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Urban Agriculture in the Metropolitan Zone of Mexico City:

Changes over Time in Urban, Suburban and Peri-Urban Areas

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 URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

Urban agriculture in the

metropolitan zone of
Mexico City: changes
over time in urban,
suburban and peri-urban
areas
H. Losada, H. Martínez, J. Vieyra,
R. Pealing, R. Zavala and J. Cortés

SUMMARY: This paper describes the scale and nature of agricul-

tural production in urban, suburban and peri-urban zones of
Mexico City and how these have adapted to the changing de-
mands from urban populations for food, wood and recreation. It
also demonstrates how agricultural producers have successfully
All but one of the authors are adapted their products and their production methods, including
from the Animal Production building on traditional production systems, despite the environ-
Systems Area, Department of mental deterioration brought about by urban development and
Biology of Reproduction, Uni- the lack of support from government. These agricultural produc-
versidad Autónoma Metro-
ers have also devised new ways of using degraded land and
politana in Mexico City. R. Peal-
ing is a researcher from the UK,
large volumes of waste. The authors also describe how appropri-
sponsored by the interchange ate support for this diverse production brings many ecological
CONACYT- British Council. advantages and supports a great range of jobs – but also implies
The authors wish to thank Mr. important changes in the ways in which city authorities manage
Richard C. Bennett, a re- urban expansion.
searcher from the UK spon-
sored by the interchange
CONACYT- British Council, for
reviewing the paper and the I. INTRODUCTION
authorities of the Universidad
Autónoma Metropolitana (Au- THIS PAPER DESCRIBES the transformation of agriculture in
tonomous Metropolitan Uni- Mexico City from a conventional rural form to a new urbanized
versity) for the facilities given. model, as a reaction to urban development and the availability
of waste products from the city as well as a response to the
Address: Animal Production
Systems Area, Department of demands of recreation and tourism. From this has emerged a
Biology of Reproduction, Divi- new concept of the rural producer or urban farmer who now
sion of Biological and Health has access to an urban infrastructure, to education and re-
Sciences, Universidad Autó- search. The development of these new production systems has
noma Metropolitana-Iztapal- also influenced spatial organization, with the introduction of new
apa, Av. Michoacán y La crops to meet a changing urban demand. The final part of the
Purísima, Col. Vicentina,
Iztapalapa, CP 09340, México
paper looks at the development of these urbanized systems within
DF 1. Mexico. the context of sustainability.

Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998 37

URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

II. HISTORICAL ASPECTS OF MEXICO CITY’S

AGRICULTURE
THE VALLEY OF Mexico is made up of many different regions
and sub-regions, each with its own distinctive natural condi-
1. Cardoso, M.D. and E. García tions and diverse ecological characteristics.(1) It is situated at an
(1982), “Vegetation and climate in altitude of 2,429 metres above sea level, covers 9,600 square
the basin of Mexico”, Latin Ameri- kilometres and is surrounded by a volcanic mountain range. It
can regional conference IGU,
includes parts of the states of Mexico, Tlaxcala, Puebla, Hidalgo
Brazil , “Geographical Topis of
Mexico City and its Environs”, and the federal district of Mexico City. The climate is temperate
Instituto de Geografía, UNAM, humid in the south, temperate dry in the centre and the north,
México, pages 19-24. with permanent snow in the mountains, and the natural veg-
etation consists largely of pine forests and grasses.
2. Armillas, P. (1949), “Notas The first inhabitants of the valley appeared 22,000 years ago
sobre sistemas de cultivo en and consisted of nomadic groups who were hunter/gatherers.(2)
Mesoamérica. Cultivos de riego
The change to a sedentary population, in approximately 8,000
y humedad en la cuenca del río
Balsas”, Anales INAH, México. BC, coincided with the introduction of an incipient agriculture.(3)
These populations formed the first human settlements (ca. 700
3. Clavijero, F. (1979), “Historia BC) and gave rise to highly complex and organized urban envi-
antigua de México”, Porrua, ronments such as once existed at Teotihuacan. At the begin-
Colección Sepancuantos, Méx- ning of the Christian era, urban structures increased in both
ico. number and organization, which led to the formation of impor-
tant political, economic, religious and administrative urban cen-
4. Ixtlixóchitl, F. (1975), Obras
históricas, Ed. O’Gorman, tres, culminating some time between 1200 and 1500 AD when
México, UNAM, Instituto de the greatest cultural changes occurred.(4) At this time, there was
Investigaciones Históricas: an estimated population of 20 million in Mexico.(5) The suste-
historiadores y cronistas de nance of such a variety of urban cultures was undoubtedly re-
indias 2, México. lated to the complex pattern of intensive agriculture and to the
different forms of production that existed. These were closely
5. Semo, E. (1995), “México, un
linked to the environmental conditions and topography of the
pueblo en la historia. De la
aparición del hombre al dominio region. Within this complex agricultural landscape, six models
colonial”, Alianza Editorial, of production stand out:
séptima edición en El libro de
bolsillo, México. • the chinampas (floating plots) in the wetland zone, a form of
intensive agriculture that used silt and human excrement as
a source of organic matter;
• slash, fell and burn;
• slash and burn;
• the terraces of the highland zones;
• the family orchard (or kitchen garden);
• the backyard, where a mixed cultivation of maize, vegetables,
6. Rojas, T. (1990), “La agricultura flowers, fruit, turkeys, ducks and dogs existed.(6)
en la época prehispánica” in La
agricultura en tierras mexicanas
The conquest of Tenochtitlan by the Spanish in 1524 brought
desde sus orígenes hasta
nuestros días, Consejo Nacional with it fundamental changes for the valley of Mexico, with the
para la Cultura y las Artes, incorporation of new species of vegetables, domestic animals
Grijalbo, México. and grains, and the introduction of European technologies.(7)
These new techniques had an important effect on the ecological
7. Romero, M.A. (1990), “La conditions of the valley. The growth of mining activities, a new
agricultura en la época colonial” politico-administrative structure and the devaluing of native
in La agricultura en tierras
agricultural technologies were among the factors that had a
mexicanas desde sus orígenes
hasta nuestros días,Consejo detrimental impact on the environment. Examples of these im-
Nacional para la Cultura y las pacts include:
Artes, Grijalbo, México.

38 Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998

 URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

• the draining of the system of lakes into one single lake

(Xochimilco-Chalco), inevitably affecting the chinampas;
• the deforestation and intensification of labour in the highest
areas of the valley, restricting the development of the ter-
races and the slash, fell and burn agricultural systems, and
replacing them instead with permanent agriculture.

There were, however, some positive impacts. For example, new

species of plants were very successfully introduced (indeed,
Mexico has been described as “an adaptation laboratory for new
8. Hernández, X.E. (1985), species”,(8)) as were some important species of livestock such as
“Exploración etnobotánica y su cattle and horses, sheep, goats, pigs and poultry.
metodología. Xolocotzia”, Over time, agriculture in the valley of Mexico maintained a
Revista de Geografía Agricola
mixed form of production that both supplied the urban popula-
Vol.1, pages 163-188, Univers-
idad Autónoma de Chap-
tion and met subsistence needs. There were some basic changes
ingo,México. in land tenancy but these did not affect the organization or dis-
tribution of goods. During the first half of the nineteenth cen-
tury, three major zones of supply could be identified:

• the area to the north and west, where the haciendas supplied
the urban centre with maize, wheat, barley, beans, potatoes,
livestock and their products;
• the area to the east, which supplied maize, wheat, barley,
beans, fruit and pulque (a partially fermented drink produced
from the agave);
• the region to the south of the city, which supplied vegetables,
horticultural products and other fresh goods such as meat,
milk, butter and cream. This region was also very important
9. Miño, G.M. (1991), Haciendas, as a major producer of pulque.(9)
pueblos y comunidades. Los
valles de México y Toluca entre At the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twenti-
1530 y 1916, Consejo Nacional
eth century, within the context of the country’s programme of
para la Cultura y las Artes,
México.
modernization under president Porfirio Díaz, the development
of urban or industrial land use was favoured at the expense of
the agricultural sector. This resulted in the displacement of ag-
ricultural land, the diversion of water for domestic or industrial
uses, and the strengthening of the paper, wood and charcoal
industry. The exploitation of the forest related to the latter stimu-
lated the development of a new form of agricultural production,
the tlacolol, made up of small parcels of land within the forest
which allowed the seasonal cultivation of maize, beans, squash
10. Bataillon, C. (1972), La ciudad and chillis, for subsistence use.(10) These models of production,
y el campo en el México central, which were supplying the metropolis, prevailed until the middle
XXI Siglo Veintiuno Editores, S.A. of the twentieth century, at which stage urban growth entered a
México.
new phase, bringing about profound changes in the way agri-
cultural activities were carried out in the region.

Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998 39

URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

III. EXPANSION OF THE METROPOLIS AND

ENVIRONMENTAL DEGRADATION LINKED TO
THE AGRICULTURAL SECTOR
THE PERIOD OF the Mexican Revolution (1917-1919) and the
Lázaro Cardenas régime (1930s) saw the realization of promises
of agrarian reform and support for the development of a rural
infrastructure within Mexico. The end of the 1940s saw the Green
11. Reyes, C.P. (1981), Historia Revolution(11) and the resulting phase of agricultural prosperity
de la agricultura. Información y known as “the Mexican Miracle”. Associated with the success of
síntesis. AGT, Editor, México. the Green Revolution was a steady migration from rural areas
to the metropolis. As a result, Mexico City began a phase of
enormous population growth and developed “western” aspira-
tions that were to have serious repercussions on the regional
12. Departamento del Distrito models of agriculture. To illustrate this, data available(12) for the
Federal DDF (1985), “Imágen de period 1940-1980 show an expansion of the urban zone from
la gran capital”, Enciclopedia de 11,753 to 100,000 hectares, the city’s greatest growth since its
México, S.A. de C.V. Almacenes
foundation by the Spanish in 1524. This growth was, undoubt-
para los trabajadores del
Departamento del Distrito Fed-
edly, connected to migration and to the demographic explosion
eral, Ciudad de México, that occurred during this period (see Figure 1).
MCMLXXXV.
Figure 1: Population Growth in Mexico City

Figure 2: Urban Expansion of Mexico City

SOURCE: Departamento del

Distrito Federal DDF (1985),
“Imagen de la gran capital”,
Enciclopedia de México,
México; also INEGI (1994),
“Estadísticas históricas de
México”, Instituto Nacional de
Estadística, Geografía e
Informática, México.

40 Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998

 URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

In contrast to the major contemporary urban centres in other

parts of the world, where vertical development has occurred,
the nature of the sub-soils and the high water table in the valley
of Mexico determined that the growth of Mexico City should be
predominantly horizontal, occasioning the invasion of agricul-
tural land and rural outskirts that had previously made up a
natural “green belt” around the city. The three previously men-
tioned zones of agricultural supply were replaced, with the ar-
eas to the north and west of the city being developed as indus-
trial zones, and the areas to the east and south being diverted
towards housing. The changes that have taken place in this
latter area have affected the ancient system of canals and im-
peded the natural flow of water. This, in turn, has led to the
irreversible process of salinization, causing stagnation of the
Xochimilco-Chalco lake. The lake’s deterioration has been fur-
ther exacerbated by the diversion of its natural water sources to
meet the city’s growing need for potable water; also, liquid waste
disposal from the expanding urban and industrial zones has
increased the concentrations of heavy metals, detergents and
13. Balanzario, Z.R. (1976), pathogenic organisms in the water.(13) These new conditions
“Contaminación de las aguas en caused the water hyacinth to flourish, making navigation of the
los canales de Xochimilco”, canals difficult and inhibiting the growth of endemic flora. These
UNAM, Facultad de Filosofía y
changes have also substantially altered the land use patterns of
Letras, Colegio de Geografía,
México.
the chinampa zone. Sensitive crops such as tomatoes have dis-
appeared and the conditions that enabled cultivation could only
be maintained with the use of chemical fertilizers, insecticides,
herbicides and fungicides, further augmenting the levels of wa-
14. Canabal, C.B., Torres-Lima, ter, soil and air pollution(14). Furthermore, the paper manufac-
P.A. and R.G. Burela (1992), “La turers and timber companies, who were located in the adjacent
ciudad y sus chinampas. El caso highland zones, have initiated an irreversible process of defor-
de Xochimilco. Primera parte. La estation leading to extensive areas of erosion. This has been
expansión metropolitana y el
medio rural del Distrito Federal”,
exacerbated by indiscriminate use of the area by city dwellers
Colección Ensayos, UAM, in their pursuit of “open space” and countryside activities. The
México. cultivation of maguey for the production of pulqe has been af-
fected by climatic changes, and the temporal lands where sub-
sistence crops such as maize, beans, wheat etc., were culti-
vated have been abandoned due to a shortage of water.
At the beginning of the 1970s, a presidential order reclassi-
fied the city’s administrative and political regions into “urban”
and “agricultural”. Of the city’s 16 political regions, only seven
15. Sánchez, L. (1982), Comisión were allowed to develop as agricultural zones.(15) This new clas-
coordinadora para el desarrollo sification led to important changes in land prices, with land
agropecuario del distrito federal. becoming more valuable for its potential for urban development
Memoria 1978-1982, Fuentes
than for its original agricultural use, thus stimulating the ur-
Impresores, S.A. Departamento
del Distrito Federal. México.
banization of any remaining areas of “green belt”. Within this
process of uncontrollable urban growth, livestock production
16. Losada, H., Cortés, J., and agricultural activities that had previously taken place in
Grande, D., Rivera, J., Soriano, these regions were either displaced (and relocated in neighbour-
R., Vieyra, J., Fierro, A. and L. ing zones) or engulfed by the urban mass to remain as “islands”
Arias. (1996a), “The production of of agriculture within the metropolis (such as the dairies of
milk from dairy herds in the sub-
Iztapalapa(16)). This phenomenon has been strengthened by the
urban conditions of Mexico City.
I. The case of Iztapalapa”, Live-
creation of large distribution centres where agricultural prod-
stock Research for Rural Devel- ucts from the surrounding states are collected and redistrib-
opment Vol.8, No.4, page 53. uted within the city. Such centres include the metropolitan food

Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998 41

URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

Table 1: Indicators of Air, Soil and Water Pollution

supply depot in Iztapalapa which, constructed on an ancient

area of chinampa, generates huge quantities of fruit and vegeta-
ble waste.
The general effect of urbanization has been the generation of
urban pollution as shown in Table 1. This has inevitably af-
fected the resources – water, soil and air – and the agricultural
environment, reducing the production of traditional crops such
as maize. This situation has been compounded by the aban-

42 Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998

 URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

donment of agricultural activity in favour of steady work within

the city, leading to a vicious circle of deserted farmland, urban
expansion and pollution. The extent of the detrimental effects of
these pollutants on humans, animals and plants has not yet
been well evaluated. In order to hide the real effects of air pollu-
tion, the government produced an awkward system of meas-
urement called the Metropolitan Index for Environmental Con-
tamination (MIEC) based on an arbitrary scale as shown below.
Urban expansion was such that outlying villages became in-
corporated into Mexico City, forming the concept of a municipal
conurbation or metropolitan zone. The metropolitan zone is de-
fined as the area containing the city centre and the political and
administrative functions. Its characteristics are typically urban,
representing the place of work and residence of non-agricul-
tural workers. The process of urbanization “burst” the political
boundaries of the politically defined federal district and a number
of municipalities from the state of Mexico were incorporated into
the city, engulfing livestock production, causing the abandon-
ment of other agricultural activities and leading to further dete-
rioration in the environment. The neighbouring regions of these
degraded areas, such as what remains of the old lake Texcoco,
have started to generate new forms of pollution made up of dust
and excrement storms (suspended particles). These reached
such a level in the 1980s that the government implemented its
first “ecological rescue plan” aimed at eliminating the dust-ex-
crement storms and returning the lake to its original role as a
habitat for migrating birds. Nevertheless, the urban spread con-
tinued, inevitably affecting certain ecosystems (e.g. the forest
regions) not only because of building but also because of new
uses for these resources as a result of urban demand. Exam-
ples include the demand for Christmas trees, the extraction of
leaf mulch for use in urban gardens and the collection of fire-
wood for heating wealthy urban homes. This degradation of the
forest environment has culminated in a devastating plague of
bore worms which, to date, has proved impossible to eradicate.
The local authorities have attempted to stall the process of
environmental degradation with ambitious reforestation plans,
proposing the use of non-native species such as eucalyptus.
However, rather than helping, this policy has accelerated the
deterioration of natural habitats with the eucalyptus inhibiting
the growth of native vegetation and consuming large quantities
of water whilst failing to fulfil its role in erosion control and
timber production.
By the end of the 1980s, the pressures of urbanization and
the threats to the traditional agricultural zones were on-going.
This was particularly evident in the area of chinampa on
Xochimilco. Here, the problem was exacerbated by modifica-
tions to Article 27, which legitimized the sale of ejidal land (lands
vested in peasant communities by agrarian reform), which was
considered the last vestige of “green belt” containing the urban
spread. A government proposal focusing on “ecological rescue”
and the prohibition of construction in ecologically sensitive ar-
17. DDFb (1989), Rescate ecol- eas was their attempt to halt this movement and loss of “green
ógico de Xochimilco, Folleto,
belt”.(17)
DDF, México.

Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998 43

URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

The 1990s marked the end of this stage of urban expansion –

checked by economic crisis and a concern to conserve what
natural resources remained. The result of this excessive urban
growth is reflected clearly in the city environment, where the
average area of open space per person is two square metres
compared with an international urban average of ten square
metres. During this same stage of urban growth, 73 per cent of
the forest area, 99 per cent of the wetlands and 71 per cent of
the soil was lost; and it has been calculated that 700 hectares of
18. Schteingart, M, (1989), “The agricultural land is engulfed by urbanization every year.(18)
environmental problems associ-
ated with urban development in
Mexico City”, Environment and
Urbanization Vol.1, No.1, April.
IV. THE ADAPTATION OF AGRICULTURAL
PRODUCTION TO A NEW ENVIRONMENT
IN SPITE OF the environmental degradation and expanding
metropolis which have put great pressure on the traditional
forms of agriculture, the powerful pre-Hispanic antecedent
whereby lifestyle and culture are strongly linked to agriculture

Figure 3: Characterization of the Metropolitan Zone of Mexico City (MZMC) including

the Federal District (FD) in terms of Land Use in an Urban, Suburban and Peri-urban
Space

44 Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998

 URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

has ensured the survival of these traditional systems of produc-

tion. This survival has been reinforced by the relationship be-
tween western urbanization and agriculture as illustrated, for
example, in the activities of gardening or keeping pets. New ways
of using agricultural space have emerged, starting with the crea-
tion of a network of socio-economic relations that have had a
qualitative impact on regional agriculture. It is within this con-
text that three agricultural spaces have been identified: urban,
suburban and peri-urban. Figure 3 shows the metropolitan zone
of Mexico City (MZMC), including the federal district (FD), char-
acterized in terms of the three new land use spaces (indicated
as: U, SU and PU). An area of one square kilometre was ran-
19. García, C. (1992), Guía Roji, domly chosen from the official street map(19) to illustrate land
ciudad de México, area metro- use characteristics of the new spaces by means of several indi-
politana y sus alrrededores, cators relating to urban development.
59ava Edición, México.
a. The Urban Space

The urban agricultural production space is derived from the

livestock practices that existed before the process of urbaniza-
tion. An important characteristic of this model is that the farm-
ing systems are framed within the “urban” concept, with access
to infrastructure and public services causing a rise in land prices.
The increases in land value occasioned the combination of the
home with the processes of production and stimulated an in-
tensification of land use for agricultural purposes. An extension
of this is the reversion of urban spaces, for example using the
flat roofs of houses to keep animals and using public gardens
and sidewalks for grazing. However, the most important char-
acteristic of the urban model is its foundation on two funda-
mental premises: first, the availability of vegetable wastes from
the city’s large markets and food-processing plants as a supple-
ment to the animals’ diet; and second, the sustained demand
from the local population for the resulting agricultural prod-
ucts. A further consideration is the additional pressures of pro-
ducing within an urban environment that do not exist within
the rural equivalent. This is most clearly illustrated by the prob-
lem of agricultural waste, the pressure of disposal of which within
the urban environment has, by necessity, led to the develop-
ment of a “chain of use” whereby the waste produced by the
cattle and pigs of the urban agricultural model is used as a
source of organic material in the suburban and peri-urban
20 . Losada, H., Grande, D., models of agriculture.(20)
Vieyra, J., Arias, L., Pealing, R., The dominant population in the urban space is a heterogene-
Rangel, J. and A. Fierro (1996), ous local or migrant one which has maintained its own culture,
“A sub-urban agro-ecosystem of and the lack of agricultural space has ensured that animals are
nopal-vegetable production
culturally and socially linked to the human environment. The
based on the intensive use of
dairy cattle manure in the south-
main systems of this model include backyard livestock with
east hills of Mexico City”, Live- chickens, turkeys, ducks, geese, pigeons, ornamental birds and
stock Research for Rural Devel- “sporting” birds (e.g. fighting cocks), rabbits and pigs; dairy cattle
opment Vol.8, No.4, page 66. for milk and meat production; a system of pig production de-
rived from conventional mechanized farming systems; and, fi-
nally, a system based on the traditional agricultural orchard,
the family garden which allows the cultivation of vegetables and

Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998 45

46
Table 2: Distribution of Livestock in the Three Zones of the Metropolitan Area of Mexico City in 1990
URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998

 URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

herbs, medicinal and ritual plants, and decorative plants. Table

2 denotes the presence of livestock in the three different spaces
of the metropolitan zone of Mexico City. Actual figures for urban
zones are likely to be higher since it is “illegal” to raise livestock
in urban areas and, in some delegations, the census thus tends
to ignore their presence. Also, people are likely to under-report
the amount of livestock they own for fear of taxes or legal action.
It is interesting to note that there is a larger number of hens in
the urban space than in the peri-urban one despite the latter’s
much greater area and thus potential for keeping livestock. This
phenomenon confirms the hypothesis discussed above that ur-
ban spaces are suitable for livestock production.

b. The Suburban Space

A second agricultural production space resulting from the

urban environment is the suburban model. Here, the new ur-
ban infrastructure has been superimposed upon the original
rural setting, forming a new frontier to agriculture. Despite an
intensive use of space, derived from the pressures of urbaniza-
tion, land prices fluctuate between agricultural and urban lev-
els, acting as an indicator of the viability of an agricultural land
use. These areas tend to be the “reception” areas for provincial
migrants looking for permanent employment in the city whilst
still retaining ties with their original communities. The result is
a multi-cultural social structure.
The best example of suburban agricultural space is the
chinampa of Xochimilco, where a traditional form of agriculture
has been modified in order to function within a degraded envi-
ronment. Traditionally used for the production of vegetables and
flowers, the chinampas are now used for the cultivation of maize
in order to meet the demand from the city’s inhabitants for elote
21. Camacho, P.R. (1995), “La (corn-on-the-cob) and grass turf for use in urban gardens.(21)
situación actual de la agricultura An alternative is the cultivation of romero, a species well-adapted
chinampera de Xochimilco,
to degraded conditions and which reflects the traditional cul-
distrito federal” in Rojas, T. (Co-
ordinator), Presente, pasado y ture of the region (being used in the celebrations of Lent, Day of
futuro de las chinampas, Patron- the Dead and Christmas). Also, the availability of contaminated
ato del Parque Ecológico de water and silt and the lack of productivity have led to a system
Xochimilco, A.C. y CIESAS, based on greenhouses and market gardens which can respond
México. to increased demand for such goods from the growing middle
and upper-class sectors of the city. These changes in the modes
of production have led to a reorganization of the chinampa space,
allowing traditional systems such as dairy production, backyard
production and family orchards to exist alongside new uses of
large areas of previously degraded land, thereby improving the
quality of life for the local residents.
Another factor influencing the reorganization of the chinampa
space is the traditional role of Lake Xochimilco as a recreational
resource, attracting tourists from both Mexico and overseas.
This has led to a new use of the suburban space as a centre of
family recreation and as a place to discover nature and the cul-
ture lost in the process of urbanization. This combination of
tourism and agriculture has provided the impetus for a revitali-
zation of pre-Hispanic and colonial traditions, which is reflected

Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998 47

URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

in the market in Xochimilco where both traditional and con-

22. Losada, H., Pealing, R., sumer goods can be found.(22) In this way, tourism has been
Soriano, R., Rivera, J., Cortés, J., responsible for the rescue of ancient forms of production such
Vieyra, J. and H. Martínez (1997), as the consumption of mextlapiques (fish roasted in maize leaves)
“The rapid appraisal of the sus- and also for the stimulation of new forms of production to meet
tainable Region of Xochimilco by tourist demand such as the cultivation and sale of the Christ-
the study of local markets in the mas Rose. Finally, it has opened the door for products coming
south-east of Mexico City”, Live-
in from neighbouring regions such as the nopal-legume and
stock Research for Rural Devel-
opment Vol. 9, No.3 (in press). timber products from Milpa Alta.
Table 3 shows areas of crop land in the urban, suburban and
peri-urban zones. As mentioned above, land available for crops
in the urban zone is very scarce, with larger areas being avail-
able in the suburban and peri-urban zones. During the Spring/
Summer season, the suburban zone shows larger areas of crop
land use than the peri-urban zone. This is due to the presence
of the chinampas in the suburban space, which is mainly de-
voted to vegetable production during the rainy season (May-
September). In the peri-urban zone, in contrast, perennial crops
constitute the greatest land use.

Table 3: Seasonal Use of Crop Land in the Three Zones of the Metropolitan Area of
Mexico City in 1990

c. The Peri-urban Space

A third agricultural production space is the peri-urban model.

This consists of the last remaining rural spaces in the metro-
politan zone and, although there is an urban infrastructure and
clear indications of an urban influence, there remains a pre-
dominantly rural ambience. The meeting of rural and urban
has created a new concept of the “metropolitan village”, where a
rural way of life is mixed with a city culture. This, in contrast to

48 Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998

 URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

the suburban model, has allowed agricultural land use to re-

main sufficiently profitable vis-à-vis urban land use and is due
to the existence of a mono-cultural society which has prevailed
despite immigration. However, it is clear that the influence of
the city has affected the manner of agricultural production. One
such change is in the pattern of land tenancy whereby, in re-
cent years, private ownership has been granted to land which
has, traditionally, been communal.
A second important change is the predominance of small prop-
erties rather than the large areas of cultivation characteristic of
23. See reference 10. the conventional rural sector.(23) This is associated with the po-
tential use of the land for urbanization and with the preoccupa-
tion of individual producer activity over the communal activities
of the past. In relation to the form of production, the peri-urban
model maintains a pattern of production dependent on income
from both the land and urban employment so that family in-
comes are likely to be the sum of several activities: agricultural
and commercial activities and permanent employment within
the city. An additional factor which has reinforced the urban
link is the introduction of an urban transport system which has
made possible commuting from the “metropolitan village” to the
city centre. Inevitably, this has had a strong cultural influence.
The principal activity continues to be small-scale arable farm-
ing whilst livestock not for self-consumption serves to reduce
“risk” i.e., in periods when there is high availability of employ-
ment in the city, the number of animals decreases and vice versa.
The agricultural systems which are dominant in the peri-ur-
ban model are terraced agriculture in the hills to the south of
the city and valley agriculture in the adjacent areas. The ter-
raced system, with its pre-Hispanic roots, represents an agri-
cultural system which demonstrates a long and close relation-
ship between environment and topography and has determined
the different uses of different spaces. One of the most important
changes to take place in the terraced zone occurred in the 1980s
and coincided with an increasing awareness of health that fo-
cused on the value of high-fibre vegetables and the effect of
hypoglutens. In this respect, nopal-legume represented a food
24. Losada, H., Neale, M., of great importance(24) and this international preoccupation with
Rivera, J., Grande, D., Zavala, R., health stimulated the expansion of its production in the ter-
Arias, L., Fierro, A. and J. Vieyra raced zone, with an increase from 1,600 hectares at the begin-
(1996), “Traditional agricultural
and animal production in the
ning of the decade to in excess of 7,000 hectares today. This,
southeast of Mexico City as a together with a reappraisal of nopal-legume within the well-off
resource for sustainable agricul- population and its export to Japan and the USA, has further
ture. The presence and experi- promoted a growth in production. This has caused prices to
mental utilisation of the nopal rise and, consequently, has improved living standards for the
vegetable (Opuntia ficus-indica) producers.
as an important sustainable crop
The expansion of nopal-legume production has caused a re-
of terraced areas”, Livestock Re-
search for Rural Development
organization of space, such as has occurred in the chinampa
Vol.8, No.2, page 40. zone, and has given rise to a new use of agricultural space. The
backyard, the family orchard, draught animals and milk pro-
duction have remained within the villages while nopal-legume
is grown in a ring around the villages, along with some vegeta-
ble cultivation and has displaced maize as the dominant crop.
There is then a ring of agro-forestry systems which include natu-

Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998 49

URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

ral and introduced crops, sheep, maguey (for pulque produc-

tion) and leaf mulch. Finally, there is the forest itself, providing
a number of resources for the community (resin, firewood, tim-
ber, fungi, compost, etc.). Although an impressive range of pro-
duction systems exist within this zone, the most important (eco-
nomically) is nopal-legume, as shown by its location in the ar-
eas closest to the “metropolitan village”. Nopal-legume, perhaps
more than any other crop, illustrates the close association be-
tween agriculture and the metropolis. Its enormous demand,
from people from all social strata, has caused an expansion in
its production area, the only crop where this has occurred. A
second indication of this link is the adaptation of nopal-legume
production to available technology, i.e. the intensive use of ani-
mal manure produced from the urban and suburban agricul-
tural models, and from the village dairies.
A similar pattern of change, responding to the city’s influ-
ence, can be seen in the maize-bean-squash crop complex, tra-
ditionally characteristic of the rural sector. The traditional black
bean has been substituted by the broad bean which is sold to
meet the urban demand for tlacoyos (a Mexican snack prepared
with maize and broad bean). Likewise with maize, the popular-
ity within the city for products manufactured from blue maize
has led to its cultivation in preference to the white varieties. In
contrast to nopal-legume production, maize is cultivated largely
for own consumption or retail sale but, as in the case of nopal-
legume, the majority of maize producers use manure as their
25. Fierro, A., Losada, H., main fertilizer.(25)
Rangel, J., Rivera, J., Vieyra, J., In the peri-urban production space, an important place is
Arias, L., Cortés, J. and D. occupied by systems linked to recreation. These zones are par-
Grande (1996), “La tecnología de
ticularly popular with the urban low-income groups who, at
la producción de maíz de auto-
consumo como un agroeco- week-ends, visit the area in search of rural isolation and tradi-
sistema sustentable del sureste tional foods. Within this model, two commercial systems can be
de la Ciudad de México”, Memo- identified, namely the barbecue-wool system and the mole sys-
ria, IIe Simposio Internacional y tem.
III e Reunión Nacional sobre The barbecue-wool system is a form of production well-adapted
Agricultura Sostenible, una con- to the forest zones south of the city. It is based on the traditional
tribución al desarrollo agrícola
consumption of mutton steam-cooked in a wood-fired oven and
integral, CSLP, FIUASLP, CEA,
CP México. has developed two aspects, namely the preparation of barbe-
cued food to meet local tourist demand and the supply of vari-
ous markets within the city. These markets include the meat
market (for which up to 2,000 sheep per week are slaughtered)
and the local wool market close to the village of Gualupita.
The second commercial system is the preparation of mole which
is based in the village of San Pedro Atocpan. It represents the
cultural adaptation of a traditional technology, that is pre-His-
panic cuisine, but with the components of today’s production
originating far from the agricultural areas of the zone.
The agriculture of the valley zones is a reminder of conven-
tional management of the rural sector. The system is dominated
by the cultivation of maize, either as a mono-crop or with squash
and broad beans. Cultivated to a lesser extent is amaranto (a
pre-Hispanic grain) which is used in the preparation of alegrías
(a sweet) and atoles (a maize drink). Another relatively impor-
tant system within this zone is cut-fodder production. Alfalfa is

50 Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998

 URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

Table 4: A Summary of the Main Productive Processes found in the Various Urban
Spaces of the Metropolitan Area of Mexico City

one example, managed intensively on a small scale. Another

example is oats which are an important source of feed for
fattening small flocks of sheep and small herds of cattle. A final
example comes from the less fertile areas (due to salinity) where
natural grassland vegetation has established and which is used
for occasional grazing.

V. PERSPECTIVES OF AGRICULTURAL
DEVELOPMENT IN URBAN SYSTEMS
THE PERSISTENCE OF agricultural activity within and close
to the metropolis is a clear example of the strong cultural link
between the inhabitants of the valley of Mexico and their agri-
cultural antecedents of 8000 BC. An innovative population, fac-
ing the problems of serious environmental deterioration brought
about by urbanization, has found ways of adapting to these new
conditions and has developed new technologies allowing it to
continue agricultural activities within a new pattern of produc-
tion. Furthermore, this “ability” to improvise has implications
within the search for a sustainable relationship between the
natural environment, socio-economics and the welfare of ani-
mals.
Contrary to what might have been hoped for, city develop-
ment proposals have been based on a “western model” of devel-
opment, dominated by concrete, automobiles and the concept
of “green spaces” within the city, such as parks and gardens, as
controlled “imitations” of nature. At the same time, agriculture
(historically important in supplying food to the urban centres)
has been considered counter to the ideal of modern, urban life,
giving rise to a curious “corruption” whereby animals exist only

Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998 51

URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

as pets, as “exhibition pieces” (e.g. in zoos) or for sport; and

agricultural livestock is seen as an agent of pollution – to be
prohibited or for the extortion of bribes.
In analyzing the problems that confront the agricultural sec-
tor within the metropolitan zone, it is important to understand
the leading role adopted by the local authorities. The federal
district of Mexico, like the political authorities of many Mexican
states, entrusted its agricultural development to the Coordinated
Commission for Agricultural Development. The commission’s
proposals focused on the seven agricultural delegations of the
federal district which are typified by suburban and peri-urban
agricultural spaces, while those delegations where urban space
production is practised failed to receive any government sup-
port. This means that although, clearly, animals are found in
these urban delegations, they are not recognized at government
level. This problem was further exacerbated by the commission’s
promotion of mechanized agriculture, linked to the agricultural
developments of the “Green Revolution”, ignoring both natural
resources and the producers. Their policy failed. The supplied
technology depended on the intensive use of external inputs
and the cooperation of the producers which never materialized.
The result of this badly implemented policy was the loss of the
notion of a metropolitan agriculture. As a consequence, what
might have been used for agricultural support was redirected
towards plans for “ecological rescue” – one recent example be-
26. Stephan-Otto, S. (1995), ing the ecological park of Xochimilco.(26) The plan consisted of
Sustentabilidad de los parques isolating a small part of the wetland zone and implementing a
ecológicos: el caso del parque canal cleaning programme, prohibiting further urbanization and
ecológico de Xochimilco,
substituting untreated waste for treated waste within the area.
Segundo Seminario Internacional
de Investigadores de Xochimilco, Yet, however well-intentioned, the plan represents an example
Memorias, Asociación Inter- of the loss of the aforementioned concept of “agriculture” and
nacional de Investigadores de the producers, who are the agents responsible for any changes
Xochimilco, S.A. México. towards sustainability, continue to use agro-chemicals, contami-
nated water and silt, etc., leaving much to be desired regarding
27. Bookchin, M. (1992), Urbani- a plan of “ecological rescue”.
sation Without Cities: The Rise
and Decline of Citizenship, Insti-
In contrast to the blinkered view of the government, the enor-
tute of Policy Alternatives of Mon- mous imagination and capacity of the new urban farmer has
treal (IPAM), Black Rose Books, made possible agricultural production within the urban envi-
Montreal/New York. ronment. This phenomenon introduces a very important dimen-
sion, demonstrating the capacity of the unprotected sectors (i.e.
the urban farmer) to generate alternative solutions in the face
of the ecological “catastrophe” presented by the uncontrolled
growth of the city. They have reorganized space, devised new
ways of using degraded land, modified conventional agricultural
systems in response to the demands of the urban sector and
have realized the potential for utilizing large volumes of waste
as a source of food for animals and/or plants. An example of
this adaptation and development of a “new” technology can be
found in the delegations east of the city. Here, the metropolitan
food supply depot produces huge volumes of fruit and vegetable
wastes which allow the dairy stables, considered illegal by the
local authorities, to exist and expand (albeit within a medium of
bribes and fines). The excreta from the livestock is transferred
to the terraced and valley agricultural systems (which typify the

52 Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998

 URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

peri-urban model) and is used as an organic fertilizer, as a tem-

perature regulator and as a water provider, thus forming a chain
of recycling never considered by official programmes.
Despite some more enlightened attitudes relating to
sustainability, the large urban centres are generally regarded
as generators of contaminants, destroyers of natural ecosys-
tems and high consumers of external inputs. But in the light of
this article, this is clearly too narrow a vision of the urban situ-
ation. The growth and development of the urban centre has led
to the establishment of new markets, directly influencing tradi-
tional systems of production. One example is that of ornamen-
tal birds, which have generated a new industry supplying cages,
food and drink dispensers, and other accessories, while the
demand for seed, fruit and insect feed has promoted new sources
of agricultural work and reduced the flow of migrants from the
countryside to the city. Another example is gardening which
has assimilated a significant number of urban farmers and which
constitutes a new industry in commodities such as compost,
flowerpots, turf, ornamental plants, tools, furniture, etc. A third
and very significant example is that of nopal-legume. The in-
creased demand from the city for this product has stimulated a
need for labour and a re-evaluation of land values, to such an
extent that nopal-legume growing land is of sufficient value to
provide a “green” barrier to contain city growth.
A change in outlook by the authorities is currently taking place
as a result of two factors. The first, namely the economic crisis,
has limited development opportunities and therefore reduced
the pressure to purchase land for construction. This has been
reinforced by a government policy to increase the cost of living
within the metropolitan area in a strategy to reduce migration
from the countryside. Similarly, the second factor, that of envi-
ronmental degradation and pressures on natural resources, has
increased a general awareness of the need to conserve “rural”
spaces. This changing attitude has generated an urban phe-
nomenon characterized by projects of “action-rescue”. Exam-
ples of these include projects implemented in the former Lake
Texcoco area in the 1980s and, more recently, in the chinampa
zone of Xochimilco. Here, in spite of the limitations of this type
of “ecological rescue” project, urban development has been
stalled and research aimed at diminishing pollution and regen-
erating production has been supported.
Within this context, the opportunity arises to find an alterna-
tive form of agricultural development for the metropolis, switch-
ing from mechanized forms of production that endanger the
environment to traditional urban systems of agriculture char-
acterized by “self-conserving” technologies which avoid pollu-
tion and ecosystem degradation, and that allow increased in-
come generation thereby benefiting large sections of the popu-
lation who have scarce economic resources. An additional ob-
jective concerns animal welfare and the search for a method of
production which respects the well-being of the livestock whilst
maintaining a reasonable standard of living for the producers.
The suggestion that agricultural development within the city
should base itself on the existing urban systems is supported

Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998 53

URBAN AGRICULTURE IN MEXICO CITY

by the fact that a close working relationship has developed be-

tween different systems, forming a complex agricultural struc-
ture in which, for example, the wastes of one system (i.e. ex-
creta) are used as a source of organic material and nutrients in
another system (i.e. arable production). This allows, in the me-
dium term, an improved, more efficient use of renewable natu-
ral resources and the abandonment of those forms of produc-
tion based on the use of fossil fuels such as oil. It is necessary
to stress that urbanization has only been a problem since the
beginning of the modern era although cities have existed long
before this. Bookchin (27) pointed out that we need to be aware of
the social and ecological relationships that exist within cities
beyond the economic processes of production and consump-
tion.
Accepting a proposal such as the one presented in this work
will not be easy to achieve. In the first place, it is necessary to
establish a working relationship between researchers and the
city authorities, in which modifications to the city environment
and the emergence of a new generation of urban farming sys-
tems are acknowledged. Recognition of these systems of pro-
duction would enable the implementation of relevant research,
focusing on the integration of these systems with their environ-
ment, improving their management and reducing the obstacles
presented by the politicians. It is also clear that the urban agri-
cultural producer has responsibilities and an obligation to fol-
low certain “rules” such as acceptable animal management and
the elimination of the foul smells, flies and rats that are fre-
quently associated with livestock production. In conclusion, it
is clear that we need to reconsider what sort of city we really
want - and this may involve a rejection of the “western” model of
development where animals are nothing more than pets, in fa-
vour of a new model which searches for a development in har-
mony with nature and based on a system of production which
originated in the valley of Mexico.

54 Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1998

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