his interpretation ofGuruA.rjan's hymn, Ronald W. Neufeldt
aptly remarks: ' It is [Guru] Arjan who states that he is neither
Hindu or Muslim, that he has settled the difference between
Hindu and Muslim, not by working out some kind of synthesis
of the two, nor by keeping the observances of both such as fasts,
pilgrimage, prayers and worship, but by cultivating the remem­
brance of God within and serving that God. '1 07 Thus by extend­
ing Kabir's rejection of religious elites (Pandits and Mullahs) to
include a general rejection of Hindu and Muslim practices, Guru
Arjan was in fact asserti ng a separate, non-Hindu, non-Muslim,
identity for the Sikh community.1 08

5. Procedure of this Study

The main purpose of this study is to examine the works of three

prominent poet-saints of the Adi Granth, representing the Sufi,
Sant and Vaishnava traditions respectively. The procedure adopted
in this study will be as follows: first, a brief biographical sketch of
each poet-saint will be given; second, the issues related to the
textual traditions attributed to the poet-saint will be discussed;
34 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

third, the ideology of each poet-saint as it emerges in the Adi

Granth will be examined; and lastly, an analysis of the Gurus'
responses to particular verses of the poet-saint will be given. This
pattern will be followed in the discussion ofthe second, third and
fourth chapters dealing with the works ofShaikh Farid, Kabir and
Jaidev respectively. The concluding chapter will sum up the
discussion on the issue of Sikh self-definition in relation to the
received tradition ofthe Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth.
Chapter 2 of this study is devoted to the works of the Sufi
poet, Shaikh Farid (1173-1265), a celebrated Punjabi poet
representing the Chisti line of thought in the Punjab. In order
to fully understand the all-important historical question about
the extent ofinteraction and mutual influence between the Sufi
tradition and early Sikh tradition, this study closely examines
the Sikh Gurus' treatment of the verses of Shaikh Farid, in the
Adi Granth. In particular, it addresses the various issues raised
by the comments made by the Sikh Gurus on certain verses of
the Sufi poet. It argues that these comments actually reflect the
atmosphere ofthe religious dialogues and debates between the
Sikh community and the followers ofShaikh Farid in the Punjab.
The issues raised in these early Sikh-Sufi encounters were crucial
for shaping the emerging Sikh identity. They play an important
role in defining what it means to be a Sikh in relation to the
commonly held Sufi ideals.
Chapter 3 will dwell on the works of Kabir (ca. 1398-1448),
representing the Sant tradition ofNorth India. It is instructive to
note that Kabir is the m<Yor Sant poet ofthe Adi Granth who has
received direct comments from the Sikh Gurus. Like the previous
chapter, this one is also organized around individual biography,
although equal attention is paid to the problematic of the Sant
discourse. The Sants were individuals who did not have the sense
of mission or the idea of an organized religious community.
Indeed, the question of self-definition makes sense only with a
community; the Sants who seemingly lacked communities and
institutional settings did not engage in a quest for self-definition.
We will thus examine how the comments on the works of Kabir
made by the Sikh Gurus sharpened the process of Sikh self­
definition.
Chapter 4 will focus on the Sikh response to the Vaishnava
bhakti tradition. We will examine the two hymns ofJaidev,
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 35

although he has not received any direct comment from the Sikh
Gurus. He is specifically chosen to address the question of
whether the author of these two hymns is identical with the author
of the celebrated Vaishnava text Gitagovinda. We will also briefly
mention in our analysis about two Vaishnava saints, Surdas and
Mira Bai. In particular, we will focus on the single line of Surdas
in the Sarangraga that has received a direct comment from Guru
Aljan. We will also look at the reasons why Mira Bai's hymn in
the Maru raga was deleted from the Adi Granth .
Chapter 5 will discuss the status of the Bhagat Bani within the
Sikh tradition. This issue has been surfacing in Sikh literature
from time to time, revealing an ambiguity in the historical expe­
rience of the Sikh community. Chapter 6 will provide us with the
summary of conclusions of this study, highlighting three related
positions with respect to the relationship between the Gurbani
and the Bhagat Bani. First, wherever there is complete agreement
between the Gurus and the Bhagats, the BhagatBani enjoys equal
status in matters of doctrine and practice. Even the hymns of the
Bhagats are used in devotional singing along with the composi­
tions of the Gurus in Sikh worship. The dominant Tat Khalsa
interpretation of the Sikh tradition stresses this ideal. Second,
wherever there is some disagreement as is evidenced by the
Gurus' comments on the Bhagats, it is the view of the Guru that
overrides the view of the Sant or the Sufi poet. In this case, the
status of the Bhagat Bani acquires secondary position to the
Gurbani. Finally, a neutral position is taken whenever the views
of the poet-saint refer to a different doctrinal system. For instance,
Shaikh Farid is allowed to have his own Muslim voice in terms of
doctrine and practice. In this case, the presence of the Bhagat
Bani in the Sikh scripture provides an excellent example of
catholicity that promotes mutual respect and tolerance for
diversity of belief and practice.
·

NOTES

1 John Stratton Hawley and Mark juergensmeyer, Songs of the Saints

ofIndia (New York Oxford University Press, 1988) , p. 4.
2 Wilfred Cantwell Smith, 'What Is Scripture ?: A Comp arative Approach

. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993) , pp. 54-5.

3 Ibid . , p. 270, n. 33.
36 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

4 Harbans Singh, Guru Nanak and Griffins of the Sikh Faith (Bombay:
Asia Publishing House, 1969) , p. 14.
5 Bhai Vir Singh, ed., Sikhan di Bhagat Mala (Amritsar: Khalsa Samachar,
1979) , pp. 133-4. Also see, Gurbachan Singh Talib, trans., Sri Guru
Granth Sahib, vol. I (Patiala: Punjabi University, 1984), p. xxvi.
6
Karine Schomer, 'Kabir in the Guru Granth Sahib: An Exploratory
Essay', in MarkJuergensmeyer and N. G. Barrier, eds., Sikh Studies:
Perspectives on a Chan[fing Tradition ( Berkeley: Berkeley Religious
Studies Series and Graduate Theological Union, 1 979) , p. 77.
7 W.H. McLeod, trans. and ed. , Textual Sources for the Study of Sikhism
(Manchester: University of Manchester Press, 1 984 ) , p. 5.
8 Nirbhai Singh, Bhagata Namadeva in the Guru Grantha (Patiala:
Puryabi University, 1981) , pp. 1 28-90.
9 Nirbhai Singh, ' Guru-Bani and Bh akta-B ani: A Philo sophical
Analysis', in Sardar Singh Bhatia and Anand Spencer, eds., Sikh
Tradition: A Continuing Reality (Patiala: Punjabi University Press,
1999) , pp. 1 13-31. .
1° Cited in D avid N. Lorenzen, ' Introducti o n : The Historical
Vicissitudes of Bhakti Religion', in D avid N. Lorenzen, ed., Bhakti
Religion in North India (Albany, NY: State University of New York
Press, 1995) , p. 2 1 .
11
W . Owen Cole, Sikhism and Its Indian Context 1469-1 708 (London:
Darton, Longman and Todd, 1 984) , p. 65.
12
M 1 , Asa 3, AG, p. 349.
13 Cole, Sikhism, p. 1 57.
14 W. Owen Cole, The Guru in Sikhism (London: Darton, Longman
and Todd, 1982) , p. 2 1 .
15 Nirmal Dass, Songs of the Saints from the Adi Granth: Translation and
Introduction (Albany, NY: State University ofNew York Press, 2000) , p. 1 .
16
Ibid., p. 6.
17 Harjot Oberoi, 'Sikhism ', i n Harold Coward, ed., Experiencing
Scripture in World Religions (New York: Orbis Books, 2000 ) , p. 134.
18 Ibid.
19 The comments on Dhanna and Surdas are examined in detail in
Pashaura Singh, The Guru Granth Sahib: Canon, Meaning and
Authority (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000) , pp. 1 71-3,
195-8.
20
Gopal Narayan Bahura, ' Surdas ka pada: Manuscript of 1 639 V.S.
( 1 582) ', i n Monika Thiel-Horstmann, ed., Bhakti in Current Research,
1 979-1 982 (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1983) , pp. 19-23.
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 37

21 See my The Guru Granth Sahib, pp. 1 71-4.

22 Surjit Hans, A Reconstruction of Sikh History from Sikh Literature
(Jalandhar: ABS Publications, 1988) , p. 154.
23 Winand M. Callewaert, 'Singers' Repertoires in Western India', in
R.S. McGregor, ed., Devotional Literature in South Asia: Current
Research, 1 985-1 988 ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1 992) , pp. 29-35. Also see his co-authored work with Mukund Lath,
·The HindiPadavali ofNamdev (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers,
1989) , pp. 1-10.
24 Sarup Das Bhalla, Mahima Prakash, Bhag Duja, eds, Gobind Singh
Lamba and Khazan Singh ( Patiala: Punjab Language Department,
1971 } , p. 371 . .
25 For details, see my ' Sikh Self-Definition and the Bhagat Bani' (MA.
thesis, University of Calgary, 1 987) , pp. 1 1 4-15
6
2 Sikhan di Bhagatmala, ed.; Tarlochan Singh Bedi (Patiala: Punjabi
University, 1994} , pp. 122-3; Sri GurbilasPatashahi 6, ed., Giani Inder
Singh Gill (Amritsar: Vazir Hind Press, 1977) , p. 76; Bhai Santokh
Singh, Sri Gurpratap Suraj Granth, vol. 6, ed., Bhai VIr Singh (Amritsar:
Khalsa Samachar, 1963 [1929] ) , pp. 2085-95; and Giani Gian Singh,
Tvarikh Guru Khalsa, vol. 1 , ed., KS. Raju (Patiala: Punjab Language
Department, 1993 [ 1970] ) , p. 419.
27 Tara Singh Narotam, Bhagat Bani Steik (Lahore: Munshi Gulab
Singh, 1907) , pp. 1-3.
28 Gurinder Singh Mann, The Making of Sikh Scripture (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2001 ) , p. 103.
29 Teja Singh, ed., Shabadarath Sri Guru Granth Sahib ji, vol. 1-4
(Amritsar: SGPC, 5th edn., 1 979 [1936-1941 ] ) , pp. 83, 729, 1088
and 1363. Also see Sahib Singh, Adi Bir Bare (Amritsar: Singh
Brothers, 4th ed., 1 979 [originally published in 1 949] ) , pp. 93-108.
30 Mann, The Making of Sikh Scripture, pp. 1 04-6.
31 Mohan Singh Dewana, A History of Punjabi Literature (Jalandhar:
Bharat Prakashan, 1 g71 ) , pp. 37 and 46, and G.B. Singh, Sri Guru
Granth Sahib dian Prachin Biran (Lahore: Modern Publishers, 1944) ,
p. 24.
32 Giani Gurdit Singh, ltihas Sri Guru Granth Sahib ( Chandigarh: Sikh
Sahit Sans than, 1 990), pp. 481-2; Balbir Singh Dil, A mar Kavi Guru
Amar Das (Patiala: Punjab Language Department, 1975) , p. 53; and
Mann,The Making ofSikh Scripture, pp. 104-1 1 .
33 For the doctrine o f the universal bani, see my The Guru Granth Sahib,
pp. 1 0-1 1 .
38 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

34 M 4,Tukhari Chhant 4, AG, pp. 1 1 1 6-17.

35 Varan Bhai Gurdas, 1 1: 1 6.
36 Winand M. Callewaert, 'Songs and Singers: Ravidas and the
Guru Granth ' , in Bhatia and Spencer, eds., The Sikh Tradition,
pp. 1 32-44.
37 See the photographs of such folios in Giani Gurdit Singh, ltihas Sri
Guru Granth Sahib, pp. 3, 4, and 555.
'
gg Namdev, Malar 2, AG, p. 1 292.
39 Charlotte Vaudeville, Kabir, vol. I (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1 974) ,

p 99 .
.

40 See Kal, Savayye Mahale Pahale Ke 8, AG, p. 1 390.

41 Gurinder Singh Mann, The Goindval Pothis ( Cambridge, MA:

Harvard Oriental Series, 1 996) , pp . 38-9. For the text of the

nineteen hymns that were excluded from the Adi Granth, see
pp. 1 1 7-35.
42 See my The Guru Granth Sahib, pp. 1 88-202.
43 Kabir, Asa 1, AG, p. 475.
44 For details, see M5, Salok Kabirjiu Ke, nos. 209-1 1 , 2 1 4, 221, AG,
pp. 1 375-6 and M5, Salok Shaikh Farid Ke, nos. 75, 82-3, 1 05, 1 08-
1 1 , AG, pp. 1 381-4. Also see Chapters 2 and 3 of this study.
45 I have adapted the translation from Nirmal Dass, Songs ofKabirfrom
the Adi Granth (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991 ) ,
p . 234.
46 See Mann, The Goindval Pothis, pp. 79-80.
47 Linda Hess, 'Three Kabir Collections', in Karine Schomer and W.H.
McLeod, eds., The Sants: Studies in a Devotional Tradition of India
( Berkeley and Delhi: Berkeley Religious Studies Series and Motilal
Banarsidass, 1 987) , p. 1 39.
48 For examples, see my The Guru Granth_ Sahib, pp. 1 72 and 1 74. Also
see, W.H. McLeod, 'Kabir, Nanak, and the Early Sikh Panth ' , in his
Exploring Sikhism: Aspects of Sikh Identity, Culture, and Thought (New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000) , pp. 23-4.
49 Dass, Songs ofKabirfrom the Adi Granth, p. 2.
50 Ibid.
51 Mann, The Making ofSikh Scripture, p. 1 08.
52 For details, see Chapter 2.
53 This paragraph is based on the description given i n Geoff Danaher,
Tony Schirato andJen Webb, eds, UnderstandingFoucault (London:
Sage Publications, 2000) , pp. 30-45.
54 Lorenzen, Bhakti Religion in India, p. 3.
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Oranth 39

55 Eleanor Zelliot, 'The Medieval Bhakti Movement in History', in

Bardwell L. Smith, ed., Hinduism: New Essays in the History ofReliy;ions
(Lei den: EJ. Brill, 1 976) , p. 1 45.
56 Lorenzen, Bhakti Relig;i.on in North India, p. 1 5 .
57 Richard H . Davis, "Introduction: A Brief History of Religions of
India," in Doanld S. Lopez, Jr., ed., Relig;i.ons of India in Practice
(Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1995) , p. 38.
58 Hawley and Juergensmeyer, Songs of the Saints ofIndia, p. 4.
59 Ibid.
60 Lorenzen, Bhakti Relig;i.on in North India, p. 1 3 .
61 Ibid., p. 3.
62 Ibid., p. 2.
63 Ibid., p. 2.
64 For an extended argument see my Pu:r:Uabi work Nam da Sankalp te
Marag ( M.A. thesis, Punjabi University Patiala, 1973), pp. 1 4-1 8.
65 Shaikh Farid, Asa I, AG, p. 488 andjaidev, Gujari 1, AG, p. 526.
60 Namdev, Tilang2 , AG, p. 727.

67 Vaudeville, Kabir, p. 1 4 1 .
68 Wtnand M . Callewaert and Peter G. Friedlander, The Life and Works

ofRaidas (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers and Distributors, 1 992),

p. 85 .
69 M5, Basant Dutukian, AG, p. 1 192. Also see M3, Siri Ragu 22, AG,

p. 67; M4, Suhi 8, p. 733; M5, Gujari 10, p. 498; and Asa 2, pp. 487-8.
70 See my Nam da Sankalp te Marag, p. 7.

71 W.H. McLeod, Guru Nanak and the SikhRelig;i.ort (Oxford: Clarendon

Press, 1968) , p. 1 96.
72 For details, see W.H. McLeod, The Sikhs: History, Relig;i.on and Society
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1989) , p. 50.
7� R.C. Pandeya, 'The Philosophy of N am e ' , in Harbans Singh,
ed., Perspectives on Guru Nanak (Patiala: Punjabi University,
1 9 75 ) , p. 78.
74 Ibid., p. 81. Also see, Harold Coward, 'Sat Nam', a short paper seen
through author's courtesy.
75 Ibid.
76 M5, Maru 11, AG, p. 1 083.
77 Charlotte Vaudeville, 'Sant Mat Santism as the Universal Path to
Sanctity', in The Sants, p. 32.
78 M l , Basant 2, AG, p. 1 1 68.

79 Jacques Derrida, On the Name, ed., Thomas Dutoit (Stanford, CA:

Stanford University Press, 1995 ) , p. 58.

40 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

80 Harold Coward, ed., Studies in Indian Philosophy: Collected Papers of

Prof. T.R V. Murti ( Columbia, MO: South Asia Books and Delhi:
Motilal Banarsidass, 1 983) , p. 67.
81
Piar Singh, Guru Nanak 's Siddha Goshti (Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev
University, 1 996) , p. 40.
82
For translation of some stanzas from the Jap Sahib, see Hew McLeod,
Sikhism (London: Penguin Books, 1997) , pp. 281-3.
83 Derrida, On the Name, p. 68.
84 Ibid.
8
5 Annemarie Schimmel, Deciphering the Signs ofGod: A Phenomenological
Approach to Islam (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press,
1 994 ) , p. 1 19.
86
Ibid., p. 1 19.
8
7 Ibid.
88
Ibid., p. 1 20.
89 Ibid., pp. 1 2 1 and 1 25.
90 Raimundo Panikkar, 'Philosophical Pluralism and the Plurality of
Religions', in Thomas Dean, ed., Religious Pluralism and Truth: Essays
on Cross-Cultural Philosophy ofReligion (Albany, NY: State University
of New York Press, 1995 ) , p. 34.
91 Harold Coward, Pluralism: Challenge to World Religions (Maryknoll,
NY: Orbis Books, 1 985) , p. 94.
92 Ibid., 107.
93 M1, Ma'tu Solhe 2, AG, p. 1 0 2 1 .
94 Cole, Sikhism and Its Indian Context, p. 96.
95 Wendy Do niger, 'Pluralism and Intolerance in Hinduism', i n
Werner G.Jearond and Jennifer L . Rike, eds., Radical Pluralism and
Truth: David Tracy and the Hermeneutics of Religion (New York:
Crossroad Publishing Company, 1 99 1) , p. 227-8.
96 Ibid.
97 Wilfred Cantwell Smith, The Meaning andEnd ofReligion (New York:
Harper & Row Publishers, first paperback edn., 1 978; originally
published 1 962) , p. 67.
98 See my 'Early Markers of Sikh Identity', in Pashaura Singh and N.
Gerald Barrier, eds., Sikh Identity: Continuity and Change (New Delhi:
Manohar Publishers and Distributors, 1 999) , p. 69.
99 Ibid., pp. 69-70.
100
R.W. Neufeldt, 'The Sikh Response ', in Modern Indian Responses
to Religious Pluralism, ed., Harold Coward (Albany: SUNY, 1 98 7 ) ,
p. 270.
 Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth 41

1 01 Davis, Introduction, p. 35.

1 02
Var Malar, 1 (1 9 ) , AG, p. 1 286.
Ml,
1 03
Ml,
Var Sarang; 1 (22) , AG, p. 1 245.
104 See Hazari Prasad Dwivedi, K.abir (New Delhi: Rajkamal Prakashan,

3rd edn., 1985; 1 s t edn., 1971), p. 1 58.

105 Harjot Oberoi, 'The Making of a Religious Paradox: Sikh, Khalsa,

Sahajadhari as Modes of Early Sikh Identity', in Bhakti Religion in

North India, pp. 42-3.
106 Ibid., p. 43.
107 Ne:ufeldt, 'The Sikh Response,' p. 275.
1 08 F
or more details, see my The Guru Granth Sahib, pp. 1 74-5.
TWO

Bani Shaikh Farid Ji Ki

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

haikh Farid-u'd-din Masud Ganj-i-Shakar, popularly known

S as Shaikh Farid or Baba Farid, is one of the earliest Sufis who
· belonged to the land of the Punj ab. Much of the material
concerning his life comes from hagiography. According to the
Siyar-u 'l-Auliya ( 1 351-88) , one of the earliest such documents,
Shaikh Farid was bom in 569 AH/1 1 73 CE at Khotwal in the distric t
o f Multan.1 I t is said that his grandfather, Qadi Shuaib, who
belonged to a ruling house of Kabul, migrated to the PurBab in
the middle of the twelfth century under the stress of the Ghuzz
invasions. Mter a short stay at Lahore and Kasur, the family of
Qadi Shuaib settled down at Khotwal, where he was appointed
the Qadi ( 'Muslim Jurist' ) by the Sultan, the Ghaznavid ruler of
Lahore.2 One of Shuaib' s three sons, named Jamal-u'd-din
Sulaiaman, was raised at Khotwal where Lehndi ( 'western ' )
Punjabi was the spoken language o f the people. He married a
Punjabi girl, Qarsum Bibi, the daughter of Shaikh Waj ih-u'd-din
Khajendi ofKhotwal.3 Shaikh Farid was the second of the three
sons born to them.
Nizami has given a genealogical table which traces the descent
of Baba Farid from Caliph Umar, which indicates that he be­
longed to the Sunni tradition of lslam.4 He is believed to have
been greatly influenced by his mother, an exceedingly pious
woman, who prayed at lengthy vigils and who ' kindled that spark
of divine love in him which dominated his entire being, and
moulded his thought and action'.5 Shaikh Farid received his early
education in the study of Qur'an at Khotwal and then proceeded
to Multan, a famous centre of Muslim learning and piety, to
undertake further studies in Islamicjurisprudence. It is believed
that Shaikh Farid had memorized the entire text of the Qur'an
and used to recite it once in twenty-four hours.6 It is said that
 Bani Shaikh Farid ji Ki 43

while in Multan he came in contact with a visiting Muslim saint,

Khwaja Qutb-u' d-din Bakhtiyar Kaki, the spiritual successor
(khalija) ofShaikh Muin-u'd-din Chisti who established the Chisti
order of Sufism in India. In due course Shaikh Farid became his
disciple and got himself initiated into the Chisti order.
Tradition h as recorded that Shaikh Farid performed ex­
tremely difficult ascetic practices as a part of his mystical disci­
pline. Under the guidance of his master, he is said to have gone
through the chillah-i-makus, hanging upside down in a well and
saying the prescribed prayers and recollections for forty nights.7
Nizami has cited Shattari's statement recorded in the Gulzar-i­
Abaras follows:

All the Shaikhs of India are unanimous in declaring that no saint has
excelled Ganji-i-Shakar in his devotions and penitences.8

Baba Farid's whole life is depicted in traditi_onal sources as

one long story of prayers, vigils and fasts. It is said that his con­
stant fasting was miraculously rewarded-even pebbles turned
into sugar when he swallowed them, hence his surname Ganj-i­
Shakar, 'sugar treasure '.9 Whether this charming legend is true
or not, it shows the extreme importance Farid placed on fasting
as indispensable for spiritual progress. However, G.S. Talib states
that Baba Farid was called Ganj-i-Shakar because he received the
blessing from his master, who praised the sweetness of his dispo­
sition and remarked: 'Thou shalt be sweet like sugar ' . 1 0
Mter the death of his master Khawaja Qutb-u'd-din Bakhtiyar
Kaki in 1 235 CE, Shaikh Farid became the head of the Chisti
order. He made the unique contribution of giving an ' all-India
status to the Chistiya order and disseminated its ideology far and
wide ' .U Soon it turned into a powerful movement for the
Islamization of the masses. It is generally assumed that the
Chisti order surpassed the other Sufi orders, such as the Qadiri,
the Suhrawardi and the Naqshbandi, in popularity and influ­
ence in India. One of the main reasons for its success seems to
be the fact that Shaikh Farid used the local dialect, Multani
Punjabi (Lehndz) , to reach out to the masses with his preaching.
The two main languages of lslam, the Arabic of the Qur'an and
the highly sophisticated Persian of the literati and officials, were
unknown to the non-elite, who thus were excluded from higher
religious instruction. 1 2
44 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

Shaikh Farid settled on the river Sudej at Ajodhan, where he

established his khanqah, the centre of Sufi fraternity, to propa­
gate his mission. There he remained from about 1 236 until his
death on October 1 7, 1 265.13 His home has been known, ever
since, as Pakpattan, ' the ferry of the pure'. A number of Punjabi
tribes there still claim to have been converted to Islam by Baba
Farid.14
Annemarie Schimmel states that 'Farid-u'd-din Ganj-i-Shakar
of Pakpattan is credited with having used a kind of Old Punjabi
for his mystical songs' .15 These songs were intended to be re­
cited or sung as a part of religious music in Sufi worship. They .
influenced the population, particularly the women, who used to
sing these simple verses while doing their daily work.16 Thus
Shaikh Farid' s poetic compositions in the local dialect, the
Multani Punjabi, were trasmitted orally to successive generations
and these were written down, if at all, only at a very late stage.
When Guru Nanak visited Pakpattan on his missionary tours he
may have secured these compositions from Shaikh Ibrahim
(d. 1 552) , who was twelfth in descent from Shaikh Farid. In this
context, W.H. Mcleod maintains that 'there seems to be litde
doubt that Guru Nanak must at some time have met Sheikh
Ibrahim, the contemporary incumbent of the Sufi line descend­
ing from Sheikh Farid'P That Guru Nanak knew the works of
Shaikh Farid is quite evident from the fact that he made com­
ments on some of his verses. The inclusion of Shaikh Farid's
works in the Adi Granth does underline the high spirituql
reputation and attainment that the Sufi poet may have enjoyed
already in his own lifetime.

TEXTUAL TRADITIONS

The Adi Granth collection of Shaikh Farid's works includes four

hymns-two in the Asa raga with the heading Asa Shaikh Faridjiu
Ki Bani, 'Shaikh Farid's utterances in the measure Asa' (AG, p.
488) and two in the Suhi mode under the tide of Ragu Suhi Bani
ShaikhFaridJi Ki, 'Shaikh Farid's utterances in the measure Suhi'
(AG, p. 794)-and one hundred and twelve saloks ('couplets or
stanzas') gathered together in one long undifferentiated list in
the epilogue of the Adi Granth which follows the raga section
under the tide of Salok Shaikh Farid &, 'Shaikh Farid's couplets
 Bani Shaikh Farid ]i Ki 45

or stanzas' (AG, pp. 1 377-84) . These works are collectively

referred to by their Sikh title ofFarid-bani in the Adi Granth. To
these, Guru Aijan has added eighteen saloks of the Sikh Gurus
in different places commenting on the ideas of Shaikh Farid.
They throw a considerable light on the issues raised in the early
Sikh"-Sufi encounters.
Although Shaikh Farid is said to have composed verses in
Arabic, Persian and in some local dialects which are found in
the Sufi literature, he is generally known as the foremost of the
Punjabi Sufi poets.18 His compositions in the Adi Granth are the
first recorded versions available in the Punjabi language. The
authorship of these works is, however, not without controversy.
For instance, M.A. Macauliffe challenged their authenticity for
the first time in 1 909 as follows:
It is certain that it was Shaikh Brahm who composed the Saloks and hymns
bearing the name of Farid in the Granth Sahib, though he used the name
of the founder of his spiritual line as his poetical nom de plume. 19
Macauliffe seems to have borrowed the idea of the 'poetical
nom qe plume' from the writings of the Sikh Gurus and then
made the assertion based on a rough guess that the same would
be true in the case of the Sufi tradition. His assertion certainly
reflects the Orientalist bias of his day that did not accept anything
coming fro m the tradition as valid unless it could be justified
through historical-critical methods. To address the question of
authorship of a literary work, we will discuss Michael Foucault's
notion of author-function more thoroughly in Chapter 4 while
discussing the issue of authorship of the two hymns ofjaidev in
the Adi Granth.
Unlike Macauliffe's speculation, however, K.A. Nizami offers
three major arguments which could be used to deny Shaikh
Farid' s authorship of the Adi Granth verses. First, there is no t a
single reference in the Persian works to the fact that Shaikh Farid
had left such a large number of saloks; even Shaikh Nizam-u' d-din
Auliya and his sucessors did not mention them. Second, the
internal evidence suggests that the picture of Shaikh Farid that
emerges from these saloks is more akin to the Shaikh Farid of
the apocryphal Malfuzat. Third, linguistic analysis of these saloks
r:eveals tbat they contain idioms and expressions of a much later
date. Also, the nom de plume used is Farid, but the Shaikh used
to refer to himself as Masud, not as Farid.20
46 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

In fact, none of the above arguments is enough to deny Shaikh

Farid's authorship of the Adi Granth verses. The reason why we
do not come across any reference in the Persian sources regarding
these verses seems to be the indifferent attitude adopted by the
learned class (' ulema) towards the poetical compositions in the
local dialect. Since Persian was the court language in those days,
the verses in the Multani Punjabi attracted litde attention. The
fact is that no one recognized their true value until the verses
became part of the Sikh scripture. Moreover, Nizami neither
defines clearly the kinship between the author of these verses
and the apocryphal Malfuzat, nor does he provide any examples
to support the contention that Shaikh Farid used to refer to
himself as Masud in his compositions. Furthermore, the langUa.ge
of the Adi Granth verses is the mixture of Multani Punjabi and a
number of Arabic and Persian words. It might be possible that
these verses had undergone certain linguistic alterations during
the process oforal transmission. On the whole, Nizami's arguments
do not make a strong case against Shaikh Farid' s authorship of
the Adi Granth verses.
Nizami however feels that the Adi Granth verses contain Shaikh
Farid's teachings and traditions about his penances. In his latest
article on Shaikh Farid, Nizami writes:
When Guru Nanak appeared on the scene, Baba Farid's sayings which
contained the quintessence of the highest moral and spiritual values,
were current all over. Some of these sayings found a place in the Guru
Granth, while his numerous remarks, incantational phrases, litanies,
wove themselves into the complex but attractive pattern of Indian leg­
ends. It is not without significance that the initiative for celebrating his
SOOth anniversary came from the Sikhs who deserve felicitations of all
those who hold dear the values of universal love and toleran ce in our
society.21
Nizami seems to have acknowledged the fac t that the Adi
Granth contains Shaikh Farid' s teachings. In that case, says Anil
Chandra Banerjee, the real authorship of the Adi Granth verses
should be attributed to Shaikh Farid. 22 Obviously Nizami has
changed his earlier position in view of the fact that the Sikhs
were mainly responsible for the octo-centennial celebrations of
Shaikh Farid's birth.
There is, however, some fresh evidence from the Khuldabad
manuscript that can throw new light on the issue of the authenticity
 Bani Shaikh Farid Ji Ki 47

and dating ofthe Farid-bani in the Adi Granth. The original manu­
script, probably an eighteenth-century copy of the Hidayat al­
qulub wa 'inayat 'ullum a l-guyub by Mir Hassan (ca. 1 370) , is in
the collection of Fariduddin Saleem of Khuldabad.23 There is
one shared verse of Shaikh Farid which appears in both the Adi
Granth (Salok 7: farida jo taim maranhi mukkian tinhan na mare
ghummi//apanarai ghari jaiai pair tinhan de chummi//) and the
Hidayat al-qulub (jo tujh mare mukkayam tissu na mare ghummi//
tumjae ghari apanepagg tinhanare chummi//). Thus in the Malfuzat
of Zain ud-Din Shirazi (d. 1371), successor to Burhan ud-Din
Carib at Khuldabad, there are at least seven Hindawi verses of
Farid ud-Din Ganj-i-Shakar, one of which is found in the Adi
Granth. In this context, Carl W. Ernst compellingly argues that a
corpus of the poems acknowledged to be . Baba Farid's was 'in
circulation in the Chisti circles within a century after his death' .
This evidence, h e further argues, 'favours the strength o f oral
tradition of Punjabi Sufi poetry, and the continuity of the Sikh
Farid material with the older poems of the Sufi tradition' .24
Notwithstanding the issue of the authenticity of the Adi Granth
verses, what is important for the present enquiry is that the texts
belong to the Faridian tradition, going back to Shaikh Farid him­
self. Evidently they represent a dominant Sufi line of thought
prevailing in the Punjab in medieval times and attracting the
special attention of the Sikh Gurus for comment on what consti­
tutes true religious belief and practice. We will first look at the
teachings of Shaikh Farid as they emerge in the Adi Granth. This
will be followed by an analysis of the responses of Guru Nanak,
Guru Amar Das and finally Guru Arjan to the various aspects of
Shaikh Farid's thought. Our primary concern in this study is to
closely examine those verses of Shaikh Farid that have received
direct comments from the Sikh Gurus.

SHAIKH FARID IN THE ADI GRANTH

The image of Shaikh Farid that emerges in the Farid-bani is that

of an ardent follower of orthodox Islam . He prescribes the duty
to observe the ritual prayer ( namaz, nivaj in Punjabi) five times a
day, to perform ablutions ( wazu, uju in the original text) before
prayer and to go the mosque ( masit) regularly. He placeS much
emphasis on 'prostration before God' during the ritual prayer
48 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

which reminds one of the Qur'anic verses: 'Prostrate and draw

near' (Sura 96: 1 9) . Like a stern Sufi Master, he even specifies
the penalty for the offenders by saying that the head ( sir) that
does not prostrate before the Lord should be cut off and used
as firewood under the cooking pot. 25 The theme is developed in
the following three couplets:
0 prayerless cur, Farid, this is not good for you! You have not gone to the
mosque at the five times of prayer.
Wake up, Farid, perform your ablutions and say your morning prayer.
Cut off the head which does not bow before the Lord.
What is to be done to the head which does not bow before the Lord? It
should be burnt under the cooking-pot in place of the firewood.
(Shaikh Farid, Salcks 70-2, AG, p. 1 381)
Here Shaikh Farid clearly stresses the strict adherence to the
shar'iat, the legal prescriptions of lslan'i. Indeed, this was in line
with the development in the Sufi tradition after Al-Ghazali who
made Sufism acceptable to the orthodox circles which were
formerly unfriendly to mysticism in Islam.26 In this context,
Schimmel contends that the early Sufis observed the Muslim law
faithfully because it was ' the soil out ofwhich their piety grew'. 27
The most forceful utterances of Shaikh Farid are the ones in
which human beings are urged to get right with ajust God before
death overtakes them and it is too late. This theme of urgency i n
the face o f death and the fear o fjudgement comes from his deep
Islamic background. Shaikh Farid frequently mentions the angel
ofdeath (Izra 'ilor Malik) and takes death as a visible presence not
to be. ignored in the course of one's daily involvement in worldly
pursuits.28 He asserts that the day of death is pre-determined and
cannot be altered. In the very first salok, with powerful symbolism,
he describes how the angel of death as the bridegroom comes to
carry away his bride (soul) , cracking the bones of the body, and
how the soul has to cross over the eternal fire of hell on the bridge
(pul sirat, pursilatin the original text) which is finer than hair and
sharper than the edge of a sword:

For that young girl's marriage, the day was fixed in advance. Now h e r
spouse, t h e Angel o f Death, she has heard about has come, open-face d !
Twisting and cracking t h e frame, he forces the frail life out. Explain this
to your life-'This pre-destined day cannot be put off. The soul is the
bride, Death is the bridegroom : he will marry her and take her away. With
your own hands you gave away your soul: to whom, then will you run for an
 Bani Shaikh Farid]i Ki 49

embrace? Finer than a hair is that Bridge of Hell (silat) : did not you hear
of it before? Farid, its hellish cries you can already hear: Hasten, lest you
be robbed of your soul, unawares!29
(Shaikh Farid, Salok 1, AG, p. 1 377)

The bridge of hell (pul sirat) is an important element of belief

in Islamic eschatology: 'The Bridge is a reality (one of the final
testings of mankind before entering paradise) . It is placed
directly over hell, and people pass upon it. Paradise is beyond
it. We ask safety of God (from the perils of crossing the Bridge} '.30
It signifies the traumatic experience which the wicked and the
unbelievers undergo while crossing the bridge. Shaikh Farid
mentions the deafening shrieks of those who are condemned in
the flaming hell and intends to use this as a deterrent to those
who have gone astray from the path of God. 31
Shaikh Farid provides us with a passing glimpse of the souls
( ruhan) waiting for ages between the time of death and the day
of resurrection, �hen they will be sent to paradise or hell .
accordirlg to their just desserts.32 Arberry mentions a practice
among the Sufis to perform 'grave exercise' as a part of their
contemplative life.33 During the process, a Sufi would imagine
that he is dead, that he has been washed, wrapped in his garment
and laid in his tomb, and that all the mourners have departed,
l e aving him alone to face the j udgement. The whole idea
behind the practice is to turn the mind from worldly pursuits
towards devotion to God. It seems that Shaikh Farid also attempts
to awaken the minds of thoughtless people by bringing home to
them the thought of the 'grave':

Farid, attach not your heart on mansions and wealth. Keep in your mind
mighty death: Contemplate that place where you must go.
(Shaikh Farid, Salok 58, AG, p. 1 38 1 )

Shaikh Farid's emphasis o n the death-theme i s designed to

make his audience realize the transitory character of human life,
the fragile nature of worldly pomp and show and the brittle lure
of carnal beauty. He repeatedly proclaims that human life along
with nature is an evanscent phenomenon. 34 He further asserts
that the objects of the senses are really poisonous even though ·
coated with sugar.35 Thus he tries to create in us, his hearers/
readers, the sense of detachment from the things of the world
and objects of the senses. However, Shaikh Farid is aware that
50 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

those who have been misguided by Satan (shaytan) will never

rise above their carnal-s<df:
Despite the loudest warning against evil and constant exhortations to good,
0 Farid! How can they, who have been led astray by Satan, turn their mind
towards God?
(Shaikh Farid, Salok 15, AG, p. 1 378)
Shaikh Farid employs the Islamic idea of Satan to explain
human obduracy and heedlessness.
Throughout Shaikh Farid 's poetry the theme of the imper­
manence oflife is interwoven with the quest for an ever-permanent
Reality. One gets the sense that love of God ( ishq khuda't) is at
the heart of his spiritual experience. There is passion, yearning
and the agony of separation in different phases of love. More­
ov�r, there is the predominance of asceticism in his way oflove. 36
Shaikh Farid frequently expresses his anguish over lack of
fulfilment in the symbol of a suffering lover, which, according to
Schimmel, is one of the salient features oflndb-Muslim poetryY
The Shaikh says: ' I slept not with my husband last night; my body
is pining away: Go and ask the deserted one, how does she pass
her nights awake?'38 To yearn in longing and to feel the agony of
separation ( biraha) from the divine Beloved is i tself regarded as
the highest spiritual attainment in the verses of Shaikh Farid .
The theme reaches its climax as follows:
People continually talk of the agony of the Beloved's separation but for
me, 0 Love, it is the Lord of life. For, the body in which such agony does
not spring, 0 Farid, is just like a cremation-yard.
(Shaikh Farid, Salok 36, AG, p. 1 379)
Shaikh Farid calls the state of separation ' kingly' ( biraha tun
sultan) , the sovereign quality of the devotee, which drives the
suffering lover to plunge deeper and deeper into the wonderful
mysteries of the divine Beloved and thus creates the conditions
of ineffable joy. Not surprisingly, a Sufi, named Bayezid used to
say: 'If the eight Paradises were opened in my hut, and the rule
of both worlds were given in my hands, I would not give for them
that single sigh which rises at morning-time from the depth o f
my soul in remembering my longing for Him ' .39 This theme o f
intense longing for the Beloved pervades the compositions of
the Sikh Gurus.40 The following salok of Guru Angad sounds
very much like Shaikh Farid's:
 Bani Shaikh FaridJi Ki 51

The head that bows not to the Lord merits casting off. The body that is not
charged with the agony of separation (biraha) , 0 Nanak, is worth being
burnt.
(M2, Var Siri Raga, 1 ( 15), AG, p. 89)

Here, Guru Anagd has employed certain phrases from the

Farid-bani. This close verbal correspondence is not accidental.
GuruAngad was certainly familiar with the mystical songs of Shaikh
Farid. One needs only to look at Shaikh Farid's saloks 36, 71 and
72 for the sake of comparison. Moreover, this theme of the agony
of separation (biraha) from the divine Beloved may also be seen
in Kabir's works. We will examine them in the next chapter.
Shaikh Farid stresses the cultivation ofmoral and ethical virtues
as a pre-requisite to enter the mystic path oflove. He asserts that
the devotees of God must be 'true and righteous in their speech
and should not utter fulsehood'.41 The Deroishes ('devotees') must
show in their life the spirit of forbearance and resignation like
the trees which bear with equanimity the severities of the weather
and the sharp blows of the axe.42 Shaikh Farid further emphasizes
that one should be contented with whatever one has received
through honest means and should not go about begging or
depend upon somebody else for one's daily living:

Eat your own bare dry bread and drink plain cold water. Do not tempt
your mind, Farid, on seeing another's buttered bread.
Make me not sit at another's door, 0 Lord! If that is how You are pleased
to keep me, then better take this life away.
(Shaikh Farid, Saloks 29 and 42, AG, p. 1379-80)

Shaikh Farid is reputed to have passed his entire life in jaqr

( 'poverty') and tawakkul ('faith ' ) by stricdy following the tradition
of the Prophet-'! am proud of my poverty' . 43 It is also a fact
that no jagirs (endowments of land) or grants were accepted by
the Chisti saints, for they did not want to deal With the worldly
. government Whatever came to them either by presentation or
jutuh, they distributed among the deserving persons immediately
and never tried to accumulate wealth.44 Shaikh Farid maintains
that 'such a one who shares with others even when indigent is
called a rare devotee' .45
Shaikh Farid lays stress on the cultivation of the virtues of
humility, forgiveness, and sweetness of the tongue which form
the basis of one 's compassionate behaviour towards one's fellow
52 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

beings.46 One is required to overlook the faults ofothers.47 There

is no place for revengefulness in Shaikh Farid's way of life. We
are advised to kiss the feet of those who shower blows on us.48
Further, we are required to do good even towards those who are
themselves bad.49 One is spontaneously reminded of the following
principle of Sikh ethics: 'One who is good only when good is
done to him and in adversity becomes adverse: call him not a
lover for he trades in love'.50 The following verse ofShaikh Farid
reveals his spirit of humanity:
Speak never a rude word to any one, as the True Lord abides in one and
all: Break no heart-as every heart is a priceless jewel.

(Shaikh Farid, Salok 129, AG, p. 1384)

It is implied here that each person being a creature of God is

worthy of equal respect and dignity. For Shaikh Farid, humility
is an important aspect of devotion towards God. He proclaims:
'Be humble like the spear grass of the pathway if you aspire to
seek a vision of God everywhere'.51 He further maintains that its
perfect realization marks the state when one has the real knowl­
edge and yet one is humble and innocent.52
The virtue ofpatience ( sabr) is an important milestone in the
Sufi path and is regarded as the 'key to happiness'. A Qur'anic
verse declares that 'God is with those who show patience' (Sura
2:1 03) . Patience is to remain unmoved before the arrows of the
divine decrees. It is the armour and the secret strength of the
devotees. Shaikh Farid compares this spiritual quality with the
irresistible power ofan arrow which never misses its mark. The
theme is developed in the following three saloks:
Make patience your bow and bow-s tring, and the arrow too of patience­
God will not let it go off its mark.
Those who adopt patience and take upon themselves suffering-Such
alone will be near God: They do not divulge their secret to anyone.
Patience is the ideal of life: If you hold on to it steadfastly, you will
expand into the mighty river and never then shrink into a small stream.

(Shaikh Farid, Saloks 115-1 1 7, AG, p. 1 384)

Shaikh Farid asserts that patience is the sustenance of the

devotees who do not reveal their secret spiritual strength to
other people. Unlike Hallaj, he holds that the devotees must
conceal themselves after reaching the highest state of mystic
experience. The martyr-mystic Hallaj had proclaimed ' I am
 Bani Shaikh FmidJi Ki 53

the Truth ' (An-al-Haqq) . In this context, Schimmel comments:

' Having become Haqq it was necessary to conceal himself, that
is, to behave like God and not show himself for God Himself has
called Himself the Coverer'.53 The state of sabr is in fac t the
expansion of the individual self which occurs when the Sufi
experiences the union of the divine Beloved. It is the highest
fulfilment in life. Avtar Singh refers to it as 'equipoise-in-fulfilment'
which is in c ongruence with the sahaja (equipoise) state i n
Sikhism.54 T h e echo o f the above cited verses o f Shaikh Farid
can be heard in the following salok of Guru Nanak: ·

Faith and forbearance is characteristic of those with purity of heart.

Patience is the · sustenance of angels. Only those perfected in devotion
shall have sight of God-there is no place for braggarts.
(Ml, Var Siri Ragu, 2 (2) , AG, p. 83)
For Shaikh Farid, the ethico-spiritual progress made on the
mystic path of love leads to a stoppage of wandering. One no
longer resorts to the jungle waste as one realizes that God dwells
in the heart55 This state ofspiritualitymarks an end of the outward
quest and directs itself to the inner e cstasy.56 In his celebrated
Asa hymn, Shaikh Farid proclaims that the true devotees who
are soaked in God's love ( ishq khuda'z) experience the vision
( didar) of their cherished Beloved:
They who are sincerely in love with God from their heart, are 'true' devotees.
But they who have one thing in heart and another on tongue, are reckoned
'untrue'. (1) They who are soaked in God's love (ishq khuda'i) remain
inebriated with His vision (didar) . They who forget the divine Name (nam)
become a burden on the earth. (1) Refrain (rahau) . They alone are true
devotees (Dervishes) at his Door who are united by God with himself. Blessed
are their mothers who bore them; fruitful is their adevnt into the world! (2)
You are the Cherisher (paroadgai), Infinite, Inaccessible, Unfathomable, 0
Lord! I kiss the fee t of those who have realized the eternal Truth. (3) I seek
shelter in you, 0 God! You alone are the Bountiful Lord! Pray bless Shaikh
Farid with the charity (khair) of your devotion (bandagz) ! (4)
(Shaikh Farid, Asa 1, AG, p. 488)
Here Shaikh Farid asserts that true devotees (Dervishes) are
the ones who love God with utmost sincerity of the heart, follow
the way of truthful living and are blessed with divine grace. They
meditate on the divine Name (nam) to achieve constant awareness
of the divine presence. The Sufi practice of divine recollection
( bandagi or dhikr) corresponds to a large extent to the Sikh
54 The Bhagats of the Guru Oranth Sahib

practice of 'remembrance of the divine Name' (nam-simaran) .

Further, Shaikh Farid elaborates o n his understanding of God.
Although God is transcendental in nature-Infinite ( apar) , In­
accessible ( agam) , Unfathomable ( beant)-yet He is the source
of love and grace who responds to the prayers of His devotees
and is the supreme Cherisher (paruadigar) of sinners. Elsewhere,
Shaikh Farid envisions the One God as Judge, Dear, Real, Great
and Omnipotent.57 He frequently employs the Muslim names
of God such as Allah, Khuda'i, Rabb and expresses his Muslim
beliefs and practices freely.
On the whole the Farid-bani in the Adi Granth presents the
pic ture of a Sufi who was a pious Mulim of orthodox views and
was well known for his observances oflslamic rituals. As a mystic
he seems to have discarded worldly pleasures to follow the life of
perfect asceticism. In one particular instance, however, Shaikh
Farid speaks against an insincere observance oflslamic practices,
a sentiment more akin to the Sants and Sufis than to orthodox
Islam.58 It is quite possible that some of the popular sayings that
were attributed to the Sufi poets owed a significant debt to the
Sant tradition ofNorth India and to that extent they moved much
closer to Hindu concepts than the Sufis further west would have
tolerated. For instance, some of the verses attributed to Shaikh
Farid share common themes wit.h certain verses attributed to
Kabir, and hence they may reflect the often conflated optic of
the Sant tradition.59 An alternative explanation for these com­
monalities, however, may be the case in which one can show di­
rect Sufi influence o n the Sant tradition. Let us now turn to the
analysis of those works of Shaikh Farid that have received direc t
comments from the Sikh Gurus.

GURU NANAK AND SHAIKH FARID

Given the comments which Guru Nanak makes on Shaikh Farid 's
verses it is quite evident that he not only had access to Farid's
works but had also studied them very carefully. He was certainly
familiar with the hymns of the Sufi poet, and nine of Guru
Nanak's hymns ( Siri 24, AG, p. 23; Siri Astapadi 5, pp. 55-6; Asa
Astapadi 14, p. 4 1 8; Vadahans 1-3, pp. 557-8; Suhi Kaji 1, p. 762;
Maru Astapadian 9-10, pp. 1 0 1 4- 1 5 ) are composed in th e
language characteristic of the Farid-bani.60 Thematically, these
 Bani Shaikh Farid]i Ki 55

hymns of Guru Nanak are entirely at one with the emphases of

the Farid-bani, whose actual verbal expressions are frequently
recalled on the memento mori themes.61 Shaikh Farid's mystical
songs in Old Punjabi were intended to be recited or sung as a
part of religious music in the Sufi worship. They influenced the
entire population of the Punjab, particularly the women, who
used to sing these simple verses while doing their daily work.62
These Sufi songs certainly attracted the special attention of Guru
Nanak who entered into dialogues with Shaikh Farid's followers
on vital issues such as the primacy of divine grace over personal
effort, the theme of asceticism, the attitude towards life, the death
·

theme and belief in after-life.

The major theological response of Guru Nanak to the Sufi
poet is linked to the issue of the primacy of divine grace over
personal effort. Shaikh Farid used to spend a major part of the
night in vigils to follow the tradition of the Prophet whose spiritual
'ascension during the night' ( shab-i-mira;) was the motivating
factor behind this spiritual discipline. He says:
The first watch of the night is the blossom, the last watch brings out fruit:
The Lord's blessings is upon those who keep vigil in prayer.63
(Shaikh Farid, Salok 1 12, AG, p. 1 384)
Here Farid claims that God's gift ( dat) is available to the devo­
tees who become deserving with their spiritual effort through
night vigils.
Guru Nanak clearly differs from the views held by Shaikh Farid.
He regards grace as God's free and sovereign act of self-disclo­
sure.64 In his commentary verse, he · emphasizes the idea that
God's gifts are not ultimately dependent upon the merit of the
individual:
Bounties are all of the Lord; these cannot be forced out of His hand. Some
do not get these even though awake; while others He himself awakens to
bless.
(Ml, Salok 1 13, AG, p. 1384)65
The nature of grace is such that it is a matter of divine free
choice which does not depend upon any kind of previous
growth in spirituality. No amount of austerity can force it out
of God's hands. As W.H. McLeod rightly points out that if ' God
chooses to withold his gracious glance from a particular person
there can be no hope of salvation for that person ' . 66 Ultimately
56 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

divine grace is a mystery which is a�solutely beyond human

reasoning and calculation. Thus while responding to Shaikh
Farid ' s verse Guru Nanak makes it amply clear to his own
audience thatindividual effort is useless as an attempt to win
God's favour.
Nevertheless, effort in the form of good actions has its place
in Guru Nanak's view of life.67 Effort has spiritual and social
worth, but one must recognize its limits and acknowledge the
primacy of divine grace over personal effort. Here it is impor­
tant to note that there is no fatalism nor any idea of passive
acceptance of a predestined future in Guru Nanak's view oflife.
In his famous Var Asa, for instance, he proclaims: 'With your
own hands carve out your own destiny' .68 Guru Nanak's idea
of ' divine free choice' on the one hand, and his emphasis on
the life ofactivism on the other, reflect his ability to hold in tension
seemingly opposed elements. However, all human actions pre­
suppose the functioning of divine grace. One must continue to
perform disinterested actions at an stages ofspiritual development
to prevent a 'fall from grace' and to set an example for others.
Indeed, divine grace is a doorway ( nadari mokhu duaru) .69 It is
offered to all, but in order to enter it every seeker has to bring
his/her nature under control by defeating the temptations of
self-centered pride (haumai, ' I-ness, my-ness') . .
The primary goal of the ascetic discipline, according to Shaikh
Farid, is the union with the divine Beloved, which in classical
Sufi terminology is equivalent to 'subsistence' ( baqa) within God.
It is attained only through the process of annihilation (jana)
'wherein the soul is stripped of all its desires, affections, and
interests, so that in ceasing to will for itself it becomes an object
of the Divine will, that is, the beloved of God; and that which it
loves is now its inward and real Self, not the self that has "passed
away'". 70 To achieve the highest stage of annihilation, a Sufi
undergoes the severest ascetic discipline of self-torture because
'the suffering of the body is the subsistence of the spirit' .71 Shaikh
Farid describes the theme of suffering in the fire of love in the
following salok:

My body is oven-hot; my bones burn like firewood. If my feet fail me, I will
\valk on my head to meet my Beloved.72
(Shaikh Farid, Salok 1 1 9, AG, p. 1384)
 Bani Shaikh Faridji Ki 57

Shaikh Farid's ascetic discipline seems to have taken the ex­

treme form of self-tormre. However, it should be emphasized
that the imagery of fire is often used in Sufi poetry to describe
the process of burning away of bodily passions and desires which
goes back to the ancient rites of purification through fire. Jalal
al-Din Rumi ( 1 207-73) , a contemporary of Shaikh Farid, states
that the oven ( tannur) of Love 'serves to purity man as ore is
·

refined in the crucible to become gold' .7'"

The ideals of self-torture and asceticism which find expression
in Farid are diametrically opposed to Guru Nanak's emphati­
callystated beliefs of moderate living and disciplined worldliness.
He severely condemns those wandering ascetics who ' harm
themselves by burning their limbs in the fire'.74 His commentary
verse rejects the ascetic streak of Farid and emphasizes self­
realization instead of self-torture:
Do not heat your body oven-hot, burn not your bones like firewood. What
harm have your head and feet done? (So, why do you torture them through
such austerities?) Rather behold the Beloved within your soul, FaridF5
CMl, Salok 120, AG, p. 1384) 76

The Guru clearly provides a contrast to Shaikh Farid's view

by asserting that one must seek the divine Beloved within one's
own heart ( andari piri nihal) without torruring the body through
ascetic discipline. Elsewhere, the human body is regarded by
Guru Nanak as the temple of the indwelling spirit of God: 'The
body is the palace of God, His temple, His dwelling-place
wherein He has shown light infini tely radiant. By the Guru's
word one is summoned within the palace; there one meets with
God' .77 The Guru thus places a positive value on the human
body which should be used as an instrument of spirimal realiza­
tion and service to humankind. In his comment on Farid's verse,
Guru Nanak shows himself concerned to define for his own
followers a path which excludes asceticism as described by the
Sufi poet.
It 1s instructive to note that Guru Nanak' s comment on
Shaikh Farid's verse as mentioned above is followed by four
saloks (nos. l21-4) of the Sikh Gurus, inserted by Guru Arjan
with the intention of highlighting the theme of self-realization
versus asceticism. The first salok by Guru Ram Das reads as
follows:
58 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

I keep searching for my spouse, but my Spouse is within me: Nanak, the
Unknowable cannot be seen but the Guru can make him seen.78
(M4, Salok 121, AG, p. 1 384)
This salok is further repeated in Guru Ram Das's Var Kanare
Ki under his authorship.79 It is, in fact, an explication of Guru
Nanak' s view ofseeking the divine Beloved within one's own Self.
The fourth Guru asserts that one can attain the highest state of
God-realization only through the guidance of the Guru.
In the next two saloks, Guru Amar Das exposes the futility of
human endeavour and the deceptive framework of a world of
the spiritual make-believe. He employs the symbols of the crane
( bagu or bagula) and the swan ( hansa) to contrast the hypocritical
conduct of the ascetics with t he spiritual attainment of the true
devotees. The two saloks read as follows:
Seeing the swans swimming, the herons too were enthused with the desire
to swim likewise. But, lo, the poor cranes got drowned to death, their heads
below and feet upwards.
I took him for a great swan, and, therefore, I associated with him. Had
I known that he was but a Wretched heron, I would never have touched
him with my limb.
(M3, Saloks 122-3, AG, p. 1 384)00
On the one hand, the hansa-birds (' swans') symbolize the lib­
erated souls in Indian religious traditions. According to legend,
the hansas in lake Mansarovar are gifted with such marvelous
viveka ('discernment') that they can separate milk mixed with
water, drink the pure milk and reject the water. They are also
supposed to feed on pearls which they pick out from that lake.
On the other hand, the crane is a kind of heron whose white
appearance seemingly symbolizes purity, innocence and seren­
ity. It stands perfectly still on the bank of a river, and appears
deeply absorbed in meditation while it actually deals sudden
death to unwary fish. Thus its ' meditation' is broken for the sake
of its belly! Here Guru Amar Das gives an interesting compara­
tive parallelism of the cranes imitating the swans with fatal re­
sults. These two saloks may have been intended to warn the Sikh
community against the phoniness of the Sufi ascetics of the day
who were prone to pretend and pose larger than life.81
It is quite interesting and instructive to observe that the final
salok (no. 1 24) in this context is again by Guru Nanak. It reads
as follows:
 Bani Shaikh FaridJi Ki 59

What matters it whether he on whom God casts His graceful glance, be a

swan or a heron? Says Nanak: If it pleases Him, He turns a crow into a swan.
(M1, Salok 124, AG, p . 1 384)82
Here Guru Nanak makes his viewpoint quite explicit that what
matters in spiritual life is not the merit of the individual, but the
functioning of divine grace. He uses the symbolism ofblack crows
turning into white swans under spiritual metamorphosis to point
out that divine grace can elevate even the lowly and transform
the worthless sinners into saints. In this context, McLeod aptly
maintains that ' God in his grace chooses to impart enlighten­
ment to men who would otherwise fail to perceive the divine
self-revelation in the created world around them and in their
own inward experience' .83 Guru Arjan seems to have consciously
inserted this salok here to reinforce Guru Nanak's view of spiri­
tual life based upon divine grace and humility.
The primacy of divine grace is fundamental to Guru Nanak's
theology which might be described as an attempt to articulate
his personal experience ofAkal Purakh. He repeatedly proclaims:
' God is attained by God's grace. All other ways and means are
vain and false'.84 This constant refrain in his comments on Shaikh
Farid's verses provides a clear contrast between the way of Guru
Nanak and the Sufi path of love. Moreover, it should be empha­
sized that the hope in divine grace confers on Guru Nanak's
poetry an optimistic freshness which strongly contrasts with
Shaikh Farid's gloomy pessimism.85 This may be noted from the
following dialogue between the two mystics. Shaikh Farid, for
instance, says:
The one who is not welcome by her in-laws, and who has no place at her
parents' house; and whose husband does not care for her, can one say that
she is a happily married wife?
(Shaikh Farid, Salok 31, AG, p. 1 379)
Here, Shaikh Farid describes the symbolic relations between
the young wife (suhagan, that is, the 'seeker's soul') and her hus­
band (pir, that is, the 'divine Beloved' ) . In the present context,
the in-laws' house (sahurai) represents the spiritual life and the
parents' house (peiai) the worldly life of a devotee. Shaikh Farid
sarcastically comments on those phony Dervishes who have re­
nounced the worldy life to enter into the mystic path oflove, but
who have not yet attained union with the divine Beloved. In fact,
there was a tradition among the Sufis to dress like young brides,
60 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

and they were known as sahu-suhagan ( 'happily married brides' )

among the Sufi circles. Shaikh Farid portrays a gloomy picture
of these Sufi ascetics who have indeed lost both the worlds of
secular and spiritual affairs.
Guru Nanak has the following reflection on Shaikh Farid's
verse on the symbolic relations between the spiritual and worldly
aspects of life:
Both at her in-laws' house and her parents' house, she belongs to her
husband, the divine Beloved who is Inaccessible and Unfathomable. 0
Nanak! That one is indeed a happily married bride, who pleases the Indif­
ferent One ( beparvah).
(Ml, Salok 32, AG, p. 1379)
Here, Guru Nanak asserts that both the spiritual and secular
aspects of one's life become meaningful when one is blessed with
the divine grace. That is, one should put one's faith exclusively
in the indwelling God who looks after everyone in their spiritual
and worldly concerns. Although divine grace is a necessary
condition for attaining liberation, it is not sufficient by itself.
One must accept the gift of divine grace and acknowledge it by
purifYing one' s man (heart-mind-soul) from the evil inclinations
of haumai. Thus one attains union with the divine Beloved by
following the path of disciplined worldliness.
The analysis of these commentary verses, however, should not
leave the impression that Shaikh Farid did not believe in the efficacy
of divine grace in the mystic path of love (ishq khuda' i) . This is
certainly not the case. In his Asa hymn, for instance, Shaikh Farid
envisions the One God as the Lord oflove and grace who responds
to the prayers of His devotees and is the supreme Cherisher
(parvadigar) of sinners. He further claims that 'true devotees
(Dervishes) are those whom God Himself attaches unto Himself
( api l:ie lari lai dari daroesh se) . 86 Guru Nanak heartily agrees with
this observation of Shaikh Farid. The main points raised i n
the commentary verses, however, deal with the immediate context
in which the issue of the primacy of divine grace over personal
effort is being debated with the followers of the Sufi poet.
Shaikh Farid's hymn in the measure Suhi Lalit, a popular
raga with the Sufis, is full of deep remorse, in which he laments
a life wasted in absorption with worldly temptations, contem­
plates death , and finds that it is too late to change. The exhor­
tation is addressed to the person who has lost the opportunity
 Bani Shaikh Farid]i Ki 61

of remembering the Lord when there was yet time to do so,

telling him/her to stop wasting limited moments at hand before
'the · soul departs crestfallen and this body becomes a heap of
ashes'. The complete hymn reads as follows:
Suhi Lalit
You could not build a raft a t the time when you should have done it.
When the sea is full and overflowing it is hard to cross. ( l ) Do not
touch the saffron flower with your hands, its colour will fade, my dear!
( 1 ) Re fr ain ( rahau ) . First the bride is weak and in addition her
husband's command is hard to bear. As milk does not return to her
breast so the soul does not enter the same body again. (2) Says Farid,
0 my friends, when th e spouse calls, the soul departs crestfallen and
this body becomes a heap of ashes. (3)
(Shaikh Farid, Suhi Lalit 1, AG, p. 794)
Shaikh Farid describes here the pitiable condition of the
wayfaring soul that is alienated from the Lord, struggling to cross
the stormy ocean of existence without the help of any raft. He
seems to be saying that for want of timely action of making the
raft of divine recollection (bandagi) , the end is going to be
disastrous. He further warns the people against the transitory
nature of worldly pleasures which, like the saffron fl ower
( kasumbha) , wither away into nothingness and result in throwing
away the one and only opportunity of this life to save the soul.
For Shaikh Farid, death is a terrible and eternal extinction be­
cause terrestrial life like milk in the breast is gone for ever. More­
over, there is the implicit fear of judgement in the words ' her
husband's command is hard to bear' (saha ke re bola) . Elsewhere,
Shaikh Farid maintains that on the day of judgement the great
account book will be opened and each soul will face the Lord
(Rabb) to explain how the time was spent during its sojourn on
earth.87 Shaikh Farid uses the symbol of the swan (hansa) for
the human soul which takes its reluctant flight leaving the body
a heap of dust lying in the grave. In his analysis of this hymn,
Christopher Shackle argues that ample reiteration of the gloomy
theme of this hymn is to be found throughout the Farid-bani,
much ofwhose imagery may perhaps be taken as directly reflecting
the Pakpattan setting.88
According to the standard version of the Adi Granth, Guru
Nanak composed a hymn in the same measure, Suhi Ragu, in
response to Shaikh Farid's, with the imagery of the original,
62 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

expressing his own self-understanding of a life of spirituality

based on divine grace through the practice ofmeditation on the
diVine Name, and self-control. A closer reading ofthe following
hymn reveals how Guru Nanak transforms the language and sense
ofFarid's hymn:
Suhi Mahala 1 ('Guru Nanak's hymn in the Suhi mode')
Make meditation and self-control the raft by which you cross the flowing
stream. Your path will be as comfortable as if there were no ocean or over·
flowing stream. (1) Your Name alone is the unfading madder with which
my cloak is dyed; my beloved Lord, this colour is everlasting. ( 1 ) Refrain .
My dear friends have departed, how shall they meet the Lord? If they are
united in virtue the Lord will unite them with himself. (2) Once united
the mortal does not separate again if the union is true. The cycle of birth
and death is annulled by the True, Eternal Lord. (3) She who removes
self-centeredness sews herself a garment to please her husband. By the
Guru's instruction she obtained the fruit of the nectar of the Lord's word.
( 4) Says Nanak, 0 my friends, my spouse is very dear to me. We are the
Lord's handmaidens; He is our True Husband. (5)
(M1, Suhi 4, AG, p. 729)
The recent research on early manuscripts have shown that
this hymn is actually recorded under the title of ' Mahalu 3' in
the copy ofVolume I (folio 9) ofthe Goindval pothis preserved
atJalandhar. The newly found Guru Nanak Dev University manu­
script, MS 1 245 (ca. 1 599 CE) , also assigns the authorship of this
hymn to Guru Amar Das, so does the Kartarpur manuscript (1604
CE) . Thus it raises the problem ofits authorship. There are still
some unanswered questions about the original Goindval pothis
and the place ofthis hymn in the cluster ofGuru Nanak's hymns.
So we will assign this hymn to Guru Nanak in our analysis, keep­
ing in mind the possibility of Guru Amar Das's authorship. For
the argument of this study, however, it is immaterial whether
this hymn is by Guru Nanak or by Guru Amar Das. It reflects the
Gurus' Viewpoint with respect to the hymn of Shaikh Farid.
It may be noted that this hymn is not juxtaposed with Shaikh
Farid's hymn in the standard version of the Adi Granth because
Guru Aijan chose to keep them apart at the time of the making ·

of the Sikh scripture when he separated the hymns ofthe Gurus

from other compositions. Nevertheless, it is quite eVident from ·

the use ofmarital imagery, the play upon the fading and unfading
dye and the problem of crossing the ocean ofexistence that they
 Bani Shaikh Farid Ji Ki 63

belong together. Obviously one can link the key words such as
hera ('raft') , sarvar ('ocean') , dhola ('Beloved') , saha (' Husband') ,
bola ( 'word' ) , mela ( ' union') , sahelio ('friends') , which occur in
both the hymns. Moreover, the common rhyme establishes a clear
relationship between them. Traditionally, these two hymns have
always been held together and, therefore, Guru Nanak's hymn
is understood to be a comment on Shaikh Farid.
The comparative analysis of these two hymns reveals that the
tone and spirit of Shaikh Farid's hymn contrasts with Guru
Nanak's, at crucial points, Both seem to address two diff�rent
aspects oflife. Whereas Shaikh Farid speaks ofthe negative aspect
of lost opportunities in a vein of despair, Guru Nanak focuses
on the positive aspect by providing the hope of the comfortable
passage of the soul through the ocean of existence with the help
of the raft of meditation and self-control and by asserting that it
is never too late to turn towards God. Shaikh Farid stresses the
transitoriness of worldly pleasures by using the imagery of the
frail colour ofthe saffron flower (kasumbha) , while Guru Nanak's
accent falls on the eternal value of the divine Name (nam) which
is like the fast colour on the garments. In contrast with the stern
and harsh words of the Beloved ( saha ke re bola) of Shaikh Farid's
conception, Guru Nanak envisions the gracious Beloved who is
'very dear to me ' (sahu khara piara) and whose words are sweet
like nectar (saha ke amrit bola) . It is the positive lure of the Divine
in Guru Nanak's hymn that has received more stress than the .
fear ofjudgement in Shaikh Farid' s.
The dominant theme in both the hymns is related to the
issue of death and belief in after-life. Whereas Shaikh Farid
talks about the unique opportunity of human life because of
his Islamic background, Guru Nanak does mention rebirth
( avagavan) having inherited this idea from his Indian religious
background. Guru Nanak' s belief in the doctrine of rebirth is
fundamentally different from the eschatological views held by
Farid, especially his awesome description of flaming hell, the
pul sirat ('bridge of hell') , and the terrible retribution for the
unbelievers. The penalty for life de�mid of devotion in Guru
Nanak' s view is vichhora, the separation from the Lord. The Guru
maintains that i t is the sense of se'lf-centeredness (haumai) which
is the root cause of one's separation from God. He further
asserts that one can remove self-centredness through the Guru's
64 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

instruction and put an end to birth and rebirth. For Guru Nanak.,
death is not something to be dreaded, but is ajoy and the 'privilege
of the brave' to be welcomed when it comes, for it means a
perfecting of one' s union with God.89 On the whole, Shaikh
Farid's tone is pessimistic, whereas Guru Nanak's is resonant with
exuberance and optimism.

GURU AMAR DAS AND SHAIKH FARID

Guru Amar Das follows the method of textual commentary

started by Guru Nanak in highlighting the distinctive features of
Sikhism in relation to Sufi thought. He responds to Farid on the
following points: the right age to follow the path of God's love
versus divine grace, the ascetic discipline and moral purity, and
the therrie of renunciation.
Shaikh Farid places much emphasis on the right age for
entering the Sufi path of love. He maintains that one must turn
towards God in the youthful age when the hair is black, otherwise
it will be too late: .
Farid, she who did not eJ1joy her Spouse when black-haired, will she enjoy
Him when grey-haired? Love the Lord with such a Love that your hair's
colour will never change!90
(Shaikh Farid, Salok 12, AG, p. 1 378)
Shaikh Farid' s views must have intrigued Guru Amar Das who
succeeded the throne of Guru Nanak at the ripe old age of
seventy-two. On the basis of his own personal experience, h e
rejects the belief that a person rarely turns towards God in old
age ( dhaulin ravai koz) , and offers the following commentary verse
on Shaikh Farid's:
M3 (Guru Am ar Das)
Farid, whether one's hair be black or grey, the Lord is ever present, if one
but remembers Him. True love does not come from one's own desire:
That cup of the Master's love He himeslef gives to whomever He pleases!91
(M3, Salok 13, AG, p. 1 378)
Guru Amar Das asserts that one can follow the path of God's
love at any age if one has the right intention to do so. But one
must know that one cannot succeed in the life ofspirituality without
the divine initiative. The Guru further lays stress on the idea of
divine free choice in the functioning of grace, which is in perfe.c t
 Bani Shaikh FaridJi Ki 65

harmony with the teachings of Guru Nanak. Thus h e advocates

the necessity of divine grace, whereas Shaikh Farid stresses mak­
ing the effort to love God at the right age of youthful life. In
contrast to the views held by Shaikh Farid, Guru Amar Das seems
to be highlighting the distinctive Sikh view of life based upon
divine grace. Also in contrast to the Sufi poet he emphasizes with
a spirit ofoptimism that both young and old in his audience can
enter the spiritual life based upon the Guru's teachings.
Guru Amar Das's second major concern in offering comment
on Shaikh Farid's verse is related to the issue of ascetic disci­
pline and moral purity. In the following salok, Shaikh Farid makes
the claim that if his b ody were cut, no blood would come out
because those who are in love with the Lord have no blood i n
their veins:
Farid, if any one were to cut ·my body, not a drop of blood would ooze
from it. For, those who are imbued with God's love have no blood left in
their bodies. ·

(Shaikh Farid, Salok 51, AG, p. 1 380)

Here is an obscure passage from the scripture which for practi­
cal reasons is unacceptable in its literal meaning. Anand's
interpretation that with years of penance and extreme devotion
Shaikh Farid's physical body ceased to play an important role in
his actions and that he felt he had become ethereal and spiritual,
·

does not seem to fit in the context of Sufi thought.92

There is a reference in the old text]awama-u 'l-kilam regard­
ing Shaikh Farid's chillah-i-makus (hanging upside down in a well
- and saying the prescribed prayers and recollections for forty
nights) which reads as follows:
One day when Sayyid Muhammad Gesu Daraz was telling his audience
about this chillah of Baba Farid, a man asked: 'How is that blood does
not run out of the eyes and the mouth of the person who performs i t
and how foo d and other things d o n o t come out o f him?' T h e saint
replied that there was no question of blood or food in the dried and
emaciated body of the saint-reduced to mere skeleton by prayers and
penitences.93
It is important to note th�t Sayyid Muhammad Gesu Daraz
(d. 1 421) was a famous desciple of Shaikh Farid Nasir-u' d-din
Chiragh-i-Delhi, the disciple of Nizam-u'd-din Auliya who was
the spiritual successor ofBaba Farid. The above reference seems
strongly to point towards a belief in the Sufi circles that Farid
66 The Bhagats of the Guru Oranth Sahib

was a master ascetic who had no blood left in his body due to his
penances.
Similarly, Shaikh Sharaf ud-din Yahya of Manir, a mystic of
the Firdausi order who flourished in Bihar toward the end of
the fourteenth or the beginning of the fifteenth century, wrote a
collection ofletters entitled Maktubat-i-Sadi as 'Indian Sufi Teachers'
Handbook'. The l etters were addressed to his disciples. Note
the following excerpt from a letter on the 'Marks of the Seeker':
He vigilantly melts his desire-nature in the furnace of asceticism and does
not think of anything save the True One. He sees Him on the right and on
the left, sitting and standing. Such a seeker is called the Divine Seer. He
attaches no importance to the sovereignty of earth or of heaven. His body
becomes emaciated by devotional aspirations, while his heart is cheered with
Divine Blessedness. Thoughts of wife and children, of this world and the
next, do not occupy his heart. Though his body be on earth, his soul is
with God. Though here, he has already beeit there, reached the Goal, and
seen the Beloved with his inner eye. [Italics mine] .94
Here, Shaikh Sharaf ud-din Maneri has evidently mentioned
that the body of the seeker ' becomes emaciated' by devotional
asceticism. This theme seems to be an integral part of the Sufi
discourse of medieval times.
Moreover, the metaphor of 'blood' is employed frequently in
Sufi poetry to describe the mystical experience of annihilation
when the Beloved slaughters the lover. Annemarie Schimmel
quotes from the poetry of Rumi as follows:
Love is bloodthirsty; it becomes fat from drinking the blood of the lover...
and it also makes the lover drink his own blood, so that his task is 'to
become blood, to drink one's blood, to sit with dogs at the door of faith­
fulness'. The lover becomes like a flask filled with blood and is finally
transformed into 'blood in the veins of Love, tears in the lover's eyes' and
thus reaches the highest station on the path, that of complete transforma­
tion into Love.95
The transformation of 'blood' into 'Love' represents symboli­
cally the highest stage of annihilation on the Sufi path. In line
with such symbolism, it makes sense for Shaikh Farid to say
' those who are imbued with God's love h ave no blood left i n
their bodies'.
Considering the fact that Shaikh Farid's salok might be misin­
terpreted, Guru Amar Das offered a radically new interpretation
of the word rattu ('blood') with the modification that devotees do
 Bani Shaikh FaridJi Ki 67

not have lobhu rattu (the 'blood of greed') in their bodies. The
Guru says:

M3 (Guru Amar Das)

The body is all blood, it cannot exist without it. But they who are imbued
with Lord's love, do not have the blood of greed in their body. When the
fear of God enters the body, it becomes emaciated and the blood of greed
departs from it. As the fire purifies the metal, so the fear of God casts out
the impurities of evil inclinations. Those alone are beautiful, Nanak, who
are dyed with the love of God.
(M3, Salo.k 52, AG, p. 1380)
It is quite evident here that Guru Amar Das does not accept the
belief that Shaikh Farid had no blood left in his body due to his
austerities. He rather asserts that the original intent ofShaikh Farid' s
verse is that the devotees should experience the passing away of
passions and desires when the 'fear of God casts out the impurities
of evil inclinations' ( duramati mailu) and the blood ofgreed ( lobhu
rattu) departs from the body. Although the bodies of the God­
fearing devotees sometimes become emaciated ( tanu khinu hoi) ,
they look beautiful ( sohane) because of their moral purity and
spiritual strength. This is in line with the Sufi idea of the body's
'becoming spirit' illustrated by the following quotation: 'The bod­
ies of the purified ones become untainted, exactly like the spirit'.96
Thus with Guru Amar Das's comment Farid's obscure couplet
becomes intelligible and, in the process, the Sikh view of moral
purity is defined for the benefit of the Sikh community.
Finally, it is commonly accepted that a Sufi is so called because
he wears a coarse woollen garment, suf (Arabic: 'wool' ) , which
was the distinguishing mark of the first generation of Muslim
ascetics. Although Farid roundly condemns the hypocritical
conduct of those who wear suf,97 yet he places much emphasis
upon rejecting worldly dresses and adopting a particular Sufistic
dress or kambalari (blanket) :
Farid, tear your silk garment, put on a rough woollen blanket-assume
whatever garb that may bring you nearer to the Lord.98
(Shaikh Farid, Salok 103, AG, p. 1 383)
Siddiqui maintains that the Sufi attire represents complete
renun ciation and fortified fai th in God and His Prophet.99
Guru Amar Das has the following reflection 'on Shaikh Farid' s
couplet:
 68 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

M3 (Guru Amar Das)

Why tear your silken gannent? What is the use of wearing a rough blan­
ket? Nanak, while sitting at home, you will find the Lord, by purifying the
· intention ( niyat) of your mind. 100
(M3, Salok 104, AG, p. 1 383)
Clearly this is intended as a contrast to Shaikh Farid's view
of renunciation. Guru Amar D as's own understanding is that
one does not need to renounce the life of the householder
(ghar: li terally ' house ' , here household) to follow the path of
spirituality. Elsewhere, the Guru proclaims that ' family life is
superior to ascetic life in a sectarian garb because it is from
householders that ascetics meet their needs' . 101 He uses the
word niyat for ' intention ' , an essential part of Muslim prayer,
to stress the point that one should follow good intentions and
realize the Lord within while participating in worldly affairs.
It is, however, instructive to note that when Shaikh Farid was
preaching Islam had already started the process of occupying
India through conquest and converting Hindus either by force
or through peaceful means of tead�ing and learning. His family,
especially his father and grandfather, had been made refugees
from Mghanistan by imperial wars of expansion, driven by the
search for conspicuous wealth and fine silk. As a reaction against
his times, Shaikh Farid tore up silks and put on a rough woollen
blanket to follow the mystic path of love. Guru Amar Das, living
in a relatively affluent society, saw nothing wrong in wearing fine
silks because one could be good or evil in silks just as in rough
woollen. What was needed was good intention, the purpose and
the motive, which shape human actions in the context of family
life. If those actions are acceptable to God, they may bring divine
grace. 1 02
However, in order to guard against the temptation to become
too worldly and proud of one's riches, Guru Arjan adds a fur­
ther comment as follows:
M5 (Guru Arjan)
Farid, those who took praise in their greatness, in wealth, and in the plea­
sures of youth, they went away from the Lord, as bare as a hillock after
rain! '03
(M5, Salak 105, AG, p. 1383)
Here, Guru Arjan reminds people of the corrupting influ­
ence of power based upon worldly success. What is wrong with
 Bani Shaikh Farid]i Ki 69

the riches is their use for selfish ends, for inflating one's ego and
pride, and for destroying others. He seems to be concerned with
maintaining a balance between the two extremes of renunciation
and worldliness. In this context, Niharranjan Ray aptly remarks:
'To maintain a harmonized balance between attachment and
detachment, between worldliness and other-worldliness, between
the temporal and the spiritual, has never been very easy in
human society; yet this was the task which Guru Nanak set him­
self to, and as one goes through the life and activities of the Gurus
and the history of Sikh society one feels that they carried out this
task admirably well' . 104 Thus in responding to Shaikh Farid's
verses, the Gurus reject not only the ideals of asceticism and
self-mortification, but also indulgence in and love of worldly
attractions. Rather, the emphasis is put on moderate living and
disciplined worldliness. These are not seen as opposed to the
spiritual path. The Gurus' comments, therefore, serve to accentu­
ate major aspects of Sikh teachings for the benefit of the grow­
ing Sikh community.

GURU ARJAN AND SHAIKH FARID

The organizational structure of the Adi Granth reveals that Guru

Arjan used much freedom in editing and arranging the Farid­
bani in the Sikh scripture. He has entered his responses at various
points in Farid's verses, evidently with a concern to bring out
more clearly the unique features of Sikhism for the benefit of
his own contemporary audience.
A careful examination of the Farid-bani, for instance, suggests
that its dominant theme is linked with the 'gloomy view' of life
in the world.105 In fact, Guru Arjan took special pains to 'restore
social sanity to the views of Shaikh Farid where they touch bor­
ders of nihilism and total denial of life here and now'.105 For
instance, let us consider the following two salok.s of Shaikh Farid
in which the pessimistic tone finds its highest expression:

Farid, if my throat had been cut on the same day as my navel string, I
should not have fallen into such trouble nor undergone such hardship.
Farid, I thought I alone was in pain, but actually the whole world is in
pain. I went up on the roof and looked on every house in flames.

(Shaikh Farid, Saloks 76 and 81, AG, pp. 1381-82)

70 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

Here, Shaikh Farid seems to be cursing human life as worth­

less. His attitude towards it is comprehensively negative. For him
the life in the world is devoid ofjoy, containing and terminating
in suffering ( dukkh) . This is, indeed, contrary to the life-affirming
principles of the Sikh Gurus.
Responding to the issues raised by Shaikh Farid, Guru Arjan
offers his solutions from the Sikh perspective. His comments are
incorporated into his own Var Ramakali and then repeated in
Shaikh J<:arid's saloks in the epilogue of the Adi Granth to reiterate
the Sikh viewpoint:
M5 (Guru Arjan)
This lovely world is like a garden, Farid, in which some poison-bearing
plants also grow. But they for whom the Master cares do not suffer at all.
M5 (Guru Aijan)
How sweet is life, Farid, with health the body biooms! Yet those who love
their dear, sweet [Lord], are rarely ever found!
(M5, Saloks 82 and 83, AG, p. 1 382)
Here, Guru Arjan employs the 'signature' of ' Farid' since he
is directly addressing the issues raised by the Sufi poet. In fact,
he is actually addressing those issues being debated between the
Sikh community and the contemporary followers of Shaikh
Farid.1 07 In his first comment, Guru Arjan asserts that just as
poison-bearing plants also grow in a beautiful garden, so suffering
is an inevitable part of life. joy and suffering are two aspects of
worldly life which make life worth living. The Guru furth e r
provides the hope that o n e may find the way through the grace
of the Master (pir) to accept pain and pleasure with equanimity.
Whereas Shaikh Farid regards the world with indifference or as
a place of suffering, Guru Arjan likens it to a 'beautiful garden'
( bhum rangavali, 'colourful earth ' ) , thus emphasizing for the Sikh
community a positive attitude towards life in the world.
In his second comment, Guru Arjan maintains that human
life is the most delightful ( suhavan} experience that one can have
with the gift of this beautiful body ( suvannari deh) . Elsewhere
the human being has been called the epitome of creation: 'All
other creation is subject to you, 0 man/woman! You reign supreme
on this earth '.1 08 Although the existence of physical deformity
and ugliness in the world is sometimes explained as the result of
previous karma, it is intended for a higher divine purpose which
 Bani Shaikh Farid]i Ki 71

i s beyond human comprehension. This situation can, however,

change through the functioning of divine grace: 'The cripple
can cross over a mountain and the blockhead can become an
accomplished preacher. The blind can see the three worlds
through the grace of the Guru ' . Hl9 Guru A.tj an further proclaims
that human l ife provides an individual with the opportunity to
remember the divine Name and ultimately to unite with the
Lord.110 But rare ( virle) are the ones who seek the divine Beloved
while participating in worldly actions and delights. Thus in
contrast with Shaikh Farid, Guru Arjan places a positive value
on human life and seeks to ignite a spirit of optimism among his
followers. Whereas Shaikh Farid focuses on the suffering of the
world, Guru A.tjan's accent falls on the beautiful side of creation.
The highest s tate of spiritual progress in Shaikh Farid i s
marked with the attainment of 'evenness' o r 'balance' in life.
The theme is developed as follows:
Make your mind quite flat, 0 Farid, without any dunes or hills. Then you
will not ever face the fires of hell in the hereafter.
(Shaikh Farid, Salok 74, AG, p. 1 381)
The meaning o f the phrase toi tibbe ( ' dunes o r hills') in the
original text is not clear. It reminds one of the deserts which
surrounded Pakpattan in pre-colonial days. Moreover, a
discernably Islamic content may be seen in the use of a Persian
loanword dojak (<dozak, 'hell' ) . Sahib Singh maintains that the
Punjabi phrase toi tibbe stands for the attitudes of 'prejudice'
and 'pride' respectively.m In the same vein B.R. Grover states
that Farid ridicules the inhibitions in the mind based on caste
complexes.112 Shaikh Farid may have meant that one can achieve
the state of 'balance' only after removing the evil inclinations of
prejudice and pride from the mind. In fact, the hint for such an
interpretation and therefore, a possible clarification comes from
the following comment of Guru Arjan:
M5 (Guru Arjan)
The Creator dwells in His creation, and creation in its Creator. Whom
.
should we call bad when there is no one without Him?
(M5, Salok 75, AG, p. 1381)
The Guru stresses Jhat each one is worthy of equal dignity
and respect because the Creator ( khalaq) dwells within all. This
view seems to be in harmony with Shaikh Farid' s concept of the
72 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

equality of human beings based on the belief that the 'True Lord
abides in one and all ' (sabhan 1nai sacha dham) .113 But this realization
comes to one who achieves ' balance' in life by removing prejudice
and pride from themind. One of Shaikh Farid's sayings recorded
in the Siyar-u'l-Auliya (1 351-88) is: 'If you want to make the en­
tire world your enemy, develop pride'.114
Finally, Shaikh Farid used to follow the tradition of the Prophet
who emphasized that one must pray to Allah early in the morn­
ing. He says:
If you do not awake to pray, 0 Farid, in the later part of the night, you die
while living yet. Even if you forget the Lord, still He does not forget you.
(Shaikh Farid, Salek 107, AG, p. 1383)
Here Farid insists that one must devote 'the later part of the
night' in divine recollection; if one does not, one is spiritmilly dead.
This emphasis on the spiritual practice of devotion in the early
morning hours is in congruence with the Sikh practice of medita­
tion upon the divine Name in the 'ambrosial hours' ( amrit vela,
the last watch of the night, 3 AM-6 A..\1:) .115 However, Guru Atjan
responded to Farid's couplet in the following four commentary
verses, which highlight certain distinctive Sikh viewpoints:
M5 (Guru Al:jan)
The Lord is ever lovely, Farid. He is far beyond all need. To be dyed with
Allah's love is the truest embellishment. ( 1 08)
M5 (Guru Arjan)
Deem and bear pain and pleasure alike, 0 Farid, clean yourself of evil
thoughts. Consider whatever pleases Allah as good; and then alone you
shall gain access to His court. ( 1 09)
M5 (Guru Arjan)
The world dances, Farid, as the Mammon makes it dance. You too are
dancing to its tune. He alone escapes this dance who is under the protec­
tion of Allah. ( 1 1 0)
M5 (Guru Al:jan)
Farid, the human heart clings to love of the world, though this world be
worthless-
Hard indeed is the way of the Faqirs ('devotees'): the fruit of previous
merits! ( l l l )
(M5, Saloks 108-1 1, AG, p . 1 383)
These verses make the following points. In the first place, Guru
Arjan envisions the divine Beloved as the One who is very lovely
 Bani Shaikh FaridJi Ki 73

( kantu rangavala) and who is far beyond all need ( vadda

vemuhtaju) . To offer loving devotion to such a Lord early in the
morning is in faq the need of the devotees because it provides
them spiritual nourishment.
Secondly, the Guru asserts that one must abide by the divine
will by accepting pains and pleasure alike and lead the life of
moral purity along with early morning devotions. This seems
to be in line with Farid's idea of the omnipotence of the divine
will ( rabb raza'i) . 1 1 6 Thirdly, Guru Arjan maintains that the true
way of spiritual life is not to dance with the world. 117 The phrase
tun bhi vajjahi naZi ( 'You too are dancing to its tune') provides
an allusion to Shaikh Farid's verse in which he states: 'I walk
only in the way of the world'.118 In this context, Ram Singh
maintains that it is not possible that Guru Arjan is suggesting
that Shaikh Farid himself is dancing with the. world. Rather,
the phrase tun bhi vajjahi nali is either addressed to the general
audience or to the phoney Dervishes (dambhi darvesh) of the
day. 119 It is highly likely that the close association of the Chisti
saints with the Mughals during Akbar's period (so alien to their
previoius anti-government attitude120 ) may have aroused this
comment. Guru Arjan may be suggesting here that the con­
temporary followers of Shaikh Farid are not indeed on the
spiritual path but are following the world. He further maintains
that rare are the ones who escape this dance with the help of
divine grace.
Finally, Guru Atjan asserts that even though awake, if one's
heart is still attached to worldly life, there is little use of early
morning devotions. The true devotees of God follow the hard
way ( gakhari) of spiritual life without being infatuated with
the attractions of the world. They are the blessed ones who
arise early and devote the 'ambrosial hours' to meditate upon
the divine Name. Throughout his comments, Guru Arjan uses
the Arabic word Allah for God seemingly addressing Farid in
his own terms. Guru Arjan seems to be concerned here with
defining for his own audience the true way of spiritual life.
He further contrasts the way of God's devotees with the phoney
Dervishes, apparently the contemporary followers of S haikh
Farid, who were supposedly infatuated with the attractions of
the world.
74 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, it may be stated that Farid-bani is recorded in the

Adi Granth in its true Muslim colour, although most of the saloks
seem to be about getting one's religious and moral life in order
before the imminence of death. Shaikh Farid is allowed to have
his own voice to express his Muslim beliefs and practices freely,
without receiving any direct comments by the Gurus on such
verses. There are certain basic agreements between his thought
and that of the Sikh Gurus in the following aspects of spiritual
life: the belief in One God who is the source of love and grace
and who is the Cherisher (parvadigar) of sinners, the basic
equality of humankind, the doctrine of God immanent in human
heart, the mystic path of love and fl}� agony of separation, the
cultivation of moral and ethical viri:Ues, the divine recollection,
the emphasis on earning one's own living through honest means
and the sense of sharing, and the mystical experience of union
with the divine Beloved. However, there are some disagreements
between Shaikh Farid and the Sikh Gurus on the following
essential points which become clear from the immediate context
of the Gurus' comments on the Sufi verses.
First, the Sikh belief in the doctrine of rebirth is fundamen­
tally different from the eschatological views held by Shaikh Farid
which involve notions such as resurrection, the flaming hell, the
pul sirat and the terrible retribution for the unbelievers. The
Gurus lay stress on the graciousness of God in contrast with
Shaikh Farid's emphasis on the fear ofjudgement. Second, there
is a vital difference in the attitude towards death between the
Sufi poet and the Sikh Gurus. For Shaikh Farid, death is the
most dreadful event which ends in eternal extinction of terres­
trial life. But for Guru Nanak, death is not something to b e
dreaded, but is ajoy to b e welcomed when it comes. Third, Shaikh
Farid's attitude towards life in the world is overall negative. H e
denounces human birth as worthless. By contrast, the Sikh Gu­
rus place a positive value on human life which is valuable like a
precious diamond. Whereas Shaikh Farid regards the world as a
place of suffering, Guru Atjan equates the world with a 'beauti­
ful garden' reflecting the divine being and the divine purpose.
Fourth, the Sikh Gurus stress the ideals of moderate living and
disciplined worldliness in contrast with Shaikh Farid's views of
 Bani Shaikh Farid]i Ki 75

asceticism and self-mortification. Fifth, the Sikh Gurus maintain

that grace is a matter of divine free choice which does not
depend on any kind of previous growth in spirituality. But Shaikh
Farid advocates the necessity of personal effort through various
penances to win divine favour. He further maintains that one
must turn towards God in the right age of youthful life, other­
wise it will be too late. By contrast, Guru Amar Das asserts that
one can follow the path of God's love at any age if one has the
right intention to do so and if one is blessed with divine grace.
Sixth, whereas Shaikh Farid e mphasizes that one must adopt the
sectarian Sufi dress and renounce the world to follow the mystic
path of love, Guru Amar Das places his emphasis on the ideal of
the life of the householder. In this context, Guru A:rjan makes
the assertion that one must cre ate a harmonized 'balance'
between renunciation and worldliness. Finally, Shaikh Farid's
overall tone is pessimistic, whereas the Sikh Gurus exhibit the
spirit of optimism.
In sum, the Sikh Gurus' comments on the verses of Shaikh
Farid reflect the atmosphere of the religious dialogues and
debates of the time. The issues raised in these debates were
crucial for shaping the emerging Sikh identity. They played an
important role in defining what it meant to be a Sikh in relation
to the commonly held Sufi ideals. By marking a contrast with the
ideas of Shaikh Farid, the Sikh Gurus were clearly marking the
outlines of the new Sikh community growing around them in
the Punjab. Indeed, they were consciously offering their own
distinctive vision of spiritual life and community in the early Sikh­
Sufi encounters of the sixteenth century.

NOTES

1 According to another text Fawa'id-u'l-Fu 'ad, written in 1308-22 CE,

Shaikh Farid was born in 5 71AH/ 1 1 75CE.
2 KA. Nizami, The Life and Time ofShaikh Farid-u'd-din Ganj-i-Shakar
( Delhi: ldarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delhi, 1 955) ,
p. 1 1 .
3 Ganda Singh, 'Baba Farid-A Real Saint' in Attar Singh, ed., Socio­

Culturallmpact oflslam (Chandigarh: Punjab University, 1976) , p . l 6

.

4 Nizami, Life and Time, p. 1 2.

5 KA. Nizami, The Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. 2 (London: Lusac and

Co., 1 965 ) , p. 796.

76 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

6 Nizami, Life and Time, p. 1 6.

7 Ibid., p. 26.
8 Ibid., p. 24.
9 Annemarie Schimmel, MysticalDimensions ofIslam (Chapel Hill: The
University of North Carolina Press, 1 975) , p. 347.
1 0 G.S. Talib, Baba Shaikh Farid Shakar Ganj (New Delhi: National Book
Trust, 1 974) , p. 4.
1 1 K.A. Nizami, Foreword to Harnam Singh Shan, ed., So Said Sheikh
Farid (Chandigarh: Panjab University, 1 974) , p. V.
1 2 Annemarie Schimmel, As Through a Veil-Mystical Poetry in Islam
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1 982) , p. 1 36.
1 3 SAA Rizvi, A History ofSuf'tSm in India, vol. 1 (New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlai, 1978) , p. 140.
1 4 Ganda Singh, Baba Farid, p. 1 5 .
1 5 Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions, p . 384.
16
Ibid., p. 348.
17 W.H. McLeod, Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion (Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1 976) , p. 1 40 . For a brief account of Shaikh
Ibrahim's life, see Lajwanti Rama Krishna, Punjabi Sufi Poets (New
Delhi: Ashajanak Publications, 1 973) , pp. 1-1 1 .
18 Nizami, Life and Time, p. 84.
19 M.A. Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, vol. VI (New Delhi: S. Chand
and Co., reprint 1 978; first published, Oxford, 1 909) , p. 357.
20 Nizami, Life and Time, pp. 1 2 1-22.
21 K.A Nizami, 'Shaikh Farid-ud-din Ganj-i-Shakar,' in Perspectives on
Sheikh Farid, ed., Gurbachan Singh · Talib (Patiala: Baba Farid
Memorial Society, 1 976) , p. 29.
22
Anil Chandra Banerjee, 'Baba Farid and the Sikh Religion,' in
Perspectives, p. 1 7 1 .
2� For more details, see Christopher Shackle, 'Early Muslim Vernacular
Poetry in the Indus Valley: Its Contexts and Character,' in
Islam
and Indian Regions, eds, Anna Libera Dallapiccola and Stephanie
Zingel-Ave Lallemant (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1 993) , 269,
n. 18 and Carl W. Ernst, Eternal Garden: Mysticism,
History, andfolitics
at a South Asian Sufi Centre (Albany: SUNY Press, 1992) , pp. 1 66-8.
24 Ibid.
25
Shaikh Farid , Saloks 70-2, AG, p. 1 38 1 .
26
S. Alam Khundmiri, 'Some Distinctive Features of lndian Sufism,'
in Perspectives, pp. 1 81-9, see note 1 0.
27 Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions, p. 106.
 Bani Shaikh FaridJi Ki 77

28 Shaikh Farid, Saloks 1, 48 and 68, AG, pp. 1 377, 1 380-1 .

29 Translation is adapted from Charlotte Vaudville, A Weaver Named
Kabir (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1993) , p . 316.
3° Kenneth Cragg and Marston Speight, Islamfrom Within (California:

Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1 980) , p. 1 22.

3 1 Shaikh Farid, Salok 98, AG, p. 1383.

32 Shaikh Farid, Salok 97, AG, 1 382-3.

33 AJ. Arberry, Sufism (London: Allen and Unwin Publishers, 1979 ) ,

p. 131.
34 Shaikh Farid, Saloks 84, 86, 102, AG, pp. 1 382-83. Also s e e his Asa 2

hymn, AG, p. 488.

35 Shaikh Farid, Salok 37, AG, p, 1 379.

36 Shaikh Farid, Saloks 90-2, AG, p.l 382.

37 Cited in Guninder Kaur, ' Shaikh Farid-Poet and Mystic,' in The

Sikh Review, vol. XXXIII, no. 383 (Calcutta: The Sikh Cultural
Centre, Nov. 1 985) , p. 48.
118 Shaikh Farid, Salok 30, AG, p. 1379.

39 Cited in Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions, p. 133.

40 Cf. Guru Nanak's Barah-maha, Tukhari Chhant, AG, pp. 1 1 07-1 0.

41 Shaikh Farid, As a 2, AG, p. 488.

42 Shaikh Farid, Salok 60, AG, p. 138 1 .

43 Mohammad Noor Nabi, 'A Chistya Sufi Way of Life,' i n Thejournal

of&ligious Studies, vol. Vl, no. 2 (Patiala: Punjabi University, Autumn

1978) ' p. 71.
44 Ibid., p. 71.

45 Shaikh Farid, Salok 128, AG, p. 1 384.

46 Shaikh Farid, Salok 127, AG, p. 1 384.

47 Shaikh Farid, Salok 6, AG, p. 1 378.
48 Shaikh Farid, Salok 7, AG, p. 1 378.

49 Shaikh Farid, Salok 78, AG, pp. 1 38 1-2.

50 Avtai: Singh, Ethics ofthe Sikhs ( Patiala: Punjabi University, 1970) , p.

192.
51 Shaikh Farid, Salok 1 6, AG, p. 1 378.

52 Shaikh Farid, Salok 128, AG, p. 1 384.

53 Cited in Avtar Singh, 'Sheikh Farid-His Relevance to the Study of

Comparative Religion, ' in Perspectives, p. 200.

54 Ibid., p. 200.

55 Shaikh Farid, Salok 19, AG, p. 1378.

56 Avtar Singh, 'Sheikh Farid,' p. 199.

57 Guninder Kaur, 'Shaikh Farid,' p. 42.

78 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

58 Shaikh Farid, Salok 50, AG, p. 1 380.

59 For details, see S.R. Sharda, Sufi Thought (New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal, 1974) , pp. 1 07-1 0.
60 For details, see Shackle, ' Early Muslim Vernacular Poetry,' pp. 274-

5, n . 27.
51 For details, see Ibid., p. 275.

52 Schimmel, MysticalDimensions, p. 348.

63 Translation from Vaudeville, A Weaver Named Kabir, p. 326.

64 W. Owen Cole, Sikhism and its Indian Context 1 469-1 708 (London:

Darton, Longman and Todd, 1984) , pp. 83-4.

65 This salok is recorded in Var Siri Ragu, 1 (2) , AG, p . 83 under the

title of M 1 , that is, it is by GuruNanak. Most of the time I follow the

translations of Farid's verses given in Shan's So Said Sheikh Farid,
reworking them here and there.
55 W.H. McLeod, 'The Influence of!slam upon the Thought of Guru

N anak,! in his Exploring Sikhism: Aspects of Sikh Identity, Cul&ure, and

Thought (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000) , p. 1 4.
67 W. Owen Cole, The Guru in Sikhism (London: Darton, Longman

and Todd, 1 982) , pp. 50-2.

68 M1, Var Asa, (20), AG, p. 474.

69 M1, Japji 4, AG, p. 2.

70 R.A. Nicholson, The Idea of Personality in Sufism (Lahore: Sh.

Muhammad Ashraf, 1 970) , pp. 24-5.

71 William C. Chittick, The Sufi Path ofLove-The Spiritual Teachings of

Rumi (Albany: SUNY Press, 1983) , p. 184.

72 Translation is taken from Vaudeville, A Weaver Named Kabir, p. 326.

7 3 Schimmel, As Through a Veil, p. 1 07.

74 M1 Var Malar, ( 1 5 ) , AG, p. 1 285.

,

75 Translation adapted from Vaudeville, A Weaver Named Kabir,

pp. 326-7.
76 This salok is repeated as Guru Nanak's with minor verbal variation

in M 1 , Salok Varan Te Vadhik, AG, p. 141 1 .

77 M 1 , Malar 5, AG, p . 1 256.

78 Translation is taken from Vaudeville, A Weaver Named Kabir, p. 327.

79 M4, Kanare Ki Var, 1 ( 15) , AG, p. 1358.

80 These two saloks are duplicated as Guru Amar Das's in Var

Vadahansu, 2 and 3 ( 1 ) , AG, p. 585�

81 Also see tw'O other saloks, addressed directly to a Shaikh, by Guru

Amar Das in M3, Var Bihagara, 1 (9) , AG, p. 551 and Var Sorathi, 1
( l l ) , AG, p. 646.
 Bani Shaikh Farid Ji Ki 79

82
This salok appears among Guru Nanak's in Var Siri Ragu, 2 (20) ,
AG, p. 9 1 .
83 McLeod, 'The Influence of lslam,' p . 14.
84 M1, japji 32, AG, p. 7.
85 See Denis Matringe, 'The Future Has Come Near, the Past is Far
Behind: A Study of Shaikh Farid's Verses and their Sikh Commentaries
in the Adi Granth,' in Islam and Indian Regions, p. 435.
86
Shaikh Farid, Asa 1 , AG, p. 488.
87 Shaikh Farid, Salak 38, AG, p. 1 379.
88 Shackle, ' Early Muslim Vernacular Poetry,' 272.
8
9 M 1, Ragu Vadahansu Alahanian 2, AG, pp. 579-80.
90 Translation taken from Vaudeville, A Weaver Named Kabir, p. 3 1 8.
91 Ibid., p. 318. Translation slightly adapted to make it gender neutral.
2
9 Balwant Singh Anand, Baba Farid (New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi,
1 975) , p. 83.
93 Cited in Nizami, Life and Time, p. 23.
94 Cited in Wm. Theodore de Bary, ed., Sources ofIndian Tradition, vol.
I (New York: Columbia University Press, 1 958) , p. 413.
95 Schimmel, As
Through a Vei� p. 1 1 3.
96 Chittick,
The Sufi Path ofLove, p. 30.
97 Shaikh Farid, Salak 50, AG, p. 1 380.
8
9 Translation from Vaudeville, A Weaver Named Kabir, p. 325 .

99 Mahmud Husain Siddiqui, The Memoirs of Sufis Written in India

(Baroda: University of Baroda, 1979 ) , p. 40.

1
00 Translation �dapted from Vaudeville, A WeaverNamed Kabir, p. 326.
101
M3, Var Vadahans, 1 ( 4) ,AG, p. 587.
102
Brij Mohan Sagar, Hymns ofSheikhFarid (Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev
University, 1 999) , pp. 2 1 7-21 .
0
1 3 Translation from Vaudeville, A Weaver Named Kabir, p. 326.
10
4 Niharranjan Ray, The Sikh Gurus and the Sikh Society (New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal, 1975) , p. 45.
105 For details, see Shackle, 'Early Muslim Vernacular Poetry,' pp. 268-78.
106
Attar Singh, Socio-Cultural Impact oflslam, p. 10.
107
For more details on the technique of textual commentary, see my
'Scriptural Adaptation in the Adi Granth,' journal of the American
Academy ofReligion, LXIV/2 ( Summer 1996) : 337-57.
1 08
M5 , Asa 12, AG, p. 374.
10
9 M5 , Bilavalu 37, AG, pp. 809-810.
1 10
M5, Asa 4, AG, p. 15: 'Precious this life you receive as a human,
with it the chance to find the Lord.'
80 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

111
Sahib Singh,Sri Guru Granth Sahib Darpan, vol. 10 (Jallandhar: Raj
Publishers,
1971 ) , p. 334.
1 12
B.R. Grover, 'Farid Speaks the Human Truth,' in Perspectives, p. 155.
113
Shaikh Farid, Salok 29, AG, p. 1 385.
n4 Cited in Talib, Perspectives, p. 3 1 .
n5 M 1 japu 4, AG, p. 2.
,

n6 Shaikh Farid, Salok 84, AG, p. 1382.

1 17
Cf. Kabir also takes on the role of a dancer who has performed so
long that not another step is left in him (Kabir,Asa 28, AG, p .
483) . SeeJohn Stratton Hawley, SurDas-Poet, Singer, Saint (Seattle:
University of Washington Press, 1984) , pp. 1 39-40.
n s Shaikh Farid, Salok 2, AG, pp. 1 377.
ng Ram Singh, ' Farid-bani vich Guru-Shalok,' Shakarganj, ed., Pritam
Singh (Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev University, 1982) , p. 21 2.
1 20
Schimmel, Mystical Dimension ofIslam, p. 360.
THREE

Bani Bhagat Kabir Ji Ki

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

here is a great deal of legendary material about Kabir, but

Tlittle is known about the historical facts of his life.1 The
occasional references that he makes in his works provide only
glimpses of the actual details of his life. He was born in Banaras
around the beginning of the fifteenth century and belonged to a
family of weavers that had recently been converted to Islam. The
earliest testimony about his birth and upbringing in a household
of Muslim weavers is recorded by Ravidas, who is generally believed
to have been Kabir's younger contemporary, but who probably
belonged to the following generation. Ravidas says:
In whose family on the occasion ofld and Bakr Id, the cow is butchered; in
whose family Shaikh, Shahid and Pir are reverenced. vVhose father acted
in this way, the son following him-he, Kabir, became reverenced in the
three worlds.2
(Ravidas, Malar 2, AG, p. 1 293) .
It should be emphasized that to be a Muslim in North India
in the fifteenth century would mean to be still half Hindu, because
the people-usually low caste Hindus-who found it convenient
to convert en masse to the religion 9f the conquerors to improve
their social status did not necessarily forsake their former gods
and practices. 3 In his own sayings Kabir does not seem to identify
himself as either a Hindu or a Muslim; instead he refers to his
Julaha ('weaver') caste and the family craft of weaving which he
followed in his life. His social background as a low-caste weaver
makes it likely that he was more or less illiterate. I t is however
possible that he may have learned meditative and devotional
practices in the company of the saints in Banaras, a widely recog­
nized centre of Hindu religion, learning and culture.4
Like other poet-saints of the Adi Granth, Kabir does not name
and acknowledge any human Guru. He is generally believed to
82 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

have been a disciple of the famous Guru Ramanand.5 But the

traditional association with Ramanand is highly improbable
because it 'involves chronological difficulties and the only refer­
ences which Kabir makes to Raman and are to be found in works
of doubtful authenticity'.6 Vaudeville, for instance, remarks:
The story of the way that Julaha Kabir somehow managed to snatch the
Rama-mantra from Raman and appears to have been concocted with a view
to hinduizing Kabir.7
Perhaps the later Hindu followers of Kabir made an attempt
to provide their panth ( 'sect') with a Brahmin Guru to counter
the criticism of such smartas as the poet Tulsi Das:8 On the other
hand, the Muslim followers of Kabir claimed that he was a
disciple and successor of Shaikh Taqqi; a famous Sufi of the
Suhrawardi order, who is said to have lived in ]husi and died in
1 429.9 Chaturvedi examines the numerous references that Kabir
makes to a ' Guru' and concludes that he probably considered
all ' saints' to be his human Gurus.10 An allusion to this view is
found in Kabir's verse: 'The men and women you have created,
0 Lord, are all in your form. Kabir is the child of Ram and Allah,
and accepts all Gurus and Pirs. '11 However, it is quite evident
that Kabir sometimes uses the word ' Guru' not to refer to a
human Guru, but to describe the Satguru ('True Guru') within,
the voice of God within the human soul .12
Although there has been an endless controversy over th e
issue ofKabir's dates, current scholarship prefers to accept 1 398-
1448 CE as the dates of his birth and death.13 Chaturvedi discusses
the issue at length and decides in favor of 1 448 CE as the date of
Kabir's death. His conclusion is based on the factthat a memorial
in Magahar is said to bear a date equivalent to 1 450 CE.14 Vaudeville
follows Chaturvedi's line of argument and prefers to accept the
view that Kabir lived in the first half of the fifteenth cen tury. All
traditions agree that Kabir spent most of his life in Banaras and
probably died in the village of Magahar.15
While there is ample evidence to show that both Hindus and
Muslims were ready to assault Kabir physically during his life­
time because of his vigorous attack on ritual and slavish outward
observance in both Hindu tradition and Islam, they have since
his death been ready to assault each other over the privilege of
claiming him as their own.16 The very fact that his sayings were
included in the Adi Granth along with the utterances of the Sikh
 Bani Bhagat KabirJi Ki 83

Gurus and other medieval poet-saints, and that at least two

panthic traditions trace their origin toKabir, points to a reputation
of high spiritual attainment which he may have enjoyed already
during his lifetime.

TEXTUAL TRADITIONS

The Adi Granth collection of Kabir's utterances is the oldest

document relating to Kabir, · going back to the third quarter of
the sixteenth century, and it is the only one for which an early
and precisely dated manuscript exists.17 It includes 225 shabads
arranged under 1 7 different ragas in which they are supposed
to be sung. There are three longer works ofKabir to be found in
the Gauri raga: ' The Fifty-Two Letters' ( Bavan Akhari, AG, pp.
340-3 ) , 'The Lunar Dates' ( Thittin, AG, pp. 343-4) and ' The
Seven Days' ( Var Sat, AG, pp. 344-5) . The saloks by Kabir are
gathered together in the epilogue of the Adi Granth that follows
the raga-section. There are 243 saloks in the collection entitled
Salok Bhagat KabirJiu Ke, 'BhagatKabir's couplets or stanzas'
(AG,
pp. 1 364-77) , but of these five are by Guru Arjan (nos. 209-1 1 ,
2 1 4, 221 ) , one by Guru Amar Das (no. 220) , three (nos. 21 2,
2 1 3, 241 ) may possibly b e b y Namdev and one (no. 242) by
Ravidas. Two extra saloks by Kabir are included in the Maru raga
(AG, p. 1 1 05) . A number of saloks are duplicated in vars (AG,
pp. 509, 555, 947 and 948 ) , and are followed by the commentary
verses by Guru Amar Das. The English translations of the
complete works ofKabir in the Adi Granth may be seen in Nirmal
Dass's Songs of Kabirfrom the Adi Granth.18
The collection of Kabir's works exceeds that of any other
poet-saint represented in the Adi Granth. In the absence of
any other reliable manuscript dating from the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries (with the exception of the newly found
Fatehpur manuscript of Sur Das [ 1 582] which contains a total
of 1 49 padas or hymns by other poet-saints, including fifteen
hymns by Kabir), 19 the Adi Granth tradition of Kabir remains
perhaps the most authentic part of his work. In this context,
Vaudeville remarks: ' . . . the simplicity of the language and the
naturalness of the style gives an air of authenticity to Kabir's
sayings in the Granth. '20 However, it should be emphasized that
the Adi Granth does not contain all the sayings of Kabir. The
84 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

fact that at the time of the canonization of the Sikh scripture

Guru Arjan dropped several hymns of Kabir available in the
copies of the Goindval pothis and deleted four hymns from
the Kartarpur volume ( 1 604) itself, clearly indicates that a se­
lection was made out of Kabir material accessible to the Sikh
Gurus. 21
There are two other major collections ofKabir's works, the
Kamr-granthavali (KG) and the Bijak, representing the Dadu-panthi
and Kabir-panthi traditions respectively. The dates of origin
of these two collectio n s a re uncertain, but both can b e
assumed t o have taken shape i n the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, rather later than the Adi Granth.22 Although there
are a number of verses common to the three collections, each
one taken as a whole presents a different picture of Kabir.
Comparing the dohas ( saloks) of Kabir in the Guru Granth
Sahib ( G GS) with those found in the KG, Karine Schomer
concludes:
Thus we see that dohas of Kabir included and preserved in the GGS
tradition tend to be those which encourage the 'moods and motivations'
appropriate to a solid, moral, God-fearing religious community of house­
holders. Utterances pointing to the ecstasies of mystical experience are
not totally absent, but are strikingly few in comparison with those found
in the KG.23
Why the difference in the images? It may be that much of the
KG material emphasizing asocial, amoral and ascetic ideals­
especially the deprecation of women.;_was edited out in the for­
mation of the GGS corpus of Kabir utterances.24 Of course,
Schomer assumes that the KG material is authentic. Another
possible explanation is that the KG may contain a large number
of apocryphal verses, added later but attributed to Kabir.25
Similarly, the Bijak might be regarded as a Kabir-panthi recast­
ing of the sayings ofKabir rather than the original work ofKabir.26
However, Linda Hess has argued for the authenticity of the Bijak
as follows: ' If the Bijak 's range is narrower than that of the west­
ern collections, it can be regarded as an authentic core in this
sense: it contains what is universal and typical, what is present,
even dominant, in all three collections.'27 Recently, Winand M .
Callewaert has put together i n T he Millennium Kabir Vani all the
works attributed to Kabir in the three collections based upon
various manuscripts. 28
 Bani Bhagat Kamrji Ki 85

There are two important issues concerning the sources of the

collection ofKabir's sayings in the Adi Granth. First, it has been
claimed in the later hagiographicjanam-sakhis ('birth narratives')
that Guru l'$nak met Kabir in the course of his visit to Banaras.29
But such an encounter was a clear impossibility. Even if the tra­
ditional date of Rabir's death 1 5 1 8 is accepted as factual, there
is no sound evidence to suggest that Guru Nanak ever met
Kabir.30 Second, it is commonly assumed that Guru Nanak knew
Kabir's sayings and that he was the source of the Kabir collec­
tion in the Adi Granth. Sahib Singh, for instance, discusses the
issue at length and asserts that a comparative analysis of some of
Guru Nanak's works and those ofKabir clearly indicates thematic
as well as verbal similarities which can be explained only by the
assumption that Guru Nanak had access to at least some ofKabir' s
works.31 In a similar vein, Nirmal Dass argues that 'Guru Nanak
himself was acquainted with the Kabir corpus that would later
appear in the Adi Granth' and that 'intertextuality is at play here, .
where we can see the songs of Kabir setting the stage for the
verses of Guru Nanak. '32 The examples of intertextuality in Dass's
analysis are primarily drawn from Sahib Singh's work.
W.H. McLeod, however, challenges this assumption by arguing
that many of the resemblances that Sahib Singh perceives are
too vague to warrant consideration as they concern common
themes rather than actual correspondence.33 He then quotes five
brief passages of less than two lines each that possess verbal
correspondence and asserts that they may simply be proverbial
expressions that may have come from the religious language of
everyday life of Northern India. The following examples from
the hymns ofBeni, Kabir and Guru Nanak will illustrate the point:
Says Beni: 'The Guru-directed thus meditates; without the true Guru, one
does not find the way.'
(Beni, Prabhati 1, AG, p. 1 35)
'Without the true Gum, one does not find the way; explaining the mys­
tery,' so says Kabir.
(Kabir, Basanl 3, AG, p. 1 1 94)
Says Nanak: 'With trusting faith one meditates; without the true Guru,
one does not find the way. '
(Ml, Sahaskriti 1, AG, p. 1 353)
The original expression lnn satgw· bat na pavai ( 'without the
true Guru, one does not find the way') is common in the hymns
86 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

of Beni and Guru Nanak. Although it differs slighdy in the case

ofKabir' s hymn, the meaning is retained. McLeod maintains that
such examples are a type of epigram that could easily have gained
common currency within the circles of the Sants. In other words,
the common phrases were part of the Sant discourse. He con­
cludes the discussion as follows:
The examples of verbal correspondence are sufficient to suggest that Guru
Nanak may have known some of the compositions of Kabir, but they do no
more than establish it as a remote possibility. We may accordingly con­
clude that in all likelihood Guru Nanak and Kabir neither met nor knew
each other's works. 54
Moreover, there are two other significant points that need to
be made in the context of the present discussion. In the first
place, Guru Nanak does not mention Kabir in his works. Sec­
ondly, he does not comment on any verse ofKabir as he does in
the case of Shaikh Farid. Thus there seems to be no reasonable
ground to assert that Guru Nanak was familiar with Kabir's works,
and one must look elsewhere for the inclusion of Kabir in the
Adi Granth.
It was the third Guru, Amar Das ( 1 479-1574) , who mentioned
the name ofKabir for the first time in the following verse: 'Nama
(Namdev) was a .cotton printer and Kabir a weaver, yet from the
Perfect Guru, they obtained salvation.'35 Again, it was Guru Amar
Das who inserted a number ofKabir's saloks in his own vars ( 'bal­
lads' ) and responded to them in his commentary verses for the
sake of defining true teaching, practice and community from
the viewpoint of Sikh doctrine. Perhaps it was he who may have
collected the works of Kabir during his sixty years of wandering
as a spiritual seeker before coming into the fold of Sikhism. This
assumption is further strengthened by the traditional accounts
of his life that state that he made an annual pilgrimage to the
Ganges twenty times while still a Vaishnavite.36 Moreover, the fact
is that Kabir's works were first recorded in the Goindval Pothis
under the care of Guru Amar Das. The inclusion of Kabir in the
Adi Granth should therefore be dated to Guru Amar Das. Be­
ginning with him the verses of Kabir were regarded by the Gu­
rus as significant enough to be used for comment on what con­
stitute true religious belief and practice.
It should, however, be emphasized here that the major con­
cern in the present study is not with the issue of the source of
 Bani Bhagat KabirJi Ki 87

t h e Kabir collection in th e Adi Granth, b u t with the understand­

ing of the Gurus' concerns behind their comments on Kabir's
sayings. We will first look at the teachings ofKabir as they emerge
in the Adi Granth. This will be followed by an analysis of the
responses of Guru Amar Das and Guru Atjan respectively to some
ofKabir's utterances.

KABIR IN THE ADI GRANTH

Like most of the poet-saints of the Adi Granth, Kabir's thought

is firmly rooted in the teachings of the Sant tradition of northern
India;37 The Sants were a group of mystical poets who believed
in the one supreme God beyond all form and sectarian garb.
They believed in the basic equality of human beings and thus
rejected all social distinctions based upon the caste system. They
shunned the outward symbols of religious life including images,
formal religious exercises, pilgrimages and ritual bathing
associated with the idea of pollution and purity. They also
challenged the authority of the scriptures, the priests and the
sacred languages, and expressed their beliefs n o t in the
traditional Sanskrit, the language of the privileged few, but in
the vernacular that enabled the common people access to and
equal participation in religious discourse. Their emphasis upon
the doctrine of one supreme reality immanent in everyone meant
that spiri tual experien ce, enlightenment and attainment of
l iberation l ay within the reach of eve ryo n e . 38 T h e only
requirement for the individual was to offer his/her loving
devotion not to an avatm· (incarnation of a deity, usually Vishnu) ,
but directly to the supreme God himself strictly through inward
meditation on the divine Name.
The distinctiveness of Kabir's thought lies in his reassertion
of the Sant teachings in the light of his own personality and ex­
perience. Kabir claims to have had an enlightenment experience
that came to him after he had passed through stages of spiritual
crises and bewilderment.39He describes it m etaphorically as fol­
lows:

Kabir, the Satguru is the true Hero, who loosed off a single arrow. The
moment it struck, I fell to the ground and a wound opened in my heart.
(Kabir, Salo/1 1 94, AG, p. 1 374)
88 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

Here the archer is the True Guru ( Satguru ) , the divine teacher
within the human soul, and his arrow is the shabad, the inner
Word through which he communicates with those who seek him
out. The doctrine of the Word that Kabir employs to refer to the
enlightenment experience or the means of reaching it is central
to the teachings of the Sikh Gurus as well. 40
In another hymn in the Gauri raga, Kabir describes his spiri­
tual awakening more clearly: 'Lo! My brethren, a storm of divine .
knowledge has come; the screens of doubt have all been blown
away, and even the ropes of Mammon ( Maya) h ave not been
left .. '4 1 In both cases, Kabir maintains that revelation comes
. .

at the divine initiative and it comes with suddenness which

pierces every � ayer of delusion in the mind of the individual
whose total life is then transformed for all times to come. This
new life of spirituality is to be found in mystical union with the
Divine.
In his Prabhati hymn, Kabir elaborates on his understanding
of the Supreme Being. For him God is universal and is present
everywhere especially in the human heart. He condemns the sec­
tarian notions of both Hindus and Muslims who try to keep God
confined to their respective holy places:

If the mosque is the place where God (Allah) resides, then who owns the
rest of the land? For Hindus, He lives in idols; there is no reality in both. 0
Allah and Ram, I live by your Name. Be merciful to me, 0 Lord. Refrain
(rahau) . Hari ('Lord') lives in the South and Allah in the West. Search in
the heart-inside your heart of hearts-that is His real abode. Brahmins
fast twice a month twenty-four times and Qazis fast in the month of
Ramadan. Neglecting the remaining eleven months, they search for treasure
in one month. Why go and bathe [atjagannath] in Orissa? Why bow your
heads in a mosque? With heart full offraud you chant prayers. What avails
you to go on a pilgrimage (hajJ) to the Ka'aba? All these men and women
of the world that you have created, 0 Lord, are in your form. Kabir is the
child of Ram-Allah; everyone is my Guru, my Pir. Kabir Says: 'Listen, 0
men and women, seek only one shelter: Repeat his Name, 0 mortals. Only
then shall you be assuredly saved.'
(Kabir, Prabhati 2, AG, p. 1349)
Kabir here emphatically states the oneness of the Divine, His
omnipresence and in a typically mystical tone takes the human
heart ( dil) to be the abode of God. Thus the individual must
find the truth in his/her own body and mind by repeating the
 Bani Bhagat KabirJi Ki 89

divine Name with utmost inner sincerity of the heart, which is

the only means of attaining liberation.
Given this understanding of the Supreme Being it is not sur­
prising that Kabir vigorously attacks the outward observances
and sectarianism in both the Hindu tradition and Islam of his
time. Hindus abstain from grains on ekadasi (gias in the original
text) , the eleventh day in each lunar fortnight, roughly twenty­
four times a year. Muslims observe fast during daylight hours in
the month of Ramadan, a sacred month heralding the revela­
tion of the Qur'an in the Muslim tradition. By 'South' in the
original text Kabir seems to have meant theJagannath temple at
Puri in Orissa, which is evident from rest of the hymn. The phrase
'Allah in the West' refers to Indian Muslims' attitude to their
holy place in Mecca that is to the west oflndia. Accordingly, the
Hindus visit the pilgrimage centre at Jagannath Puri in Orissa
(in the south from Banaras) for ritual bathing to remove accu­
mulated karma and Muslims trudge to Mecca to pay their hom­
age to Ka'aba. Kabir condemns both Hindus and Muslims, espe­
cially the Brahmins and Qazis, as hypocrites for the way in which
they divorce moral conduct and religious practice. He uses the
formulaic phrase dil mahi kapa t- with heart full of fraud'-to
'

underline the phoniness in traditional religion.

Further, Kabir recognizes the basic equality of human beings
on the ground that 'they are created by the same God and are
'all in your form ' .42 Each person is somehow in God's image and
is worthy of equal respect and dignity. Kabir may have intended
to resolve the historical tension prevailing between two major
religious communities of India-Hindus and Muslims-who
were making exclusive religious claims. Kabir, however, declares
his independence from the sectarian categories of the Hindu
tradition and Islam by identifYing himself to be a 'child' of one
God who is known by different names such as 'Allah and Ram' .
Moreover, h e seems t o have shown equal regard t o the devout
leaders of the two faiths-gurus and pirs-who may have influ­
enced him during his lifetime with their piety.
Throughout his works Kabir seems to have rejected the au­
thority of the scriptures of both the Hindu tradition and Islam.
He asserts that the Vedas and the Semitic texts (kateb, namely,
the Torah, the Zabur [ ' Psalms] , the Injil [Gospel) and the
Qur'an) are a pretence that cannot remove the wanderings of
90 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

the heart.43 At points he is unequivocal in his rej ection of reli­

gious texts:
I have discarded the writings of Pandits and Mullahs. I have taken nothing
out of them. If purity is in the heart, you can behold the Lord. Kabir has
found Him searching the self again and again.
(Kabir, Bhairau 7, AG, p. 1 159) .

Kabir here claims to have attained the enlightenment experi­

ence through self-realization. He is quite explicit that the source
of his spiritual development is not some external authority, but
his own personal mystic experience.
Kabir places much emphasis upon the inwardness as true re­
ligiosity and denounces all external observances as futile. H e
maintains that mere rituals and ceremonial worship are o f no
use in bringing about liberation:
If the union yogis seek (yoga, 'union' with the self) came from roaming
abou t naked i n the buff, every deer in the forest would achieve liberation.
Why go 11aked or wear skins when you cannot see Ram in your own heart?
Refrain. If by shaving your head you gain spiritual fulfillment why are not
all the sheep saved? If by holding back your 'seed' ( bind, 'sperm') you
earn a place in paradise, brother, why cannot eunuchs achieve the su­
preme state of bliss? Kabir says: 'Listen, brother, who has ever won the
spirit's prize \vithout the divine Name (ram nmn) ?'
(Kabir, Gauri 4, AG, p. 324)
In the last verse Kabir recommends the spiritual discipline of
meditation on the divine Name as the only means of release.
Kabir shows his preference for the word 'Ram' to depict God. It
should be noted that this 'Ram' is not the deity of popular Hindu
mythology, incarnation ofVishnu and hero of the epic Ramayana.
In a number of poems Kabir explicitly repudiates this anthropo­
morphic Ram. For Kabir, 'Ram' is primarily a sound, a mantra
consisting of the long and short syllable 'Ra-ma'.44
Kabir sarcastically condemns the hierarchical social values of
the caste system under which human beings are in principle
unequal, and the ideas o( purity and pollution associated with
the caste. He challenges the Brahmin as follows:
You do not know your caste when you are in the Mother's womb. All are
born from Brahman 's seed (brahm Uindu) . Say, 0 pandit, when did you
become a Brahmin? Do not waste your life saying, 'I am a Brahmin.' Re­
frain. If you are a Brahmin born of a Brahmin woman, then why did you
not come out some special way? How are you a Brahmin? How are we
 Bani Bhagat KabirJi Ki 91

Shudras? How are we of blood? How are you of milk? Kabir says: 'He who
meditates on Brahman is indeed a Brahmin in my opinion.'
(Kabir, Gauri 7, AG, p. 324)
Milk, for all its white appearance seemingly symbolizes 'pu­
rity' whereas blood symbolizes 'impurity' or untouchability.45
Kabir argues with merciless logic that Brahmin and Shudra are
either both polluted or are both clean. He uses the common
argument against untouchability that everyone is born in the
same way from the same stuff, the brahm hindu ( ' seed of Brah­
man ' ) . Shudras are therefore not polluted in relation to Brah­
mins. Kabir thus ridicules the absurdity of the claim made by
Brahmins that they enjoy special status because of their birth in
a particular caste. In his radical reinterpretation he points out
that a true Brahmin is the one who meditates on God.
For Kabir, the way of devotion is a solitary one. In the follow­
ing salok, he cautions the devotee not to take anyone along while
following the saintly path to union because that would delay his/
her own spiritual progress:
Kabir, if you start off to join the Sadhu, take no companion with you. And
never retrace your steps, whatever may come in your way.
(Kabir, Salok 1 1 6, AG, p. 1370)
The word sadhu may mean 'the saint' par excellence, one who
is the Satguru, or it may be taken in the plural, meaning 'saints'
in general. Although Kabir implies that the way of devotion
should be pursued with detennination in spite of the difficulties
it entails, he seems to be stressing individual salvation as the goal
of spiritual endeavour. The Sikh Gurus, by contrast, place em­
phasis on collective emancipation as the goal for the seeker. In
his]apji, for instance, Guru Nanak says:
They who have faithfully followed the divine Name have run their co\}rse,
their labours done. Freed are they and others with them. Radiantly, Nanak,
they go to glory.4<1
(Ml,]apji, AG, 8)
It seems evident that individual salvation is not Guru Nanak's
ideal. The stress here is on altruistic concern for the humanity as
a whole ( sarbat da bhala) . In this context, Niharranjan Ray skill­
fully remarks: 'Neither the leaders of the Bhakti movement nor
of the Nathapantha and the Sant synthesis attempted to do what
Guru Nanak did, not in any systematic manner at any rate. These
92 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

leaders seem to have been individuals working out their own

problems towards achieving their personal religious and spiri­
tual aims and aspirations. '47 In a similar vein, Jasbir Singh
Ahluwalia aptly notes: 'The Bhakti movement could not play a
revolutionary role on the sociological level owing, inter alia, to its
individualistic mystique; the stress here was on individualistic
salvation in the world hereafter realizable through the mystical
union with God . . . . On the other hand Sikhism enlarged the
conception of salvation by investing it with collectivistic, societal
dimension. '48
Kabir's emphasis on solitariness is seen in his views o n
mendicity a s a means of acquiring merit i n spirituaUife. H e says:
Kabir, it is pleasant to b e g ( madhukan) , you receive grains of many
kinds. None has a claim over you, and you enjoy a great country, a
great kingdom .
(Kabir, Salok 168, AG, p. 1373)
Madhukari literally means ' honey-making' and it refers to the
normal way for a mendicant to sustain oneself, by collecting un­
cooked food grains from a number of households. Vaudeville
writes that the praise of mendicity as a way to freedom both ma­
terial and spiritual is already found in Nath-panthi literature.
She quotes the following verse from the Gorakh-bani:
Mendicity is my cow of plenty, and the whole world is my field. By the
Guru's grace, I obtain alms, and when the end comes, no burden (of karma)
on my head.49
(Doha, 108)
Kabir seems to have been influenced by the Nath-panthi tra­
dition with regard to his emphasis on the practice of living off
alms. Prabhakar Machwe maintains: 'Though Kabir was a weaver
and weaving was his parental occupation, his heart was not in his
profession, neither as a craft nor as a means of earnings. '5 ° Per­
haps Kabir renounced the family craft at some stage in his life
and reverted to madhukari to sustain himself and his family. This
seems to be implied in the following autobiographical hymn from
the Gujari raga:
Kabir's mother sobs and weeps in secret: 'How will these children live, 0
God (Raghurai, "Ram") ?' Kabir has given up setting the loom and weav­
ing: On his body he has written the Name of Ram! Refrain. 'As long as I
went on threading my shu ttle, so long the thread of Ram's Love kept snap­
ping! I am slow-witted and a weaver by caste-but I have earned the profit
 Bani Bhagat Kabirji Ki 93

of divine Nam e . ' Says Kabir: 'Listen, 0 mother: He who i s the Lord
(Raghurat) of the three worlds provides me and them.'

(Kabir, Gujari 2, AG, p. 524)

The hymn clearly describes the sorrow of Kabir's mother be­
cause her son had given up his weaving to devote all his time to
meditating on the divine Name . Kabir seems to h ave withdrawn
himself from various concerns of the well being of his family. 51
In contrast with Kabir, the Sikh Gurus are strongly opposed
to begging. They consider it degrading and denounce those self­
styled leaders who live off alms. For instance, Guru Nanak pro­
claims:
They who call themselves gurus and pirs but go about begging for alms­
never fall at their feet to show them reverence. They who eat what they
earn through their own labour and who give some of what they have in
charity; says Nanak: 'They alone know the true way of spiritual life.'

(M1, Var Sarang, 1 (22), AG, p. 1245)

Guru Nanak asserts that the true way of spiritual life requires
that one should live on what one has laboured to receive through
honest means and that one should share with others the fruit of
one's exertion. Thus there is no place for mendicity in the Sikh
view of life. This is the most significant stance that sets Guru
Nanak and his successors apart from the Sants of North India.
Finally, the theme of the love ofthe Divine and the anguish of
separation (biraha) pervades the compositions of Kabir in the
Adi Granth. Vaudeville writes: 'In Kabir's poetry and in the Sant
tradition generally, the notion ofviraha (or biraha) , a torment­
ing desire of the soul for the absent Beloved, bears a resemblance
to the Sufi notion of ishq. '52 Kabir describes the painful longing
of the soul who has not yet obtained the beatific vision of the
divine Beloved as follows:
Once the snake of biraha is in the body, no mantra can control it. He who
is separated from Ram will not survive. But if he does, he will go mad.
(Kabir, Salok 76, AG, p. 1368)
To dislodge a venomous snake from its hole, to bring it under
control or to cure a snake-bite, yogis use appropriate mantras,
that is, magic spells. 53 Kabir employs the symbol of the snake to
describe the lovelorn condition of the devotee that resembles
that of a man under the influence of a deadly poison. Kabir thus
stresses the arduousness of the path of love that involves long
94 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

periods spent in the anguish of separation. He maintains that

very few ever reach their goal and experience the union with the
divine Beloved.

GURU AMAR DAS AND KABIR

Guru Amar Das, who was only ten years younger than Guru Nanak
and who outlived him by thirty-five years, seems to have seriously
studied the works of Kabir. He makes comments on some of
Kabir's verses and joins issues with him on vital points such as
the primacy of divine grace over personal effort, the ideal of
jivan-mukti ( ' spiritual liberation within lifetime') and the means
to attain liberation.
In one of his couplets, duplicated in Var Ramakali, Kabir seems
to be resenting that he has not been blessed with divine favour
in spite of his stern asceticism. Kabir develops this theme by us­
ing the symbol of henna. It reads as follows:
Kabir, to make my henna, I have crushed and ground my own self. Ye t,
You, 0 Beloved, never had a word for me and never let me embrace your
feet.
(Kabir, Var Ramakali, 1 (2) , p. 947)
In India, leaves of henna ( mehandi) plant are ground with cat­
echu to make a reddish-orange paste used by women to deco­
rate the palms of their hands and the soles of their feet. This is
always done at the time of marriage. Here, the wife-soul com­
plains that, having surrendered her body and soul to win her
divine Husband' s favour, she has not yet been able to win Him
over.54 Kabir seems to have lost his patience because of his fail­
ure to get the reward (divine grace ) for his spiritual efforts.
On the other hand, the Sikh view of grace requires that one
must have the belief that the whole of one's spiritual progress is
a matter of divine grace, not of one's efforts alone. Efforts are to
be made with the spirit of total surrender to the divine will
( hukam) and without seeking any reward. There is no room for
any kind of grumbling at any stage of spiritual progress. Thus we
have Guru Amar Das's response to Kabir' s verse as follows:

M3 (Guru Amar Das)

I have become henna, Nanak, so that the Lord may cast his gracious glance
at me. He himself beats [the leaves of henna] . He himself pounds it to
 Bani Bhagat Kabir]i Ki 95

powder, and He himself applies it to his limbs. This cup of love belongs to
the Lord, and He himself gives it to him whom He likes to bless.
(M3, Var &makali, 2 (2) , AG, p. 947 ) .

Here, Guru Amar Das makes it amply clear that grace i s a

matter of divine free choice that determines the fundamental spirit
in which the whole of the spiritual progress is to be viewed by the
devotees. Each and every action right.from the beginning is per­
formed with the belief that grace is a constituent of it and it makes
the act a totality. Avtar Singh has termed it as a 'coeval theory or
simultaneous concomitance theory of grace and action. '55 It is the
divine grace that occupies a position of primary importance in
the thought of Guru Amar Das, although human effort is always
required in response to the divine initiative. Marking a contrast
with Kabir' s view on the issue of human effort and divine grace,
Guru Amar Das accentuates the distinctive Sikh viewpoint.
. The second major concern of Guru Amar Das in responding to
Kabir's verses is related to the ideal of the jivan-mukat ('liberated
while living' ) . Kabir repeatedly proclaims that one who attains
liberation within one's lifetime must of necessity be a jivat-mirtak
('dead while alive') . He states: 'There are very few men, indeed who,
while living, are as if dead: Free from fear, they are absorbed in the
praise of God, wherever they look, they see but Him! '56 Thus the
true devotee is the one who has 'died' to the world and obtained
the state ofjivat-mirtak, which coincides with the sahcya experience.
The technical term sahcya (lit. 'simple, spontaneous, natural or easy')
stands for enlightenment experience associated with Tantric
Buddhism (the Sahajayana School) . For Kabir, the sahcya experi­
ence is the condition of ultimate, inexpressible beatitude ( sahaja ki
akath katha hai niran) .57 Vaudeville writes that the mysterious sahcya
state, which Tantrikas conceive as one of perfect bliss ( mahasukha) ,
is for Kabir, only to be bought at the cost of one's life.58 The idea is
developed in Kabir's salok as follows:

Says Kabir: 'Such is the touchstone of God that false ones are proclaimed
false. And, he alone passes the Lord's test who dies (to his self) while yet
alive.'
(Kabir, Var &makali, 1 (4) , AG, p. 948)
The touchstone ( kasautz) is a kind of black stone used by the
j ewellers to test gold-rubbed on the kasauti real gold leaves a
golden mark on it.59 Kabir employs the symbol of kasauti to
96 The Bkagats of the Guru Grantk Sahib

assert that none can really succeed in the life of spirituality to

win divine approval with any kind of pretence. Only through the
process of 'dying to the self' while remaining physically alive can
one reach the ideal of spiritual attainment during one's lifetime.
Evidently Kabir expresses himself in terms that are not readily
understandable. One can raise the question: what is the mean­
ing of the phrase 'living dead' ( mari-jivaor jivat-mirtak) in Kabir's
usage? How does one attain the state of spiritual liberation within
one's lifetime? These seem to have been issues for Guru Amar
Das, for he makes the following two comments on Kabir's verse:
M3 (Guru Amar Das)
How is one to still one's mind and how is one to die (to the self) ? [It
cannot happen] if one does not accept the divine Word (shabad) uttered
[by the Guru] and does not leave one's self-centredness (haumai) . By the
Guru's grace (gurparsadt) , one abandons one's haumai ('l-am-ness') , and
is thus emancipated in life. Says Nanak: 'He who is blessed by divine grace
meets with the Lord. Thereafter, he suffers no pain.'

M3 (Guru Amar Das)

Everyone says: 'I die to the self, but how is one to be emancipated while yet
alive?' Indeed, [one can achieve such a state] if one disciplines (the mind)
through the Lord's fear, and cures one's maladies with the Lord's love. By
singing the Lord's praises and seated in the peace of poise, one swims
across the sea of tumultuous existence. Thus through the Guru, Nanak,
one attains to the Lord when one is blessed by the divine grace.
(M3, Var Ramakali, 2-3 (4) , AG, p. 948)

Here, Guru Amar Das clearly defines his own vision of the
mystic theme of' dying to the self' contained in the obscure verse
of Kabir. On the basis of his personal experience of human
nature he asserts that haumai ( 'l-am-ness' or 'self-centredness' )
i s the root cause o fone's maladies and that this needs to be slain
so that one becomes 'dead while alive.' Only then can one attain
the state of spiritual liberation within one's lifetime by accepting
the divine Word (shabad) through the Guru's grace. Further,
Guru Amar Das proposes a spiritual prescription that includes
the singing of God's praises, disciplining the unstable mind
through the fear of God and achieving the state of poise (sahaja)
through loving devotion. Although this is in line with Kabir's
ideal ofjivan-mukti, it is much simpler and practical for ordinary
people. Also, Guru Amar Das seems to have felt the need for
 Bani Bhagat KabirJi Ki 97

clarifYing comments on Kabir's verse emphasizing the idea that

spiritual liberation can be had only if one dies to the self by means
of the divine Word (shabad) of the Guru.60
Another theme, . related to the issue of spiritual liberation
within one's lifetime, is the question of transmigratory existence.
Kabir does accept the doctrine of karma and rebirth, although
there is an allusion to the belief that human life provides the
one and only chance of liberation. For instance, Kabir says: 'Your
chance of human birth does not come time and again. Once the
ripe fruit falls on the ground, you cannot stick it back on the
branch. '61 Here Kabir's belief in the unique opportunity of hu­
man birth reflects his Muslim background or the verse seems to
be originally intended for the Muslim audience, but elsewhere
he explicitly states his belief in the doctrine of rebirth.62 He de­
scribes the circular motion of the wheel of time that is always
depicted as being gripped in the teeth and claws of death:

Kabir, dying, dying, world keeps dying, but none knows how to die. He
who dies such a death will never have to die again.
(Kabir, Var Bihagara, 1 (17), AG, p. 555)
Kabir maintains that because one was born one will die, and
because one dies one will be born again. However, one can find
deliverance from this condition if one dies ' such a death ' (to
one's self) .
In his comment in Var Bihagara, Guru Amar Das elaborates
on the meaning of the original phrase aisi marani ('such a death' )
i n Kabir's verse a s follows:
·

M3 (Guru Amar Das)

I know not how to die (to my self) : what this (strange) death is! If one
forsakes not the Lord from the mind, one dies spontaneously (to the self) .
Everyone is afraid of death and wants to live etemally, but he who dies in
life, through the Guru's grace (gur parsadi) , alone knows the divirie
Order (hukam ) . He who dies such a death, Nanak, lives etemally and
forever.
(M3, Var Bihagara, 2 (17), AG, p. 555 )

Guru Amar Das clearly implies here that one may attain the
ideal of the 'living dead' through the Guru's grace (gur parsadi)
by constantly remembering the Lord. Then one comes to real­
ize the functioning of divine Order (hukarp) in one's life . By
bringing one's life into harmony with the divine Order, ofwhich
 98 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

karma is a part, one finds the effects of an adverse karma obliter-

. ated.63 In this way one transcends the condition of death and
transmigration. Guru Amar Das further asserts that one's quest
for eternity can end only if one can overcome the fear of death.
Thus one can find the secret of eternal life (sadjivan) by liberat­
ing oneself from the fear of dying again and again. In offering
his exegesis ofKabir's verse, Guru Amar Das, in the first instance,
is agreeing with Kabir on the ideal of ' dying to the self . But be­
yond Kabir, he is also making a point that even that achievement
( ' dying to the self) is something that comes by the grace of the
Eternal Guru (God) . This serves to underline the Gurus' con­
tinuing emphasis on the primacy of divine grace. In effect, GUru
Amar Das is agreeing with Kabir but he is also concerned with
emphasizing the distinctive Sikh teaching of divine grace.
The main obstacle on the path of spiritual liberation, accord­
ing to Kabir, is the unstable nature of human mind ( man) . Kabir
often speaks of passion driven mind, equating it with a mad
killer-elephant that is out of control:

Kabir, the-Door of salvation is narrow like the tenth of a mustard seed!

Mind is an elephant gone mad: How could it go through (that Door) ?
If I find that Satguru who is pleased to favour me, the Door of salvation
will open to me. Then I will come and go easily.
(Kabir, Var Gujari, 1 (4) , AG, p. 50 9 )

Vaudeville interprets mukti duara ('Door of Salvation') as an

allusion to the opening called brahmarandhra ('Hole ofBrahman')
in the Yogic language.64 But in Kabir's usage in the present context,
it seems to symbolize the extreme difficulty one must encounter
to reach the ultimate goal of one's spiritual journey, for a huge
creature like an elephant cannot pass through a door as narrow
as the tenth of a mustard seed. Kabir maintains that by the grace
of the True Guru (Satguru) one can attain total freedom from
the delusion of the mind and enjoy the ultimate sahaja state.
In his commentary verse in Var Gujari, Guru Amar Das gives
his own interpretation of the theme of Kabir's verses in terms
that are more intelligible. That is, he substitutes the word haumai
('l-am-ness' or 'ego') for Kabir's maigal ( ' elephant' ) :
M3 (Guru Amar Das)
The Door of salvation is narrow, Nanak, but he who is meek, passes through
it. But, if the mind is inflated with ego (haumai) , it cam:wt pass through it.
 Bani Bhagat KabirJi Ki 99

Meeting with th e True Guru (Satguru) , one's ego departs, and one i s filled
with the divine light (prakash) . This soul (jiu) is then forever emancipated
and it merges in the peace of poise (sahaja) .
(M3, Var Oujari, 2 (4), AG, pp. 509-10)

Guru Amar Das asserts that one's mind becomes deluded

under the influence of an inflated ego ( haumai manu asathulu
hai) . The moment one becomes a free ego-less person through
one's union with the True Guru, one comes to realize that 'this
soul is forever emancipated' (.ehu jiu sada muktu hai) . The state
of liberation, in the fullest sense, is an enlightening experience
of a real fact that had always been there, but veiled from the
' self by the ego (haumai). Explaining the meaning of the phrase
ehu jiu sada muktu hai in the verse of Guru Amar Das, Mohan
Singh Diwana aptly observes:
We are ever free; who bound or fettered us? Only we have to perfectly,
unshakably, rest in, blend with this Truth. Even the best ofVedantins, old
or medieval, have aot expressed it so simply and succinctly in two lines;65

According to the Advaita Vedanta doctrine, liberation arises

from knowledge of non-duality that implies the identity ofBrahman
and Alman. A key part of this knowledge is the realization that
the real 'you' is not the body (including mind and senses) but
the eternal, unchanging self. In particular, the Advaita of
Shankara rejects the notions that liberation is inherently related
to the end of physical embodiment or gaining physical immor­
tality in heaven . One becomes bodiless and immortal when one
knows only the self and not one's body is immortal. Thus one
gains liberation while (in fact only while) living. Indeed, the
jivanmukat might teach others and in rare and extraordinary
cases, a liberated one might return to perform a commission. 66
Thus Guru Amar Das clearly defines his own vision of the
realization of the ultimate truth as something spontaneous and
simple (sahaja) that is already there in every body and in every
heart. I t is the recognition ofone's own true 'self which requires
complete honesty and utter humility. This is the meaning of the
phrase nana hoi so jai he who is meek, passes through ' (the
-'

door.of salvation). It would seem that both Kabir and Guru Amar
Das characterize the sahaja state, the ultimate human experi­
ence of bliss and peace, as the ideal of all spiritual endeavour.
However, Guru Amar Das seems compelled to comment on
1 00 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

Kabir's verse perhaps in order to clarify how the sahaja experi­

ence is to be understood by the contemporary Sikh community,
which in turn develops its sense of independent identity.
Finally, there is Kabir's theme of self-withdrawal from active
life in the world. His autobiographical hymns in the Adi Granth
clearly state that 'Kabir does not care for his profession' and that
. 'he has ruined the whole family business.'67 His wife frequently
complains that our 'son and daughter have nothing to eat'
because Kabir has renounced his ancestral trade of weaving and
that 'he no longer speaks of his beam and shuttle. '68 There is a
sense in which passivity is raised to the level of normative
behaviour for the mystic:
Kabir, whatever I propose, God disposes, so why propose and scheme?
For, what God proposes, He does, and does He what one cannot even
dream?
(Kabir, Sawk 21 9, AG, p. 1 376)
Rather than accepting the divine will with a positive attitude,
Kabir here wants to escape from life, giving up all proposing
and scheming for the sake of making a living.
This escapist attitude is directly opposed to the Sikh view of
action-oriented life in the world and a joyous acceptance of the
divine will in every situation whether favourable or not. 69 For the
Gurus, creative activity in the world is the yardstick of one's
progress in the life of spirituality. Guru Amar Das, for instance,
responds to Kabir's view as follows:
M3 (Guru Amar Das)
He himself puts care ( chinta) in us, He himself makes us carefree ( achint) :
Give praise to thilt One, Nanak, who takes care of all.
(M3, Sawk 220, AG, p. 1 376)
The word chinta in the present context means 'care and anxi­
ety' . One experiences these worries in one's life while participat­
ing in worldly affairs. Guru Amar Das asserts that one should
put one's faith exclusively in the indwelling God who looks after
everyone in one's mundane concerns. Thus by submitting to the
divine will cheerfully one can become 'carefree' ( achintu) .and
gain confidence to cope with any situation of anguish and
despair, because every happening is then seen to be coming
from God. The acceptance of anxiety (chinta) is in itself regarded
by the Guru as an act showing a positive attitude towards life.
 Bani Bhagat Kabirji Ki 101

Clearly, this i s · a corrective to Kabir's view o f self-withdrawal,

defining Guru Amar Das's personal view of the spirit of optimism,
or the need to confront life with a positive attitude.
How�ver, in order to guard against the excessive indulgence
in the things of the world, Guru Arjan adds a further comment
in this context as follows:
M5 (Guru Arjan)
Kabir, m an meditated not on Ram, he wandered, following his desires.
Whilst given to sin, he died: In one moment, his life span was over.
(M5, Salok 221, AG, p. 1 376)
Here, Guru Arjan describes the nature of the 'unregenerate
man' who is so attached to his passions for worldly pleasures
that he forgets the Divine and wastes his entire life in sin.70 In
Sikh writings, the word manmukh ('self-willed') is used for the
'unregenerate man ' . Guru Arjan's remark is clearly intended to
explain the Sikh view that life in the world must be based on the
remembrance ofthe divine Name. Otherwise the diamond-worth
life becomes worthless. 71 The emphasis then is on a harmonized
' balance' in life by avoiding the extremes of self-withdrawal and
excessive indulgence in the things of the world. Thus the Guru's
comments serve to highlight the distinctive Sikh way of life for
the benefit of the Sikh community.

GURU ARJAN AND KABIR

As the director of th e process of canonization of the Sikh

scripture, Guru Arjan was responsible for editing the works of
Kabir to bring th e m into harmony with the ' m oods and
motivations' of the Sikh community. 72 Like Guru Amar Das, he
has entered his comments to define the distinctiveness of the
Sikh view at various points in the verses of Kabir. His dialogue
with Kabir is centred on the themes of urgency in the fac e of
death, the company of Sants and sinners, the dignity of regular
labour as a part of spiritual discipline and the supremacy of
enlightened intellect over the wayward mind.
Karine Schomer has suggested that the Adi Garnth verses of
Kabir point to religious themes that are more supportive of a
sense of religious community and social morality rather than of
an individualistic mystical religion. 73 Accordingly, one finds the
1 02 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

theme of urgency in the face of death duly stressed time and

again in Kabir's verses. There is the sense in which human be­
ings are urged to settle their accounts with a just God before
death overtakes them and it is too late. The theme is developed
as follows:
Kabir, putting off paying, the day has passed, the interest goes on mount­
ing-Man has not adorned Hari or cleared his debts. And lo! Death has
arrived!
(Kabir, Salok 208, AG, p. 1375)
The payment of old debts refers to the destruction of past
karma. In this context Hess and Singh observe: 'Karma-popu­
larly understood as a sort of bank account-cum-Mastercharge,
where your current balance may be either a credit or a debit
(good karma, bad karma)-is actually the principle of cause and
effect. The root meaning of karma is activity or doing. The karmic
principle could be stated, 'You are what you do' ; or, in the
context of time, 'your actions determine what you become' .
Actions include thinking and all other functions of the mind.
Karma is logical and inexorable. Because you think the way you
do, you act the way you do, and your actions reinforce or prove
the validity of your thinking.'74 Karma is also understood as a
predisposition that safeguards the notion of free choice. Kabir
maintains that one who keeps on postponing the ultimate concern
of liberation from the condition of bondage accumulates a
further load of bad karma. In this way one has surely wasted
one's entire life without clearing the account (khatu) of karma.
Not only does one experience separation from God, but karma
keeps on mounting in much the same way as interest does in the
case of bad debts.
Most surprisingly, Kabir's single verse is followed by six
commentary saloks (209-14) , inserted by Guru Arjan, which are
intended to be reflections on various ideas ofKabir. For the sake
of convenience, the discussion of these passages will be orga­
nized according to the religious themes. First of all, Guru Arjan
responds to the above salok of Kabir as follows:
M5 (Guru Atjan)
Kabir, man is like a barking dog, running to get the bone. By good fortune,
I obtained the True Guru (Satguru) who made me drop it.
(M5 Salok 209, AG, p. 1 375)
,
 Bani Bhagat KabirJi Ki 103

Guru Aljan asserts that the self-willed persons are like dogs
that are always running after the vile pleasures ( karang, literally
'carrion') of this world. They bark falsehoods and their account
of karma is not tom up. The Guru then mentions his personal
experience of having been delivered from the attractions of the
world by the grace of the True Guru. The point is that without
God as True Guru (Satguru) , none can succeed in attaining
release from the bondage of karma. Guru Arjan is telling Kabir
(and by implication, his contemporary followers) that it is the
divine grace that overcomes karma, not one's own efforts.
The second important theme in Guru Aljan's comments is
related to the company of Sants and sinners. Kabir repeatedly
stresses the value of associating with righteous and saintly people
for the cultivation of proper devotional conduct: 'Do not leave
the way of the Sants, follow in their path: Just seeing them, man
is purified, and meeting them, he invokes Ram. '75 This is in line
with the Sikh concept of spiritual fellowship ( sadh sangat) in which
the Eternal Guru is mystically present. This concept is funda­
mental to the teachings of the Gurus. Guru Arjan spells it out in
detail in the seventh octave of his celebrated Sukhmani. 76 How­
ever, Kabir is strongly opposed to any kind of association with
sinners. He describes them with loathsomeness as the meat-eat­
ing, liquor-drinking, Devi-worshipping Sakta: 'Do not associate
with sinners (saktas) , flee from them. By touching a blackened
vessel, one is sure to get stained.m For Kabir, the sinners are
totally lost and for them the door of liberation is closed. Hence
one must stay away from the bad moral influence of sinners. In
this context, Guru Ar] an makes the following two comments:
M5 (Guru Aljan)
Kabir, though the earth belongs to the holy, thieves have taken possession
of it. Yet the earth feels not their weight, and for them (thieves) it is all
gain.
M5 (Guru Arjan)
Kabir, on account of the husk, rice is beaten with a pestle: So if one sits in
the company of the wicked, Dharamrai (god of death) will take him to
task!
(M5, Saloks 210-1 1, AG, p. 1375 )

In the first salok Guru Arjan suggests that the presence of

sinners (thieves) in the company of the holy can in no "W-ay affect
104 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

the saindy people ( sadh) , for they lookon all things with 'equa­
nimity'. Moreover, the company of the holy is all gain for the
sinners because they may turn towards God by accepting the
sound moral influence ofthe Sants. In contrastwith Kabir, Guru
Arjan seems to keep the company of the Sants open for the
sinners. This serves to underline the optimistic Sikh view that it
is never too late to turn towards God and that every sinner is a
potential Sant. Kabir remains a solitary spiritual seeker who does
not seem to h ave a sense of social mission or the ·idea of an
organized religious community. By contrast, the Sikh Gurus
have a strong sense of mission that compels them to proclaim
their message for the ultimate benefit of their audience and to
promote socially responsible living. While as a mystic Kabir can
afford to stay away from sinners (saktas) , the Sikh Gurus cannot
do so, and they keep their doors open for them principally
because of their sense of mission.
However, in his second comment Guru Aljan seems to warn
against the dangers of keeping bad company. He employs the
symbol ofedible rice ( chaval.a) to make the point. The edible rice is
obtained by beating the un-husked grains with a long pestle. The
husk ( tukh) here symbolizes the wicked. On account of its associa­
tion with the husk, 'good' rice undergoes the punishment ofbeing
pounded with the pestle.78 ·Guru Aljan shares Kabir's view to the
extent that one must stay away from the bad moral influence of
sinners. He clearly implies that when one starts to accept evil moral
influence in the company of the wicked, one is sure to suffer the
consequences of such association. He wants to apprise his audience
that one should keep company with discernment and associate with
saindy people in order to cultivate virtues in life. In his comments
on Kabir, Guru Aljan seems to move toward a 'balanced approach'
with regard to the company of sinners. That is, one should neither
flee from them nor indulge excessively in their company.
Another important concern of Guru Aljan is linked with the
issue of the dignity of regular labour as a part o:f spiritual disci­
pline. As we have already noted, Kabir is reputed to have aban­
doned his weaving profession to follow the path of devotion.79
Guru Aljan consciously inserts the following two saloks in Kabir's
verses that compose a short dialogue between the Maharashtrian
saint Namdev and his contemporary saint Trilochan, both of
whom preceded Kabir. The verses read:
 Bani Bhagat Kabir]i Ki 105

'0 Nama, Maya has deceived you,' said his friend Trilochan. 'Why do you
keep printing cotton cloth, instead of meditating. on Ram?'
Said Nama: '0 Trilochan, with your mouth, invoke Ram, with your hands
and feet, do all your work, keeping your soul fixed on Niranjan ! '
(Namdev/M5, Saloks 212-13, AG, pp. 1 375-6)

Vaudeville maintains that these two saloks can scarcely be at�

tributed to Kabir.80 Elsewhere, she takes an opposite position: 'Such
an utterance, put by Kabir in the mouth of his illustrious prede�
cessor Namdev, points to the convergence of the spiritual attitudes
of the northern Sants and the Sants of Maharashtra. Whatever
their particular religious tradition, the Sants are seekers of the
"Pure" ( niranjan) , the Absolute, a Godhead which transcends their
own traditional allegiance.'81 In both instances, Vaudeville is not
certain whether to attribute these two saloks to Kabir or not. In
fact, this whole controversy of authorship has resulted from ign�
ranee of the editorial interventions of Guru Aljan in the Bhagat
Bani. Two explanations may be offered to address this question.
First, these saloks are probably the compositions of Namdev b�
cause they reflect his views as expressed in his hymn in the Ramakali
raga that work and worship should go hand in hand. 82 Second, it
is more likely that Guru Aijan himself composed them on the
basis ofNamdev's Ramakali hymn to provide corrective to Kabir's
views of self-withdrawal from worldly occupation. The language
of the saloks is certainly different from Namdev's Marathi hymn.
Moreover, they definitely point to the Sikh concept of disciplined
worldliness which emphasizes that one must live on what one has
laboured to receive through honest means (ghali khai or kirt kami)
and engage in the discipline of'remembrance of the divine Name'
(nam-simaran) . One can see here a corrective to the views held by
Kabir, through the use of the name and composition ofNamdev,
who may have enjoyed high spiritual reputation before Kabir.83
Guru Aijan then makes the final comment on the issues raised
by Kabir's works and concludes the discussion as follows:

M5 (Guru Arjan)
Kabir, I have nobody, and I belong to no one. I remain absorbed in that
One who is the Creator of this world.
(M5, Salok 214, AG, p. 1 376)

Here, Guru Arjan asserts that freedom from attachment while

remaining in the midst of temptations to attachment should be
1 06 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

the proper pattern of living for the true devotee. The emphasis
is a dual one-absorption in God on the one hand and recogni­
tion of the world as God's creation on the other.
Throughout his comments in the six salok.s (nos. 209-14) ,
Guru Arjan seems to be concerned wi th e mp hasizing the
distinctive Sikh way of life based on the principle of earning
one's living through honest creative labour, meditation on the
divine Name, associating with saintly people which even promotes
the spiritual life of the sinners, and remaining above worldly
attachments. Thus he responds to the issue, originally raised in
the verse of Kabir, that one can attain release from the debt of
karma by following the path of the Guru. It is only through the
proper understanding of the editorial process behind the making
of the Sikh scripture that we can fully appreciate the original
context of these comments in the verses of Kabir.

' '
KABIR S GAURJ HYMN WRI'ITEN WITH GURU �AN S

ADDffiONAL VERSE

There is a unique instance in the works of the poet-saints included

in the Adi Granth. A hymn by Kabir in the Gauri raga is entitled
Gauri Kabir]i Ki nali ralae likhia Mahala V, 'Kabir's hymn in the
measure Gauri to which Guru Atjan's composition is added at
the time ofwriting.' This title clearly indicates that Guru Atjan' s
comment is added to the hymn. It reads as follows:
Such is the wonder that Kabir has beheld: People chum water under the
delusion of curd. (1) Refrain (rahau). Each morning, the donkey feeds
on green shoots. Thereafter, he has a hearty laughter, then brays and dies.
( 1 ) There is a mad he-buffalo that is intractable. Leaping while grazing,
and ultimately going to hell. (2) Kabir says: 'Now this sport has become
manifest. The sheep is sucking at the lamb's teat.' (3)
By divine contemplation (ram ramal) such realization has appeared to
my intellect (mat): Say 0 Kabir! 'This enlightenment has come by the
Guru's guidance.' (4)
(Kabir & M5, Gauri 14, AG, p. 326)
Most of the time Kabir uses the formula kahu kabir ( 'Kabir
says') in the last verse of each hymn (shabad) , which constitutes
a kind of'signature' or 'stamp' (mudrikaor chhap) to claim author­
ship of the hymn.84 We will return to the theoretical discussion
of the issue of ' poetic signature' in the next chapter. Here, it i s
 Bani Bhagat KabirJi Ki 1 07

Kabir's trademark and signifies his passion to engage, to wake

people up, and to affect their lives.85 In the present case, his hymn
ends with the verse containing the mudrika:
Kahu kabir paragatu bhai khed/I lele kau chungai nit bhed/I (3)
Kabir says: ' Now this sport has become manifest. The sheep is sucking at
the Iamb's teat' (3)
The additional verse is the composition of Guru Aijan that is a
reflection on Kabir's hymn. It reads as follows:
Ram ramat mati paragati ai//kahu kabir guri sojhi pail/ (4)
By divine contemplation (ram ramat) such realization has appeared to my
intellect (mat) : Say, 0 Kabir! 'This enlightenment has come by the Guru's
guidance.' ( 4)
It is instructive to note that Guru Aijan always employs the 'sig­
nature' ofKabir while commenting on his poetry. This new con­
vention shows a more intimate relationship with the Bhagat
Bani.86 It sisnifies the Guru's editorial device to engage personally
on the issue raised by Kabir in his hymn.
Before we returri to the exegesis of the actual hymn, let us
look at Jeevan Deol's recent interpretation of the heading of
this composition. He writes:
It may, however, mean that the shabad was added to an already existing
corpus of the bhagat bani by Guru Aljan, in which case the heading would
mean ' [work of] Kabir in Gauri, added [to the section] by M5'. The marker
M5 in the other headings would then also indicate their having been added
to the Sikh repertoire of bhagat compositions by the fifth Guru. There is,
however, not enough evidence about authorship of the shabads to warrant
this conclusion: they may in fact represent compositions of the bhagats
gathered during Guru Aljan's lifetime, or they may equally have been
attributed to or otherwise connected with him by contemporary Sikh
community.87

If one is looking to nitpick in textual criticism, here is a good

example. Deol has simply failed to understand Guru Aijan's edi­
torial perspective and his translation of the orfginal Punjabi line is
incorrect. Although he notes down that the hymn 'uncharacteris­
tically has two verses' containing Kabir' s signature, he is not aware
of the convention that Guru Aljan's verses of commentary bear
the signatures of the Bhagats being commented upon. This will
become sufficiently clear from the contextual meaning of this ,
hymn.
1 08 The Bhagats of the Gunt Granth Sahib

The Gauri hymn is one of Kabir' s paradoxical ( ultabamsi) say�

ings. Linda Hess maintains that the meaning of ultais more like
'reversed'-rather than 'upside�own'. Typical ultabamsi expre�
sions are based on the reversal of roles, personalities, laws of
nature: a rabbit eats a lion, a quail conquers a hawk, an arrow
strikes the hunter, or fire burns in water, rain rises from the earth
to sky.88 In the present ,case, the sheep is sucking at the lamb's
teat, people churn water under the delusion of curd. Kabir seems
to have inherited this language of paradoxes and enigmas from
the Sahajaiyas and Naths and adapted it to his own purpose.89
These ultabamsi statements of Kabir are designed to stir his
audience with surprises ( achara;) so that he could engender in
his hearers/readers a sense of immediacy of experience.
Sahib Singh interprets that 'sheep' and 'lamb' in Kabir's hymn
stand for 'intellect' (mat) and 'mind' (man) respectively.90 In
fact, the hin t for such an interpretation comes from Guru Aljan's
comment in the last verse. Kabir asserts that when the intellect
(sheep) is following the sensual mind (lamb) , people cannot
distinguish between truth and falsehood, the real and the
'unreal. That is why they are wasting their lives in futile activities
('churning water') instead of 'invoking the divine Name which
is like milk'. In this context, Vaudeville cites another verse:
'Invoking Hari's Name is like milk, and all other activities like
water: A few saints are like Hansa birds, able to distinguish the
Essence. ' 91 Being pervaded by sensuality, self�willed people
behave like animals such as the donkey and he-buffalo that
symbolize foolishness, lust, vanity and violence. Kabir seems to
be amazed at the way they are knowingly sinning: 'The mind is
aware of all, knowing, it does wrong: Will you fare any better, if
you fall into a well, lamp in hand.'92 It happens because the ·

intellect is being led by the deluded mind.

Guru Aljan adds his comment that by divine contemplation
(ram ramat) the intellect (mat) is illumined with divine knowl�
edge and it no longer follows the directions of the mind (man) .
Rather, the intellect now has the upper hand because it follows
the guidance of the Guru and keeps the unstable mind under
control. In this context, Kabir may have said this: 'This body is
the pitch"dark forest and the Mind is an elephant gone mad:
the jewel of wisdom is the goad but few are the saints who can
apply it! '93 Thus with Guru-Aljan' s comment Kabir's paradoxical
 Bani Bhagat KabirJi Ki 1 09

hymn becomes intelligible and in the process one gets a glimpse

of the Sikh view of the supremacy of the enlightened intellect
over the mind (man nivan matuchz) . In fact, this phrase has become
an integral part of the Sikh Congregational Prayer (Ardas) : ' 0
Akal Purakh! Vahiguru! Grant to your Sikhs a humble mind and
high thinking wisdom! May Vahiguru be the light of our thoughts
and protect our wisdom ! '

CONCLUSION

As in the case of Shaikh Farid, it is quite evident that the bani of

Kabir is recorded in the Adi Granth in the first instance because
of basic agreement with the belief of the Sikh Gurus-the belief
in One God beyond all form and sectarian garb, the basic equality
of human beings, the doctrine of the Word (shabad) , the spiritual
discipline ofnam-simaran, the doctrine of God immanent in the
human soul, the company of saintly people, the worthlessness of
a life empty of devotion to God, the mystic path of Love, the
emphasis upon true inner religiosity, and the ideal of spiritual
liberation within life. Both Kabir and the Sikh Gurus reject social
distinctions based upon the caste system and criticize the
pretensions of Brahmins and Mullahs. Both shun the outward
display of religiosity including images, pilgrimages, fasting, and
ritual bathing associated with the ideas of pollution and purity.
However, as in the case of Shaikh Farid, there are some dis­
agreements between Kabir and the Sikh Gurus on essential
points. Kabir remains a solitary spiritual seeker who does not
seem to have a sense of social mission or the idea of an orga­
nized religious community. In contrast, the Sikh Gurus seem to
have a strong sense of mission that compels them to proclaim
their message for the ultimate benefit of their audience and to
promote socially responsible living. While as a mystic Kabir can
afford to run away from the sinners (saktas) , the Sikh Gurus can­
not do so and they keep their doors open for them principally
be cause of their sense of mission. Kabir regards mendicity
(madhukari) as a means of acquiring merit in spiritual life and
this may have been the reason for renouncing his traditional
family craft of weaving. In contrast with Kabir, the Sikh Gurus
are strongly opposed to begging. They stress the dignity of regu­
lar labour as an integral part of spiritual discipline. Whereas Kabir
110 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

seems to be resentful because of his failure to win divine favour

in spite of his stern asceticism, Guru Amar Das seems to correct
his view through his comment that grace is a matter of divine
free choice that does not depend upon any kind of previous
growth in spirituality. In the Sikh doctrine, divine grace and
human effort go together in spiritual life, because human effort
too is a matter of divine grace. Kabir sometimes gives the im·
pression of self-withdrawal from active life in the world and ap­
pears to be complaining against the divine will betraying a type
of negative or escapist attitude. The Sikh Gurus, on the other
hand, stress the spirit of optimism to confront life with a positive
attitude and to create a harmonized 'balance' by avoiding the
extremes of self-withdrawal and excessive indulgence in the
things of the world.
At issue, it would seem, is the concern to mark out very care­
fully the boundaries between the Gurmat ('Guru's view or doc­
trine, ' normally called 'Sikhism') and the Sant teachings, in
this case, the views ofKabir. This is clearly evident in the Gurus'
comments on the verses of Kabir. These comments serve to
point out basic agreement and disagreement between the Gurus
and Kabir where this exists, to clarify anything that might be
unintelligible in Kabir or construed in a wrong way, and to correct
views ofKabir that border on the erroneous from the Sikh point
of view. Supporting this is the fact that a great deal of the Kabir
material-dealing with such themes as deprecation of women,
ascetici sm, e soteric teachings of tantric yoga and abusive
language-was 'edited out' at the time of the canonization of
the Sikh scripture. The basic concern of the Gurus' comments
and editing was not so much with the goal of mystical union
with the Divine or the sahaja experience itself, but with the spiritual
practice leading towards that goal.
The. comments of the Sikh Gurus actually reflect the nature
of religious dialogues that took place between the Sikhs and
Kabir's followers at that particular time in the Punjab. The issues
raised in these dialogues were crucial for shaping the emerging
Sikh identity. They played an important role in defining what i t
meant to be a Sikh in relation to the commonly held Sant beliefs .
Not surprisingly, Nirmal Dass argues that the Sant tradition never
rose beyond its spirit of protest. Although the sant tradition worked
out well as a critique of the Hindu tradition, it failed to replace the
 Bani Bhagat KabirJi Ki Ill

latter since it could not sufficiently separate itself from the Hindu
tradition. On the other hand, Dass continues, Sikhism was never
successfully assimilate d, and remained a distinct system of belief:
one that continually sought to segregate itselffrom other faiths and
creeds. Thus Sikhism went beyond mere criticism-it offered an
alternative to the Hindu tradition. 94 On the whole, this study clearly
demonstrates how the early Sikh tradition was involved in the
process of self-definition, a process through which the Sikh Panth
achieved 'a pronounced clarity of definition, one which entitles it
to be regarded as a distinct religious system in its own right.'95

NOTES

1 For legendary accounts of Kabir's birth and life, see Muhammad

Hedayetulla, Kabir: The Apostle ofHindu-Muslim Unity (Delhi: Motilal
Banarasidass, 197 1 ) , pp. 157-65. Also see, Ahmad Shah, The Bijak
ofKabir (New Delhi: Asian Publication Services, 1 979) , pp. 1 -28.
2 Charlotte Vaudeville, Kabir, vol. I ( Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1 97 4),

p. 29. Most of the time I use Vaudeville's translations of Kabir's

saloks.
3 Linda Hess and Shukdev Singh, The Bijak of Kabir (San Francisco:

North Point Press, 1 979) , p. 5.

4 David C. Scott, Kabir's Mythology (Delhi: Bhartiya Vidya Prakash an,

1985) , p. 11.
5 Hazariprasad Dvivedi, Kabir (New Delhi: Rajkamal Prakashan, 1 985) ,
p. 1 25. Also see Ram Kumar Verma, Kabir: Biography and Philosophy
(New Delhi: Prints India, 1 977) , pp. 23-5.
5 W.H. McLeod, Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion (Delhi: Oxford

University Press, 1 968 ) , p. 1 5 6. The reference to Ramanand is found

in Rabindranath Tagore, One Hundred Poems of Kabir (London:
Macmillan and Co. Ltd., 1 967) , p. 36: 'I became suddenly revealed
in Benaras, and Ramananda illumined me . . . . '

7 Vaudeville, Kabir, p. 1 1 6.

8 W. Owen Cole, The Guru in Sikhism (London: Darton, Longman

and Todd, 1 98 2 ) , p. 1 0. Tulsi Das's view is discussed by Raymond

Allchin in his critical introduction to Kavitavali (London: Allen and
Unwin, 1964) , pp. 47-9.
9 Vaudeville, Kabir, pp. 9 1 -2 .

1 0 Parashuram Chaturvedi, UttariBharat Ki Sant-Parampara (Allahabad:

Leader Press, 1964) , pp. 1 59-6 1 .

112 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

11
Kabir, Prabhati 2, AG, p. 1 349.
12 McLeod, Guru Nanak, p. 1 56.
1 3 Vaudeville, Kabir, pp. 36-9.

14 Archaeological Suroey ofIndia (New Series) : The Monumental Antiquities

and Inscriptions in the North Western Provinces and Oudh, vol. 1 1 , p.

224. Also, see P.D. Barthwal, Traditions ofIndian Mysticism Based on
Nirguna School ofHindi Poetry (New Delhi: Heritage Publishers, 1978) ,
pp. 252-3.
1 5 For an excellent chapter on Kabir, see John Stratton Hawley and

MarkJuergensmeyer, Songs ofthe Saints ofIndia (New York: Oxford

University Press, 1988) , pp. 35-61 .
16
Hess and Singh, Bijak, p. 4.
1 7 Karine Schomer, 'Kabir in the Guru Granth Sahib: An Exploratory

Essay,' in Mark Juergensmeyer and N.G. Barrier, eds., Sikh Studies:

Comparative Perspectives on a Changing Tradition (Berkeley: Berkeley
Religious Studies Series and Graduate Theological Union, 1 979) � p. 76.
18
Nirmal Dass, Songs of Kabir from the Adi Granth (Albany, NY: State
University of New York Press, 1 99 1 ) .
1 9 Gopal Narayan Bahura, 'Surdas k a pada: Manuscript o f l 639V.S.

( 1 582) ,' in Monika Thiel-Horstmann, ed., Bhakti in Current Research,

1 979-1 982 (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1983) , pp. 19-23.
20 Vaudeville, Kabir, p. 58. Also see William ]. Dwyer, Bhakti in Kabir

{Patna: Associated Book Agency, 1 98 1 ) , p. 3.

21 For details, see Pashaura Singh, The Guru Granth Sahib: Canon,

Meaning and Authority (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000) ,

pp. 1 84-5, 188-93.
22 Vaudeville, Kabir, pp. 56-9. The Bijak is found in two maj o r

recensions. The Kabir-granthavaliis based on the so-called Panchavani

manuscripts, none of which is earlier than 1 774.
23 Schomer, 'Kabir in the GGS,' p. 86.

24 Ibid., pp. 80-86.

25 W.H. McLeod, ' Guru Nanak and Kabir,' in Punjab History

Conference, Ist Session, November 1965 (Patiala: Punjabi University,

1 966) , p. 92.
6
2 McLeod, Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion, p. 1 56.

27 Karine Schomer and W.H. McLeod, eds., The Sants: Studies in a

Devotional Tradition ofIndia (Berkeley and Delhi: Berkeley Religious

Studies Series and Motilal Banarsidiss, 1 987) , p. 1 4 1 .
28 Winand M. Callewaert, ed., The Millennium Kabir Vani: A Collection

ofPads (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers and Distributors, 2000) .

 Bani Bhagat Kabirfi Ki 113

29 Schomer, 'Kabir in the GGS', p . 76.

30 McLeod, Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion, pp. 85-6.
31 Sahib Singh, Bhagat Bani Steek, Part 4 (Amritsar: Singh Brothers,
1980) , pp. 26-43.
32 Dass, Songs of Kabir, p. 8.
R� McLeod, 'Guru Nanak and Kabir, ' pp. 89-90.
34 Ibid., p. 92.
35 M3, Siri Ragu 23, AG, p. 67.
36 Mohan Singh, A History of Punjabi Literature (Jalandhar: Bharat
Prakashan, 1 971 ) , pp. 45-6.
37 The most comprehensive treatment of the Sant tradition may be seen
in Schomer and McLoed, eds., The Sants. Also see McLeod, Guru
Nanak and the Sikh Religion, pp. 1 51-8; Vaudeville, Kabir, pp. 97- 1 1 0
and Ronald Stuart McGregor, 'Hindi Literature from its Beginning
to the Nineteenth Century,' in Jan Gonda, ed., A History of Indian
Literature (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1984) , pp. 38-60.
38 Cole, Guru in Sikhism, p. 1 3.
39 Hedayetullah, Kabir, p. 200.
40 McLeod, Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion, pp. 191-4.

41 Kabir, Gauri 43, AG, p. 3 3 1 .

42 Kabir, Prabhati 3, AG, p p . 1 349-50: ' I n the beginning was Allah' s

radiance; all people are His creation. T h e entire world was created
from this radiance; who is then good and who bad?'
4·q Kabir, Tilang 1, AG, p. 727.
H Hess and Singh, Bijak, p. 4.
45 M 1 , Var Majh, 1 (6) , AG, p. 140: 'If bleod stains the garment, it
becomes polluted . . . . ' Also see, Guru N anak's emphatic criticism
of the notions of purity and pollution in the Adi Granth, Var Asa,
1 ( 1 8 ) and 1 (19) , pp. 472-3.
4fi Translation is taken from Hew McLeod, Sikhism (London: Penguin
Books, 1997) , p. 281.
47 Niharranjan Ray, The Sikh Gurus and the Sikh Society (New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal, 1975 ) , p. 40.
48 Jasbir Singh Ahluwalia, The Sovereignty ofthe Sikh Doctrine (New Delhi:
Bahri Publicaitons, 1983) , p. 39.
49 Vaudeville, Kabir, p. 305.
50 Prabhakar Machwe, Kabir (New Delhi : Sahitya Akademy, 1968) ,
p. 13.
51 Jodh Singh, Kabir (Patiala: Punjabi University, 1 97 1 ) , pp. l l-15.
52 Vaudeville, Kabir, p . 1 46.
114 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

53 Ibid., p . 1 60.
54 Ibid., p. 318.
55 Avtar Singh, Ethics of the Sikhs ( Patiala: PurUabi University, 1970 ) ,
p. 249. Also, see Chapter 2 o f this study for a discussion o f the
understanding of divine grace and human effort in the Gurus;
56 Salok 5, AG, p. 1 364.
Kabir,
57 Gaun 48, AG, p. 333.
Kabir,
8
5 Vaudeville, Kabir, p. 146.
59 Ibid., p. 258.
60 Cf. M1, Gaun 7, AG, p. 153: 'If one dies by means of the Word one
dies not again. Without such a death how can one be perfected('
Cited in McLeod, Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion, p. 220.
61
Kabir, Salok 30, AG, p. 1 366.
62 Kabir, Maru 4, AG, pp. 1 1 03 and Gaun 13, AG, pp. 325-6. Also see,

Scott, Kabir's Mythology, pp. 1 83-5.

63 For the Gurus, the law of karma is not inexorable. It is subject to
the higher principle of hukam ( 'divine Order' ) . See McLeod, Guru
Nanak and the Sikh Religion, p. 205. Also see W. Owen Cole, Sikhism
and its Indian Context 1469-1 708 (London: Darton, Longman and
Todd, 1 984) , p. 77.
64 For details, see Vaudeville, Kabir, pp. 128-32 and 3 1 9. For further
details, see my Guru Granth Sahib, p. 216.
65 Mohan Singh Diwana, 'Discoveries in Sikh Culture-III' in the
journal of Sikh Studies, vol. II, no. 1 (Arnritsar: Guru Nanak Dev
University, 1975), p. 91.
66 Andrew 0. Fort,Jivanmukti in Transformation: Embodied Liberation in
Advaita andNeo-Vedanta (Albany: State University ofNew York Press,
1 998 ) , pp. 44-5.
67 Kabir, Bilaval 4, AG, p. 856.
68 Kabir, Gond 6, AG, p. 871.
69 Ahluwalia, Sovereir;nty of Sikh Doctrine, p. 37.
70 'Unregenerate man' is the expression used by McLeod in Guru ·
Nanak and the Sikh Religion, pp. 1 77-8: 'This is the condition of pride,
of self-centredness, of sin, and so of death and transmigration. This
is the·condition which must be transcended ifman is to attain release
from transmigration.'
71 Ml, Gaun 18, AG, p . 1 56: 'Night was lost to sleep, day to eating:
This life worth a diamond for a farthing goes. '
72 For a comprehensive treatment of the process of canonization, see
my The Guru Granth Sahib.
 Bani Bhagat Kabir]i Ki 1 15

73 Schomer, 'Kabir in the Guru Granth Sahib,' p . 84.

74 Hess and Singh, Kabir, p. 155.
75 Kabir, Salok 1 30, AG, p . 1371.
'16 M5, Gauri Sukhmani, 1 (7) , AG, p. 271 .
77 Kabir, Salok 131, AG, p . 1 371.

'18 Vaudeville, Kabir, p . 328.

79 Kabir, Asa 2, AG, p . 487.

80 Vaudeville, Kabir, p. 328.

81 Charlotte Vaudeville, 'The Shaiva-Vaishnava Syn thesis in

Maharashtrian Santism, ' in Schomer and McLeod, eds., The Sants,
pp. 2 1 6-17.
82 Namdev, Ramakali 1, AG, p. 972.
83 Kabir himself mentions Namdev together withjaidev as the 'great
saints of the Kali age'. See Kabir, Bilaval 7, AG, p. 856.
84 Vaudeville, Kabir, p. 62.
85 Hess, 'Kabir's Rough Rhetoric,' p. 147.
86
For more details, see Sahib Singh, Sri Guru Granth Sahib Darpan,
vol. 2 (Jalandhar: R aj Publishers, 1962 ) , pp. 868-70.
87 Jeevan Deol, 'Surdas: Poet and Text in the Sikh Tradition,' Bulletin
ofSchool of Oriental and African Studies, 63:2 ( 2000 ) : 1 91-2.
88 Hess and Singh, Bijak, p . 1 45.
89 Ibid. , p . 14. For more details o n Kabir's language, see Charlotte
Vaudeville, A Weaver Named Kabir (Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1 993 ) , pp. 1 09-30. Also see, Hess, 'Kabir's Rough Rhetoric,' in
Schomer and McLeod, eds., The Sants, pp. 1 43-65.
90 Sahib Singh, Sri Guru Granth Sahib Darpan, voL 2, pp. 868-870.
91 Vaudeville, Kabir, p. 287.
92 Kabir, Salok 216, AG, p. 1 376.

93 Kabir, Salok 224, AG, p. 1 376.

94 Dass, Songs ofthe Saints from the Adi Granth, p . 6.
95 W.H. McLeod, 'Kabir, Nanak and the Early Sikh Panth,' in his
Exploring Sikhism: Aspects of Sikh Identity, Culture, and Thought (New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000) , p. 23.
FOUR

Bani Sri Jaidev Ji Ki

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

here is not m uch authentic material to construc t th e

Tbiography ofjaidev Qayadeva) . Both legends and historical
documents suggest thatJaidev lived and composed in eastern India
during the latter half of the twelfth century. According to these
sources , he was born in a Brahmin family and became an
accomplished student of Sanskrit and a skilled poet. However, he
abandoned scholarship at a young age and adopted an ascetic
life, devoting himself to God. Legend says that as a wandering
mendicant, he would not sleep under one tree for more than a
night for fear that attachment to the place would violate his vow.
His ascetic life ended when a Brahmin of Puri insisted that
Jagannath ('Lord of the World' ) himself had ordained the
marriage ofjaidevwith his daughter Padmavati, who was dedicated
as a dancing girl to the temple. Padmavati served her husband
and he shared her devotion to Jagannath. Indeed, Jaidev's song
and her dance provide the actual context for the composition of
the celebrated Sanskritic text Gitagovinda ( ca.l 200 CE) . 1
A verse from the Gitagovinda (XII.22) namesJaidev's parents
as follows: 'Bhojadeva' s heir, Ramadevi's son,Jayadeva, expresses
the power of poetry in the Gitagovinda. '2 The legendary account
ofJaidev's life identifies Bhojadeva as a Brahmin of Kanauj who
migrated to the village ofKindubilva. Another verse in the begin­
ning of the text introducesJaidev as a 'wandering poet' as follows:
Jayadeva, wandering king of bards, who sings at Padmavati' s lotus feet, was
obsessed in his heart by rhythms of the goddess of speech. And he made
this lyrical poem from tales of the passionate play when Krishna loved
Shri (1.2) .3

It is instructive to note that the early commentators on the

text of Gitagovinda do not identify Padmavati as Jaidev's wife.
 Bani Sri Jaidev ]i Ki 117

Nevertheless, in most traditional accounts she is considered his

wife. In the process of writing the poem, for instance, Jaidev
conceived the climax of Krishna's supplication to Radha as a
command for Radha to place her foot on Krishna's head in a
symbolic gesture of victory (X.8) . But the poet hesitated to com­
plete the couplet, in deference to Krishna, and went out to
take a bath in the neighbouring stream. In the poet's absence,
as the legend goes, Krishna appeared in his guise to write the
couplet; then he ate food Padmavati had prepared for Jaidev
and left. When the poet returned, he was astonished to see the
couplet complete. Jaidev thus realized that he had received
divine grace in exalting Krishna's loving relation with Radha.4
On the basis of different local versions of this legend, three
conflicting traditions have thrived aboutJaidev's place of birth
and region of his poetic activities. Modern scholars of Bengal,
Orissa and Mithila have made their respective claims. Two strong
traditions say that the ' Kindubilva' cited in the Gitagovinda
(111.10) is either a village near Puri in Orissa or a village in modem
Birbhum district of Bengal. A third tradition identifies the
village Kenduli nearJenjharpur in Mithila asJaidev's birthplace.
Suniti Kumar Chatterj i has however, skillfully established
•.

Jaydeva's Bengali origins in his monograph.5 Jaidev is thus com­

monly accepted as a Bengali poet who was born in Kenduli
(Kinduvilba) in Birbhum district of West Begal, who flourished
in the latter half of the twelfth century and who died in the first
half of the thirteenth century. As a young man he became the
court poet for Lakshman Sen, the last Hindu king of Bengal.
Fortunately, there is some reliable evidence in literary and
historical documents that helps us establish the dates ofJaidev's
literary activities. Most prominent is the presence of verses
attributed to Jaidev in Shridharadasa' s Sadukti-karnam1ita, an
anthology compiled in Bengal in 1 205 (Shaka era 1 1 27) , at the
end of Lakshman Sen 's (r. 1 1 79-1205) reign. Among the thirty
verses attributed toJaidev in that anthology, two are to be found
in the critical text ofGitagovinda.6 Further, internal evidence of
the Gitagovinda (1.3) reveals how Jaidev compares himself with
poets named Umapatidhara, Sharna, Govardhana and Dhoyi,
all ofwhom are quoted in the Sadukti-karnamrita. Dhoyi composed
a court epic entitled Pavanaduta ( ' Messenger of Air') to glorify
a campaign by Lakshman Sen into the south. Furthermore, it
 118 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

seems clear from the contents of Sadukti-karnamrita and from

the inscriptions of Lakshman Sen that the king was a patron of
Sanskrit learning and of Vaishnavism. The Senas were Karnatic
kings who employed Sanskrit for their official documents, the
standard practice in North India at this time.7
The text of the Gitagovinda certainly found an appreciative
audience in the court of Lakshman Sen, although it is impossible
to know whetherJaidev actually composed the work at the court.
Perhaps he composed it elsewhere, but performed it there. Nev­
ertheless, it is written in the genre of courdy poetry. With regard
to his Vaishnava credentials, Barbara Stoler Millar remarks that
in the course of his wanderings Jayadeva visited Puri where he
came under the influence of the Jagannath cult and formed a
special relationship with Padmavati. Their 'marriage' in the legend
may be 'a veiled allusion to his i nitiation in the Srivaishnava cult
that was established in Puri under Ramanuja's influence.'8 In
fact, the Gitagovinda was incorporated into the ritual of the
Jagannath temple by the fifteenth century. An inscription located
on the left side of theJayavijaya doorway, written in Oriya language
and script and dated 1 499, prescribes the performance of the
Gitagovinda in the temple: 'In addition to the dancing, there
will be four singers who will sing only the Gitagovinda. Those
who are not versed in singing the Gitagovinda will follow i n
· chorus-they should learn n o other song. Any temple official
who knowingly allows any other song or dance to be performe d
is hostile t oJagannath. ' 9
More recently, Himadri Banerjee has made the case for
Jaidev's Oriya origins. On the basis of his field survey he has
postulated the hypothesis that Nanak-panthi Sikhs who were
mosdy Khatri traders were responsible for taking the two hymns
(padas) ofJaidev to Punjab that became part of the Sikh scripture.
In a personal communication, he writes:
I have a strong feeling that the Poetjaydev is from Orissa. His padas were
taken by the Khatri traders/Nanakpanthi sadhus from Orissa to northern
India. Jaydev was already known in Gujarat in the twelfth cen tury. The
contact between Orissa and Punjab was always there and I feel that the
mathas (religious institutions set up by the Udasi sadhus) played a very
i nteresting role in this regard. My field surveys in Puri, Cuttack, Bhadrak
andJajpur (all in Orissa) confirm the point. I have come across a m edi­
eval Chhamuchilhau (royal orders from the king of Puri) granting certain
 Bani SriJaidev]i Ki 119

rituals rights (of the Jagannath temple) and rent-free land to the Udasi
rnatha of Puri. 10

In his arguments, Baneijee makes two points. First, he argues

thatjaidev's links with the local Oriyajagannath tradition were
strong. Indeed, the Jagannath tradition represents the symbol
or confluence of many conflicting and opposing traditions. It is
a place where the different schools of medieval Indian philo­
sophical traditions often interact freely which we generally miss
elsewhere. This region is likely to have offered poet jaidev the
opportunity of experimenting with different philosophies and
experiences of life. Second, Nanak-panthi Sikhs had their own
centre ( matha) situated within one hundred metres of the
Jagannath temple at Purl as early as seventeenth century. The
early Sikh tradition preserves the memory of Guru N anak' s visit
to theJagannath temple at Purl. With Akbar's conquest of Orissa
in 1 592 a northernKhatri1 Todar Mal, came for revenue settlement.
This opened the gates for many Khatri traders to come and settle
in Orissa: Baneijee concludes: 'This Oriya closeness ofpoetJaidev
is significant and interesting in the context of early Sikh push in
eastern India. ' 1 1
Notwithstanding the issue ofJaidev's Bengali or Oriya origins,
by the sixteenth century his Gitagovinda was recognized through­
out northern India for the intensity of its poetic and religious
expression. Scholars have worked out 1 1 70 and 1 245 as the
possible birth and death dates ofJaidev. He lived long and died
in the village where he was born. There is a samadhi of the saint
and an annual fair is held on the first of Magh.12 He certainly
enjoyed a high spiritual reputation within the Sant tradition of
North India. We will return to this point in our discussion in the
next section.

TEXTUAL TRADillONS

There are two works byJaidev in the Adi Granth. The first hymn
is recorded under the heading, 'Sri jaidev's lyrical hymn in the
musical measure Gujari' (gujari sri]aidevjiu ka pada) .13 The second
hymn is entitled Jaidev's utterances in the musical measure Maru'
(raga maru bani jaideu jiu ki) .14 Sikh tradition maintains that the
author of these two hymns in the Adi Granth was the sameJaidev
1 20 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

who was the author of the Gitagovinda. In this context, M. A.

Macauliffe makes the following observation: 'The Jaidev whose
hymns are found in the Granth Sahib is the celebrated Sanskrit
poet who wrote the Gitagovind. '15 In the recent past, however, a
mild kind of controversy has risen regarding the traditional Sikh
claim. For instance, in her study ofJaidev, Barbara Stoler Miller
has questioned the association of the author of the Gitagovinda
with the Adi Granth verses on the ground that 'the two mixed
Prakrit-Apabhramsa verses attributed to him in the Guru Granth
Sahib are characterized by the kind of abstract devotionalism ·

that is not present in the Gitagovinda.' 16

Let us explore this controversy in detail from various angles.
To place the enquiry into a proper perspective, we must offer
the historical basis of the traditional Sikh claim in the first place,
and secondly, we must focus on the language, formal structure
and the thematic analysis of the Adi Granth hymns in relation to
the Gitagovinda. Finally, we must apply the theory of author­
function to see whether the author of the two hymns in the Adi
Granth is identical with the author of the Gitagovinda or not.
The earliest reference to Jaidev's high spiritual reputation
among northern Santsis found in Kabir's works. Kabir mentions
Jaidev together with Namdev as a great saint of the Kali ('dark ' )
age. Note the following references:
By Guru's grace,Jaideu and Nama (Namdev) attained realization through
the loving devotion .
(Kabir, Gauri 36, AG, p. 330)
You h ave crowned with your boundless grace, 0 Lord, Jaideu, Nama
(Namdev) and Sudama, the Brahmin.
(Kabir, Bilaval 7, AG, p. 856)
In the Kali ('dark') age, Nama (Namdev) and jaidev are ever-awake.
(Kabir, Basant 2, AG� p. 1 194)
·•. '

Here, Jaidev figures with special prominence when Kabir is

listing the recipients of divine grace. One can notice from the
above references that Kabir never mentions Jaidev alone, bu t
always brackets him with Namdev. This has led Charlotte Vaude­
ville to think of a possible confusion between Jaidev andJnandev
(Jnaeshvar) , the great Maharashtrian saint who is supposed to
have been the author of]anaeshvariP Vaudeville seems to have
stretched the argument too far on the basis of speculation. There
 Bani SriJaidev Ji Ki 121

i s n o sound evidence to link Jaidev of Bengal with Jnandev of

Maharashtra.
In the Bhakta-mala ofNabhaji Das, a Vaishnava poet who flour­
ished in the last quarter of the sixteenth century and the first
quarter of seventeenth century, a whole stanza ( chappay 3 1 ) is
devoted to Jaidev. It reads as follows:
The poetjayadeva is the emperor among poets, while other poets are like
rulers of small states: [his] Gitagovinda has become shining exceedingly
in the three worlds. It is the repository of Erotics, of Poetry, of Nine Senti­
ments, and of the Pleasant Art of Love. For him, who studies (sings) his
eight-versed songs, his wisdom is increased. The Lover of Radha is pleased
while hearing them, and certainly comes there (where these songs are
sung) .Jayadeva is the Sun bringing happiness to the Lotus Lady, his wife
Padmavatil He is also the Sun for the mass of lotuses who are Saints. The
poet Jayadeva is the emperor while other poets are rulers of small states.18
This stanza contains very remarkable statements. The author
of the Bhakta-mala clearly identifies Jaidev as the author of
Gitagovinda and calls him an expert in the science of erotics,
the poetry of nine sentiments and the pleasant art of love ( koka­
kalrya-nava-rasa-sarasa-srngara-kau agara) . Priya Das composed a
commentary verse on the original text of the Bhakta-mala in 1 71 2
under the name of Bhakti-rasa-bodhini.19 In a long development
of the legend the commentary tellsJaidev's story at great length:
he had first taken to an austere life and was later persuaded to
marry a Brahmin's daughter through the intervention ofthe God
Jagannath himself, who inspired him to compose the Gitagovinda
on the subject of his love with Radha. Macauliffe repeats this
story along with other legends. 20 Evidently, the northern
Vaishnava tradition, at least from the Bhakta-mala onwards, ac­
knowledges Jaidev as the author of Gitagovinda.
Guru Nanak ( 1 469- 1 5 39) does not mention jaidev in his
works. However, Sahib Singh has made an attempt to establish
thatJaidev' s hymn in the Gujari Raga furnished a direct model
for Guru Nanak's hymn in the same measure, Gujari Mahala
1 Cham 4 Astapadi 5 (AG, p. 505) , which has some parallel
Sahaskriti features.21 If this was indeed the case, one can assume
that Guru Nanak must have been familiar with J aidev' s hymns.
Christopher Shackle has, however, challenged Sahib Singh ' s
assumption on the basis of parallel Sahaskriti features a s fol­
lows: ' . . . the case is not really made. ' 22 Thus it is not possible
122 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

to accept the assumption that Guru Nanak knew Jaidev's

works.
Guru Ram Das ( 1 534-81 ) mentions Jaidev for the first time
in his works. He repeatedly inspires his own audience with the
example of the celebrated Bhagats achieving God-realization
through the transforming power of the divine Name:
Nama (Namdev), Jaideu; Kabir, Trilochan and Ravidas the untouchable
tanner, and Dhanna the Jat, and Sain (the barber) , all achieved union
with the Divine through the holy company of saintly people.
(M4, Bilaval 7, AG, p. 835)

In the Kali ('dark') age, the Lord's Name is the most efficacious, and it
emancipates all the devotees. For, were not all the woes of Namdev,Jaidev,
Kabir and Trilochan and of Ravidas the tanner, wholly dispelled? They
who are devoted to the Lord's Name, by the Guru's grace, are redeemed,
and all their sins are washed off.
(M4, Maru 1, AG, p. 995)
Thus the fourth Guru mentions Jaidev along with other
Bhagats in the Adi Granth. The above references seem to point
towards a high spiritual reputation thatjaidev may have enjoyed
within the circles of the Sants of northern India. In this context,
McGregor speculates as follows: 'Jaidev would seem to have been
a northern.'23
The fifth Guru, A:rjan ( 1563-1606) , who was responsible for
making the first canonical text of the Adi Granth in 1604,
included the two hymns ofjaidev in the Adi Granth. He writes
aboutjaidev's spiritual attainment as follows: 'Jaidev has risen
above his egoism ( ahamev) .'24 Bhai Gurdas (d. 1 633) , who was
Guru Arjan's amanuensis in the making of the Sikh scripture,
mentions Jaidev as the author of Gitagovinda and describes the
legend of the completion of its missing verse through divin e
intervention:
Being immersed in loving devotion, Jaidev sings the songs of Gitagovinda
in spontaneous melody. He would describe the glorious feats of the
All-knowing Lord who was greatly pleased by his devotion . He could not
find an appropriate letter/word (akhar) [to complete the verse] . and by
closing the book went out for his evening prayer ( sandhia) . God, the
Treasure of Virtues, came home in the guise of the devotee and com­
pleted the writing of the songs for him. Seeing and reading those words,
Jaidev became elated in wonder! Then he saw a strange tree in the deep
forest, every leaf of which bore the songs of Gitagovinda. He could not
 Bani Sri]aidev Ji Ki 123

understand this mystery. This deep mysti cal experience further deepened
· his devotion, and the Lord embraced him in person by showering his grace.
There is no distinction between the saint and the Infinite (God) .25
( Var 1 0: 1 0)
Bhai Gurdas narrates the popular legend of the completion
of the verse of the Gitagovinda through divine intervention with
further embellishments. Overwhelmed by this mystery, continues
the author,Jaidevwent out into thejungle where he saw a 'strange
tree', bearing the songs of the Gitagovinda. This is an addition to
the earlier legend. Bhai Gurdas's account is, therefore, another
version of the famous legend regarding the momentwhenJaidev
conceived the climax of Krishna's supplication to Radha as a
command for Radha to place her foot on Krishna's head in a
symbolic gesture of victory (X.8) .
It should be emphasized that Bhai Gurdas devotes an entire
stanza of his var to a retelling in verse of the popular legend of
Jaidev from the current tradition. As he was a contemporary of
Nabhaji Das, the author of the Bhakta-mala, it is quite possible
that both of them drew from an oral tradition concerningjaidev
of the Gitagovinda. It must have been Bhai Gurdas's understand­
ing that th e same Jaidev was the author of the two hymns
recorded in the Sikh scripture. We may not be certain about his
knowledge ofthe actual text of the Gitagovinda, but his extended
visits to Varanasi and Agra were presumably intended to learn
the various conventions of Sanskirtic language. His knowledge
ofindian scriptural traditions and philosophical systems may be
seen in his own thirty-nine vars and a series of Braj poems in the
kabitt style. Moreover, he had a companion namedJagana Brahmin,
a resident ofAgra, who was trained in the studies of Sanskrit and
Hindu scriptures.26 It was thus Bhai Gurdas who provided the
basis for the traditional Sikh claim that the author of the
Gitagovinda figures among the Bhagats of the Adi Granth.

JAIDEV IN THE ADI GRANTH

I . Jaidev's Gujari Hymn

The first hymn byJaidev comes under the melodic pattern Gujari,
a popular raga with the cowherds. 27 The text in the original and
its translation runs as follows:
124 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

Gujari Sri Jaidev Jiu Ka Pada Gharu 4

lkk Oankar Satgur Prasadill

Paramadi purakh manopimam sati adi hhav-ratamlI

Param-adahhutam parakriti-param jadi chinti sarah gatam/1111
Keual rama-nam manoramamlI hadi ammrit tala maiyamlI
Na danoti jasamaranena janam jaradhi maran hhaiyaml111lrahaulI
Ichhis jamadi prahhaiyam jasu svasati sukrit kritamlI
Bhav hhut hhaav samabiyam paramam prasannamidaml121I
Lobaadhi drisati paragriham jadi bidhi acharanamlI
Tajji sakal duhikrit duramati hhajju chakkrdhar saranaml131I
Hari hhagali nij nihakeuala rid karamana hachasalI
]ogena kim jagena kim danena kim tapasall4ll
Govinda govindeti jappi nara sakal sidhi padamll
Jaidev aaiu lasa saphutam hhava hhut sarah gatamll511111
(Jaidev, Gujari 1, AG, p. 526)
Sri Jaidev's Pada ('Lyrical hymn') in measure Gujari Gharu 4
There is One Supreme Being, known by grace through the True Guru.
The Primal Being is sublimely beautiful, the primal Truth, and all pervading.
He is supremely wonderful, and transcending nature: Why then not contem­
plate him, who is the Redeemer? Che1ish the divine Name in your heart, the
ambrosia and the essence of life. By repeating His praise you will break the
circuit of birth and death, and you will not dread death and old age any more.
Refrain. If you desire to defeat the god of death (jama) and his ministers,
praise and invoke your Lord, and .do good deeds. The bliss of the Lord is
eternal, now, in the past and in the future. 0 mortal! Ifyou seek to do virtuous
deeds, then renounce your greed, renounce the coveting ofyour neighbour's
wife, all sins, all sinful desires, and make the Lord your refuge! Your heart and
your word and deed should be imbued with the love of One Hari alone.
Without such devotion, what profit is there in Yoga, temple rituals, alms and
austerities? 0 man! Repeat the Sweet Name of the Beloved who bestows all
power upon people!Jaidev openly seeks refuge in You, 0 Lord! You are present
now, have always been there, and are pervading in all!28
Let us examine the language, the various structural features
and major themes of this hymn in the following sections.

1 . 1 . Language of the Gujari Hymn

With respect to the language ofJaidev's Gujari hymn, Chatteiji
 Bani Sri]aidev Ji Ki 1 25

has made the following observation: 'The poem is in Sanskrit

corrupted by scribes who read it in a vernacular eastern Indian
pronunciation, with a number of Apabhramsa and vernacular
forms: to start with, it may have been wholly in Apabhramsa, and
then badly Sanskritized, with vernacular Bengali or eastern Indian
pronunciation showing through the spelling which was further
modified in the Gurmukhi script of the Granth. '29 It is quite
possible that the hymn had undergone certain linguistic
alterations during the process of oral transmission.
Shackle writes that 'one verse inJaidev is filled with genuine
Sanskrtic instrumental forms, helping this hymn look a little more
like garbled Sanskrit than divergent Sahaskriti.'30 He then quotes
the verse as follows:
]ogena kim jagena (yajnena) kim danena kim tapasalI
'What is the use of yoga, sacrifice, alms-giving, asceticism?'
One can see a similar linguistic style in the following verse of
the Gitagovinda:
Kim dhanena janen kim mama jivitana grhenalI
( Gitagovinda III.4)
'What use I have for wealth (or) relatives? For life (or) home?'31

Finally, on the language of this hymn, Earnst Trumpp makes

the point that it is 'queer mixture of Sanskrit and the vulgar
tongue.'32 It may be suggested that the hymn was composed when
the era of classical Sanskrit poetry was on the decline and the
new age of vernacular poetry was on the rise. In this context,
Chatterji makes an important observation: Jayadeva sang not
only the swan-song of the age which was passing away, but also
sang in the advent of a new age in Indian literature-the
"Vernacular" age. '33 The noteworthy point here is that ifjaidev
had composed the original hymn in Sanskrit then it is more likely
that the Sanskrit original would have survived (as did the
Gitagovinda) than any strange vernacular-Sanskrit hybrid
adaptation. Certainly, it would not be a garbled or awkward
specimen. If, however,Jaidev did compose the hymn in vernacu­
lar pada ( 'lyrical hymn') form then the chances of this hymn
remaining recognizable and distinguishable-from imitations four
centuries later are minimal-unless we come up with some
evidence of a credible Jaidev vernacular canon (or manuscript)
126 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

presexved by committed disciples or temple archives. In this context,

the status of Himadari Banerjee' s search for any manuscript is
as follows: 'There is so far no Oriya or Prakit version ofjaydev's
padas. I have been coming and going to Orissa but I am yet to
trace anything like these sources.' 34 Thus the second option
seems to be more plausible than . the first.

1.2. Structure

Even with a cursory look at the text one cannot fail to recognize
the formal characteristics of Jaidev's hymn resembling songs
of the Gitagovinda. First, six songs of the Gi tagovin da,
numbering 2, 5, 7, 1 1 , 15 and 18 are set to the same melodic
pattern of the Gujari raga, which is associated with cowherds.
Although eleven different ragas Malva, Gujari, Vasanta,
-

Ramakari, Karnata, Deshakhya, Deshavaradi Nata, Bhairavi, Varadi

and Vibhasa-are designated for twenty-four songs of the
Gitagovinda, Gujari seems to be the most popular raga used by
Jaidev for creating a particular mood and setting for the singing
and dancing of cowherd-women in the divine play ( lila} . It is
said that once Chaitannya was overpowered with emotion as he
heard a Devadassi singing in a sweet tune called Gujari from
Jaidev's Gitagovinda.35
Second,Jaidev' s hymn in the Adi Granth is designated as pada
('lyric' ) , which is the name given to the formal unit in each song
of the Gitagovinda. Miller refers to pada as 'a stanza that is one
of a series of rhymed couplets occurring in a particular moric
material pattern ' .36 In fact, the designation of the songs of the
Gitagovinda as padavali ('stanza-series'} comes fromJaidev's own
description as follows:
Yadi hari-smarane sarsam mana yadi vilasa-kalasu kutuhalam.

Madhura-komala-kanta-padavalim srnu tada ]ayadeva-sarasvatim.

(1.4)
If remembering Hari enriches your heart, if his art of seduction arouses
you, then listen to Jayadeva's speech in these sweet soft lyrical songs.
Third, the formal unit rahau ('refrain ') in the Adi Granth
hymn corresponds to the dhruvapada, a ' refrain' that is repeated
after each couplet of the Gitagovinda. It is the stable unit of sound
and meaning in the song. In this context, Miller writes that the
 Bani Sri]aidev ]i Ki 1 27

content of refrain 'provides a context for the descriptive details

of the couplets and intensifies their meaning'.37
Fourth, Jaidev uses his own name in the last verse of the Adi
Granth that constitutes a kind of signature or 'stamp' (mudrika)
to claim the authorship of the hymn. This practice is in line with
the use of the bhanita (from the root bhan which means 'saying'
or 'singing') in the last verse of each song of the Gitagovinda
that repeats the poet's signature,Jaidev. The bhanita verse 'func­
tions in each song to give perspective to the emotional intensity
of the preceding stanzas and the refrain. '38
Finally, the rhyme scheme of the Adi Granth hymn resembles
that of the songs of the Gitagovinda on many occasions (see for
example, songs 5, 6, 1 7, 19, 20, 22 and 23) . The end-rhyme
( antanuprasa) in both cases can be seen to be ending with am.
Moreover, one can see the use of the same system of moric metres
in both cases drawn from vernacular poetry. Siegel argues that
' moric metres are based on the gana system in which the deter­
mining principle is the number of morae, and two short syllables
may be substituted for one long or vice versa. '39
In the context of close resemblance of the Adi Granth hymn
with the songs of the Gitagovinda, Siegel makes the following
observation:
Although the authenticity of the verse is highly questionable, its ascrip­
tion to Jayadeva recognizes its affin ity to the songs of the Gitagovinda both
formally (indicated by raga, rhyme scheme, moric metres, signature line)
and in the sentiments expressed: utterances of the name, remembrance
and seeking refuge in Hari, the power of devotion over 'yoga, sacrifice,
alms-giving, asceticism.'40
The second part dealing with the 'sentiments' in Siegel's state­
ment needs to be elaborated on. We will discuss it in further
detail in the following section.

1 .3. Major Themes

By examining the text carefully one can discern a number of
important themes emerging in the Adi Granth hymn. First of
all,Jaidev elaborates on his own understanding of the nature of
God. Accordingly, the Supreme Being is eternally true. He is
both transcendental (paraJ,ritiparam, 'Beyond Matter') as well as
immanent ( bhav-ratam, 'All-pervading ' ) . He is the highest
128 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

Wonder, Omnipresent and the source of love and grace.

Although Jaidev uses even three Vaishnava names of God such
as Hari, Chakardhar ( 'Disc-bearer' , Vishnu) and Govinda, he
seems to be stressing the non-incarnated aspect of God. The
name Govinda may well suggest the Kiishna-lila form of avatar if
we read it in the context of the Gitagovinda. In its Ad.i Granth
reading, however, it refers to divine immanence. The overall
reading of the hymn does not seem to allow a place for the
doctrine of avatar that is the characteristic feature of the
Gitagovinda (1.5- 1 6) .
Secondly, Jaidev uses the famous phrase rama-nama ( ' God's
Name ') , a phrase that is used frequently by the Gurus and the
Bhagats iri the Adi Granth for the spiritual discipline of medita­
tion on the divine Name. As we have already noted in the previous
chapter that the word 'Rama' does not stand for the deity of
popular Hindu mythology, incarnation ofVishnu and the hero
ofthe epic Ramayana.41 This 'Rama' is primarily a sound, a mantra
consisting of long and short syllable ' Ra-ma' . For Jaidev, the
divine Name is the 'ambrosia and the essence oflife'. He further
employs the phrase Govinda Govindeti in the same context of the
repetition of 'the Sweet Name of the Beloved who bestows all
power upon people'. Siegel describes the devotional activity of
the repetition of the Name in the context of the Gitagovinda
(IV.1 7) as follows:
·

Radha mutters (japatt) 'Hari! Hari!' with kama, passionately, according to

her desire: to make a japa of the name 'Hari' is devotional activity-the
loving woman invokes the name of her beloved, the devotee invokes the
name of his Lord. This reflects the general tenor of the Gitagovinda: the
sexualization of the devotional, the sanctification of the erotic.42
It is clearly implied here. that the devotional practice of the
Name in the Gitagovinda has to be understood in its sacred as
well as profane dimensions. But the emphasis in the Adi Granth
hymn seems to be only upon the sacred dimension.
Thirdly, Jaidev stresses in the Adi Granth hymn that one ' s
devotion to the divine Beloved (Hari bhagati) must overflow in
one' s thoughts, words and deeds. He clearly maintains the
superiority of the path of loving devotion over 'yoga, sacrifice,
alms-giving and asceticism'. Although the word bhakti (along
with karma and dharma) is notably absent in the Gitagovinda,
nevertheless it is passionate love that is the central theme of its
 Bani SriJaidevJi Ki 1 29

poetry. Krishna even mocks at yoga as an asce ti,c practice when

he proclaims that his mind is fixed on Radha in a state of smadhi
(III.l4) , a technical term for trance in classical yoga. Puran Singh
maintains.that ' the poetry of the Gitagovinda surpasses the limi­
tations of earth and enters those heavenly realms where nudity
is divine, where the music of an all-pervading sex-feeling domi­
nates the whole creation, as the brightest glow of life that cools,
"satiates and nourishes" the soul, where, without the existence
of sex-feeling there is no life. '43 He further claims: 'As I read the
Gitagovinda in the original Sanskrit, every verse rings in my soul
with different meaning to that usually given to it by the Pandits. '44
Puran Singh seems to have been a ' connoisseur' ( rasika) who
tasted the deep emotions oflove while going through the text of
the Gitagovinda. He was indeed typical and unique among his
contemporary peers in the Sikh scholarly circle in his reflections
on amorous imagery for the divine. By contrast, Bhai Vir Singh
was more conservative on this issue and he employs the subdued
form of amorous imagery in his writings.
It should be emphasized that passion is meaningful in the
context of the courtly life, or perhaps in the context of the ec­
static life of ardent devotee . But for the householder, passion
undermines the very ideal upon which the household is based.
In the Adi Granth hymn Jaidev clearly states: 'Renounce your
greed, renounce the coveting of your neighbour' s wife, all sins,
all sinful desires.' It seems quite evident here thatJaidev's message
is intended for the 'common people' leading the life of the house­
holder. One might raise an objection here that the Sikh reading
of the Jai dev hymn lays to o much emp h asis upon th e
householder's life. Surely, it can be appropriate to a householder,
but then again it can be relevant to an ascetic also. And conversely,
while it is quite true that the Jaidev of Gitagovinda wrote for a
courtly audience, even the Gitagovinda could be a part of the
bhajan ( 'devotional singing') of a Sanskrit knowing audience of
householders. For the disciplined Vaishnava devotee (of the
Chaitanyaite sort and their predecessors) the realm of disciplined
imagination (smrana, ' remembering'-the lila [ 'divine play']
events) is developed both by ascetics and householders. Both
understand the lila re�lm to be transcendental of the sensual,
domestic realm, but accessible in bhajan to both the ascetic and
the householder.
130 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

However, the point that we are trying to make here is that the
theme of the Adi Granth hymn is in contrast with the tone of the
Gitagovinda, where Radha is apparently portrayed as a parakiya
nayika, not in the sense of being the wife of another, but as being
unmarried45 Moreover, Radha feelsjealous as well as sad at Krishna's
sport with other gopis ('cowherd-women' ) . She rebukes him to go
back to other women with whom he was spending his time (VTII. l -
1 0) . Basanti Choudhury describes the jealousy ofRadha as 'spiri­
tual jealousy' which comes in a devotee when he/she feels: 'God
neglects me and favours another.'46 One can see here a Vaishnava
attempt to provide a spiritual interpretation of the Gitagovinda, In
this context, W. Owen Cole makes the following observation:
Though two hymns ofJaidev's are preserved in the Adi Granth, the Gita
Govinda which he wrote was scarcely a composition likely to commend
itself to the Guru. It was too easily capable of an earthly not to say earthy
in terpretation. 47

Here Cole identifies the author of the Adi Granth hymns with
the author of the Gitagovinda and asserts that the contents of
the Gitagovinda can too easily be interpreted in their literal sense.
Finally, there isjaidev's theme of taking refuge (saranam) in
the divine Beloved. In the Adi Granth hymn the impulse to seek
refuge comes out of the despair that typifies th e sinful life
(duhkrita durmatz) . But in the case of the Gitagovinda, the de­
spair is linked with the pangs of separation. For instance, when
Krishna does not come to the tryst, Radha cries out 'whom can I
seek for refuge here?' (VII.3-9) . In the last verse of the song,
Jaidev juxtaposes his devotion with her erotic longing by saying
that he takes 'refuge at Hari' s feet' (VII. l 0 ) .
A careful analysis of the Adi Granth hymn suggests that it may
have been composed at a time whenjaidevwas preoccupied with
more seriqus concerns of life such as birth, old age and death. I t
is also possible that the hymn may have originated i n a preach­
ing context when common p eople would go to him and seek h i s
guidance to overcome the fear o f the god o f death (jamadi) : ' If
you desire to defeat the god of death and all his ministers, praise
and invoke your Lord and do virtuous deeds . ' Thus the hymn
reflects a particular situation in the life of Jaidev when he en­
joyed a highly spiritual reputation among the masses. But at the
same time one could come up with other comparably 'possible
scenarios' about the original context of this hymn .
 Bani SrijaidevJi Ki 131

2 . Jaidev's Maru Hymn

The second hymn by Jaidev is organized under the melodic

pattern of the Maru raga in the Adi Granth. The text of the
original along with its translation reads as follows:

Ragu Maru Bani Jaideu Jiu Ki

Ikk Oankar Satgur Prasadi/I

Chand sat bhedia nad sat puria sur sat khursadat kia/I
Abal balu turia achal chalu thapia agham gharia taka apiu pia//1/I
Man adi gun adi vakhania// teri dubidha drishati sammania//1//rahau//
Aradi kau aradia saradhi kau saradhia salal kau salali sammani aia/I
Badati jaide:v jaidev kau rammiya brahamu nirbanu liv linu paia//2//1//

Jaideuji's Utterances in the Maru Raga

There is One Supreme Being, known by grace through the True Guru.
I pierced with breath the moon ( chand ida, the left nostril: I performed
=

the puraka movement in breath-control in yoga) , and filled with breath

the nada (the susumana, the space between the two nostrils at the top of
the nose: I performed the kumbhaka movement); I gave up the breath by
the sun (sura pingla, the right nostril: I performed the rechaka move­
ment)-sixteen times (khodsa in repeating the pranava ['seed formula']
or Omkara sixteen times in each of the processes of taking in, holding
and ejecting the breath in performing pranayama or 'breath-control') . I
broke my strength and I have become weak; I fixed and made stable my
unstable mind, and then I quaffed nectar. 0 my mind! Duality (the idea
that 'You and I are distinct') ended for me as I remembered God who i s
the fountainhead of all virtue. Refrain. What was worthy of worship I wor­
shipped, what was worthy of trust I trusted; and I have become blended
with God as water mingles with water. Jaidev says: 'I have taken joy in the
God who triumphs; receiving absorption in Brahman I have received final
absorption.'48

Let us examine the various linguistic, structural and thematic

features of this hymn in the following sections.

2 . 1 . Language of the Maru Hymn

Commenting on the linguistic features ofjaidev's Maru hymn,

Macauliffe remarks that this hymn is 'perhaps one of the most
difficult of human compositi o n s ' .49 His remark must be
considered as referring to the complex metaphorical use of the
1 32 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

technical vocabulary of yoga in the hymn. Siegel notices the

influence of the Tantric Buddhist Sidhacharyas on the use of
the secret language inJaidev's hymn. 5° The Tantrics and Naths
usually employed a code language ( sandhya bhasha, 'twilight
language' or 'intentional language') to describe their experience
of the yoga. Most of their esoteric practices were kept secret from
ordinary people and for this purpose they designed this code
language. O nly those who were part of their inner circles would
understand their language.
According to Chatteiji, the language of the hymn is Bhasha
( 'vernacular'), where one can find the orthography of the Sanskrit
words indicating an eastern Indian pronunciation. 51 He further
remarks as follows:
The second poem of 'Jayadeva' in the Guru Granth may also very well be
byJayadeva of the Gitagovinda himself, and this would make him one of
the first poets in Bhasha, as much as in Sanskrit (and probably also
Apabhramsa) .52
Here, Chatterji identifies the author of the Adi Granth hymn
with the author of the Gitagovinda with the intention of making
Jaidev one of the first poets in vernacular poetry. One might
argue here that being an established and learned scholar
Chatteiji is jumping to conclusions, especially where Bengal and
Bengali are put in the forefront. This kind of critique of his
motives, however, will not be fair to his erudite work in the area
of Bengali literature.

2.2. Structure

The second hymn ofJaidev in the Adi Granth is set to the melodic
pattern of the Maru raga, which is not used in the songs of the
Gitagovinda. This raga is associated with the setting of the
battlefield.53 The other formal features such as the use of 'refrain'
and the signature line correspond to those of the songs of the
Gitagovinda. In the bhanita verse of the Maru hymnJaidev uses
his own name to refer to the ' God of triumph' ( badatijaideujaidev­
kau rammiya) in much the same way as it is used in the Gitagovinda
(1.1 7-24, jayajayadev hare) . The invocation of the ' God of victory '
fits neatly in the setting of the Maru raga where one needs divine
help to battle against the five ' internal enemies'-lust, anger,
greed, attachment and pride to overcome one's lower nature.
 Bani Sri Jaideu ]i Ki 1 33

2.3. Major Th emes

The central theme that emerges in the text deals with the mystic
union of the soul with God. First of all, the yogic process of
pmnayama ( 'breath-technique ' ) is described in a code language
(sandhya bhasha) . In the first stage of this exercise, one draws
one's breath through the left nostril, called ida ( chanda, 'moon') ,
while repeating the seed formula Omkara (pranava, 'seed
formula' ) sixteen times. This is called the purak movement in
breath-control in yoga. The breath is then suspended in
susumana, the upper part of the nose where both nostrils meet.
This is known as the kumbhaka movement. In the final stage of
the exercise, the breath is forced out through the right nostril,
called pingla (sura, 'sun ' ) , again repeating the syllable Omkara
sixteen times. This is referred to as the rechaka movement in yogic
terminology. One should, however, be careful to not understand
this 'profound' physical and symbolic scheme operating in most
of this ida-pingla-susumana business in a simplistic way. It is not
just 'in' one nostril and 'out' the other, but through one subtle
'nerve' running the length of the body's trunk and out the other.
The whole business of Kundalini Yoga, Nada Yoga and Hatha Yoga
is a field of its own and deserves to be explored fully to understand
the deeper significance ofJaidev's Maru hymn.54 In particular,
the repetition of the seed-formula Omkara sixteen times while
practicing the 'breath-control' (pranayama) clearly establishes
the connection with the discipline of Nada Yo'ga ('Word Yoga') , ·
a discipline that refers to the transforming power of the divine
Word in meditation.
Secon dly, Jaidev maintains that while achieving a perfec t
control over the unstable mind, one gets physically weak. He
seems to be alluding to the exercise that involves the practice
of drawing the breath up to the brain, called the dasam duar
( ' tenth door') . In this con text, Macauliffe makes the following
observation:
To assist in keeping the breath in .the brain, the tongue is bent backwards
so as to dose the air passage. The operator also exerts himself to allow no
breath to issue by the mouth or nostrils. A state of suspended animation
then ensues. The brain is heated, and is said to distil nectar which falls on
the tongue, and then a state of ecstasy supervenes. Skill in this practice,
which is said to greatly weaken the body, is nowadays obtained by very few
persons.''"
134 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

One can see here the explication of the phrase taha apiu pia
( ' then I quaffed nectar') inJaidev's hymn. On the surface level,
the weakening of the body may seem to be puzzling, since most
of the advocates of yoga see it as strengthening the body in the
interests ofwhatever siddhi ( 'fulfilment') is sought. Either it may
refer to a higher stage in yogic performance or it may simply be
the interpretation of some critic ofHatha Yoga that is performed
only to strengthen the physical body. In the Sant poetics, however,
the goal is not the strengthening of physical senses, since they
hinder the spiritual progress. As Bhagat Ravidas says: 'Knowingly
or unknowingly we have, become mad, in anxiety and impurity,
the days pass by. Our senses are strong, our discernment is weak,
our minds cannot comprehend the supreme reality. '56 Thus it is
the weakening of the 'senses' that is referred to inJaidev's phrase
abal balu toria ('I broke my strength and I have become weak') .
Finally, there isJaidev' s theme of absorption in Brahman. This
is the highest state of mystic experience when one loses the idea
ofduality that 'You and I are distinct.' This absorption in Brahman
is referred to as tan-maya ('consisting of it' ) in the Upanishads:
'Through yogic concentration an undistracted man is absorbed
in Brahman, shares in the nature of Brahman, becomes Brah­
man.' 57 Jaidev claims in the Maru hymn that he has 'become
blended with God as water mingles with water'. A parallel theme
in the Gitagovinda may be seen in the context oflove-in-separation
(biraha) theme. For instance, Radha imagines that she is Krishna:
'I am Krishna, Madhu's foe' (VI.5) ; she sees him everywhere
(VI.2) ; she embraces the darkness itselfthinking it is him (VI. 7) .
It can be seen from a careful reading of the Adi Granth hymn
that it points to Jaidev's own personal mystic experience.

THE QUESTION OF AUTHORSHIP

To address the question of authorship ofJaidev's two hymns in
the Adi Granth raised by Barbara Stoler Miller, we need to put
this enquiry in a theoretical framework dealing with the concept
of authorship. Accordingly, the author is a single individual
located in specific time and place. Therefore, one is subject to
forces such as the social and historical conditions understood to
be operating during one's lifetime, and is exposed to a range of
religious options conceived as being confined within specific
 Bani SriJaidev ]i Ki 135

categories. These factors lead the author developing a particular

identity and worldview, which one expresses in one's work. This
implicit standard of authorship exemplifies a particular form of
what Michel Foucault termed the 'author-function', a function
found in literary analysis in which the concept of authorship
becomes a means of interpreting a set of texts and may also be a
means of authentication, and therefore limitation: 'The author
also constitutes a principle of unity in writing where any
unevenness of production is ascribed to changes caused by
evolution, maturation, or outside influence.'58 The identity of
the author thus serves to neutralize the contradictions that are
found in a series of texts attributed to him/her.
This conception of authorship clearly depends upon a single,
fixed historical figure whose life and predilections may be seen
determining the content of his/her work. Foucault further noted
that the roots of this conception of authorship lie in Christian
exegesis and the attempt to authenticate or reject texts attrib­
uted to a single author. Of particular interest are four criteria
for authenticity established by SaintJerome, according to which
a body of work could be considered that of one author if it
reflected (a) a standard of quality, that is, an author's works will
be of uniform quality, (b) a field of conceptual or theoretical
coherence, that is, the author will always adhere to the same
theoretical positions, (c) stylistic uniformity, that is, there will
be no significant variation in author's style, and (d) the relation­
ship with events and historical figures of the author's lifetime,
that is, the author is a definite historical figure in which a series
of events converge.59 The texts that must be eliminated from
the list of works attributed to a single author are those that do
not meet these four principal criteria. It should, however, be
emphasized that these criteria are strictly based on Biblical
traditions and they provide a normative approach in Western
textual scholarship.
In the context of South Asian traditions, however, the issue of
authorship is addressed in a slightly different manner. In his
article 'Author and Authority in Bhakti Poetry,' for instance,John
S. Hawley has examined this issue in detail.6° From his analysis
ofbhakti literature he draws the following conclusions. First, the
bhakti poems bear the poet's signature called a bhanita. This
word simply means 'speaker' and evidently refers to what Ravidas
1 36 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

or Surdas or Mira 'says'. Here is authorship pure and simple.

Second, one can also refer to poet's signature as a mudrika or,
more commonly, a chhap, meaning a 'stamp' or 'seal'. The im­
plication of this usage is that the poet who attaches his or her
name to a poem not only acknowledges being its author but also
testifies that the poem is valid and complete, much as a passport
officer might stamp a seal on a travel document or a merchant
might place a seal on a letter or a parcel. To affix one's 'seal' is
to perform an act of witness or good faith, not just sign a signa­
ture. Thus the 'seal' carries the 'authority' of the poet. 61
Third, when the name of a Bhakti poet appears in a song, it is
far more than a footnote indicating authorship: the life and sta­
tus of the poet and the audience are intimately linked.62 For
instance, if one examines the oldest manuscripts of the Sursagar, .

one finds collections comprising only a few hundred poems. The

number grew in the course of time as other poems carrying
Surdas' s ' signature' composed by later generations were added
to the corpus. In these later additions, there was doubtless often
an element of homage to Surdas in the singing of these other
'Surs', an homage expressed by affixing to a poem the name of
the poet who inspired it.63 Finally, Hawley compellingly argues
that in the Bhakti tradition 'authority' is more important than
simply 'authorship ' . He maintains that author's name 'anchors
the poem to life, a personality, even a divinity that gives the poem
its proper weight and ton e ' . 64 It was a standard practice in
Indian medieval tradition to sign the name of an accomplished
master poet to lend weight to the credence of the utterance.
Hawley continues: 'By providing this tie the signatures in bhakti
poems communicate more than authorship. They lend these
poems authority and conviction, and they establish an aura in
which the act of listening can be as intense as the speech. '65
In the light of this theoretical background on the concept of
authorship in both Eastern and Western traditions, let us now
address the question ofJaidev's Adi Granth hymns. Ever since
the compilation of the Adi Granth the attribution of the two
hymns to Jaidev of Gitagovinda has been in vogue in the Sikh
tradition. It was Bhai Gurdas who was responsible for providing
the basis for this traditional Sikh claim. Although a number of
scholars have doubted the authenticity of the Sikh claim, no one
seems to have seriously argued the question of authorship in
 Bani SriJaidev Ji Ki 137

detail.66 The following points need to b e made i n the context of

the present discussion.
First, the formal characteristics ofJaidev's hymns in the Adi
Granth resemble to a great extent the songs of the Gitagovinda.
The only difference in the second hymn is th e use of th e
melodic pattern Maru raga that is not found in the Gitagovinda.
One might offer a counter argument here on the ground that
the generic formal similarities are too general to make any sig­
nificant point in the discussion of authorship. A close reading
can show any number of dissimilarities, not least because one is
dealing with Sanskrit and vernaculars. However, it is fair enough
to point to similarities, without ignoring the dissimilarities.
Second, the analysis of the themes serves to highlight the points
of agreement as well as disagreements between the Adi Granth
hymns and the Gitagovinda. Evidently, the passionate carnal love
is the keynote of the Gitagovinda that is intended for the courtly
life and perhaps for the ecstatic life of the ardent devotee. To a
Sanskrit-knowing devo u t Vai s h n ava h o u s e h older, the
Gitagovinda is quite acceptable as an instrument for bhajan
( ' devotional singing ' ) and simaran ( 'remembrance of divine
play' ) . But the Adi Granth hymns are clearly intended for the
ordinary householder. The examination of the Gitagovinda re­
veals that there is not a single statement that shows the poet's
desire to place himself in the position of Radha or Krishna. He
is merely the reporter or the witness of the divine amorous,
although he rpay be expressing himself through his art. On the
other hand, the Adi Granth hymns bear witness to Jaidev's
personal experiences that occurred in particular situations of
his life . Thus the image ofjaidev that emerges in the Gitagovinda
is that of an official poet deeply rooted in the courtly tradition.
The]aidev of the Adi Granth hymns appears to be an unofficial
poet who is using the medium of poetry to express emotions
that come ' straight from the heart'.
Third, the Gitagovinda must be understood as the patronized
courtly literature that was written in classical Sanskrit, the of­
ficial language of the day. The two hymns in the Adi Granth
seem to have been composed at a time when the new age of
vernacular poetry was rising. They were to be recited or sung as
part of religious music in the worship context. Thus the wandering
saints, bards and musicians transmitted these songs orally in a
138 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

singing tradition to different parts of india. As we have already

noted Himadri Banerjee's observation that Nanak-panthi Sikhs
may well h ave brought them to the Punjab . But these songs
received little attention from the learned class of Brahmins
because of their prejudice against the vernacular language. In
this context, Edward C. Dimock has skillfully documented the
prejudice against the vernacular language in his work.67 Perhaps
the first recorded version of these two hymns is available only in
·

the Adi Granth.

Fourth, it has been noted by scholars like Sukumar Sen that
Jaidev's songs exerted the greatest influence in the development
of Vaishnava poetry.68 This is clear from the host of imitations
of the Gitagovinda.69 One can argue that a later writer may have
used the name ofjaidev in the hymns recorded in the Adi Granth .
But this argument needs two further qualifications. In the first
place, the author writing under the assumed name claims to stand
within the courtly tradition associated with that name. Secondly,
the writer appeals to the name of some outstanding figure from
the past to gain credibility. However, the tendency to use the
name of famous predecessors is not limited to court poetry. If
anything, it is more common among the rural bards, as is evi­
dent in Bengal, and in the Sursagar, where there is so little check
against it. Nor is it necessarily pride; it may be humility to cloak
one's contribution, especially ifwhat is at work is gradual change,
not sudden composition of totally new works. But the author of
the Adi Granth hymns enjoys a high spiritual reputation on the
basis of his own personal mystical experience, an experience that
is reflected in the hymns themselves. Hence there is a remote
possibility of a later writer assuming the name ofJaidev to write
these hymns.
Finally, it is easier to attack than to defend authenticity of any
work. "One can question a time-honoured tradition in a few
sentences based upon wild speculation and there follows lengthy
defensive responses to re-establish the tradition for many years.
This is what we have seen in the case of the authorship of Shaikh
Farid's works. In the case ofjaidev's hymns, there are basically
two options that need to be examined: either the author of the
Adi Granth hymns and the author of the Gitagovinda are identi­
cal or they are two different persons. The case for the second
option has been made (though not convincingly) by scholars
 Bani SriJaideuJi Ki 1 39

like Miller who maintain that the Adi Granth hymns are 'charac­
terized by the kind of abstract devotionalism that is not present
in the Gitagovinda'. They point out to differences that are im­
portant in arguments against authenticity of authorship. The
basis of their arguments is informed by the four-point criteria of
author-function. However, in order to evaluate differences one
must use controls. The weakest point in this position seems to
be the fact that it does not take into account the similarities
existing between the two documents. Similarities and differences
both need to be examined to take' a more comprehensive view
of the question of authorship.
Let us now examine the thesis of the identification of the au­
thor of the Adi Granth works and the author of the Gitagovinda.
We have already argued that the formal structure and style of
the Adi Granth hymns agrees to a great extent with that of the
Gitagovinda. But how will we account for the fundamental dif­
ferences that are clearly marked in the themes? One possible
solution to this problem may be given in terms of a developmen­
tal view of Jaidev's theology. Michel Foucault has argued that
differences in textual themes may be 'ascribed to changes caused
by evolution, maturation, or outside influen ce ' . In the
Gitagovinda,Jaidev is the official poet who is addressing a courtly
audience. He is speaking in the context of the main current of
the literary tradition. In Bengal, where he was patronized, it was
the most productive period in terms of Sanskrit composition.
The collapse of the Sena rule in the beginning of the thirteenth
century due to the Kalji Turk conquest put an end to much of
this glory. Jaidev must have been witnessing the beginning of
the end. At that time, there was probably an active vernacular
song tradition from which Jaidev seems to have gained inspira­
tion. He may have even composed in it. The two hymns of the
Adi Granth seem to have originated in a preaching context. They
reflect a particular situation in the life of Jaidev when he
enjoyed a high spiritual reputation among the masses. It was
the authority of his spiritual reputation that was responsible for
the survival of these hymns in a singing tradition. The hymns
became the common fund of the Sant poetry that was transmit­
ted orally by the travelling singers throughout North India. It is
no wonder that Kabir's testimony placesJaidev among the most
revered Sants of North India.
1 40 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

There is an overall objection about the oral tradition that must

be taken into account here. It weighs very heavily and in a serious
way renders most of the detailed analysis ' speculative and
academic' . It is about the extreme flexibility of transmission of
oral vernacular works such as padavali. For any vernacular pada
ofjaidev of the Gitagovinda to survive in anything like its original
form for four hundred years across the subcontinent without
authoritative collection, and for it to be detectable as genuine
four hundred years later in the midst of all sorts of later compo­
sitions and variant spin-offs from any hypothetical originalJaidev
hymn, would be extraordinary to say the least. Especially if there
is no fixed collection like the Adi Granth to restrain the continually
innovative tendencies ( to say nothing of intentional attributing
of authorship to someone else) , the task for survival becomes
difficult, if not impossible. It should be emphasized here that
this understanding is strictly based upon the scholarly assumption
that oral transmission is not without flaws.
However, the contribution of modern research to the area of
oral tradition has now firmly established that scripture can be
transmitted orally with relatively little change, provided certain
conventions are observed. These include specific memory training,
mnemonic devices, control over the recital by certain members
of the audience, and a preference for poetry rather than prose .70
The Vedas have been transmitted orally for thousands of years in
India before they were committed to writing in the nineteenth
century. Moreover, when certain poetic compositions become
part of sacred music they are generally passed on to different
generations without any change.Jaidev's hymns became part of
the musical repertoires in the Sant circles and they reached differ­
ent parts of India through travelling singers. There was always
the possibility of minor changes occurring in the transmission
as the musicians adjusted the poetic line to suit the rhythm and
adapted the language for the convenience of the audience. But
these musical changes were of minor importance because they
did not change the basic message of the hymns.
On the face of things it is more plausible to accept that the
nvo hymns of the Adi Granth belong to theJaidev tradition coming
from the author of the Gitagovinda, a tradition that had acquired
a prominent place in the Sant tradition of North India. In one
main sense it is irrelevant who was the Jaidev who is responsible
 Bani Sri]aidev]i Ki 1 41

for the two hymns. It is the message and not the pedigree, surely
not the content of other compositions by the same author that is
significant for the selection of these two hymns for the Adi
Granth. It will be interesting in other ways to resolve the ques­
tion of identity with the Gitagovinda poet, but failing a resolu­
tion of the question the very exploration of it .can be instructive
in two significant ways: first, for sharpening our sense of how
religious communication went on in the time of the early Gurus
and in the centuries before them; and second, for testing our
understanding of Sikh sensibilities as measured by how they
reacted to the compared notion of the Gitagovinda being by a
Bhagat whose bani is in the Adi Granth.

SIKH RESPONSE TO THE VAlSHNAVA BHAKTI

TRADITION
There is much support for the traditional identification of the
Jaidev of the Adi Granth hymns with the author of the
Gitagovinda. During the period of Guru Arjan, the use of
G i tagovinda i n temple worship (bhaj an ) among the
contemporary Vaishnava devotees was a well-known fuct. It is quite
possible that Guru Arjan himself witnessed those devotees,
particularly Vaishnava women, singing its songs with great
devotion and intensity. Not surprisingly, he refers to them in his
celebrated Barak Mahah in the Majh raga while describing the
month of the 'spring season' (phalagun, February-March) :
Phalaguni anand uparajana hari sajjan pragate ailI
Sant sahai ram ke kari kirapa dia millai/I
Sej suhavi sarab sukh huni dukhan nahin jail/
lchh puni vadabhagani varu paia hari rail/
Mili sahian mangal gavahi git govind alai//. . .

(M5, Barah Mahah Majh 13, AG, p. 1 36)

In the month of Phagun the devotees enjoy abounding bliss since the
Lord, the True Friend, has manifested himself to them. The saints who
render people assistance with God have mercifully united me with Him.
Since then my couch is beautiful; I possess all happiness, and there is no
room for sorrow. My desires have been fulfilled; I am very fortunate in
having obtained God as my Spouse. My friends come to me and sing the
1 42 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

song of rejoicing in much the same way [as female Vaishnava devotees]
chant the songs of Gil Govind. . .
Most of the Sikh interpreters translate this phrase Git Govind
as ' Song of the Lord' in general terms, without paying much
attention to the import of its original meaning. Gurbachan Singh
Talib has, however, taken notice of this phrase and written a foot­
note as follows: 'This is also the title of a devotional work in Sanskrit
by the thirteenth century poet Jayadev, whose composition is
included in the Granth Sahib. '71
Evidently, the popularity of the Gitagovinda was very much
alive at the time of the compilation of the first canonical text of
the Adi Granth in 1 604. It is, however, difficult to know how
many Sikhs actually knew the contents of this work. There might
h ave bee n a few Sikhs like Jagana Brahmin who could actually
understand its Sanskrit text and who may have apprised Guru
Arjan of i ts contents. We are not on sure grounds here. Else­
where, I h ave argued that the hymns of the Vaishnava Bhagats
were least acceptable to Guru Arjan. 72 The selection ofJaidev's
two hymns does not seem to be linked in any way with his asso­
ciation with the Gitagovinda or the Vaishnava circles in his life­
time. Rather, Guru Atjan was primarily concerned with the contents
of these hymns. The image ofJaidev that emerges from them is
that of a Sant who believes in a non-incarnated god (nirguna) .
In this context, Hardev Bahri records in his Encyclopaedia entry:
'From a devotee of Lord Krishna, he Uaidev] became a devotee
of Supreme Lord.'73 This is not surprising. Like Namdev,Jaidev
may have had different allegiances at different stages of his life.
AsJohn Stratton Hawley points out that we must ' exercise caution
when we speak of the great contrast between nirgunis and
sagunis in the early or 'classical' period ofNorth Indian bhakti,
the bhakti kal [or the devotional period} . '74 Jaidev was thus both
a saguna Bhagat of the Gitagovinda and a nirguna Sant of the
Adi Granth. He must have experienced both nirguna and
saguna discourses at theJagannath temple in Puri. As Himadari
Banerjee has aptly remarked that ' this region is likely to have
offered poetJaidev an opportunity of experimenting with dif­
ferent philosophies and experiences of life.'75 It was, however,
Jaidev's Sant outlook that was most acceptable to Guru Arjan
and that was the main reason for including two of his hymns in
the Sikh scripture.
 Bani Sri jaidev ji Ki 1 43

I. Textual Issue of Surdas's Hymn in the Adi Granth

Let us now briefly examine the Sikh response to Vaishnava bhakti

tradition. For insta.llce, let us take the case of an incomplete hymn
ofSurdas, a celebrated Vaishnava Bhagat ofNorth India. A single
line ofSurdas's hymn is to be found in the Kartarpur manuscript
( 1 604 CE) , followed by a blank space. It is worth noting that early
manuscripts of the Banno recension also contain only this single
line. It reads as follows:
chhadi mani hari bimukhan kau sangi.
'Soul, tum your back on those who shun the Lord.'
This opening line of a hymn stresses the urgent need to com­
pletely cut oneself off from the company of those people who
have shunned the Lord. Indeed, this line inspired a response
from Guru Aijan, and this is the main reason why he retained it
in the Adi Granth while he excluded the remaining lines of
Surdas's hymn. This unique instance illuminates two different
aspects ofGuru Aijan 's editorial policy, namely the exclusive and
inclusive attitudes towards the compositions of the Bhagats in
the Adi Granth.
In order to find out the reasons for excluding the remainder
of Surdas's hymn, we need to look at certain typical expressions
used in the remainder of his hymn. The complete text of this
hymn is to be found in the later versions of the Banno recension
.of the Adi Granth. Recently, Jeevan Deol has identified variant
readings of this hymn in the Banno manuscripts, but the minor
changes he has shown in his tabular representation are not sig­
nificant enough to disturb the original meaning of this hymn. 76
He is, however, right in the following observation: 'The com­
plete pada does not seem to have been a feature of the Kartarpur
and Lahore recensions (those with the greatest claims to antiq­
uity) and would seem to have entered the Banno recension only
around the turn of eighteenth century.'77 Thus the complete
hymn of Surdas did not form part of the mainline Sikh scrip­
tural tradition. It reads as follows:
Soul (man) , tum your back on those who shun the Lord. Tell me, what
good is there. in giving cobras milk? Serpents can never surrender their
venom. ( 1 ) Refrain. Why waste camphor by feeding it to crows or squan­
der the water of Ganges on dogs? ·why array an ass in an aromatic scent?
Why bejewel a monkey? ( 1 ) Do you really think an arrow can pierce a
1 44 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

fallen stone, even if you empty your quiver of them all? Says Surdas: once
you have dyed a blanket black, there is not point hoping for a different
hue. (2)78 ·

This hymn contains a number of proverbial images that are

frequently used in North Indian bhakti literature to describe the
state of those who tum away from the path of devotion. Surdas,
like Kabir, describes the obstinacy and heedlessness of sinners
in the formulaic expressions: 'You cannot pierce a stone with an
arrow' (pahan patit ban na bedhe) and ' if you dye a blanket black,
the colour will never change' (surdas oi kari kamari charat na duje
rang) . Surdas appears to be strongly opposed to any kind of as­
sociation with sinners. For him, sinners are totally lost and for
them the doors ofliberation are closed. This view is direcdy op­
posed to the optimistic Sikh view that it is never too late to turn
toward Akal Purakh and that every sinner is a potential Sant.
This seems to be the reason why Guru Arjan accepted only .the
first line of Surdas's hymn and edited out the rest of the hymn.
However, he offered his response to the issue raised in Surdas's
hymn.
Gu.ru Arjan's commentary hymn is recorded under the tide
Sarang Mahala 5 Surdas following Surdas's single line in the
Kartarpur manuscript as well as in the modem standard version
of the Adi Granth. It reads as follows:

Sarang Mahala 5 Surdas

There is one Supreme Being, known by grace through the Guru.
The devotees of the Lord abide with him [alone]. They dedicate their
mind, body and everything else to him and remain joyously intoxicated by
the divine music of the Word (dhuni, melody). ( 1 ) . Refrain. They are
relieved of all evil at the [mere] sight of the Lord; [from him] they receive
all that they need. They have nothing to do with anything else except for
the sight of [his] beautiful form. ( 1 ) Those who, discarding the Beauteous
Lord (siam sundar) , seek anything else are like leeches sucking leper's
blood. 0 Surdas! The Lord has grasped my man in his hand, and has
granted me [the everlasting joy of] the spiritual world (parlok) . (2.1 .8)
(M5, Sarang Surdas, AG, p. 1253)
Most significantly, the fifth Guru employs Surdas's poetic
signature in his comment to show that it is in direct response to
the issue raised by the Bhagat. He also employs the phrase siam
sun dar ('Beauteous Lord ' ) , an epithet used for Krishna, to
 Bani Sri jaidev Ji Ki 145

address Surdas in his own terms. In his comment, Guru Aljan

makes the point that saintly people ( har lok) always abide in the
company of Akal Purakh who is mystically present in holy fellow­
ship. In contrast with Surdas, Guru Aljan's emphasis falls upon
highlighting the goodness of the saintly people rather than on
the wickedness of sinners. He does employ the highly figurative
expression of 'leeches sucking leper's blood' (jiu kusti tmii jok)
to describe the pathetic condition of those who shun the 'Beau­
teous Lord'. In the final analysis, however, he provides them with
the hope to come out of their present predicament, and invites
them to join the Sikh sangat and to enjoy the state of blissful
sahaj a ( 'spontaneous state of bliss') through devotional singing.
The ultimate condition of sahaj a is achieved when the spirit as­
cends to the ' Realm of Truth' (sack khantf) . The signature line
reads: '0 Surdas! The Lord has grasped my man (heart-mind-soul)
in his hand, and has granted me [ the everlasting joy of] the
spiritual world' ( surdas manu prabhi hathi lino dino ihu parlok) .

2. Textual Issue of Mira Bai's Hymn in the Adi Granth

Mira Bai's hymn is another textual problem in the Adi Granth
that has drawn great scholarly attention. Although it is written in
the Kartarpur volume in a different hand, it has been deleted
with pen. Obviously the hymn was originally present, but was
subsequently dec;med unworthy of inclusion and hence was
crossed out. All copies of the Banno version of the Adi Granth
include this hymn. Let us examine briefly the major themes of
Mira Bai's hymn in the Maru raga:
Mira Bai
The lotus�eyed Lord has entwined my heart, mind and soul (man) [with
his virtues] , 0 mother. ( 1 ) Refrain. The sharp arrow [of his love] has
pierced my body through, 0 mother. I did not know when it stmck me;
now it cannot be endured, 0 mother. ( 1 ) Though I use charms, incanta­
tions and medicines, the pain will not depart. Is there anyone who will
treat me? Intense is the agony, 0 mother. (2) You are near to me, you are
not distant; come quickly to meet me. Mira's Lord, who is the mountain­
lifter, has quenched the fire of my body, 0 mother. The lotus-eyed Lord
has entwined my man [with the nvine of his] attributes, 0 mother. (3) 79

The central theme of this hymn is Krishna bhakti. The lotus­

eyed Lord ( kaval nainu) was an epithet used for Krishna, the
1 46 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

object of Mira Bai's special worship. She further employs an

expanded version ofher signatures--'Mira's Lord the mountain­
lifter' ( mira giradhar suami)-which clearly indicates that image
of Krishna as the mountain-lifter is the one she holds most dear.
Further, the next focus of Mira Bai's hymn is the theme of the
pangs of separation from the divine Beloved, Krishna. The in­
tensity ofthis anguish reaches its climax in the symbolism of sharp
arrows afflicting wounds in the body ( tikhan tir bedhi sarir dur gaio
mai//laggio tab janio nahin abbi na sahiojai ri mail/) . The phrase
tan ki tapat bujhai ('quenched the frre of my body') points towards
the erotic nature of Mira's love for Krishna.
Here, it is instructive to note that the erotic symbolism in the
composition of the Sikh Gurus is �oned down from the roman­
tic love expressed by Mira Bai in her poetry: 'I am playing hide
and seek with him, robed in this smock of five colors. Disguised
as I was, he caught me, and beholding his beauty I made myself
over to him body and soul. ' 80 This kind of erotic symbolism seems
to be one of the reasons why Guru AI:jan excluded her hymn
from the Sikh scripture. The second reason seems to be Mira's
emphasis on Krishna bhakti, which is contrary to the Sikh devo­
tional approach towards the non-incarnated Akal Purakh. 81 The
third reason may be linked with Guru Arjan's editorial policy to
keep the Sikh tradition removed from the Vaishnava influence.
It is no wonder thatJaidev's description of the erotic nature of
Radha's love for Krishna in the Gitagovinda would scarcely be
acceptable to the Guru. Yet his two hymns were included in the
Sikh scripture because of their emphasis on the worship of 'form­
less divinity' and social equality.

CONCLUSION

Barbara Stoler Miller was referring to ' abstract devotionalism'

of Jaidev's hymns in the Adi Granth, an emphasis on nirguna
religiosity that is certainly not present in the Gitagovinda. This
was the main reason why she raised the question of authorship
of these hymns. In applying the strict standards of the four-point
criteria of author-function she missed the developmental view
ofjaidev's theology. In this study we have taken a dynamic view
ofjaidev's life and shown that in his later life he had become a
nirguna Sant. In our analysis of the two Adi Granth hymns we
 Bani SriJaidev]i Ki 1 47

have also shown certain links offormal nature with the Gitagovinda
as well as differences in major themes between the two texts. In
particular, the stress on divine amorous symbolism in the
Gitagovinda may be understood by the Vaishnava devotees to
transcend the sensual, domestic level in the context of temple
worship (bhajan) . Still passionate carnal love is the central theme
of this text that is intended for the courtly life and perhaps for the
ecstatic life of the ardent devotee. This emphasis on passionate
love will be least acceptable to Guru Arjan who was primarily
compiling the scripture for the community of householders. In
fact, passion undermines the very ideal upon which the household
is based. In a marked contrast, therefore, the tone ofJaidev's Gujari
hymn lays emphasis on the renunciation of ' greed, coveting of
one's neighbour's wife, and all sinful desires'. Evidently, Jaidev's
message in the Adi Granth is intended for the 'common people'
leading the life of the householder.
In sum, the hymns of the saguna Bhagats who placed emphasis
upon worship through image and myth, were least acceptable to
Guru Arjan. Thus the hymns of Mira Bai and Surdas (except the
opening line) were excluded mainly because they were both
worshippers of the amorous and anthropomorphic Krishna. The
process of the selection of the Bhagat Bani highlights both the
exclusive and inclusive aspects ofGuru .Arjan's editorial policy. In
other words, the selection logic favours those poems of the medi­
eval Bhagats that stress nirguna religiosity and social equality, and
are in general conformity with the Sikh Gurus' line o�'thinking.
Sikh interaction with the followers of the Vaishnava bhakti in the
Punjab during the period of early Gurus seems to be marked by
clear-cut boundaries between the two traditions on the doctrinal
level. The Sikhs may have observed the Vaishnavas singing the songs
of Gitagovinda in temple worship (bhajan) and appreciated the
intensity of their devotion. In their minds, however, they knew
that their participation in the devotional singing of the Gurus'
hymns set them apart from the Vaishnavas.

NOTES

1 The details of this paragraph are taken from Barbara Stoler Miller,
ed. and trans., Love SongoftheDark Lord:Jayadeva's Gitagovinda (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1977) , p. 3.
148 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

2 Ibid., p. 125.
3 Ibid., p. 69.
4 Ibid., pp. 3-4.
5 S. N. Chattelji, Jayadeva: Makers of Indian Literature ( New Delhi:

Sahitya Akademy, 1973) .

6 For details, see Miller, Love Song, pp. 4 and 40, n. 5.

7 Ibid., p. 4.

8 Ibid., p. 5.
9 Cited in ibid., p. 6.
1 0 Personal communication, 9 February 2002.

ll Personal communication, 2 7 February 2002.

12 Harbans Singh, ed., The Encyclapaedia of Sikhism, vol. II (Patiala:

Punjabi Urtiversity, 1996) , p. 321.
1 3 Jaidev, Gujari 1, AG, p. 526.
1 4 Jaidev, Maru 1, AG, p. 1 106.
1 5 MA. Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, vol. VI (New Delhi: S. Chand
and Co., reprint, 1963 [ 1909) ) , p. 4.
1 6 Miller, Love Song, p. 39, n. 1 .
1 7 Charlotte Vaudeville, Kabir, vol. I (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974) ,
p.·103.
1 8 Cited in Chattelji, Jayadeva, p. 41.
1 9 Vaudeville, Kabir, p. 31.
20 Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, pp. 4-14.

2 1 Sahib Singh, Sri Guru Granth Sahib Darpan, vol. 4 (Jalandhar: Raj
Publishers, 1963) , pp. 180-2.
22 C. Shackle, 'The Sahaskriti Poetic Idiom in the Adi Granth,' in

Bulletin ofthe School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. XL, 2 ( 1 978) ,
and p. 312, no. 47.
2� R.S. McGregor, 'Hindi Literature from its Beginnings to the

Nineteenth Century,' in Jan Gonda, ed., A History ofIndian Literature,

vol. VIII (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1984) , p. 42.
24 M5, Basant l, AG, p. 1 192.
25 This is a reworking of the translation from Jodh Singh, Varan Bhai

Gurdas: Text, Transliteration and Translation (Patiala and New Delhi:

Vision and Venture, 1998) , p. 257.
6
2 See my The Guru Granth Sahib: Canon, Meaning and Authority (New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000) , p. 124.
27 Satbir Singh, Sri Guru Granth Sahib da Saar Visthar (Jalandhar: New
Book Company, 1985) , p. 52.
2" This is a reworking of the translation given in Selectionsfrom the Sacred
 Bani Sri Jaidev Ji Ki 1 49

Writings ofthe Sikhs, trans., Trilochan Singh et. al (London: George

Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1 965 [1960] ) , pp. 241-2.
29 Chattelji,Jaya4eva, pp:35-6.

30 Shackle, 'The Sahaskriti poetic Idiom in the Adi Granth,' p. 306.

31 Lee Siegel, Sacred and Profane Dimensions ofLove in Indian Traditions

as Exemplified in The Gitagovinda offayadeva (Delhi: Oxford University

·

Press, 1978); p. 254.

32 Cited in Surinder Singh Kohli, A Critical Study of the Adi Granth

(Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass, 1 976 [ 1 961 ] ) , p. 29.

33 Chatterji,Jayadeva, p. 2.

3 4 Personal communication, 9 February 2002.

35 Siegel, Sacred and Profane, p. 1 43.

3 6 Miller, Love Song, p. 1 0.

37 Ibid., p. 1 0.

38 Ibid., p. 10.
3 9 Siegel, Sacred and Profane, p. 36, n. 123.

40 Ibid., p. 108.

41 Charlotte Vaudeville, 'Sant Mat: Santism as the Universal Path to

Sanctity,' in Karine Schomer and W.H. McLeod, eds., The Sants:

Studies in a Devotional Tradition ofIndia (Berkeley: Religious Studies
Series and Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass, 1 987) , p. 32.
42 Siegel, Sacred and Profane, p. 67.

43 Puran Singh, The Spirit of Oriental Poetry (Patiala: Punjabi University,

1 969 [ 1 926] ) , p. 165.

44 Ibid., p. 156.

45 Cheever M. Brown, 'The Evolution of Radha D evotionalism

Through the Sixteenth Century,' Thejournal ofReligious Studies, vol.

V, nos. 1 and 2 (Patiala: Punjabi University, 1 974) , p. 34.
46 Basanti Choudhury, 'Love Sentiment and its Spiritual Implications

in Gaudiya Vaishnavism,' in Joseph T. O'Connell, ed., Bengal

Vaishnavism, Orienta/ism, Society and the Arts (East Lansing, Michigan:
Asian Studies Center, Michigan State University, 1 985) , p.7 .

47 W. Owen Cole, Sikhism and its Indian Context 1469-1 708 (London:

Darton, Longman and Todd, 1984) , p. 66.

48 I have reworked the translation given in Siegel, Sacred and Profane,

p . 1 52.
49 Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, p. 16.

50 Siegel, Sacred and Profane, p. 188.

51 Chattelji Jayadeva, p. 37.

,

52 Ibid., p. 38.
150 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

5� See my The Guru Granth Sahib, p. 1 37.

54 For more details on these yogic techniques, see Guy L. Beck, Sonic
TheologpHinduism and Sacrea Sound ( Columbia: University of South
Carolina Press, 1 993) , pp. 81-147.
55 Macauliffe , The Guru Granth Sahib, p. 16.

56 Ravidas, Sorathi 3, AG, p. 658. The translation is taken from Winand

M. Callewaert and Peter G. Friedlander, The Life and Works ofRaidas

(New Delhi: Manohar Publishers and Distributors, 1 992) , p. 162.
57 Cited in Siegel, Sacred and Profane, p. 1 53.

58 Michael Foucault, 'What is an Author?,' in Hazard Adams and Leory

Searls, eds., Critical Theory since 1 965 (Tallahasse: Florida State

University Press, 1986) , p. 144.
59 Ibid., p. 144.

60 John S. Hawley, 'Author and Authority in Bhakti Poetry,' TheJournal

ofAsian Studies 47 (2) ( 1 988) : pp. 269-90.

1
6 Ibid., p. 285.

62 Ibid pp. 272-3.

••

63 Ibid., p. 274.

54 Ibid., pp. 275-6.

65 Ibid., pp. 287-8.

66
Parshuram Chaturvedi, Hindi Sant-Kavya Sangrah (Allahabad: Leader
Press, 1952) , pp. 1 1 4-18; Miller, Love Song, p. 39, n. I; Vaudeville,
Kabir, pp. 102-3; and McGregor, 'Hindi Literature', p. 42.
67 Edward C. Dimock, Jr., The Place of the Hidden Moon (Chicago: The

University of Chicago Press, 1966) , p. 27.

68 Sukumar Sen, History of Bengali Literature (New Delhi: Sahitya

Akademy, 1971 ) , p. 1 6.
69 Banamali Rath, A Study on the Imitations of Gitagovinda (Berhampur:

Kalyani Prakashan, 1984) , pp. 1-1 18.

70 W.H. McLeod, Early Sikh Tradition: A Study of the Janam-sakhis

(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980) , p. 106.

71 Gurbachan Singh Talib, trans., Sri Guru Granth Sahib, vol. I (Patiala:

Punjabi University, 1984) , p. 276, no. 3.

72 See my The Guru Granth Sahib, pp. 1 93-20 1 .

7:1 The Encyclopaedia of Sikhism, II, p . 321 .

74 John Stratton Hawley, 'The Nirgun/Sagun Distinction in Early

Manuscript Anthologies of Hindi Devotion,' in David N. Lorenzen,

ed., Bhahti Religion· in North India: Community Identity and Political
· Action (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1 995) , p. 174.
75 Personal communication, 27 February 2002. ..
 Bani SriJaidev ]i Ki 151

76 Jeevan Deol, ' Surdas: Poet and Text i n the Sikh Tradition,' Bulletin
of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 63 : 2 (2000) , p. 1 86.
·

77 Ibid., p. 188.
78
Cited in my The Guru Granth Sahib, p. 196. I h ave adapted this
translation from John Stratton Hawley, Sur Das: Poet, Singer, Saint
(Seattle: University of Washington, 1984) , p. 1 35.
7 9 Kartarpur MS ( 1 604) , f. 8 1 1 / l .
80
A.J. Alston , The Devotional Poems of Mirabai (Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, 1980) , p. 42.
81
W.H. McLeod, Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1968) , p. 214.
FIVE

Status of the Bhagat Bani

HISTORICAL PERSPECI'IVE
he status of the Bhagat Bani in the Sikh scriptural tradition
Thas been the focus of occasional debates within the Sikh
community from time to time. We have already observed how
certain titles in the two copies of the Goindval pothis describe
Kabir and Namdev as the 'devotees of Guru Nanak'.1 Through
these editorial devices the hymns of the Bhagats were integrated
in the early Sikh scriptural tradition with the clear understanding ·

that the poet-saints enjoyed a secondary status within the Sikh

Panth. The primacy of the status of the Sikh Gurus was always
maintained even in the structure of the Goindval pothis. First
came the hymns of the Gurus in each raga-section, followed by
the hymns of the poet-saints at the end of that section.
During the period of Guru Ram Das the self-esteem of the
Sikhs was so high that they regarded themselves as 'spiritually
superior even to Bhagats, Sants and Sadhs' .2 They perceived
themselves as unique and distinct from other religious commu­
nities of North India. This attitude was necessary to build the
self-confidence of a rapidly growing Sikh Panth and must be
understood in its proper historical context. It was, however, in
no way intended that Guru Ram Das was creating some kind of
'hierarchy' within the Sikh society. If the old hierarchical caste
system was not acceptable to the Sikh Gurus, how could they
create another 'hierarchy' within their own Panth? Most inter­
estingly, both Guru Amar Das and Guru Ram Das inspired their
audience with the example of the low-caste Bhagats achieving
their spiritual status by following the discipline of meditation on
the divine Name { nam-simaran) .3 They repeatedly insist that
these Bhagats have even 'vanquished the high-caste Khatris and
Brahmins' { khatri l!rahmin pith de chhode) in their progress in spiri­
tual life.4 Not surprisingly, for the Bhagats Sikhism constituted a
 Status of the Bhagat Bani 153

source of psychological mobility. The iconographical entry of

Namdev, Jaidev, Trilochan, Ravidas, Dhanna, Sain and Kabir in
Sikh hymnology is significant from this point ofview.5
The most striking example in this context is Guru Arjan's
Basant Astapadi in which he illuminates the spiritual attainment
of the celebrated poet-saints of the Adi Granth, along with the
ancient Bhagats of Indian mythology. The relevant part of this
text reads as follows:

Dhanna served Him with the 'intellectual innocence' of the child ( bal
budhz) . Trilochan obtained his spiritual status by his association with the
Guru. Beni was granted illumination by the Master. 0 my mind! You too
can become a real servant [of God] . (5) Jaidev discarded his self-centered
pride. The barber, Sain, was saved by the [ideal of] service. Their mind
was never shaken or broken. 0 my mind! You too can save yourself by
taking refuge [of the Lord] . (6) The Lord himself saved such devotees as
received the divine grace. He did not reckon their merits and demerits.
Beholding such state my mind also became engaged in the service [of the
Lord] . (7) Kabir meditated with constant loving devotion. Namdev abided
with the Lord. Ravidas too meditated upon the Unique Lord. Guru Nanak
Dev is the embodiment of God (govind rup) . (8)
(M5, Basant Dutukian 1, AG, p. 1 192)
Through the power of story telling ( sakhz) , Guru Arjan is ac­
tually inspiring his own audience to engage in the discipline of
service and devotion ( seva-simaran) . If the low caste Bhagats can
achieve liberation in their lifetime, why cannot we follow their
example as spiritual paradigm in our own lives? Notably, in the
last line a very subde distinction is made between the unique
status of Guru Nanak Dev as the ' embodiment of God' (govind
rup) and the Bhagats being the devotees of God. Thus the pri- .
macy of the status of the Guru is retained over the status of the ·

Bhagat in the Sikh scriptural tradition.

A careful examination of the panegyrics by Sikh bards ( Bhattan
de Savayye) j
at the court of Guru Ar an may be helpful to under­
stand the 'unique position' of Guru Nanak in the contemporary
Sikh understanding.6 For the bard named Kalsahar, Guru Nanak
is the 'Arch-Guru', the sea of comfort, the remover of sins, and
the creator ofthe ocean of divine Word (shabad ) . He established
raj-yoga or the 'spiritualism of the householder'. Among those
who praise Guru Nanak are Dhruva, Brahm a and Shiva, the 'six
schools of philosophies' (khat darasan) , and the ' four castes' ( char
1 54 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

varan) . In the Satyuga G'uru Nanak enjoyed Raj yoga in the form
of the dwarf ( Bavan) who tricked ·Bal. In the Tretayuga he was
the Raghuvansa Rama, and in the Dvaparyuga he was Krishna.
He is the sovereign of the Kaliyuga too, and has 'become' Guru
Angad and Guru Amar Das. Indeed, Guru Nanak's prowess ex­
ceeds that of mythological gods, legendary Rishis ('sages') , mythi­
cal kings, Naths and the historical Bhagats.7 For instance, note
the following reference:
Bhagat Ravidas �ings the praises [of Guru Nanak] in unison with Jaidev
and Trilochan. Namdev the Bhagat and Kabir forever sing [his praises] as
one casting his gracious glance of equality over all. Bhagat Beni chants the
virtues of Guru Nanak who enjoys the blissful state of sahaja in his spiri­
tual experience. In deep meditation and divine enlightenment, the Guru
does not acknowledge anyone else other than God . . ..
(Kal, Savayye Mahak Pahile Ke 8, AG, p. 1390)
Thus Ravidas, Jaidev, Trilochan, Namdev and Kabir sing
praises ofGuru Nanak for seeing God everywhere. Beni glorifies
him for his attainment of the blissful state of sahaj a or 'sponta­
neous union' with God. Guru Nanak has the experience of
manifest (saguna) and unmanifest (nirguna) God. Thus, the
panegyrics of bards were meant to highlight the uniqueness of
Guru Nanak's position and his oneness with his successors.
These compositions of eulogy must be understood as part of
the ancient triumphant ( digvij aya) tradition and they make
.sense in the context of courtly tradition.
The ]anam-sakhi Sri Guru Nanak Dev Ji, composed by Sodhi
Miharban (1 581-1 640) , describes how on a visit to Ayodhya all
the Bhagats-Namdev, Jaidev, Kabir, Trilochan, Ravidas, Sain,
Sadhna, Dhanna and Beni-manifested themselves to Guru
Nanak and after a discourse ' the Bhagats hailed him and
departed for heaven. '8 It should be noted that Miharban was
the son of Prithi Chand (the eldest son of Guru Ram Das and a
pretender to the office of Guru) who became the leader of a
dissident group branded as Minas ('scoundrels') .9 One of the
main reasons for the unorthodoxy of the later Mina tradition,
however, was its effort to marginalize the 'unique status' of Guru
Nanak and include him in the list of ancient Bhagats of Hindu
mythology and the medieval poet-saints of the Sant tradition of
North India. For instance, the name of Guru Nanak appears in
Parachian Bhagatan Kian by Darbari Das as part of Pothi Harijas
 Status of the Bhagat Bani 155

at the very end of the list of thirty Bhagats as 'Parachi NanakBhagat

Ki.'10 It was part of their strategy to win followers from the larger
Hindu tradition by showing Guru Nanak as belonging to the
main Bhakti tradition oflndia.
Another heretic group was those of Hindalisii who accepted
the leadership of a rival claimant, Bidhi Chand, son of Baba
Hindal of Jandiala, in opposition to Guru Hargobind. The
Hindalis even went to the extent of making Guru Nanak as ' a
lesser Bhagat than Kabir' in the most popular Balajanam-sakhi.12
At the same time, the Guru was made even to prophesy a greater
Bhagat, Handal, to come. Indeed, the image of Guru Nanak was
hopelessly tarnished in the he terodox Balajanam-sakhi.13 Even
in the second half of the twentieth century, Udasi Harnam Das
suggested (though quite mistakenly} that the original recension
( bir) of the Adi Granth contained hymns by the Bhagats at the
beginning, followed by the hymns of the Sikh Gurus in chrono­
logical order.14 He then lays the blame on the later Sikh scribes
who reversed the order of the hymns in the Adi Granth by placing
the hymns of the Gurus before those of the Bhagats. Those
scribes, he argues, were responsible for upsetting the whole
sequence. It is no wonder that in the light of these baseless
attempts by the competing groups the Sikhs would frequently
debate the status of the Bhagat Bani within the Sikh scriptural
tradition.
To understand the relationship of the Bhagat Bani with
Gurbani ( ' the writings of the Gurus') rnore thoroughly, we need
to examine the specific meanings of the terms 'Bhagat' and
'Guru' in the Adi Granth. In the Japji, for instance, Guru Nanak
employs the term Bhagat as follows: '0 Nanak! The devotees
(bhagat) flower and flourish forever. From listening [to the music
of the divine Word] , sin and sorrow disappear.'15 Here, the word
bhagat is used in the general sense of a 'devotee'. It should be
noted that the terms Bhagat, Sant, Gurmukh (' one who is turned
towards the Guru as opposed to reprobate manmukh' ) and
occasionally Gursikh ('a loyal Sikh of the Guru') appear synony­
mously in the Adi Granth. Bhagat or Sant is thus any seeker after
truth and liberation, one who pursues one's objective by means
of such activities as ' association with other devotees, regular
participation in singing of kirtan, the i ndividual practice of
nam-simaran and pure living. '16 �ore specifically, however, Guru
156 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

Aijan conferred on the term 'Bhagat' a particular distinction

when he employed it to designate works that were not by one of
the Gurus. It is by this title that the poet-saints of the Adi Granth
are known in Sikh parlance.
In Guru Nanak's usage, the term 'Guru' stands for the voice
of Akal Purakh mystically uttered within the human heart, mind
and soul.J? By the time of his successors, however, the range
covered by this term extended. from the personal Guru to the
concept of an Eternal Guru and on to identification with the
Supreme Being himself. As the communicator of the divine
message Nanak became the embodiment of the 'Eternal Guru'
and was referred to as 'Guru Nanak' by the second Guru, Angad
in his compositions.18 Thos.e who succeeded him in his lineage
assumed the role and the title of the 'Guru'. Indeed, a theory of
spiritual succession was advanced in the form of ' the unity of
Guruship' in which there was no difference between the founder
and the successors. They all represented one and the same light
(jot) as a single flame ignites a series of torches. Thus the title of
the ' Guru' carries an aura of divinity for the Sikhs.
In his Bhairau hymn, for instance, Guru Amar Das made a
very clear distinction between the status of the Guru and that of
the Bhagat:
The one who reflects upon the divine Word and who cherishes in one's
heart the True One is indeed a true devotee. When one engages in true
devotion day and night, then one does not suffer any pain in the body.
Everyone then start calling such a one 'Devotee! Devote e ! ' (Bhagat!
Bhagat! ) . Without serving the true Guru, however, one cannot cultivate
devotion in one's life; it is with good fortune that we are united with God.19
Indeed, the Bhagat is one who is devoted to God all the time.
The rank of saintliness is, therefore, open to all and can be at­
tained by serving the true Guru, who is blessed with a special gift
of divine knowledge to guide ordinary human beings towards
holiness. This fundamental distinction between the Guru and
the Bhagat defined the basic structure of the Adi Granth. In this
context, Gurinder Singh Mann makes the following comment:
The hymns of Guru Nanak result directly from the original revelation and
are taken to constitute the pinnacle of sacred Sikh literature; the next
stage belongs to hymns created by the Sikh gurus who carried the light of
Guru Nanak; at the third stage came the hymns by the Sikhs who were
initiated into sainthood by the gums themselves; and the hymns ofBhagats,
 Status of the Bhagat Bani 1 57

who had no connection with the gurus, are at the lower end of this hierar­
chy of sanctity.20
Evidently, as the founder of the Sikh tradition, Guru Nanak
enjoys the supreme position in the Adi Granth. Nevertheless, all
the Gurus sign their compositions 'Nanak' to underline the fac t
that they carry his authority. Thus all Sikh Gurus enjoy equal
status since their bani was equally inspiring. However, like the
four-tier caste system of Hindus, Mann has created a 'hierarchy
of sanctity' of the contributors of the Adi Granth on the basis of
his examination of early manuscripts. As a result of his categori­
zation, six of the low-caste Bhagats did not really gain any social
mobility by becoming part of the Sikh scriptural tradition. Four
Brahmin-saints, two Sufis, one Chauhan Rajput Raja and two
others became part of the 'lower end of this hierarchy of sanc­
tity'. Is this really the case? There are certain fundamental flaws
in Mann 's logic. Let us closely look at his arguments in the ligh t
of available evidence and the structure of the Adi Granth.
First, Mann 's arguments contradict the basic idea of revela­
tion in the Sikh tradition, a concept that is based upon the rich
concept of shabad (' sacred sound') in Indian thought. Accord­
ingly, the Bhagats had the experience of the divine truth that
they proclaimed in verbal form (shabad) in their compositions.
Their inclusion in the Sikh scriptural tradition follows naturally
from the Sikh doctrine of universal bani that appears perpetu­
ally in all ages in the works of the Bhagats. In this context, Guru
Amar Das proclaims: 'The Bhagats are known from [their expe­
rience of] the divine Word, and [that is why) their utterances
are true' ( sabadau hi bhagatjapadejin ki bani sachi hoi//) .21 Although
the idea of universal bani has a wider application, each case of
revelation is a partial manifestation of the divine intention in a
- specific cultural context. For Guru Amar Das, however, Guru
Nanak's bani is the pre-eminent example of the universal bani
that exists eternally through all ages.22
Second, Mann's assertion that in an early manuscript, MS 1 245,
the hymns of the Bhagats ,are absent and that they were con­
sciously dropped from the Sikh text is not a valid assumption.
There is no reason to believe that the compiler was drawing a
line between 'insiders' (Gurus, Sikhs and bards) and 'outsiders'
(Bhagats) at that particular moment in history. Elsewhere, I have
argued that the Bhagat Bani was certainly not anathema to the
1 58 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

compiler of this manuscript that is still in the draft form. There

are a number of Kabir's saloks that are present in Guru Amar
Das's vars ('ballads' ) , followed by the Guru's commentsY If the
Bhagat Bani was 'consciously excluded' from this document, as
Mann argues, how do we explain the presence of these saloks?
Presumably, the complier was collecting the hymns of the Bhagats
in another volume to include them in the fmal recension. Mann
jumps to a conclusion too fas t without taking the relevant facts
into consideration. His selective use of data does not offer any
solution. Rather, i t complicates the matters.
Third, the tides at the beginning of the Bhagat Bani section
in each raga employ the honorific particles jiu and ji with the
names of the poet-saints ( ragu asa bani bhagatan ki: Kabir jiu
Namdevjiu Ravidas jiu) .24 These titles show that all the Bhagats
shared a common status because they were all adjudged to have
spoken the divine Word and confirmed as such by the Sikh
Gurus. This convention ofhonorific particles is not used anywhere
else in the Adi Granth with the names of any Sikh bards or even
with the Gurus themselves. Does th is not show the u tmost
regard with which the hymns of the Bhagats were included in
the Sikh scripture? How can they be lower in status from the
Sikh bards when the Gurus themselves narrated their high spiritual
attainment to inspire their own audience? If the poet-saints
belonged to the lowest 'level ofblessedness' in Mann's hierarchy,
there was no need for such respectful titles. In my view, there
are two main reasons behind this hierarchical thinking: first, the
brahminical influence on the Sikh Panth to denigrate the
contributions of the Bhagats; and second, the reaction against
the efforts of certain competing groups to compromise the
unique status of Guru Nanak in the Sikh tradition.
Finally, it is true that the Bhagat Bani is placed at the end of
each raga-section in the Adi Granth to distinguish it from the
compositions of the Gurus. However, it does not mean that the
works of the poet-saints are in any way at the 'lower end of this
hierarchy ofsanctity'. If the seqq.ence of arrangement ofthe works
is the sole criterion in measuring one's 'sanctity', then how can
we explain the epilogue of the Adi Granth where the works by
Kabir and Shaikh Farid are, followed by panegyrics by bards and
the works of the Gurus? Moreover, the intermingling of the
Gurus and the Bhagats in the Sikh scripture may be seen in the
 Status of the Bhagat Bani 1 59

juxtaposition of Guru Nanak's comments in Shaikh Farid's works

and those of Guru Amar Das's at various places among the works
by both Shaikh Farid and Kabir. Similarly, Guru Arjan has con­
sciously inserted his own hymns and couplets in the works of
Kabir, Shaikh Farid, Dhanna and Surdas to show more intimate
relationship with the Bhagat Bani by entering into · a dialogue
with these poet-saints. We have already examined the issues be­
hind these specific examples. In fact, the net effect of the Gurus'
comments on the Bhagats is to cement firmly the Bhagat Bani in
the Sikh canon.
Let us now turn to the post-Guru period when the Sikh scrip­
ture acquired the unique status of the 'embodiment of the
living Guru' and came to be known as the Guru Granth Sahib.
Indeed, the closing of the Sikh canon by Guru Gobind Singh
had already given a divine sanction to �he Bhagat Ban i . He
provided a canonical definition to the Sikh scripture, marking a
significant completion of a matrix of revelation for the Sikh
community. It was believed that the core truths of the tradition
had been established irrevocably, and the documents included
in the canon were witness to these truths in an authoritative way.25
Thereafter, no one could add anything to or subtract from the
Sikh canon. In the subsequent centuries, however, a number of
questions were raised within the Sikh Panth about the various
aspects of the Bhagat Bani in the Sikh scripture. Those ques­
tions received varied responses based upon the contemporary
Sikh thinking.
Kesar Singh Chhibbar, for instance, records in his Bansavali­
nama ( 1 769 CE) that Bhai Mani Singh prepared a new Granth in
the early eighteenth century by adding the bani of the Dasam
Granth to the Adi Granth. He changed the sequence of the con­
tents by arranging all the hymns according to their authors in­
stead of ragas. As a result of this new scheme, Bhagat Bani was
separated from the works of the Gurus that appeared at the end
of the volume after the works of the tenth Guru. It was followed
by the var by Satta and Balwand, the Saddu or dirge by Sundar,
the panegyrics by the Sikh bards and the apocryphal texts of the
Banno version. A manuscript bearing the date sambat 1 770 ( 1 7 1 3)
is still extant with the family of Raja Gulab Singh Sethi of New
belhi. Rattan Singh Jaggi who examined the manuscript in the
1 980s considers this volume to be 250 years old, dating back to
1 60 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

Bhai Mani Singh 's period.26 According to Chhibbar, the Sikh

community of that period did not approve Bhai Mani Singh' s
innovation and they placed on him a curse that he should be cut
limb .by limb in the same manner as he had broken the sequence
of the Adi Granth. Z1 This story may well be an attempt to subvert
the understanding of the contemporary Sikh community con­
cerning the death of Bhai Mani Singh, according to which the
actual blame for his death was placed on his own conduct rather
than the Mughal officials, who were primarily responsible for
his death. Chhibbar's narrative further protests about the sepa­
ration of the Bhagats from the Gurus as follows: 'If the Master
decides to embrace the servant in his lap, how can you separate
them?' (jo khavand nafar nu kuchhar lai lita. . . tan tun khavand
passon nafar nu desi uthaia//) .28 Clearly, in Chhibbar's interpre­
tation of the status of the Bhagat Bani, his brahminical bias shows
forth as he regards the low-caste Bhagats as 'menial servants'
( nafar) of the Master.
Seva Das Udasi-the author of Parchi Patishahi Dasvin Ki and
a contemporary of Bhai Mani Singh-offered his own interpre­
tation of Guru Atjan 's use of the signatures of the Bhagats in his
commentary hymns. In the ' Story of the Fifth Guru' (sakhi
panjaven mahal ki) the author narrates how Guru Atjan pays hom­
age to the Bhagats as follows:
Once Guru Arjan said: 'All my bani is dedicated to Guru Nanak. I will
dedicate some bani to bhagats also.' Then the Guru dedicated some stan­
zas to bhagats. Though it was his bani, the reference line contained the
name of 'bhagats'. Here is one of such hymns in the gauri measure dedi­
cated to Kabir: Gauri Mahala 51I 'Such is the wonder that Kabir beheld. . . '
Another two hymns were dedicated to Kabir in the Bhairo measure: Bhairo
Mahala 5/I ' I observe neither fasting nor ritual of the Ramadan month. . . '
The second hymn i n the Bhairo measure i s as follows: Bhairo Mahala 51I
'Those who call a stone their God, wasted is their devotion . . .' The Guru
also dedicated one hymn to Sheikh Farid in the Asa measure: Asa Mahala
511 'Those alone are true devotees whose heart with God is sincerely in
love .' A hymn was dedicated to Dhanna bhagat in Asa measure. Asa
. .

Mahala 511 'In the Lord was Namdev's heart deeply absorbed: . . .' On e
hymn was dedicated to Sur Das ji in the Sarang measure: Sarang Mahala 51
I 'God's devotees with Him alone abide. . . ' 2'1
Seva Das asserted that Guru Atjan composed six hymns and
dedicated them to the Bhagats and that he included the signa­
ture of these Bhagats in the final verse in the place of his own
 Status of the Bhagat Bani 161

signature ofNanak. The author did not understand the conven­

tion of the use of the Bhagat's signature by Guru Arjan while
commenting on his works. Although Seva Das is right in assign­
ing the authorship of four hymns to the fifth Guru, he is mis­
taken in two cases. The first hymn ( aiso acharaj dekhio kabir ) is. . .

entitled Gauri Kabir]i Ki nail ralae likhia Mahala 5, 'Kabir' s hymn

in the measure Gauri to which Guru Arj an's composition is
added. ' 30 This unique title in the Adi Granth clearly indicates
that Guru Arjan's comment is added to Kabir's hymn. Secondly,
Seva Das wrongly attributes Shaikh Farid' s hymn ( dilahun mohabat
jinni sei sachia . . . ) in Asa raga to Guru Arjan. There is no men­
tion of Mahala 5 in the title of this hymn. 31 The rest of the four
hymns come under the title of Mahala 5, although they employ
the signature of the Bhagat who is being commented upon by
Guru Arjan.32
In his in terpretation of Seva Das U dasi ' s text, however,
Gurinder Singh Mann attributes all the six hymns to the Bhagats:

Specific examples of three hymns by Kabir in rag Gauri and rag Bhairo, of
one each by Farid and Dhanna in rag Asa, and one of Surdas in rag Sarang
are then given. No claim is made that all hymns attributed to the Bhagats
were actually composed by Guru Aijan, but this seems to be implied. Sevadas' s
contention that hymns of these Bhagats were the creation of Guru Aijan
seems to originate from a need to explain their presence in the Adi Granth,
as well as from a desire to entrench them permanently in Sikh scripture and
grant them a status equal to that of other compositions.il!l

By accepting the Bhagats as the actual authors of all these six

hymns, Mann does not -seem to have checked the original texts
from the Adi Granth . He has failed to understand the conven­
tion of Guru Arjan's usage of the signatures of the poet-saints
who are being commented upon in his responses. We may agree
to some extent with Mann' s assertion that Seva Das wanted to
'grant them [the Bhagats] a status equal to that of other compo­
sitions'. It was, however, part of an Udasi agenda to raise the
status of the Bhagats as the forerunners of the Sikh Gurus. That
is why Guru Arjan is shown in the text as 'paying homage to the
Bhagats' .
The same text o f Seva Das Udasi has become the focus of
Jeevan Deol' s recent study of the phenomenon ofintertextuality
in the Adi Granth. He argues that Guru Arjan is 'at once a
Nanak, a Surdas, a Kabir and a Dhanna, authorizing his words
1 62 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

with personality that is most appropriate to the occasion' .34 Deol

further argues that both the story and the hymns of the Udasi
text have significance not only as a problem in textual and oral
transmission but also as indications of the early Panth's conception
of its relationship to other North Indian poetic and devotional
traditions. The story does not say that the poetic authority of
these Bhagats was as weighty for Guru Arjan and his followers as
that of Guru Nanak. Neither does it offer any clue to whether
the Sikh Gurus or their followers frequently composed poetry
using a 'poetic signature' (chhap) other than 'Nanak'.35 In his
arguments, however, Deol has not been able to identifY Guru
Atjan's editorial convention to employ the chhap of the poet-saints
who are being commented upon in his responses. In the pro­
cess of deconstruction he has also failed to unmask the Udasi
agenda of Seva Das;s text.
During the last decades of the eighteenth century, the chroni­
cler of Sikhan di Bh agatmala narrated that various Bhagats brought
their compositions to Bhai Gurdas for inclusion in the Sikh scrip­
ture. All their works composed in earlier times were rejected,
but the Bhagats were asked to prepare fresh compositions un­
der the direct supervision of Guru Aljan that were fully incorpo­
rated into the Sikh text. This narrative reappears with additional
fanciful details in the nineteenth-century works, Sri Gurbilas
Patashahi 6 ( 1 840) and Sri Gurpratap Suraj Granth {1843) . Their
authors knew that most of the Bhagats belonged to earlier peri­
ods. To overcome the difficulty of chronology the Bhagats were
made to appear in the Guru's court in 'spiritual forms. ' Their
'souls' appeared in person and Bhai Gurdas was able to 'see'
them with his own eyes. All these legends were meant to show
that only those works of the Bhagats that were produced in the
presence of the Guru could find a place in the Sikh scripture.
This was the only way to address the issues of the inclusion of the
Bhagat Bani in the premodern society. It was also intended t o
stress the identity o f the message of the Bhagat Bani with that of
the Gurus.
Tara Singh Narotam ( 1 822-91) went a step further in his Granth
Sri Gurmat Nimaya Sagar to claim that Guru Arjan himself com­
posed the entire Bhagat Bani keeping in mind 'the thoughts of
each individual Bhagat'. 36 Surely, the author must be responding
to the questions being raised within the contemporary Sikh Panth
 Status of the Bhagat Bani 1 63

about the status of the BhagatBani in the Sikh scripture. Narotam

Singh responded by saying that the writings of the Bhagats were
like the Gurus' very own. It was part of the strategy adopted by
the Nirmala scholars of the day to establish the spiritual authority
of the Bhagat Bani on an equal footing with the Gurbani. This
was also the time when the Singh Sabha scholars were learning
to apply modern techniques of textual studies based upon the
scientific and rationalistic influence ofWestern modes of educa­
tion. The publication of Ernest Trumpp's partial translation of
the Sikh scripture under the title The Adi Granth in 1 877 offered
another major challenge to the Sikhs. The offensive remarks made
by Trumpp in the introduction acted as a catalyst for both Sikh
and non-Sikh scholars to explore the Sikh tradition more seriously.
In fact, MA. Macauliffe produced his monumental work The Sikh
Religion in 1909 to 'make some reparation to the Sikhs for the
insults which he [Trumpp] offered to their Gurus and their
religion ' .37 The sixth volume of this work is the first major study
in the English language of the lives of the Bhagats and their
compositions in the Adi Granth.
In the early decades of the twentieth century, Teja Singh
Bhasaur ( 1 867-1933)-a protagonist of the radical wing of the
Singh Sabha known as the Panch Khalsa Diwan (PKD )-advocated
the expunging of the controversial Raga-mala and the composi­
tions of the Bhagats and the Sikh bards from the Sikh scripture.
In his literalist zeal he wanted to purity the Sikh tradition from
all non-Sikh elements. He took the following stanza from Guru
Amar Das's Anand in the Ramakali raga more seriously: 'Apart
from the [compositions of the] true Guru all bani is spurious
( kachi bani) . Those who recite it are spurious; likewise those who
hear it and those who propagate it. '38 Accordingly, the Sikh scrip­
ture should include only the revealed utterances of the Gurus.
Not surprisingly, in 1 9 1 5 he published an edition of the Adi
Granth in which the Raga-mala was omitted.39 This led to wide­
spread public protests among the Sikhs who believed that the
integrity of the Sikh canon had been broken by the PKD. The
following years also witnessed the involvement of the Sikhs in
the Gurdwara Reform movement. With the passage of the Sikh
Gurdwaras Act of 1 925, however, the Shiromani Gurdwara
Pni.bandhak Committee (SGPC) came into being as the legisla­
tive body of the Sikh Panth. Under its authority, the Akal Takhat
1 64 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

issued an edict ( hukamnama) on 9 August 1 928 to banish Teja

Singh and his wife Niranjan Kaur from the Sikh Panth.40 It was
only after seventy-three years that his grandson, Manmohan Singh .
Sidhu and his wife, Balwinder Kaur, appeared on their behalf at
the Akal Takhat on May 3, 2001 and accepted ' religious pen­
ance' ( tanakhah) to save the family honour. Thus Teja Singh and
his wife Niranjan Kaur have been re-inducted within the Sikh
Panth.41
As a reaction against the PKD 's negative approach towards
the Bhagat Bani, the trend of Sikh scholarship dramatically
changed to show that there is complete identity between the
Gurbani and the Bhagat Bani. Through his exegetical skills
Sahib Singh emerged as the most powerful voice of the idea
that there is perfe ct identity between the Gurbani and the
Bhagat Bani.42 In fact, the twentieth century has seen the emer­
gence of a dominant interpretation of the Sikh tradition under
the strong influence of the Tat Khalsa ( ' Pure Khalsa' ) , the
dominant wing of the Singh Sabha movement. This interpreta­
tion presents Sikhism as a well-defined system with uniform
norms of orthodoxy and orthopraxy. I t informs modernist
perspective based on the scientific paradigm ofthe Enlightenment.
It explains the inclusion of the Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth
in universal terms. In this context, Bhai Vir Singh presented a
non-sectarian interpretation of the inclusion of the Bhagat Bani
in the Sikh scripture: 'The Sikh Gurus gave concrete shape to
this idea by incorporating in Sikh scripture, the writings of the
Bhagats from different religions, castes, and views. ' 43 Similarly,
Teja Singh and Ganda Singh skillfully argued that the presence
of the Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth reflects the ' cosmopolitan
nature of Sikhism' . 44
During the first fifty years of lndia's Independence the over­
all stance of Indian scholarship was to discourage sectarianism
and communalism. The whole trend was to offer a nationalist
interpretation. It is no wonder that the presence of the Bhagat
Bani in the Adi Granth attracted much scholarly appreciation.
Indeed, the scope of the Sikh movement was seen to reflect the
pan-Indian stance that transcended and subsumed the different
regional and caste divisions of the Bhakti movement.45 Th e
following Map 5.1 oflndia highlights the places associated with
the fifteen Bhagats of the Adi Granth :
 Status of the Bhagat Bani 1 65

MAP 5 . 1 Map showing the places associated with the Bhagats of the Guru
Granth Sahib.

Places of the Bhagats of the Adi Granth

l . Pakpattan, Punjab (Shaikh Farid)

2. Birbhum, Bengal Qaidev)
3. Sholapur, Maharashtra (Trilochan and Parmanand)
4. Satara, Maharashtra (Namdev)
5 . Queta, Sindh (Sadhana)
6. Tonk, Rajasthan (Beni and Dhanna)
7. Oudh, UP (Surdas)
8. Rewa, MP (Sen)
9. Gagraun, Kota, MP (Pipa)
1 0 . Paryag, Allahabad, UP (Ramanand)
1 1 . Banaras, UP (Kabir and Ravidas)
1 2 . Lucknow, UP (Bhikhan)

Dharam Pal Maini completed his doctoral work at Banaras

Hindu University on the basic elements of ancient Indian tradi­
tions present in the Sikh scripture and concluded that the Adi
Granth 'is a firm milestone of Indian spiritual literature' and
that it cannot be considered a 'sectarian document' . 46 In a similar
vein, Mohinder Kaur Gill interprets the inclusion of the writings
of the Bhagats in the Adi Granth as an early attempt at national
i ntegration.47 The main focus of the work of these authors
reflects the spirit of the age in which they were writing.
1 66 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

This trend of non-sectarian interpretation was suddenly re­

versed in 1990 when Giani Gurdit Singh produced a thick volume
in the Punjabi language on the history of the Guru Granth Sahib
with a main focus on the Bhagat Bani. On the basis of his close
examination of the extant copies of the Goindval pothis he
vehemently argued that most of the Bhagats whose hymns are
to be found in the Guru Granth Sahib were actually disciples of
Guru Nanak.48 No critical historian can accept his claims to be
valid; but the author certainly made his mark in winning the
support of the premier institution of the Sikh Panth, the SGPC.
Gurcharan Singh Tohra, th e then President of the SGPC,
endorsed his research work and conferred on him the title of
'Sikh Acharya'.49 Ironically, this title was a new invention and
did not come from the Sikh lexicon such as Bhai Sahib
('honourable brother', the title ofthe celebrated Bhai Gurdas) ,
Panthic Vidvan ( 'distinguished scholar of the Sikh community')
or Nirmal Budh ( 'Scholar with pure intellect') . The work of Giani
Gurdit Singh, however, must be seen in the historical context of
the post-1984 events when the Sikh Panth had moved away from
the national mainstream as a result of Indian army's assault on
the Golden Temple of Amritsar in 1 984.

DOCTRINAL PERSPECTNE

The recently published Encyclopaedia ofSikhism has described the

relationship between the two principal sources of writings-the
sayings of the Gurus and those of the Bhagats-contained in the
Sikh scripture as follows:
These two streams mingle together completely and no distinctions are
ever made among the writings emanating from them. They all, the writ­
ings of the Gurus as well as those of the Bhagats, constitute one single text.
On any point of precept and doctrine both will have equal validity. Both
enjoy equal esteem and reverence. In fact, the notion of ' two' does not
exist. Both signal one single metaphysical truth. The Sikhs have believed
through the centuries that they embody one single moral and spiritual
maxim."0
This observation may be understood in two ways. First, it is
based upon the canonical mode of interpretation that regards
the closed scripture as an organic unit in which all constituents
cohere into one well-defined system of doctrine and practice.
 Status of the Bhagat Bani 1 67

Even if there are some apparen t contradictions among different

parts they are explained away easily. One is convinced that these
contradictions appear only at the surface level. At the deeper
level, however, there is perfect unity between different parts.
Second, this observation is the result of the strength of the Singh
Sabha (or rather Tat Khalsa) mode of interpretation that has
survived now for more than a century. Moreover, Harbans Singh,
the editor of the Encyclopaedia of Sikhism, was a distinguished
scholar of this mode of interpretation of the Sikh tradition.
In this study, however, we have seen that there were doctrinal
concerns when the Bhagat Bani was first introduced in the Sikh
scriptural tradition. Much of editing. and commentary has gone
into the making of the Sikh scripture. The Sikh Gurus frequently
commented upon, even contradicted, the sayings of the Bhagats
and both versions appear side by side in the text. The main pur­
pose of these comments was to place the sayings of the Bhagats
in harmony with the Sikh teachings. We have already seen that
the Sikh doctrine is uncompromisingly monotheistic, with a
strong belief in a non-incarnated God (nirguna) . There is no
place for any kind of worship of the avatars ('incarnations') such
as Rama or Krishna. But when these Vaishnava names occur in
the Sikh scriptures they stand for the non-anthropomorphic
conception of the Divine. Thus the Bhagats belonging to the
nirguna school of thought are mainly represented in the Sikh
scripture. Works of those Bhagats, belonging to the saguna school
of thought such as Mira Bai and Surdas, were 'edited out' in the
process of canon-formation.
To understand the doctrinal perspective more thoroughly,
let us take the case of the Sufi poet, Shaikh Farid, who remained
an orthodox Muslim in his life time . He is allowed to express his
Muslim beliefs and practices freely in the Adi Granth. It is in­
structive to note that his works containing such beliefs as the
resurrection, the flaming hell, the pul sirat, and the terrible
retribution for the unbelievers have not re ceived any dire c t
comment from the Gurus. When Sikhs read these passages they
immediately accept them as part of Muslim beliefs and practices,
although their own belief-system is based on the notions of karma
and rebirth. The presence of Shaikh Farid's bani in the Adi
Granth actually promotes the sense of mutual respect and toler­
ance for diversity of belief and practice. Only those aspects of
1 68 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

the Farid-bani have received direct comments from the Gurus

that concern general attitude towards life, divine grace versus
human effort, asceticism and the mystical dimensions of spiri-
. tual life. These comments were certainly intended to cultivate a
particular Sikh view of life.
It is noteworthy that in the eighteenth-century text of Chaupa
Singh 's Rahit-nama ( 'Manual of Code of Conduct') passages from
the Bhagat Bani were frequently cited along with Gurbani in
matters of doctrine and practice as the 'testimony from the
Granth Sahib' ( sakh granth sahib ji ) . Note the following Rahit
instructions:
132. When a Gursikh sits in a dharamsala in the presence of the Granth
Sahib and in the company of faithful Sikhs, he should feel not pride for
any virtue, skill, wealth or youthfulness [which he may possess] . As the
Granth Sahib says, in the words of a Sant:

'Pride has rotted [even] ascetics and sages; pride has destroyed them
all! •51

134. Let each Gursikh commit himself to the Guru with all fervour and
sincerity. [Another] Sant declares in the Granth Sahib:

'Farid, if you are steadfastly mine the world belongs to you.'52

He who acknowledges the Guru receives the Guru's care and protection.53

I n the first case, Kabir's salok is cited as a testimony, while in

the second case, it is Shaikh Farid' salok. The passages of both
the Sant and the Sufi are treated as the 'Word or Command of a
Sant' ( sant vak) that carries the scriptural authority of the Guru
for the code of conduct of a Khalsa Sikh (Gursikh) . These ex­
amples show that the Bhagat Bani had become part and parcel
of the Sikh tradition. Even the difference between the Sant and
the Sufi did not matter in the perceptions of the Khalsa Sikhs in
the eighteenth century. Both had become an integral part of the
cultural memory of the Sikh Panth.

LITURGICAL PERSPECTIVE

The Sikh congregational worship consists mainly of devotional

singing (kirtan) of scriptural hymns set to melodic modes (ragas)
to the accompaniment of musical instruments. Through such
kirtan the devout Sikhs attune themselves to vibrate in harmony
 Status of the Bhagat Bani 1 69

with the divine Word and thereby immerse themselves in the

deeper levels of its meaning. It is based upon the assumption
that the melody in the singing of hymns evokes the divine Word
of which it is an earthly resonance. As Harold Coward aptly
observes: 'A direct correspondence is seen as existing between
the physical vibration of the p henomenal chant and the
noumenal vibration of the transcendent. The more the physical
vi brations of the u ttered c h ant are repeated, the m ore
transcendent power is evoked in experience unti l o n e ' s
consciousness i s purified and put into a harmonious relationship
or even identity with the Divine. '54
The Bhagat Bani has always enjoyed an equal status with the
compositions of the Gurus in Sikh worship. The hymns of the
Bhagats are to be found in all musical repertoires used by the
Sikh musicians in kirtan sessions.55 One needs only to look at the
text of Amrit Kirtan that is widely used by the members of Akhand
Kirtanijatha.56 Originally, Bhai Randhir Singh was responsible
for arranging about 3000 hymns according to 122 different top­
ics. The hymns of the Bhagats are arranged side by side with the
compositions of the Sikh Gurus from both the Adi Granth (AG)
and the Dasam Granth (DG) , works of Bhai Gurdas (BG) and
Bhai Nand Lal. For instance, let us closely examine the sequence
of hymns on the theme of mr ras ('martial spirit') in the Amrit
Kirtan (pp. 299-301 ) from the following Table 5.1 :
TABLE 5.1 Sequence of the hymns .from the Amrit Kirtan
No. Hymn Source Text

1 Khag khand bihandam. . . Bachittar Natak DG

2 Chhatri kau put hau. . . K:rishanavatar DG
3 Dhann jio tih ko jagg mai. . . Krishanavatar DG
4 Jan ko lon khaiyai. . . Tria Charitar DG
5 Lun sahib da khai kai. . . Var 30: 14 BG
6 Man re chhadahu bharamu . . . Gauri 12 Kabir]i AG
7 Gagan damama bajjio. . . Salok Kabir AG
8 Pahilan maran kabuli. . . Salok Mahala 5 AG
9 ]au tau prem khelan ka chau . . . Salok Mahala 1 AG
10 Kabir aisi hoi pari. . . Salok Kabir AG

At least three hymns in this sequence are by K.abir in this

sample of ten hymns on the theme of the 'martial spirit' (bir
170 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

ras) . One can frequently listen to these hymns set to specified

'heroic tunes' in devotional singing to mark the celebration of
the Khalsa on Baisakhi Day.
The most significant point in the Sikh experience of accept­
ing the Adi Granth as living Guru may be seen in the practice of
vak laina ( 'taking the Guru' s Word') . The procedure functions
in a liturgicalfashion of opening the scripture at random. Dur­
ing the process the first hymn at the top of the left-hand page
(or when a hymn begins on the preceding page, as is usually the
case, one tllcrns back to its actual beginning) is read aloud as the
proclamation of the Guru 's vak for that particular moment or
situation in life. The audience then appropriates it through the
process of'hearing' the divine Word. On many occasions, a hymn
by a Bhagat is read aloud as the vak and the audience listens to it
with the same devotion as any hymn by the Sikh Guru. The point
that we are trying to make here is that the hymns of the Bhagats
enjoy equal status in actual Sikh liturgical practice.

INTER-RELIGIOUS DIALOGUE PERSPECTIVE

In recent times, the movement of inter-religious dialogue has
spread all over the world. The events of September 1 1 , 2001,
involving terrorist attacks on the Twin Towers of New York and
the Pentagon Building of the· Department of Defense of the
United States of America, have enhanced this process. In fact,
the first victim of racial backlash during the recent crisis after
the devastating attacks of September 1 1 was a Sikh, Balbir Singh
Sodhi ofArizona, who was shot dead by an angry gunman calling
himself a patriot. He became the target because of a mistaken
identity. In response to such perceived th reats the Sikh
community has mobilized dramatically to reach out to different
ethnic groups.57 It is no wonder that Sikh leaders now actively
participate in inter-religious dialogues to encourage the process
of bridging the gulfs of mutual ignorance and misunderstandings
between the different cultures of the world. In this context, the
following report is quite interesting:
In a significant gesture, the Akal Takht Jathedar, Giani Joginder Singh
Vedanti, today delivered an emotive speech and prayed for world peace at
the Vatican on the occasion of 'day for peace in the world'. He espoused
the virtues as imbibed in Sikhism of non-discrimination. 'The amalgam of
 Status of the Bhagat Bani 171

writings b y Hindus, Muslims and other great saints in Sikh scriptures is

proof enough of its greatest strength in mutual and harmonious co-exist­
ence of all religious communities,' he said, in the presence of Pope john­
Paul 11.58
Traditionally, the institution of the Akal Takhat ('Throne of
the Timeless One ') is regarded as the supreme seat of temporal
and spiritual authority on behalf of the entire Sikh community
( Guru-Panth) . Its Jathedar ( 'Commander ' ) is held in great
esteem within the Sikh tradition, and his participation in 'In ter­
faith Prayer Meeting' at the Vatican on 24January 2002 is quite
significant. Our primary concern here is to note the following
excerpt from the speech of Jathedar Joginder Singh Vedanti:
'The amalgam of writings by Hindus, Muslims and other great
saints in Sikh scriptures is proof enough of its greatest strength
in mutual and harmonious co-existence of all religious commu­
nities. ' Evidently, the Jathedar used the presence of the Bhagat
Bani in the Adi Granth to make ·the point that' Sikhism is the
mouthpiece of mutual co-existence and acceptance of diversity
of belief and practice.
We have already rioted that the inclusion of the Bhagat Bani
in the Sikh scripture was linked with the historical context in
which Emperor Akbar had performed the experiment of genu­
ine pluralism. His curiosity about other religions led him to build
the 'House of Worship' (Ibatat-khana) at Fatehpur Sikri where
inter-religious discussions were held among the scholars of all
the major religions. Akbar used to preside over these debates,
which resulted in the formation of his own syncretistic religion,
the Din-i-Ilahi or the 'Divine Religion' , aimed at the unification
of Hindu and Muslim thought.59 The pluralistic discourse of
Akbar's times reached its· culmination in the days of the Mughal
prince Dara Shikoh ( 1 61 5-59) , who was responsible for the trans­
lation of the Hindu texts such as the Bhagavad-Gita, the Yoga
Vashishtha and the Upanishads into Persian. Dara Shikoh was a
Sufi of the Qadiri order, and in his translations he attempted to
'place Hindu ideas into the framework of Sufism so as to create
a bridge between Hindu and Islamic metaphysics'.60 However,
Dara Shikoh's liberal attitude suffered a setback when his more
orthodox younger brother, Aurangzeb, took advantage of Shah
Jahan's illness to imprison his father and to fight a series of battles
against his elder brother in the war of succession. Eventually,
1 72 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

Dara Shikoh was betrayed and handed over to Aurangzeb, who

had him executed in 1 659 after condemning him as a heretic, to
become himself the last ruler of the Mughal Empire ( 1 659-
1707) . 61 It is no wonder that Aurangzeb imposed increasingly
restrictive policies of Sunni orthodoxy that included enforce­
ment of lslamic laws and taxes and sometimes .the replace ment
of local Hindu temples by mosques. Nevertheless, the liberal at­
titude became part of the complex history of pluralistic discourse
in which individuals like Akbar and Dara Shikoh transcended
the cultural and political agendas that had bred much violence
in Mughal India.
We have already noted that the presence of the Bhagat Bani
in the Adi Granth has been variously interpreted throughout
Sikh history. The original emphasis was on the process of self­
definition that is traceable in the writings of the Sikh Gurus,
particularly their comments on the works of the Bhagats. These
comments illuminate the historical context ofdialogues and debates
between different religious groups in the sixteenth- and early
seventeenth-century Punjab. They provide the answer to the
all-important question of what it means to be a Sikh in relation
. to the commonly held Sant, Sufi or Bhagat ideals. The emphasis
on Sikh distinctiveness and exclusivity, however, must not be
misunderstood. As Ronald Neufeldt aptly observes: 'It is not an
exclusiveness which denigrates or despises o ther traditions.
Indeed, value is accorded to other scriptures, inasmuch as one
might read them for profit and inasmuch as one might even
come to understand something of God through them.'62
In fact, the exclusive Sikh attitude has always been accompa­
nied by an 'open attitude'. In the context of the present study,
an ' open attitude' means a willingness to co-exist, to learn from
other traditions, and yet to retain the integrity of one's own tra­
dition. In this context, MarkJuergensmeyer rightly warns: 'There
is a danger lurking behind this attitude, however, for one's urge
to be open to all may cause one to lose one's cultural bearings,
and openness can degenerate into religious synthesis, or to a
wishy-washy lowest common denominator sort of religious ex­
perience. '63 Therefore, an open attitude must allow not only true
understanding of other traditions but also disagreement on cru�
cial doctrinal points. Thus the presence of the writings of medi­
eval poet-saints in the Adi Granth is an eloquent testimony to
 Status of the Bhagat Bani 173

the open attitude of the early Sikh tradition. It should, however,

be emphasized that Guru Arj an used these writings very selec�
tively. Although the early Sikhs were open to others, they were
open selectively, and with caution. They expressed their caution
1 through the process of engaging in dialogue with the texts of
the poet-saints to highlight the points where the Gurus and the
Bhagats differed. Indeed, the presence of the Bhagat Bani in
the Sikh scripture offers an approach in which all participants in
an inter�religious dialogue can maintain their differences in dig­
nity and mutual respect.
It is instructive to note that three consecutive Sikh conferences
were held in February 2001 in India to stress the interfaith mes­
sage of the Sikh scripture. One of the Sikh scholars even read a
paper on the theme, 'Aad Guru Granth Sahib: Sacred Interfaith
Scriptures. '64 Surely, the presence of the Bhagat Bani makes the
Adi Granth an ' interfaith scripture '. This is what theJathedar of
the Akal Takhat was trying to convey in his message at the Vatican
on the occasion of the 'Interfaith Prayer Meeting'. This latest
trend within the Sikh Panth may be understood in the context
of the pluralistic discourse of modern times. Religious plural­
ism acknowledges that 'various religions offer rather different
solutions to human problems and, indeed, that they also recog­
nize different problems.'65 In this context, Wendy Doniger aptly
remarks: 'When we live in a world where others exist, we be­
come better. We can reflect on what is the other and use the
other as a catalyst to our own creativity. '66 Not surprisingly, this
study has proved the validity of this point by demonstrating how
certain verses of the poet-saints that received direct responses
from the Gurus sharpened the process of Sikh self-definition.
On the issue of interreligious dialogue Raimon Panikkar goes
even a step further in saying that 'our relationship with the other
is not an external link but belongs to our innermost constitu­
tion' and that we can 'no longer afford to live in a state of isola­
tion, separated from each other by walls of mutual mistrust. . . '67
Indeed, the deepest encounters take place in our innermost
constitution and touch the ultimate questions of the meaning of
life. Thus the 'other' must somehow become one's ' self in a
dialogue. This assumption may be justified from the fact that
the Bhagat Bani is already an integral part of the Sikh tradition.
Panikkar continues: ' Pluralism does not call for a superideology
 174 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

or a supersystem. It implies an almost mythical confidence that

other perspectives are also plausible or, more correctly, a mysti­
cal respect for the other that authenticates one 's own religious
experience. '68 Th erefore, pluralism stands ' be tween unrelated
plurality and a monolithic unity' . 69 It takes dialogue to the realm
of lived faith where the participants overcome the temptation to
defend themselves.
The case of the Bhagat Bani may thus offer the following four­
point theory of pluralism in the context ofinterreligious dialogues.
First, one must acknowledge that all religious traditions have gone
through the process of self-definition in response to changing
historical context. A new religious movement must represent
elements other than the orthodox traditions of its times. Unless
it did, it would not have been called forth and could not distin­
guish itself.70 Therefore, the exclusive claims made by an emerg­
ing religious community must be contextualized as part of the
process of building of self-esteem in the early experience.
Psychologically, argues Joh n Hick, the sense of the unique
superiority of one's own religious tradition may be simply a natural
form of pride in and an ingrained preference for one's own
familiar group and its ways.71 It is an inevitable part of life and
must be taken into account in interreligious encounters. Thus
the dignity of individual participants must be maintained in a
dialogue since no one would like to lose his/her identity. That
. is, one must be able to honour one ' s commitment as absolute
for oneself and at the same time respect the different absolute
commitments of others.72
Second, one should guard oneself against the tendency to
stress such an exclusiveness that condemns other religious traditions.
This is the corollary to the first point, with a difference-to tread
the fine line to maintain harmonious relationships. In other
words, doctrinal standpoints of different religious traditions must
be maintained in mutual respect and dignity. In a family, as
Harold Coward observes, the acceptance of differences in the
context of mutual respect and appreciation can be a powerful
catalyst for good.73 Thus any attempt to play down differences
or to obliterate them completely through some intellectual exercise
for the sake of creating a superficial unity in the form of some
world religion will not help in the process of building a tolerant
society. Durable peace comes only if we acknowledge that the
 Status of the Bhagat Bani 1 75

plurality of religious expressions add to the beauty and wonder

of this world in much the same way as different colours of flowers
of different plants add to the beauty of a garden.
Third, all participants must enter into a dialogue with an 'open
attitude' which allows not only true understanding of other tradi­
tions but also disagreements on crucial theological points. This
would mean to agree to disagree without being disagreeable. This
ideal is stressed by Guru Nanak in his Siddha Goshti (' Discourse ·
with the Siddhas') where he is urging the Nath yogis (Siddhas) to
answer the question without any feeling of offense: 'Listen to my
prayer, 0 Master, and impart unto me the true insight. Please do
not be offended and answer my query. How can one reach the
portals of the True Master?' (sun suami ardas hamari puchhau sachu
bicharo//rosu na kijai uttar dijai kiau paiai g;u duaw//) ,74 The Punjabi
phrase wsu na kijai uttar dijai ( 'Please do not be offended and
answer the query') may actually point toward a real situation of
'dialogue' that took place between Guru Nanak and the followers
of the Nath-panthi tradition. During his travels the Guru had a
number of encounters with the Nath-yogis (Siddhas) that is quite
evident from the use of Nath terminology in his hymns. Tradi­
tionally, the composition of the Siddha Goshti resulted from an
encounter of Guru Nanak with the Nath-yogis at Achal Batala in
Gurdaspur District of the present-day Punjab.75
Finally, the ' other' must somehow become one's 'self in a
dialogue so that one's life is enriched with that spiritual experi­
ence. A recent example of this phenomenon may be seen in the
handing back of a 400-year-old mosque, Guru Ki Masit, built by
the sixth Guru, Hargobind (1 595-1 644) for his Muslim devo­
tees, back to the Muslims after fifty-five years.76 The Sikhs had
preserved the shrine as its custodians for their Muslim brethren
after Partition of the country in much the same way as the Adi
Granth has preserved the works of Shaikh Farid.77 It should,
however, be emphasized that the building of the mosque by the
sixth Guru must be seen as part of the pluralistic discourse of
his times.

RECENT DEVELOPMENTS

In a recent discussion at the Sikh Diaspora online forum a

question was raised with respect to the status of the Bhagats within
176 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

the Sikh tradition. The issue arose from an advertizement in the

Sher-e-Punjab (June 8, 200 1 ) by Shri Guru Ravi Dass Sabha of New
York, with respect to the' celebration of the birth anniversary of
' Satguru Kabir Ji Maharaj ' . During their lifetime, most of the
Bhagats were despised by the high-born Brahmins because of
their low castes. Their compositions were also ignored. Not
surprisingly, we can read Kabir's offensive attacks on the
Brahmins in his compositions in the Guru Granth Sahib. There
was no question (or even a remote possibility) of bestowing the
status of ' Guru' on the B hagats at that time. They were all
individual seekers who were concerned with their own liberation.
They may have had some individual followers during their
lifetime, but they could not establish any religious communities
on a solid footing. This was primarily due to their lack of a sense
of mission or the idea of an organized religious community.
In contrast, Guru Nanak and his successors had a strong sense
of mission and the idea of an organized religious community.
The result is an established independent religion, Sikhism, which
is now accepted as one of the five major religions of the world. It
was Guru Amar Das who included the compositions of medieval
poet-saints in the Sikh scriptural tradition in order to enlarge
the social constituency of the Sikh Panth and stress the idea of
equality. Guru Axjan included fifteen Bhagats in the first canoni­
cal text to underline the pan-Indian and inclusive ideal of the
Sikh faith. The status of those poet-saints is clearly defined as
'Bhagats' and their compositions are distinguished from the
works of the Gurus in the very structure of the Sikh scripture.
That is their true status within the Sikh Panth for all times to
come. It is only recently that Bhagat Ravidas and Kabir are now
being called ' Guru ' or ' Satguru ' by their followers. Even
gurdwaras named after 'Guru Ravidas' have come into being.
The reasons for this new development are given below.
First, the Sikh religion rejects the caste system theoretically.
In the Sikh congregation ( sangat) there is no place for any kind
of injustice or hurtful discrimination based upon the caste status,
but it is still observed as a marriage convention in social rela­
tions. In actual practice, the Sikhs have not completely eradi­
cated the caste system. They have failed to integrate the low-caste
people such as Ravidasias andjulahas within the Sikh Panth. To
a large extent, the discrimination against the low-caste people
 Status of the Bhagat Bani 1 77

still persists in the rural areas of the Punjab. They are treated ac­
cording to the Hindu caste system and the notions of pollution
and purity. They have been forced by the continuation of caste
distinctions and socialexclusion from village gurdwaras to create
a distinct Ravidasia community. With the rise of education among
the low-caste people, however, there has emerged a new sense of
identity among them. Bhagat Ravidas has become the 'pride' of
low-caste people who want to uplift their brethren in the larger
society. This self-consciousness has resulted in raising the status of
Ravidas from a 'Bhagat' to a ' Guru'. Hence, we have gurdwaras
named after him.78 Ravidas, the low-caste mystic cobbler, becomes
the Guru or spiritual preceptor for ' those who put the highest
value on the social and spiritual uplift of the oppressed classes' .79
To a large extent, Sikhs themselves are responsible for this new
development. If they had accepted the lower castes within the
Panth on an equal level and celebrated the birth anniversaries of
the various Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib in the gurdwaras,
then this new scenario would not have emerged.
Second, a new ideology has appeared in postcolonial and
postmodern thinking that the lowest echelons of modern In­
dian society are the survivors of a noble race who inhabited the
subcontinent long before the Aryan invasion. They were a people
who 'worshipped truthfulness, justice, simplicity and who were
benevolent and helped one another at the time of difficulty. . . '80
This was India's adi dharm ( 'original religion') that was substan­
tially destroyed by the Aryan invasion. Fortunately, God saw it fit
to revive this earlier tradition through sages like Kabir and
Ravidas. This Adi Dharm movement has tried to mobilize the
lower castes ofNorth India, particularly in the Punjab, to achieve
greater social justice .81 As Mark Juergensmeyer notes: 'The
elevation of Ravi Das and other lower caste figures to guru status
may be construed as further indication of the Adi Dharm's attempt
to create. a [parallel] Sikhism for the lower castes. '82 More recently,
the dalit movement (or the ' movement of the oppressed ') has
come to the fore in the political arena throughout India. They
needed their role models. The medieval Bhagats provide them
with the only examples in their agenda of social uplift. What
better way could there be than to raise the status of these Bhagats
to the status of 'Guru' or 'Satguru' ! This new development should
be understood in this historical context.
178 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

Third, the process of Hinduization of these Bhagats have al­

ready taken place in North India (particularly in UP, for instance,
in Banaras and adjoining areas) where their followers are now
looking at these Bhagats as part and parcel of the Sanskritic
tradition.83 Their Bhajans and songs are recited in Hindi and
Sanskrit in the temples. A number ofverses have now been added
in the name ofKabir and Ravidas to their original compilations.
A new anthology entitled the Guru Ravidas Granth has been
compiled for use at Sri Goverdhanpur Temple in Banaras.84 The
tide is certainly chosen with the intention that this Granth will
be seen as parallel and equal in validity to the Sikh scripture.
Thus by making these medieval Bhagats respectable as 'Gurus'
and 'Satgurus' a challenge is thrown to the Sikhs to reflect within.
This is part of the larger process of assimilation that is taking
place in India. Although the humanitarian and revolutionary
potential of dalit politics is trying to resist this process, it may not
go beyond the protest stage because of its own confusion and
contradictions.
Finally, do the Sikhs need to become defensive on the issue of
these new tides of the Bhagats? Should they resist the building
of gurdwaras in the names of the Bhagats? The answers to these
questions must be in the negative. These recent developments
provide a window into the real situation of how far the Sikh
tradition has succeeded in creating an egalitarian society based
on the teachings of the Gurus. They offer an opportunity for
serious thinking to initiate a reform within the Panth. If, however,
the Sikhs show any kind of irritation on these new developments
it will reflect their insecurity. They should rather reflecton these
issues carefully and stick with the original intention of the Gurus.
The Guru Granth Sahib gave a place of honour to these Bhagats
when no one else was ready to even acknowledge them during
their lifetime. We have already noted how Namdev was abused
at the hands of the Brahmins who beat him and threw him out
of the temple. The inclusive ideal of the Guru Granth Sahib
should be the guiding principle to e radicate caste completely
within the Panth. This will happen when inter-caste marriages
take place frequently. Such types of weddings are already taking
place in India and abroad. In particular, the new generation of
the diaspora Sikhs will not care about the caste of their partners
when they pick up someone oftheir own choice. In their encounters
 Status of the Bhagat Bani 1 79

with people of different cultures and ethnicity they will gain the
experience of diversity that promotes mutual respect and equal
dignity.

CONCLUSION

Historically, we have identified two principal forces that raise

the question of the status of the Bhagat Bani in the Sikh scripture
from time to time and lead to various responses from within the
larger Sikh Pan th. The first one is linked with the brahminical
bias against the low-caste Bhagats. One may see the response to
this bias in Bhai Mani Singh's attempt to place the compositions
of the Bhagats at the closing of the combined text of the Adi
Granth and the Dasam Granth, or in the Chhibbar Brahmins'
treatment of the Bhagats as ' menial servants' (nafar) of the Guru.
More recently, Giani Gurdit Singh was responding to the inimical
brahminical forces that were trying to destroy the independent
identity of the Sikhs. By making Bhagats the actual ' disciples of
Guru Nanak' he was trying to restore the independence of the
Sikh tradition against the scholarly onslaughts that presented
Sikhism as part of the large Hindu Bhakti tradition.
The second major force i s linked with the dissenting groups
within the Panth who try to subvert the tradi tion from within
and marginalize the 'unique status of Guru Nanak '. One may
see the attempts made by the Minas, Hindalis and. Udasis in
this direction. In the beginning of the eighteenth century, Seva
Das Udasi interpreted the convention of the use of the Bhagat' s
signature by Guru Arjan while commenting on his verses in his
own way. He made Guru Arjan pay homage .to the Bhagats to
promote his Udasi agenda of upgrading the status of the Bhagat
Bani. In the last decades of the twentieth century Udasi Harnam
Das questioned the authenticity of the original Kartarpur bir
on the basis of his misleading assertion that the later scribes
changed the sequence of the text. Originally, he argued, the
hymns of the Bhagats were in the beginning of the text, fol­
lowed by the hymns of Guru Nanak and the succeeding Gurus.
Th e initial Sikh response to Udasi Harnam Das's assertions was
to completely ignore his two books on the study of the manu­
scripts of the Adi Granth . Only recently scholars have taken
notice of his books.
1 80 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

In sum, three possible standpoints emerge from our analysis

of the relationship between the Gurbani and the Bhagat Bani.
First, wherever there is complete agreement between the Gurus
and the Bhagats, the Bhagat Bani enj oys equal status in matters
of doctrine and practice. Even the hymns of the Bhagats are used
in devotional singing along with the compositions of the Gurus
in Sikh worship. Second, wherever there is some disagreement
as is evidenced by the Gurus' comments on the Bhagats, it is the
view of the Guru that overrides the view of the Sant or the Sufi .
In this case the primacy of the Gurbani is maintained, and the
status of the Bhagat Bani becomes secondary. Finally, a neutral
position is taken whenever the views of the poet-saint refer to a
different doctrinal system. For instance, Shaikh Farid is allowed
to have his own Muslim voice in terms of doctrine and practice.
In this case, the presence of the Bhagat Bani in the Sikh scrip­
ture becomes an example of catholicity that promotes mutual
respect and tolerance for diversity of belief and practice. It is n o
wonder that the Bhagat Bani has made the Adi Granth a n 'inter­
faith scripture' . Sikhs frequently use this example in i nter­
religious dialogues. It offers an approach based upon an 'open
attitude' that allows not only true understanding ofother traditions
but also disagreements on crucial doctrinal standpoints.

NOTES

1 See the first chapter of this study.

2 M4, Var Sorathi, ( 1 8 ) , AG, p. 649.
3 M3, Siri Ragu 22, AG, p. 67.

4 M4 , Suhi 8, AG, p . 733.

5 Surjit Hans, A Reconstruction of Sikh History from Sikh Literature

(Jalandhar: ABS Publication, 1 988) , p. 1 03.

6 Kal, Savayye Mahale Pahile Ke 8, AG, pp. 1 389-90.

7 This paragraph is the paraphrase of Hans's analysis of Bhattan de

Savayye, see A Reconstruction, p. 1 80.

R W.H. McLeod, Ouru Nanak and the Sikh Religion (Oxford: Clarendon

Press, 1 968) , pp. 56-7.

9 For d etails on the Mina Tradition, seejeevan Deol, 'The Minas and

their Literature,' Journal ofthe Am1ican Oriental Society, 1 1 8:2 (April­

June 1998) , p. 1 72-84.
10 Gurcharan Singh Sek, ed., BhaiDarbari Das RachitParachian Bhagatan
 Status of the Bhagat Bani 181

Kian [from Pothi Harijas] (Patiala: Punjabi University, 1 99 1 ) , pp.

5 1 8-619.
11
On Hindali literature, see Piar Singh, Gatha Sri Adi Granth and the
Controversy ( Grandledge, Michigan: Anant Educational and Rural
Development Foundation, Inc., 1 996) , pp. 138-9.
12 Cited in Hans, A Reconstruction, p. 205.

13· Ibid., pp. 204-5 . .

14 Harnam Das U dasi, Adi Sri Guru Granth Sahib dian Puratan Biran te

VZchar, vol. 1 (Kapurthala: Kantesh Ayurvedic Pharmesi, 1969) , pp.

64-6.
15 M1, japu 8-11, AG, pp. 2-3.
16
W.H. McLeod, "'Sant" in Sikh Usage,' Karine Schomer and W.H.
McLeod, eds., The Sants: Studies in a Devotional Tradition of India
(Berkeley and Delhi: Berkeley Religious Studies Series and Motilal
·

Banarsidass, 1987) , p. 255.

17 W.H. McLeod, The Sikhs: History, Religion and Society (New York:

Columbia University, 1 989) , p. 50.

18
M2, Var Majh, 1 (27) , AG, p. 150.
19 M3, Bhairau 14, AG, p. 1 13 1 .
20 Gurinder Singh Mann, The Making of Sikh Scripture (New York:

Oxford University Press, 200 1 ) , pp. 1 1 7-18. Mann's interpretation

of the refrain verse of Guru Amar Das's Bhairau hymn is also out of
its original context and hence strained.
2 1 M3, Asa 14, AG, p. 429.
22
See my The Guru Granth Sahib: Canon, Meaning and Authority (New .
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000) , pp. I0- 1 2.
23 For details, see ibid., pp. 49-50.

24 Kabir, Asa 1, AG, p. 475.

25 See my The Guru Granth Sahib, p. 1 26.

26 A detailed description of this manuscript is given in Rattan Singh
Jaggi, Bhai Mani Singh:]ivan te Rachana (Patiala: Punjabi Universi ty,
1983 ) , pp. 39-43.
27 Rattan Singh Jaggi (samp.) , 'Kesar Singh Chhibbar da Bansavali­

nama Dasan Patshahian Ka,' Parakh, vol. II (Chandigarh: Panjab

University, 1972) , pp. 135-6.
2H
Ibid., p. 136.
2 9 Kharak Singh and Gurtej Singh, trans. and commentary, Episodes

from Lives of the Gurus: Parchian Sewadas (Chandigarh: Institute of

Sikh Studies, 1995) , pp. 21-3. For the original Punjabi version, see
pp. 1 21-2.
1 82 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

30 Kabir and M5, Gauri 14, AG, p. 326. For explanation of this hymn,
see Chapter 3.
3 1 Shaikh Farid, Asa 1, AG, p. 488. For explanation of this hymn, see

Chapter 2 .
·�2 For detailed explanations o f these hymns, see my The Guru Granth

Sahib, pp. 1 7 1-2, 1 74-5, 197-8 and Chapter 1 of this study.

33 Mann, The Making of Sikh Scripture, p. 1 19.

3 4 Jeevan Deol, 'Surdas: Poet an.d Text i n the Sikh Tradition,' Bulletin

- of the School of Oriental and Afi-ican Studies, 63:2 (2000) , p. 1 93.

35 Ibid.

'6 Cited in Harbans Singh, ed., The Encyclopaedia of Sikhism, vol. I

(Patiala: Punjabi University, 1992 ) , p. 3 1 3.

37 Cited in ibid., vol. IV ( 1 998 ) , p. 368,

:;s M3, Ramakali Anand 24, AG, p. 920.

:;g Sri Gut:u Granth Sahib]i Adi (Amritsar: Gurmat Press, 1915) .

40 The Encyclopaedia of Sikhism, IV, p. 336.

41 Nawan Zamana Daily (May 6, 200 1 ) , pp. 3 and 8.

42 The most balanced assessment of Sahib Singh's exegetical approach

is given in Taran Singh, Gut-bani dian Viakhia Pranalian (Patiala:

Punjabi University, 1980) , pp. 35 1-62.
43 Cited in Mann, The Making of Sikh Scripture, p. 1 09.

4 4 Teja Singh and Ganda Singh, A Short History of the Sikhs (Patiala:

Punjabi University, 1989 [ 1 950] ) , p. 29.

45 Hans, A Reconstruction of Sikh History, p. i54.

46 Dharam Pal Maini, 'Adi Granth te Puratan Adhiatamak Granth,' in

Jeet Singh Sital, ed., Gurmat Sahit ( Patiala: Punjab Language

Department, 1989 [ 1 970] ) , pp. 5 and 8.
47 Mohinder Kaur Gill, Guru Granth Sahib di Sampadan-Kala (Delhi:

Rabbi Prakashan, 1974) , pp. 13-16.

4 8 Giani Gurdit Singh, ltihas Sri Guru Granth SahibJi: Bhagat Bani Bhag

(Chandigarh: Sikh Sansthan, 1 990) .

49 See the pamphlet Giani Gurdit Singh Ji produced by the Dharam

Prachar Committee of the SGPC, Amritsar, in 1991.

50 The Encyclopaedia of Sikhism, I, pp. 3 1 2- 1 3.

51 Kabir, Salak 156, AG, p. 1 372.

5 2 Shaikh Farid, Salak 95, AG, p. 1 382.

5 ' W.H. McLeod, The Chaupa Singh Rahit-1Jmna (Dunedin: University of

Otago Press, 1987) , p. 162. For the original Punjabi text, see p. 75.
54 Harold G. Coward, Sacred Word and Sacred Text: Scripture in World

Religions ( Marknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1 988) , p. 1 75.

 Status of the Bhagat Bani 183

55 Avtar Singh an d Gurcharan Singh, Gurbani Sangit Prachin Rit

Ratanavali, 2 vols. (Patiala: Punjabi University, 1 979) .
56 Amrit Kirtan (Amritsar: Khalsa Brothers, 26th edn., 1 998 [ 1 95 1 ] ) .
57 For a brief report of these events, see N . Gerald Barrier, 'Kala
S e p tember: Crisis a n d Res p o n s e among American S i kh s , '
Understanding Sikhism-The Research journal, vol. 4, n o . 1 (January­
June, 2002) , pp. 6-9.
58 'Vedanti Prays for World Peace,' The Tribune (25 January 2002 ) .
59 For further details o n Din-i-Ilahi see Harold Coward, Pluralism:
Challenge to World Religions (Marknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1 985) ,
p. 58.
60 Ibid., p. 57.
61
Annemarie Schimmel, MysticalDimensions ofIslam ( Chapel Hill, NC:
The University of North Carolina Press, 1 975) , p. 363.
62
R.W: Neufeldt, 'The Sikh Response , ' in Harold G. Coward, ed.,
Modern Indian Responses to Religious Pluralism (Albany, NY: State
University of New York Press, 1 987) , p. 285 .
63
MarkJuergensmeyer, ' Sikhism among the World Religions,' Studies
in Sikhism and Comparative Religion, vol . VII, no. 1 &2 (April-October
1988) : 4.
64 Devi n d e r Singh C h ahal, 'Aad Guru Granth S a h i b : S a c r e d
In terfaith Scriptures,' Undp-standing Sikhism: The Researchjournal,
voL 3, no. 2 (July-December, 200 1 ) , pp. 1 4-20. Also see Bhai
Harbans Lal, 'Interfaith Dialogue and the Aad Guru Granth Sahib,'
pp. 6-14. Three consecutive events took place in February, 2 0 0 1
t o stress the 'in terfaith message of the Sikh scripture ' . T h e first
symposium was held in New Delhi on February 20, 200 1 . The
National In stitute of Punjab Studies and the Bhai Vir Singh
Sahitya Sadan sponsored i t. The secon.d event took place a t the
Punjabi Un iversity, Patiala, on February 22, 200 1 . The third
conference was held at th e Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar,
from February 25-28, 200 1 . For a brief report of these eve n ts,
see Lal, ' Quadri-centennial Celebration of Compilation of the
Aad Guru Gran th Sahib,' pp; 42-4.
65 Wendy Doniger, 'Pluralism and In tolerance in Hinduism , ' in
Werner G.Jeanrond and Jennifer L. Rike, eds., Radical Plura lism
and Truth ( N ew York: Crossroad Publish ing Company, 1 99 1 ) ,
p. 23 1 .
66
Ibid., p. 232.
67
Raimon Panikkar, The Intra-Religious Dialogue (New York: Paulist
1 84 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

Press, rev: edn., 1 999; originally published, 1 983) , pp. xvi and
xix.
68 Ibid., p. 106.

69 Ibid., p. 10.
7 ° Frederick E. Sontag, 'New Minority Religions As Heresies,' in Leroy

S. Rouner, ed., Religious Pluralism (Notre Dame: University of Notre

·

Dame Press, 1984) , p. 40.

71 John Hick, 'Religious Pluralism and Absolute Claims,' in ibid.,
p. 1 97.
72 Coward, Pluralism, p. 1 07.

73 Ibid., p. 100.

74 Ml , Siddha Goshti 6, AG, p. 938.

75 Piar Singh, Guru Nanak 's Siddha Goshti (Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev

University , 1996) , p. 1 8.
76 'Sikhs Hand Back Mosque,' BBC News (28 March 2002) . Also see

'Historic Mosque Handed Over to Muslims,' The Times ofIndia (31

March 2002) .
77 When I met Iqbal Qaiser, the author of Historical Sikh Shrines
(Lahore: Punjabi History Board, 1998), in June 1999 in Lahore I
asked him the following question: 'What prompted you to write
this book?' His response was as follows: 'As Guru Nanak Dev
preserved Baba Farid' s verses, so have I tried to preserve the history
of Sikh shrines.' The book is dedicated to 'Baba FaridJi and Guru
Nanak Dev Ji.'
78 A recentfactional dispute in Guru Ravidass Sabha, Oakville, Ontario

(Canada) has resulted in a court case between Sikh and Hindu

groups. Originally, the Sabha was able to build the gurdwara with
the active support of its Sikh followers, but now a breakaway group
wants to sever its relationship with anything Sikh. Although they
installed the Guru Granth Sahib in the gurdwara, the breakaway
group does not want to treat it as a gurdwara. The original Sikh
group claims: ( 1 ) that 'Guru Ravidass Sabha is a Sikh temple,' ( 2)
and that ' the Ek Onkar is a Sikh religious symbol,' (2c) and that
'the Har is a symbol of the Hindu religion, and is not recognized by
the Sikh religion. The Har is considered an affront to Sikhs.' See
the Affidavit of Dr. John W. Spellman for Ontario Supreme Court
ofJustice, Court File No. OO.:CV-202280.
79 Ibid.
80
B.R. Ghera, All India Adi Dharam Mission (New Delhi: All India Adi
Dharam Mission � fl.d. ) , p. 5.
 Status of the Bhagat Bani 185

81
John Stratton Hawley and MarkJuergensmeyer, Songs of the Saints
ofIndia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988) , p. 18. Also see,
Mark Juergensmeyer, Religion as Social Vision: The Movement Against
Untouchability in 20th-Century Punjab (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1982) , pp. 33-155.
82
Mark Juergensmeyer, 'Bhagat Ravi Das: A Symbol of Lower Caste
Pride,' Studies in Sikhism and Comparative Religion, vol. VIII, no. 1
(April 1989) , p. 4 1 .
63 Hawley andJuergensmeyer, Songs of the Saints ojlndia, pp. 47-8.

8
4 Ibid., p. 20.
SIX

Conclusion

his study has shown that Guru Nanak and the succeeding
T Gurus were d e eply c o n c e rn e d with e stablishing the
distinctiveness of a relatively new and developing religious
community as well as their vision of the correct spiritual life for
that community. They were attempting to establish the self-identity
of the Sikh community through the creation of their own canonical
scripture, the Adi Granth. The Adi Granth provided a framework
for the shaping of the Sikh community and hence it was a decisive
factor for Sikh self-definition. Part of the Adi Granth was the
received tradition of the Bhagat Bani that was already introduced
into the Sikh scriptural tradition by Guru Amar Das. Evidently,
the extant copies of the Goindval Po this contain the writings of
the Bhagats along with the compositions of the Gurus. The Bhagat
Bani was edited and commented upon by the Gurus sometimes
to highlight agreement, sometime� to clarify, and sometimes to
highlight disagreement with the ideas of the poet-saints.
On the process of Sikh self�definition, Niharranjan Ray makes
an important general observation: ' [The] Sikh Gurus took con­
sciously a series of steps directed towards marking themselves
and their followers out as a community with an identity of their
own, clearly distinct from both Hindus and Muslims. They are
critical of both these communities, on more counts than one,
and the Gurus from Guru Nanak downwards never felt tired of
repeating this fact of their lives, times without number, by point­
ing out where they differed.'1 It should be emphasized that
the disagreements with the Bhagats on essential points are very
important in the process of Sikh self-definition. This is a fac t
that has been ignored in the traditional view that holds that
the selection of the Bhagat Bani was made exclusively on the
basis of ideological identity with the teachings of the Gurus.
The present study has revealed that there is identity as well as
difference.
 Conclusion 1 87

The concern for self-definition can be seen on the one hand

in the textual commentary on the verses of Shaikh Farid, a poet
representing the Sufi line of thought, and in the second instance,
in the commentary on the verses of Kabir, a Sant poet. This pro­
cess had already begun with Guru Nanak through his treatment
of the verses of Shaikh Farid. In his comments, he rejected the
ideals of self-mortification and asceticism held by Shaikh Farid,
and emphasized that one must seek the divine Beloved within
one ' s own self by following the path of nam-simaran, and ex­
hibit a spirit of optimism toward life as well as toward death. He
made the assertion that life of spirituality is a matter of divine
grace, which occupies the position of primacy over personal
e ffort. He was quite explicit in stating his own belief in the
doctrine of rebirth over against the Sufi belief i n the bodily
resurrection on the day ofjudgement. In this regard Guru Nanak
made a very clear distinction between the Sikh teachings and
the teachings of the Sufi line of thought. His intention was to
define clearly what it means to be a Sikh in relation to commonly
held Sufi beliefs. By drawing a contrast with the i deas of Shaikh
Farid, he was consciously marking the outlines of the new com­
munity growing around him at Kartarpur in the Punjab in the
early years of the sixteenth century. Although Guru Nanak would
heartily agree with Shaikh Farid's emphasis upon ethical mono­
theism, it is frequently the disagreements with the Sufi poet on
essential points that clearly I_Ilark the boundaries of the Sikh com­
munity. Thus the process of Sikh self-definition began with Guru
N anak perhaps as a result of a deliberate policy. In fact, the motif
for self-definition can also be seen to be at work in Guru Nanak's
Siddha Goshti ( 'Discourse with the Siddhas') , Var Asa ( 'Ballad
in Asa measure') and various other compositions.
Guru Amar Das adopted the method of textual .commentary
that was i n line with the approach of Guru Nanak to bring out
more clearly the distinctive features of Sikhism in relation to the
ideas of both Shaikh Farid and Kabir. By his time the Panth was
growing steadily throughout India. He was concerned with lay­
ing stress on the ideal of the life of the householder as opposed
to the Sufi ideal of renunciation and sectarian garb. Perhaps he
was responding to the threat of the ascetic teachings of Siri
Chand, Guru Nanak's surviving son. He provided a corrective to
Kabir's view of self-withdrawal by defining his own personal view
1 88 The Bhagats if the Guru Granth Sahib

of action-oriented life in the world. He emphasized the spirit of

optimism for both young and old by asserting that one can follow
the path of God's love in any age if one has the right intention to
do so and if one is blessed with divine grace . Some of his com­
ments may have come in response to the questions raised by his
audience with regard to the seemingly unintelligible passages i n
Shaikh Farid and Kabir. Although both Kabir and Guru Amar
Das share in common the ideal of spiritual liberation within life,
yet there seems always to have been the belief and the assertion
made by the Guru in his comments that liberation can be had
only through the cultivation of the way of the Guru, that is, if
one dies to the self by means of the Word of the Guru. It may
have been the intention of Guru Amar Das to point out that
sahaj a experience that Kabir or any other Bhagat may have had
already in his own life time was now available to the disciples who
follow the path of the Guru. Guru Amar Das further stressed
that even the entry to the path of the Guru comes by God's grace.
Thus he continued the process of self-definition begun by Guru
Nanak by responding to the verses of Shaikh Farid and Kabir.
Guru Arjan carried the process of textual commentary to its
completion in the Adi Granth. He was responsible for the whole
operation of the formation of the first canonical text. In the first
instance, Guru Arjan canonized the Bhagat Bani in the Adi
Granth because of basic agreement between the poet-saints and
the Gurus. The points of agreement are as follows: the belief in
One God beyond all form and sectarian garb, the basic equality
of human beings, the spiritual discipline of nam-simaran, the
doctrine of God immanent in the human soul, the mystic path
of love and the agony of separation, the company of saintly
people, the emphasis upon inner religiosity and the mystical
experience of union with the divine Beloved. Both the Gurus
and the Bhagats reject social distinctions based upon the caste
system and criticize the pretensions of Brahmins and Mullahs.
Both shun outward display of religiosity including images,
pilgrimages, fasting and ritual bathing associated with the ideas
of pollution and purity. In the second instance, Guru Arjan must
have regarded the presence of the Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth
as important for the process ofSikh self-definition. That is perhaps
why certain verses of the Bhagat Bani are juxtaposed with the
Gurus' comments so that the Sikh view of life and community
 Conclusion 1 89

stands out with clarity. Guru Arjan's major concern in respond­

ing to the verses of the poet-saints was to create a harmonized
'balance ' between two extreme viewpoints-self-withdrawal and
excessive indulgence in the things of the world. He was clearly
concerned to restore social sanity to the views of Shaikh Farid
where they border on nihilism and total denial of life here and
now. He provided a corrective to Kabir's view of mendiCity as a
means of acquiring merit in spiritUal life by stressing the dignity
of regular labour as part of spiritual discipline. Guru Arjan's
comments were also designed to clarify some of the seemingly
unintelligible passages in the Bhagat Bani.
Evidently, at the time of the canonization of the scripture Guru
Aljan dropped several hymns of Kabir and Namdev available in
the two copies of the Goindval pothis. Four hymns ofKabir were
even deleted from the Kartarpur volume, Mira Bai's hymn in
the Maru Raga was crossed out with a pen and the remainder of
Surdas's hymn (except the opening line) was not included in
the scripture. All these instances clearly illustrate Guru Arjan's
readiness to exercise editorial discretion. This was part of the
process of canonization of the Bhagat Bani in the Sikh scripture.
One can assume from the editing process that the quest for self­
definition may h ave led the Sikh Gurus to narrow their options
and select the Bhagat material that conformed most to the inoods
and motivations of the Sikh community. The hymns of the saguna
Bhagats who placed emphasis upon worship through image and
myth were least acceptable to Guru Arjan. The hymns of Mira
Bai and Surdas were excluded because they were worshippers of
the amorous and anthropomorphic Krishna. The two hymns of
Jaidevwith emphasis on nirguna religiosity were included in the
Sikh scripture, although the stress on divine amorous symbol­
ism in the Gitagovinda would scarcely be acceptable to Guru
Arjan. The Sikhs may have observed the Vaishnava singing of
the songs of Gitagovinda in temple worship and appreciated the
intensity of their devotion. In their minds, however, the Sikhs
knew that their devotional singing in the kirtan sessions had
nothing to do with the erotic symbolism of the Vaishnavas.
The process of the selection of the Bhagat Bani highlights
both the exclusive and inclusive aspects of Guru Arjan's editorial
policy. In other words, the selection logic favours those poems
of the medieval Bhagats that stress nirguna religiosity and social
190 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

equality, and are in general conformity with Sikh Gurus' line of

thinking. The editing process itself underlines the process of self­
defintion, but even the verses of the poet-saints that were included
in the Adi Granth needed comments by the Gurus at certain points.
The basic concern of the Gurus' comments appears to be not so
much the goal of the mystical union with the Divine or the sahaja
experience itself, but the spiritual practice leading towards that
goal. Thus the Gurus were deeply concerned with cultivating a
particular Sikh view of true teaching, practice and community by
way of editing and commentary on the received tradition of the
Bhagat Bani. In the process, they pointed out that the true under­
standing of other traditions often entails not only acceptance, but
also disagreement. As such, the process of integration ofthe Bhagat
Bani in the Adi Granth was based upon the recognition of two
major points: first, its harmonization with Gurus' thought in broad
outlines; and second, highlighting of its differences with the
Gurus' thought at essential points to demonstrate the distinctive
Sikh viewpoints. These additional reflections of the Gurus on the
Bhagat Bani were crucial for shaping the emerging Sikh identity.
These points become obvious from the Gurus' comments on the
verses of Shaikh Farid, Kabir, Dharma and Surdas. In fact, the net
effect of the Gurus' comments on the Bhagats is to cement firmly
the Bhagat Bani in the Sikh scripture.
The issue of the status of the Bhagat Bani in the Adi Granth
has been surfacing in Sikh literature from time to time, revealing
an ambiguity in the historical experience of the Sikh commu­
nity. In this study, we have identified two principal forces that
raise the question of the status of the Bhagat Bani in the Sikh
scriptural tradi tion and lead to various responses within the larger
Sikh Panth. The first one is linked with the brahminical bias
against the low-caste Bhagats, while the second is related to the
dissenting groups within the Panth who try to subvert the tradition
from within and marginalize the ' unique status of Guru Nanak' .
Despite the concerted efforts of these forces the Bhagat Bani
has stood the test of time and remained an integral part of the
Sikh scripture. No one can destroy its canonical status within the
Sikh tradition. Indeed, the Bhagats have been duly apotheosized
in the Guru Gr�nth Sahib.
Three related positions may be discerned with respect to the
relationship between the Gurbani and the Bhagat Bani. First,
 Conclusion 191

wherever there is complete agreement between the Gurus and

the Bhagats, the Bhagat Bani enjoys equal status in matters of
doctrine and practice: Even the hymns of the Bhagats are used
in devotional singing along with the compositions of the Gurus
in Sikh worship. The dominant Tat Khalsa interpretation of the
Sikh tradition stresses this ideal. Second, wherever there is some
disagreement as is evidenced by the Gurus' comments on the
Bhagats, it is the view of the Guru that overrides the view of the
Sant or the Sufi poet. In this case, the status of the Bhagat Bani
acquires secondary position to the Gurbani. Finally, a neutral
position is taken whenever the views of the poet-saint refer to a
different doctrinal system. For instance, Shaikh Farid is allowed
to have his own Muslim voice in terms of doctrine and practice.
In this case, the presence of the Bhagat Bani in the Sikh scripc­
ture provides an excellent example of catholicity that promotes
mutual respect and tolerance for diversity of belief and practice.
It is no wonder that Sikhs stress this ideal more frequently at the
cost of others in inter-faith dialogues. Not surprisingly, they
present the Guru Granth Sahib as an 'interfaith scripture ' .
The presence o f the Bhagat Bani i n the Adi Granth offers a
four-point theory of religious pluralism. First, one must acknowl­
edge at the outset that all religious traditions have gone through
the process of self-definition in response to changing historical
context. Thus the dignity of the various religious identities of
individual participants must be maintained in a dialogue. In other
words, one must be able to honour one's commitment as abso­
lute for oneself while respecting the different absolute commit­
ments of others. 2 Therefore, the quest for a universal religion
and likewise the attempt to place one religious tradition over
and above others must be abandoned. Second, the doctrinal
standpoints of different religious traditions must be maintained
in mutual respect and dignity. Third, all participants must enter
into a dialogue with an 'open attitude' which allows not only
true understanding of other traditions but also disagreements
on crucial doctrinal points. Finally, the 'other' must somehow
become one's ' self in a dialogue so that one's life is enriched
with that spiritual experience.
In sum, the Bhagat Bani has had a tremendous impact upon
the people of Punjab for the last four centuries. It offers an ex­
cellent example ofthe phenomenon of scriptural adaptation that
192 The Bhagats of the Gu ru Granth Sahib

may be useful in cross-cultural studies. It. can also offer its own
distinctive contribution to the study of world religions in an
ecumenical era. It will always remain the focus of scholarly
attention and different people will interpret its presence in the
Sikh scripture in different ways.

NOTES

1 Niharranjan Ray, The Sikh Gurus and the Sikh Society (New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal, 1975) , pp. 47-8.
2 Harold Coward, Plurali.sm: Challenge to World Religions ( Marknoll,

NY: Orbis Books, 1 985) , p. 1 07.

Glossary

adi 'First' or ' original'.

adi dharrn ' Or i g i n al religi o n ' , sup p os e dl y
followed b y the lowest echelons o f
society before the Aryan invasion.
Adi Granth The Guru Granth Sahib, the sacred
scripture of the Sikhs compiled by
Guru Aijan in 1 603-4.
Akal Purakh 'The One Beyond Time', the Sikh
c o n c e p t of th e divi n e Being;
analogous to ' God'.
Akal Takhat 'Throne of the Immortal', the seat of
temporal and spiritu al authority
within the Sikh Panth.
Asa A raga (q.v.) ; one ofthe sections ofthe
Adi Granth.
astapadi An Adi Granth shabad of eight verses
with a refrain.
avatar 'A descent'; incarnation of a deity,
usually Vishnu.
Baba 'Father' or ' Grandfather'; a term of
affection and respect, often used for
religious figures (including the Adi
Granth) as well as within the family.
Bala janam-sakhi O n e of the extant collections o f
janam-sakhi anecdotes.
bani 'Utterance'; works of the Gurus and the
Bhagats recorded in the Adi Granth.
baqa 'Unity with God'; the Sufi concept of
a continuing existence within th e
condition of union with the Divine.
Bhagat 'Devotee' , one who practices bhakti
(q.v.) .
194 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

bhagat bani The utterances of the poet-saints of

Bhakti, Sant and Sufi origins, which
(along with the compositions of the
Sikh Gurus) are recorded in the Adi
Granth.
Bhai Sahib ' Honorable Brother' , title of respect
given for piety and/ or learning.
Bhairau A raga (q.v. ) ; one of the sections of
the Adi Granth (q.v. ) .
bhajan Devotional song in praise of a deity.
bhakti Belief in, adoration of a personal god.
bhanita 'speaker,' refers to the author.
bhasha 'Vernacular language. '
biraha ' S tate of separation ' i n the Sufi
discipline.
bir ras ' Martial spirit. '
Brahman The Absolute described in the Upani­
shads.
brahmin Upper-caste Hindu.
chand ' Moon, ' representing ida, the left
nostril.
chhap ' Seal,' representing author's signature.
chillah-i-makus Sufi practice of hanging upside down
in a well and performing the prescribed
prayers for forty days.
dalit ' Oppressed,' referring to the modern
movement of the oppressed classes in
India.
darshan Audience; appearance b efore a n
eminent person, a sacred object, etc.
daroesh ' D ervi sh ' ; a Muslim m e n di c an t,
especially a Sufi.
dhikr The Sufi discipline of 'remembrance'
of God
digvijay Conquest of the world in all four
directions.
dil 'Heart'.
fana 'Annihilation' or 'dying to self ; the
Sufi concept of m erging th e
individual self in the Universal Being.
 Glossary 1 95

Jaqar 'Poverty'.
faqir 'Poor man ' ; Sufi ascetic.
futuh Presents offered to Sufi masters.
Gauri A raga (q.v.) ; one of the sections of
the Adi Granth ( q.v.) .
Giani A learned p e rson, especially o n e
versed in Sikh scriptures.
Granth ' B o o k ' or ' R e ligious Scriptur e ' ,
especially the Guru Granth Sahib.
Granthi A 'reader' of the Guru Granth Sahib;
t h e fu n c t i o n ary in c h arge of a
gurdwara.
g;urbani Compositions of the Gurus.
g;urbani kirtan D evotional singing of the Guru s '
compositions (q.v.) .
Gur-bilas 'Praise o f the Guru' ; hagiographic
narratives of the lives of the sixth and
tenth Gurus, stressing their role as
warriors.
gurdwara 'The Guru's Door', the Sikh place of
worship, viz., the house in which the
Guru Granth Sahib is kept.
Gurmat 'The view of the Guru ', the sum total
of the Gurus' teachings; the doctrines
referred to as ' Sikhism '.
Gurmukh 'One who faces towards the Guru'; a
follower of the divine, of the Guru.
Guru A spiritual 'preceptor', either a person
or the divine inner voice. The divine
Guru became manifest in the form of
ten human Gurus (from Guru Nanak
to Guru Gobind Singh) and n ow
persists in the fonn ofthe twin Doctrine
of Guru-Granth and Guru-Panth.
Guru Granth Sahib TheAdi Granth, specificallyin its role
as Guru.
Ouru-Panth 'The Panth in the role of Guru', the
doctrine of corporate Guruship in
which the eternal Guru is mystically
present in the Sikh community.
196 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

Hari Name of God. In Vaishnava usage

'Vishnu'; in Sant and Sikh usage the
non-incarnated God.
hartal ' Deletion'; a yellow-greenish paste
used for deletion in the manuscripts
of the Adi Granth.
hatha-yoga 'Yoga of force'; the yogic discipline
practiced by the adherents of the Nath
tradition.
haumai '!-ness, my-ness', self-centered pride.
Hindalis ' Heretic group' of Baba Hindal.
hukam Divine order; a passage from the Guru
Granth Sahib chosen at random, cf.
vak.
Jbadat-khana ' House ofWorship' built by Emperor ·

Akbar in Fatehpur Sikri.

ishq khuda'i ' Mystic path of divine Love '.
jagir 'Endowment ofland'.
janam-sakhi A traditional biography or hagiography
of Guru Nanak
jat ' Peasant'.
jihad 'Righteous struggle '.
Julaha 'Weaver caste' .
Ik-Oankar T h e One Being, benedictory formula
from the Adi Granth.
kabitt A poetic metre.
Kaliyuga 'Dark Age'; the fourth and last of the
cosmic ages; the age of degeneracy.
ltanphat yogi ' Split-ear yogi ' ; follower ofGorakhnath
and adherent of the Nath tradition.
karam (karma) The destiny or fate of an individual,
generated in accordance with deeds
performed in his/her present and
past existences.
Khalsa 'An order ofloyal Sikhs' instituted by
Guru Gobind Singh on Baisakhi 1 699.
khanqah 'Hospice for the Sufis'.
khodsa ' Sixteen times', repeating the pranva
or 'seed formula' sixteen times.
kirtan Singing of hymns.
 Glossary 1 97

kumbhaka The suspension ofbreath in the upper

part of the nose where both nostrils
meet in the 'breath-control' process.
kundalini-yoga Practice of yoga in which the serpent ·
within the body is raised to the top of
the skull.
Mahala Code word used to distinguish works by
·
different Gurus in the Adi Granth. For .
instance, Guru Nanak, as first Guru, is
designated 'Mahala 1 ' or simply 'Ml';
the second Guru, Angad, is designated
as 'M2' and so on.
man The complex ofheart, mind and spirit.
man-mukh One who faces the uncleaned man,
that is, an unregenerate person.
Mina ' Rascal'; a follower of Prithi Chand,
eldest son of Guru Ram Das, and a
pretender to the office of Guru.
mudrika 'Seal' or 'stamp' representing poetic
signature.
Mullah 'A teacher of the Muslim law'.
nada 'Sacred sound' , also representing
susumana, the space between the two
nostrils in yogic terminology.
nada-yoga 'Word-yoga'.
najar 'Menial seiVants'.
nam The divine Name, a summary term
expressing the total being of Akal
Purakh
namjapan Devoutly repeating the divine Name.
nam-simaran The devotional practice of meditating
on the divine Name or nam.
namaz Muslim prayer, especially the pres­
cribed daily prayers.
Nath tradition Yogic sect of considerable influence
in the Punjab prior to and during the
time of the Sikh Gurus; practitioners
of hatha-yoga.
Niranka:r 'Without Form', aname ofAkal Purakh
(q.v.) used by Guru Nanak.
198 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

nirguna 'Without qualities', formless, non­

incarnated, cf. saguna.
Nirmala A sect of celibate Sikhs which com­
manded particular strength in the
nineteenth century.
Nirmal Buddh 'Scholar with pure intellect', the title
used by Maharaj a Ranjit Singh to
address Sikh intellectuals and loyal
administrators.
omkara 'Seed formula', known as pranava.
Pandit 'An erudite person' ; a mode of address·

used for Brahmins.

panth 'Path' or 'way' , system ofreligious belief
or practice.
Panth The keyword refers to the Sikh comm­
unity.
Panthic Vidvan 'Distinguished scholar of the Panth' .
pauri Stanza o f a var.
pir 'The head of a Sufi order'; a Sufi saint.
pothi Tome, volume.
pranava 'Seed formula'.
pul sirat 'The bridge ofhell'.
raga Musical mode or melodic organiza­
tion, a series offive or more notes on
which a melody is based.
rahau 'Refrain'; the rahau-verse is repeated
during the musical performance. It
represents the central theme of the
whole hymn.
Rahit The code of conduct of the Khalsa.
rahit-nama Recorded version of the Rahit.
Ramakali Araga (q.v.); a section ofthe Adi Granth
(q.v,).
sabr 'Patience '.
sach khand The 'Realm ofTruth'.
saguna 'With qualities', possessing form, cf.
. I
nzrguna. ·

sahaja The condition of ultimate bliss

resulting from the practice of nam­
simaran.
 Glossary 199

salok A short composition ( n ormally a

couplet) from the Adi Granth.
sampraday Doctrine, system of beliefs; group
holding particular beliefs; sect.
sandhia-bhasha 'Twilight language' , or 'intentional
language' .
sangat ' Congregation'; group of devotees.
sansar 'Transmigration' ; cycle ofbirth, death
and rebirth.
sant One who knows the truth; a pious
p erson; an adherent of the Sant
tradition.
Sant O n e renowned as a teacher of
Gurmat.
Sant tradition A devotional school of North India
which stressed the need for inner
religiosity as opposed to external
observance.
Satguru 'The True Guru'.
satinam 'The Name is Truth'.
savayya 'Panegyric'.
shabad 'Word' ; a hymn of the Adi Granth.
shabad kirtan 'Hymn singing' in Sikh tradition.
Shiromani Gurdwara The Sikh organization which controls
Prabandhak Committee the main gurdwaras in the Punjab and
Haryana (commonly referred to as the
SGPC) .
Singh Sabha Reform Movement initiated in 1 873. The
Singh Sabha became an arena for a
struggle between the conservative
Sanatan Sikhs and the radical Tat
Khalsa.
Siri A raga ( q.v.) ; one of the sections of
the Adi Granth (q.v.) . This is the first
raga of the standard version of the
Sikh scripture.
Sufi A member of the Muslim mystical
orders.
sur 'Sun', representing the pingla or right
nostril in Yoga.
200 The Bhagats of the Guru Granth Sahib

susumana Upper part of the nose i n yogic termi­

nology.
Takhat 'Throne'; seat of royal or spiritual
authority.
Tantra Texts enunciating the forms ofShakti
worship.
tawakkul 'Faith'.
tirath A sacred place, a place of pilgrimage.
Udasi Adherent of the Udasi panth , an
order of ascetics (normally celibate)
who claim as their founder Siri Chand
(Guru Nanak's eldest son ) .
'ulema Muslim scholars of lslamic law.
Vahiguru 'Wonderful Lord', God.
Vaishnava Believer in, practitioner of Bhakti,
directed to the God Vishnu in one of
h i s i n c arnati o n s ( e ither Ram o r
Krishna) .
vak ' Saying'; a passage fro m the Guru
Granth Sahib chosen at random. cf.
hukam ( 'order') .
vak laina The Sikh liturgical practice to open
the Guru Granth Sahib at random
and read the first hymn on the top of
the left page as the 'order' of the
Guru.
var Ode, a poetic form. An Adi Granth
Granth arrangement consisting of
stanzas (pauris) with preceding saloks.
vismad 'Immense awe' ; ecstasy engendered
by the discipline of nam-simaran.
wilayat 'Spiritual territory' of the Sufi.
zat 'Caste ', an endogamous group.
Index

Absolute (Brahman) 22, 99, 1 05, 134 153, 156, 159, 1 60-2, 1 73,
activism 56 1 76, 1 79, 188, 189; and Farid­
Adi Dharam movement 1 77 ud-din Ganj-i-Shakar, Shaikh
Advaita Vedanta, 99 69-73, 74, 75; and Kabir,
adversity 52 1 01-6; - additional verse
Ahmad, Shaikh of Sirhind written with Gauri hymn
( 1564-1 624) 30 1 06-9
Aka! Purakh ('The Timeless Asa hymn of Kabir 15
One', God) 2 1 , 22, 23, 25, Asa hymn (Asa Shaikh Faridjiu
1 09, 144, 1 45, 146, 156 Ki Bam) 44, 53, 56, 60, 1 87
Aka! Takhat 1 63-4, 1 7 1 'ascension during the night'
Akbar 27, 73, 1 19, 1 7 1 , 1 72 ( shab-i-miraJ) 55
Al-Ghazali 48 asceticism 50, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58,
Allah 24 64, 65, 66, 69, 75, 94, 1 1 0,
Aman, Shaikh 3 1 1 28, 168, 187
Amar Das, Guru (1 479-1574) 1 1 , Atman 99
1 2, 13, 14, 17, 1 8, 27, 47, 58, 62, attachment 1 05-6
75, 83, 86, 87, 1 10, 122, 152, 154, Aurangzeb 171, 1 72
156, 157-8, 159, 163, 1 76, 186, austerity 30, 55, 67
1 87, 1 88; and Farid-ud-din Ganj­ authenticity 46
i-8hakar, Shaikh 64-9; and Kabir, autonomy 3 1
94-101 avatar (incarnation) , doctrine
ambrosial hours ( amrit vela) 72 of 20
Amrit Kirtan 169 awareness 53
Angad, Guru 50-1, 154, 156
Annihilation (fana) , process of Balajanam-sakhi 1 55
56, 66 balance 71-2, 75, 101, 102, 189
anxiety ( chinta) 1 00 Banaras, Uttar Pradesh 81
arduousness 93 Bandagi See divine recollection
Arjan Dev, Guru (1 563-1606) 2, Banno version of the Adi Granth
5, 6, 8, 10, 1 2, 14, 1 5 ; 1 6, 1 7, 143, 1 45, 1 59
2 1 , 27, 3 1-3, 35, 45, 47, 57, Bansavalinama, by Kesar Singh
62, 68, 82, 84, 87, 101, 141, Chhibbar 1 59
1 42, 1 43, 144, 145, 146, 147, Barah Maha 141
202 Index

Basant Astapadi of Guru Arjan Chaitannya 126

Dev 2 1 , 153 Chaupa Singh 1 68
Begging, condemned by Cherisher (parvadigar) 54, 60, 74
Sikhism 1 09 Chhaju 2, 1 0
Being (sat) 22 Chhibbar Brahmins 179
belief and practices, diversity 20, Chhibbar, Kesar Singh 1 59, 1 60
28, 167, 171, 1 79, 180, 1 9 1 Chillah-i-Makus 43, 65
Beni 85, 86, 1 53, 154 chinta See anxiety
bewilderment 87 Chi shti tradition 30, 34, 43, 47,
Bhagavad-Gita 1 71 5 1 , 73
Bhairau hymn 13, 1 6, 32-3 Chishti, Shaikh Muin-u'd-din 43
Bhakta-mala by Nabhaji Das Christian, Christianity 27; belief
1 2 1 , 123 about God's name 23;
Bhakti tradition 1, 2, 4, 8, 19, mystical tradition 24
20, 2 1 , 9 1-2, 1 35, 1 36, 155, 'coeval theory of grace and
1 64, 1 79 action' 95
Bhakti.lfasa-bodhini, by Priya Das 121 co-existence 25-6, 171, 1 72
Bhalla, Sarup Das 10 commitment 1 74, 191
Bhasaur, Teja Singh 1 63-4 communalism 1 64
Bhikhan I , 5, 8 community 28
Bhojadeva 1 1 6 compassion 51
Bidhi Chand 155 conformity 2-3
Bihar: Firdausi order 30, 66 convergence 105
Bijak 84 conversions 44, 68
bliss (anand) 30, 95, 99 cranes, symbol of 58
bondage 102 creator (khalaq) 71
Brahma 153 crystallization 28
Brahman See Absolute
brahmarandhra 98 Dadu-panthi 84
Brahmin (s) , brahminism 3, 4, dalit politics 178
1 3, 26, 89, 90, 9 1 , 1 38, 152, Dara Shikoh (1615-59) , 25, 3 1 ,
176, 178 1 71 , 1 72
bridge of hell (pul sirat) 48-9 Daraz, Sayyid Muhammad
Buddhism 95 Gesu 65
Bula 13 Darbari Das 154
Dasam Granth (DG) 159, 169, 1 79
'carefree' ( achintu) 1 00 death theme 48-9, 74, 98, 101, 102
caste system 20, 71, 87, 1 64, Delhi Sultanate: Chisti and Sufi
1 76-7; hierarchy 90, 157; order 30
condemned in Sikhism 5 Dervishes (devotees) 5 1 , 53,
catholicity 180, 191 60, 73
 · Index 203

detachment 48, 105 86, 1 09, 1 38, 158, 159, 1 6 1 ,

devotion, path of, Devotionalism 1 67, 168, 1 75, 1 80, 187, 1 88,
52, 96, 1 04, 1 20, 139, 146 189, 191; birth 42; in Adi
Dewana, Mohan Singh 1 1 Granth, 47-54
Dhanna 3 , 7 , 8, 122, 153, 154, Fariduddin Saleem 47
159, 1 61 fasting 33, 88, 89, 188
Dharamshastras 4, 1 9 fatalism 56
Dhoyi 1 17 Fatehpur manuscript ( 1 582 CE) ,
dhruva 153 8, 83
Dil, Balbir Singh 1 1 Firdausi tradition 30, 66
Din-i-Ilahi (Divine Religion) 171 forbearance 51
divine Beloved 30, 57, 60, 7 1 , 72; forgiveness 5 1
agony of separation 50-1, 63, fulfilment 50, 53, 134
74, 93, 94, 1 88; union with
53, 56, 74, 94, 99, 1 88 Ganj-i-Shakar See Farid-ud-din
divine grace 55, 56, 60, 62, 65, Ganj-i-Shakar, Shaikh
7 1 , 75, 94, 98, 1 10, 187 Garib, Burhan ud-Din 47
divine light 99 Gauri hymn of Kabir ( Gauri
divine Name ( nam) , theory of Kabirji Ki nali ralae likhia
21-5, 30, 53, 62, 63, 71, 72, Mahala V ) 15, 83, 88, 160,
89, 93, 1 22, 152 See also 1 6 1 ; written with Guru Arjan
remembrance of the divine Dev's additional verse 1 06-9
Name Ghaznavid period 30, 42
divine recollection ( bandagi) Gitagovinda by Jaidev 35, 1 1 6-8,
53, 61 . 120-3, 1 25, 1 26, 1 27, 1 28-30,
divine Word (shabad) 22, 96, 132, 1 34, 1 36-40, 141, 142,
157, 158, 169 1 46, 147, 189
globalization 26
ego 69, 99, 153 Gobind Singh, Guru 24, 159
emancipation 91, 99 God 54; realization 58, 72, 122
enlightenment 88, 90, 99, 164 Goindval, establishment of, 1 3
equality 52, 87, 89, 1 47, 188, 190 Goindval volumes (pothis) , 1 2 ,
equanimity See sahaja 14, 6 2 , 84, 8 6 , 152, 166, 186,
ethnicity 179 1 89 ;Jalandhar copy, 17
existence, ocean of 62,...3. , 70, 97 Govardhana 1 1 7
Granth Sri Gurmat Nirnaya
faith 28, 51, 60 Sagar, by Tara Singh
falsehood 1 08 Narotam 1 62
Farid-ud-din Gafti-i-Shakar, Greek, belief about God's
Shaikh ( 1 1 73-1275) 1 , 5, 7, name 23
8, 9, 1 1 , 16, 1 8, 21, 30, 34, 35 , gujari raga (gujari sri ]aidevjiu ka
204 Index

pada) , 92, 98, 1 1 9 , 1 2 1 , 1 23- God are commonly employed

30, 1 47; question of in the Sikh scripture, 23
authorship 1 34-41 Hinduization of Bhagats 1 78
Gukar-i-Abar 43 Hujwiri, Shaikh Ali 30
Gurbani (words of Guru) 23, human mind ( man) , nature 98
24, 35, 1 9 1 ; and Bhagat Bani humility 5 2
1 6, 1 55
Gurdas, Bhai 1 3 , 1 22-3, 1 36, 'I a m the Truth' (An-al-Haqq) 53
1 62, 1 69 I b n al-'Arabi ( 1 1 64/5-1240)
Gurdit Singh, Giani 1 1 , 1 66, 1 79 25, 31
Gurmat 1 10 Ibrahim, Shaikh 44
Guru Harsahai pothi 1 2, 1 3 iconoclasm 1 7
Gu ru ki Masit 1 75 identity 28
Guru Nanak Dev University 'Immortal One' ( aka[) , 24
manuscript 62 immortali ty 99
Guru Ravidas Granth 1 78 impermanence of.life, theme 50 ·
Gurdwara Reform movement 163 impuri ty 9 1
Gurus 47, 74; and Bhagats, Inaccessible ( agam) 54
agreements and India: Mughal, state formation
disagreements 186, 1 88, 1 90- process 2 7
1 ; -status i n matters of Infinite ( apar) 5 4
doctrine and practice 35, lnjil ( Gospel) 26, 89
1 47, 1 9 1 intellect, 1 08
intention 68
Hallaj 5 2 inter-religious dialogue 1 70-5
Har Rai, Guru 25 intertextuality 1 , 6
Harbans Singh 2 Islam 26, 27, 30, 3 1 , 43, 44, 47,
Hargobind, Guru ( 1 595-1 644) 54, 8 1 , 82; theory of divine
155, 1 75 Name 24-5, 1 0 1 ; mysticism 48
Hamam Das, Udasi See Udasi,
Hamam Das Jagana Brahmin 1 42
Hatha yoga 30, 1 33, 1 34 Jagannath cult 1 1 6, 1 1 8, 1 1 9
Hidayat al-qulub wa 'inyat 'ullum Jaggi, Rattan Singh 1 59
al-guyub by Mir Hasan 47 Jaidev (Jayadeva) 2, 4, 8, 2 1 , 34-
Hindal, Baba ofJandiala 155 5, 45, 153, 1 54, 1 89; in the
Hindalis 1 55 , 1 79 Adi Granth 1 1 9, 1 23-4 1 ;
Hindawi verses 47 birth 1 1 6-7;-0riya origin
Hindu (s) , Hinduism 19, 26, 27, 1 1 8-9
29, 30, 32, 33, 68, 82, 88, 89, Jalal al-Din Rumi ( i 207-73) 25,
1 1 0, 1 1 1 , 1 55, 1 57, 1 7 1 , 1 72, 57, 66
1 86; mysticism 31; names of Jamal-u' d-din Sulaiaman 42
 Index 205

Janaeshvari byJnandev 1 20 Khatris 1 52

]anam-sakhi Sri Guru Nanak Dev Ji Khotwal 42
by Sodhi Miharban 154 Khuldabad manuscript 46
]apji Sahib ofGuru Gobind Kindubilva village 116, 117
Singh 24, 91, 1 55 Krishna 20, 1 1 7, 1 23, 1 30, 1 34,
]awama-u 'l-kilam, 65 1 37, 1 42, 144, 1 46, 1 54, 1 89
Jayavijaya 1 1 8 Kundalini Yoga 1 33
Jesus 24
Jewish belief about God's labour, dignity 1 09
name, 23 Lahore, Punjab 42
jihad ( righteous struggle) 30 Lakshman Sen 1 1 7-8
jivan-mukti, jivan-mukat 94, 95, liberation 30, 60, 87, 89, 94, 95,
96, 99 97, 98, 99, 1 02, 1 88
jivat-mirtak 95, 96, 97 linguistic diversity 3
Jnandev 1 20-1 'living dead' Seejivat-mirtak
joy 70
Mahima Prakash by Sarup Das
Kabir 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 1 1 , 1 3, 14, 1 5, Bhalla ( 1 776) 1 0
16, 1 7, 2 1 , 32-3, 34, 5 1 , 54, Maktubat-i-Sadi by Shaikh
120, 1 22, 1 39, 1 44, 1 52, 1 53, Sharaf ud-din Yahya 66
1 54, 1 55, 158, 1 59, 1 60-1, Malar raga 13, 31
1 68, 1 69, 1 76, 1 77, 1 78, 1 87, Malfuzat 45, 46
1 88, 1 89; in the Adi Granth Mani Singh, Bhai 1 59, 1 60, 1 79
87-94; controversy about date Mann, Gurinder Singh 1 1 , 17,
and religion 82 1 56-8, 161
Kabir-granthavali 32, 84 Maru raga hymn ofJaidev (raga
Kabir-panthi 84 maru bani jaideu jiu ki) 83,
Kahna 2, 1 0 1 1 9, 1 31-4; question of
Kaki, Qutb-u'd-din Bakhtiyar 42 authorship 1 34-41
Kaliyuga ( 'Dark Age') 4 Maru mga hymn of Kabir 83
Kalji Turk 1 39 Maru raga hymn of Mira Bai 1 5,
Kamiru 1 3 35, 1 45-6
karma 70, 98, 1 02, 1 67 Maya 88, 105
Kartarpur manuscript ( 1 604) meditation 30, 62, 63, 73, 87, 1 52
1 4, 1 5, 62, 84, 1 43, 1 45, 1 79, mendicity (madhukari) 92, 93,
1 89 1 09, 1 89
Kashf ut-Mahjub ( 'The Unveiling metaphors 3
of the Veiled' ) by Shaikh Ali Mian Mir See Mir Mohammad
Hujwiri 30 Minas 1 54, 1 79
Ketab 26, 89 mind ( man) 98, 99, 1 08;
khanqah, Sufi notion of 31 control, 1 33
206 Index

Mir Hasan 4 7 · Nand Lal, Bhai 169

Mir Muhammad, Shaikh 30 Naqshbandi 30, 43
Mira Bai 1 0, 15, 35, 1 36, 1 67, Narotam, Tara Singh 1 62-3
189; hymn in Adi Gra.nth Nasir u'd-din Muhammad
1 45-6, 1 47 Chiragh 30
Mohan, Baba, 1 4 Naths 1 8 , 27, 29, 30, 9 1 , 92, 132,
momento mori themes 55 1 54, 1 75
monotheism 5, 1 8 7 neti neti ( 'not this, not this') 24
moral purity 64, 65, 67, 73 nihilism 1 89
Muin-u'd-din Chisti See Chisti, nirguna 19, 20, 2 1 , 24, 142, 1 46,
Shaikh Muin-u'd-din 1 54, 1 67
Mullahs See Muslims Nirmala scholars 163
Multan, Punjab: pantheistic Nizam-u'd-din Auliya ( 1 238-
Muslim ideas 3 1 1 325) 30, 45, 65
Muslim names of God are nom de plume 45
commonly employed in the
Sikh scripture, 23 Omnipotence, Omnipresent 5 4,
Muslim (s) 27, 29, 3 1 , 32, 33, 74, 73, 1 28
88, 89, 90, 17 1 , 1 75, 186 See openness 1 72
also Islam optimism 64, 65, 71, 1 87, 188
mysticism 3 1 , 48 oral tradition 1 40
myths 3 Orientalist bias 45
orthodoxy 1 64
Nabhaji Das 121, 1 23 'other', concept of 28, 29, 1 9 1
Nada Yoga 133
Namdev 2, 3, 9, 1 1 , 13, 1 4, 1 5, 83, Pareh i Patishahi Dasvin Ki b y Seva
86, 1 04, 1 05, 1 20 , 1 22 , 1 42 , Das Udasi 1 60-1
1 52, 153, 154, 1 78, 1 89 Padmavati 1 16-7, 1 1 8, 1 2 1
name (nam) See divine Name Pakpattan 30, 44, 6 1
Nameless ( anam) 24 Panch Khalsa Diwan . ( PKD)
nam-simran See remembrance of 1 63 , 1 64
the divine Name Pandha 13
Nanak, Guru ( 1 469-1539) 4, 5, Pandits 33, 90, 129
1 1 , 12, 13, 14, 1 6, 17, 1 8, 22, Panipat, Punjab: pantheistic ·

23, 26-7, 29, 30, 3 1 , 44, 46, 47, Muslim ideas 3 1

53, 66, 74, 85, 86, 93, 94, 96, Parachi Nanak Bhagat Ki 155
1 00, 12 1-2, 152, 1 53, 1 54, 1 55, Parachian Bhagatan Kian by
156, 1 57, 158, 159, 161, 1 62, Darbari Das 154
166, 1 75, 1 76, 1 77, 186, 187, parallelism 58
188; and Farid-ud-din Ganj-i­ Parmanand 4, 8
Shakar, Shaikh 54-64 passivity 100
 Index 207

patience (sabr) 52, 53 Rahit-nama 1 68

Pavanaduta by D hoyi 1 1 7 raj-yoga 153, 154
pessimism 64, 69 Ram (the all pervading Being)
physical embodiment 99 23, 1 28
pilgrimage 26, 32, 33, 88, 89, 1 88 Ram Das, Guru ( 1 534-81 ) 57-8,
Pilo 2, 10 122, 152, 154
Pipa 8 Rama (the hero of Ramayana)
poetic signature ( chhap) 1 6, 32, 20, 23, 1 28, 154
106, 144, 160-1, 162 Ramadevi 1 1 6
pollution and purity, notion of Ramakali Anand, by Guru Amar
20, 1 77, 188 Das l8, 70, 94, 105, 163
Pothi Harijas 154 Ramanand, Guru 4, 8, 82
poverty 51 Ramanujacharya 1 18
Prabhati hymn 88 Ramayana 128
pranayama 1 33 Ravidas 2, 3, 8, 15, 2 1 , 81, 83, 1 22,
prejudice and pride 71-2 1 34, 153, 1 54, 1 76, 1 77, 178
Prophet 5 1 , 55, 72 Reality 2 1 , 23, 24
Punjab: Adi Dharam movement 'realm of Truth' (sack Khand) 25
177; Bhagat Bani influence rebirth, doctrine of 22, 63, 64,
191; religious traditions 29; 74, 1 67
rural base 26; origin of religious: communication 1 4 1 ;
Sikhism 26; Sufi influence movements 2; pluralism 18,
30, 3 1 , 55 25-8, 171, 1 73-5, 191;
Puranas 4 tolerance 26, 180, 191
Puri, Orissa: Srivaishnava remembrance of the divine
. cult 1 18 Name ( nam-simran) 1 3, 2 1 ,.
purity and pollution 90-1 22, 25, 54, 105, 152,
187, 1 88
Qadiri 30, 31, 43, 171 renunciation 64, 67, 75,
Qarsum Bibi 42 147, 1 87
qazis 89 resurrection 74, 1 67
Qur'an 24, 25, 26, 27, 42, 43, 89 revelation (shrutt) 21, 23, 89
Qutb-u'd-din Bakhtiyar Kaki See revengefulness 52
Kaki, Qutb-u'd-din Bakhtiyar ritual bathing 188
Rumi SeeJalal al-Din Rumi
Radha 1 1 7, 121, 123, 1 29 , 1 30,
137, 146 Sadhana 3, 8, 1 54
raga maru banijaideu jiu ki See sadhu 91
Maru raga hymn ofJ aidev Sadukti-Kamamrita 1 1 7-8
Raga-mala 1 63 saguna 19, 20, 2 1 , 147, 189
Ragu Suhi Bani ShaikhFari.dfi Ki 44 sahaja ( 'equipoise') 25, 33, 5 1 ,
208 Index

53, 70, 95, 96, 98, 99-1 00, self-mortification, 69, 75, 1 87
104, 1 10, 1 45 , 188 self-realization 57
Saharanpur, Uttar Pradesh: self-torture 57
pantheistic Muslim ideas 31 self-understanding 27, 62
Sahib Singh 1 1 self-withdrawal 1 00, 101, 105,
sahu-suhagan (happily married 1 10 , 187, 189
bride) 60 Sen 8
Sain 3, 153, 154 Senas l l 8
saint See Sant Sethi, Gulab Singh 159
Sakinat al-auliya by Dara Seva Das Udasi SeeUdasi, Seva Das
Shikoh 3 1 shabad See divine Word
Saktas 103, 1 09 Shabad-Brahman (Word-
Salak Bhagat KabirJiu Ke 83 Absolute ) , 22-3
Salak Shaikh Farid Ke 44 Shah Badakhshi, Molla 3 1
salvation 86, 9 1 , 92, 98 Shah Hussain 2 , 10
sanctity of Bhagat Bani 157-8 Shah Jahan 171
Sants 1 , 28, 9, 16, 20, 2 1 , 33, 34, Shaikh Farid See Farid-ud-din
54; 86, 87, 105, 1 10, 1 19, 139, Ganj-i-Shakar, Shaikh
1 40, 1 42, 154, 1 68, 172, 180; shari'at 30, 48
moral influence, 1 03-4, 1 44 Sharna 1 1 7
Sarang raga of Surd as ( Sarang Shirazi, Zain ud-Din 47
Mahala 5 Surdas) 15, 35, 1 44 · Shiromani Gurdwara
Satan ( shaytan) , Islamic idea of 50 Prabandhak Committee
Satguru (True Guru) 82, 88, 9 1 , (SGPC) 1 63, 1 66
98, 99, 1 03 Shiva 153
satnam (special revelation) 23 Shri Guru Ravi Dass Sabha, New
Schomer, Karine 2 York 1 76
sectarianism 89, 1 64 Shridharadasa 1 1 7
self 28-9, 53, 56, 58, 96, 97, 99, Shuaib, Qadi 42
1 75, 187, 191 Shudras 4, 19, 91
self-centredness ( haumai) 22, Siddha Goshti (Discourse with
23, 60, 63, 96 the Siddhas) 18, 1 75
self-consciousness 1 77 Sidhu, Manmohan Singh 164
self-control 62, 63 Sikhs, Sikhism: Congregational
self-definition, issue 28-33, Prayer (,Ardas) 1 09 ;
1 1 1 , 1 73, 1 74 , 186-7, 1 88, cosmopolitan nature 164;
1 89, 191 distinctiveness 1 0 1 , l l 1 , 172;
self-disclosure 55 hierarchy 152, 157;
self-discovery 28-9 independent identity 32, 33,
self-esteem 1 74 34, 86, 100, l l O, 1 86; Nanak­
self-judgement 26 panthi 1 18, 1 1 9, 1 38; origin
 Index 209

26; is not a synthesis of 45, 46, 48, 49, 52, 53, 54, 55,
Hinduism and Islam 27; and 56, 58, 60, 64, 65, 66, 67, 70,
Sufi encounter, 34, 45, 1 8 7 74, 75, 1 68, 1 71 , 1 72 , 1 80,
Sikh Gurdwaras Act of l925 1 63 1 87, 1 88
Sikhan di Bhagatmala 1 0, 1 62 Suhi Lalit hymn 1 8, 44, 60-1
Sind: Suhraward order 30 Suhrawardi tradition 30, 43, 82
Singh Sabha movement 1 0, 1 63, Sukhmani 1 03
1 64, 1 67 Sunni 42, 1 7 2
Singh, G.B. 1 1 Supreme Being,
Siri Chand 1 87 understanding 89
Siyar-u 'l-Auliya 42, 72 Suraj Prakash ( 1 843) , 1 0
smarta tradition 4 Surdas 4 , 7, 8, 1 5 , 35, 83, 1 36,
social discrimination 1 9-20 1 59, 1 61 , 1 67, 1 89; hymn in
social identities 20 Adi Granth 1 43-5, 147
social justice 1 77 Sursagar by Surd as 1 36, 1 38
social morality, 1 0 1 swan ( hansa) 58, 59, 6 1 , 1 08
social relations 1 76 symbolism, symbols 3, 48, 60,
social status 81 146, 147, 1 89
Sodhi Miharba ( 1581-1 640) 154
Sodhi, Balbir Singh 1 70 Tantric Buddhist
solitariness 9 1 Sidhacharyas, 1 32
Sorathi hymn of Kabir 1 5 Tantrics 1 32
soul 49, 56, 6 1 , 63, 93, 99 Taqqi, Shaikh 82
spiritual and worldly aspects, Tat Khalsa 1 64, 1 67, 1 9 1
symbolic relations, 60 Teja Singh 1 0
spiritual attainment 50, 58, 9 6 Todar Mal 1 19
spiritual awakening 88 Tohra, Gurcharan Singh 1 66
spirituality, spiritualism 53, 55, Torah 26, 89
62, 64, 68, 75, 96, 1 00, 1 0 1 , transmigration 98
104, 1 09 , 1 1 0, 187 'Prilochan 8, 104, 105, 122, 153, 154
Sri Govard h an pur Temple, Truth 22, 23, 108
Banaras, Uttar Pradesh 1 78 Tulsidas 4, 82
5'ri Gurbilas Patashahi 6 ( 1840) Tvarikh Guru Khalsa ( 1 894) 10
10, 1 62
Srt" Gurpratap Suraj Granth Udasi, Harnam Das 1 55, 179
0 843) · 1 62 Udasi, Seva Das 1 60-2
Sriwushnava cult 1 18 Udasis 1 18-9, 155, 1 60-2, 1 79
subs �stence 56 ulema 30, 3 1 , 46
suffe ring ( dukkh) 57, 70-71 ultabamsi 1 07
SufiSln , Sufis 1, 5, 8, 1 6, 18, 2 1 , ultimate truth 99
25 , 29, 30-1 , 33, 34, 43, 44, Umapatidhara 1 17
210 Index .

Umar, Caliph 42 vision ( didar) 1 3, 28, 30, 53, 99

Unfathomable ( beant) 54 'void' ( sunn) 30
Unity, principle of 1 35, 1 74
Universe ofDiscourse, notion of W�ih-u ' d-din Kh� endi,
1 8-21 S h aikh 42
untouchability 9 1 wilayat (' spiritual territory') , Sufi
Upanishads 2 5 notion of 31
Word ( shabad/ bam) , doctrine of
Vahiguru 2 2 , 2 5 , 109 1 3, 2 1 , 97
Vaishnavism 1 2, 15, 20, 30, 33, world, worldliness 67, 70, 71, 73,
34, 35, 86, 1 18, 1 21 , 1 28, 1 29, 75, 1 0 1 , 1 03
130, 138, 1 67, 1 89; Sikh worship 32, 33, 189
response to 1 4 1-'6
Var Kanare Ki, by Guru Ram Das 58 Yahya, Shaikh Sharaf ud-din of
Veda(s) 4, 1 9, 26, 27, 89, 1 40 Manir, 66
Vedanti, GianiJoginder Singh Yoga, 1 33
1 70, 171 Yoga Vashishtha 1 7 1
Vir Singh, Bhai 1 29, 1 64 Yogis 29, 30
virtues, moral and ethical 5 1 , 52
Vishnu 20, 1 28 Zabur (Psalms) 26, 89