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/ 194
1927. No.3. __AN ETYMOLOGICAL VOCAMULARY OF PASHTO 9
56.
247:
VOWELS
¢ genitive prefix, v. da.
é ‘pron. suff. 9 pers.', G. < Av. he, — In many dia
éba ‘splint in the leg of a horse’. — Etym, unknown.
oba f. ‘water’, G, < Av. af-. — Gen. dba, Waz. (9666. -a@ < *-ah?
Cf. malob,
abl ‘barefooted’, v. pal.
obrat {. ‘a green plant growing at the bottom of ponds’. — H. wbrité.
— Prob. <‘ap-wydakt. ‘growing in water’.
uiad ‘high’, v. hash.
aiawul ‘to throw, cast’, also ‘to fasten, put, build’: as war watawied
‘to put the hands on’ (Khl.), saray (ye) wéléawo ‘he built a palace’
(Nz.), bray é waéawula — jora kya ‘he built a tower’ (M. 3).
Prob. < *a-séab-, cf. Av. upa-skamb- ‘to fasten’, fra-skamb~ ‘to fasten,
build’. Vend. 18,74: Orisatem fra-stimbanam frastimbayoit ‘he shall
fasten thirty fastenings’ (= beams), the Ph, transl. gives pa frat
awgani$uih and fraé awgandan. This shows that skamb- ‘to press
against, fasten’ had early acquired the meaning ‘to put’ and further
‘to throw’.
Prs. anda@xtan also combines the meanings of ‘throwing’, ‘putting’
and ‘building’.
The prefix @ was shortened, and did not become g-. Cf. also
, @ g. & wariid dyad ‘thy brother came’ < “tai brata agatah.
aida ‘breath’. — Cf. Oss. nd ‘id’?
ve.
do ‘sleeping’, G. < Av. “hufta, — Afr. wida, Waa. wéwd, Ms. wbwd.
In several dialects replaced by slast.
dal, tiwom ‘to weave’, G.< Av, ubda-, Ske. vabh. — Ci. also Orm.,
Par. yaf, Sar, wiftchoz ‘weaver’ (Bellew). H. gwum, Khl. édama,
B, wowi, Waz. wavdel, wéba, (with 6, as if from an Ir. root in -),
wawana ‘woof’, wavdanai ‘band that holds a sheaf together’ (rhyming
with Peht, wandanat ‘id’).
a@ér_m. ‘indigestion, flatulence, dyspepsia’. — < *#-gyta- ‘devouring’?
Ch nyardal.
dyustal, ayundom ‘to dress’, G. fam, but *aum > om (ef. oma). On the other hand both
*an and ‘aun > an (G. §§ 2,2, B, and 5,4). At an early date
both # and om had the same narrowing influence on the preceding
vowel. Later, when “a, “a had passed through the stage “a
(preserved in the obl. pl. -6 <-a), “du towards wm and iin, “awit,
*aun also became ait, *o#. But at this time only the # influenced
the vowel further, through the combined force of its nasality and
its high position of the tongue,
249. oma m. ‘n. of a plant’, G. < Av. haomar. — Ace. to Khl, it grows
in Tirah, and the seeds are eaten. — Cf. s. v. om,
eman ‘quiet, agreeable’. — Etym. unknown.
2. and ‘grandmother’, G, < Av. hand- ‘old woman’, — Waz. mid, Khi,
H., B., M. aya ete, Rav. nia. — Prob. ana is a childrens’ word,
cf. Sar., Turki and ‘mother’ (Bell.), Lat. anus, Old High Germ. ana
‘grandmother’ ete.
anai ‘babbler, talkér’, — Etym. unknown. 1927. No.3. AN ETYMOLOGICAL VOCABULARY OF PasHTO 11
340.
318.
251.
ancat ‘yarn’, Khl. nasa’, — On ace. of ¢, nots, scarcely connected
with Shgh. ancaw- ‘to sew’. Cf. Waig. aéf ‘yarn’?
inda ‘mouthful, gulp’. — Etym. unknown.
inga ‘female who accompanies a bride’. — Derivation from “han-gait- is
phonetically poss., (cf. winja), but not prob.
injar m. ‘Gg’, G. <*anjir = Prs. anfir. — Prob. borr.
angir ‘agreement’, Darm. p. 264 <‘*han-kdra-; but G. would expect
*angor, — # for 6 might be due to faulty orthography, but hank”
> ang: is not prob. (cf. goral). — Neither Rav. nor Bell. give this
word.
anangai ‘cheek’, W:
anal ‘to grind’ (v.s. v. ora).
orm. ‘fire’, G. < Av. adr. Waz. vor (but ydra-ba/ ‘hearth’ ef. s.v.
pal), B., Ate. wor, Khl, hor, HH. or etc. — mrt, ere ‘oshes’ ace. to
Darm, LIM < Av. @izya-, Waz. tra, M.3, H., Kh. i Shgh. dir
‘ashes’ < “Darya. <*adrya-?
ora (also owrat) ‘cloud’, G. < Av. awra-. — B. wara <*abrya-.
Waz. woryoe, H. wariaz, Khl. wryas, M. waryés, G
(cf. $a/a). — Oss, dwray ‘cloud’ poss. also belongs to the same stem
in spite of Habschmann’s objections (Etym., no. 29). wr > ri (ef. arw
‘sky’) only in initial and final position?
orai ‘gums’, firai, awrat (Bell.), Waz. wrai B. taw’rsr, M. owrd, H. aré,
Khl. ara. — Cf. Par. wird (lw., as w- becomes 7-), Pash. birt,
Badakhshi Prs. we'ra, Lhd. dtr, Oy ‘line of teeth’? The nature of
the connexion between these words is obscure.
orbal ‘curl’, v. s. v. warbal.
orbast, orba&e f. pl. ‘barley’. H. warbéSe, M. warbase, B. arbaSé, Khair-ul-
B. wrbsy, Waz. rébose (infl. by 1#6a/ ‘to reap’), ero”. — Cf. Sang].
wurwut, Ishk. urwus, Yd. yersivoh, — Derivation from “fra-bySva-,
ef. Skr. dhysti- ‘spike’, Old Norw. éarr (< “barsa-) ‘pine-needles’
ete., is phonetically imposs. Poss. < “fra-puSva-, ef. Skr. pugya-
‘power’, nourishment’, pus ‘to thrive, flourish, be nourished’. —
Scareely connected with a hypothetical Ir. “arpa: (cl Gr, daqe,
Alban. ef'p ‘barley’), from which Jokl (Festschr. Kretschmer, 90)
derives Turk. arpa.
2. nangai, Kh, alangé. — Etym. unknown.
wryaf f,
wriaj <*abrait-
. drédal ‘to rain’, v. woredal.
aryund m. ‘large knuckle-bone used in a game’. — Ftym. unknown.
ar(a)t ‘wide, expanded’. Darm. < *haréia-, rejected by G. — arat,
Orm. lw. arat < “a-rasia- ‘straightened out’, Cf araial (arzam, AJ.
arenam, B. arsén3) ‘to loosen’ <“arasn-, cf. Skr. yAjaie’ ‘straightens’,
Oss. arazin ‘to straighten’.
arwedal, awredal (arwam) ‘to hear’. Cf. Par. harw- ‘to hear’, Av. hary
haurva- ‘ob-servare’. In fut, wa-ba-rwam, a has been treated as a
prefix, cf, wa-d-dawom from aiawzl ‘to throw’, etc. 12 GEORG MORGENSTIERNE H.-F.
avai, arzamai m, ‘cructation’. Darm. LVI compares N.Psht. argamai
with Prs. day etc. — But arg- must be derived from *@rwx-3. War.
arjamai prob. for argamat. Cf. also Sar. réy ‘belch’ (Bell.).
ay m. ‘hinderance, stoppage’, ara ‘obstacle, stop’, aram m. ‘prop,
bar, pillar’, ayamai ‘id’, artkai ‘bar of wood, prop’, ayédal ‘to stop’.
Prob, not from Av. ar- ‘figere’, aipi-, aiw# oraio-gatu- ‘with fixed
place’, but borr, from Ind,, cf. Hi. ay ‘stoppage’ ete.
Waz. dra f. ‘need, request’, @yiva ‘at variance with, disputing’. Cf Av.
*ara0a- ‘process, dispute’, ar29e- ‘disputing’.
253. Or? m. pl. ‘flour, G. compares Prs. ard etc, — Cf. also Shgh. yan,
Yaghn. art, Ishk. uluk, Vd. yarah, Par. (w)drun. — Waz, dro means
‘dough’. With ayod ‘to grind’ cf Shgh. yanwm ‘L grind’, Orm. hin
Pek
Ay. aSa-, Ishk. wluk <*rla-.
3. asai ‘hoar-fros’, G. < Ay. ist- (corr, isu-), Cf. Sar. i ‘cold’, — Un-
known to H., B. Khl. — The similarity with Dido (Caucasus) ist
‘snow’ is accidental. Cf, Andi angi, Abkhas. as’
g. ds ‘horse’, < Av. aspa- — Waz. wos, f. wospa, Afr. was, waspa,
Z. pl. wastan and wastna, H. a3, aspa, Khl. as, aspa.
254 dsai ‘antelope’. — G. compares Prs. aif ‘id’, Av. asus ‘quick’, —
H. gse, Ga. asdv, Khl. ose, AJ. hasat f. — The @ has been nar-
rowed through the influence of the -w,
255. dsédal ‘to dwell’, G. compares Skr. ag@- ‘space, region’, Av. asah-.
— Cf also as ‘now’, Afr. was, Kh. ws, Ms. wes, Bn. Waz. a,
and Minj. wos, Samn. dsé(2), — 63 is a noun: wos Aé, tar dsa ete.
— @stédal ‘to dwell’ is a denominative, ef Skr. asthtia- ‘staying,
abiding’ (cf. a@stawu/),
aspa ‘suffocation’. — Derivation from “aspa < *a-spaha-, Sky. “a-soitsa-
‘non-breathing’ is poss.; but generally a is lost.
256. dspina, dspana ‘iron’, G. < Av. “ayo spatnam ‘the white metal’. — H,
Khl. déspana, Z. wéspana, B. wa'spana. — G.s derivation is not
semasiologically prob., and ayé could scarcely result in a-. — All
Ir, forms point to *sw, e.g. Wkh. i, Yd. rispin, Shgh. ’spn ete.
Gypsy absin ‘steel’ is borr. from a form related to Oss. dfsin,
with Gadaba (Munda) ésdn cf. Samn, san, Phi. astm, with Persic
$< *Sw. Prs. than with A<*O <*su, cf. Ane. Prs, vi9a-, 2
‘all’, is due to a dialectal variation inside Persic. — Ir, *aswanl y)a-?
asiawul ‘to send, dispatch’, asidjai, astajai ‘messenger’. — Horn (817)
compares Prs. finistadan, Cf. specially Ishk. astud ‘sent’ < "a-sta-ta-
CE. also astedal ‘to dwell’ s. v. dsédol.
Sa ‘tear’, G. < Av. asru-, — H. dxa, Khi. oa¢ (pl.), B. oxbi, Wax. yesha
dha. 6, 9 through the influence of -v. Orm. K. pl. hencéi.
246. A ‘camel’, G. < Av. uSira., — Waz, yi, Pur. 1 was, B Km. wax,
M., Z., Kh, ete. ax. — § <*30r is regular. Brahui Aud, with in-
hil. <*yn-, sec. to Grierson) ‘to be ground’, —*aria- = “a-yta-, 1927. No.3. _ AN ETYMOLOGICAL VOCABULARY oF Past 13
258,
organic h, and é<§ as in pué ‘dress’ is borr. from Psht. or a
related Ir. dialect.
at ‘8’, G. < Av. aSta. — Khl., H., K., Sw., B. 1, Ghilz, df, Kh. Sh.
dla, A. tb, M.3, Z. dtd, Km. ata’, Mex ath, Kh.x 63, Waz. ofa, woia,
Ms, wufa, M. wa'iah, M. 2 waa,
atia ‘80’, G. < Av, asta — Kh. ete. also calor Sala. Ch also Aimaki
aitia (Ramstedt, JSocFinnoOugr. 1905). Gen. Aim. borrows the
higher numerals from Prs.; aéfia is a contamination of atia and
Prs, hagtad, It is not prob. that the Psht. transition S¢> ¢ is later
than the Mongol invasion (cf. awia), — Oss. (shepherds’.d
awia ‘70’, G. < Av. haptaiti-, — Gen. dwya, Kh. dré nim Sila, M. las
Spéta, Orm, K, awar, L. awaity. Aimaki afiva (v. atia) < Psht. awia
+Prs, hafiad, — Oss. (shepherds’ dial.) dvdai,
owa ‘blister, pustule’. — Etym. unknown.
awa ‘7’, G. < Av. hapla, Gen. wa, H., B. 4%, Sw., B.1, Pur, Sh.,
Kh. ud, Kh. x d03, Mit, Z. dad, M, owd’, Kh. owd ete. — Reg
w< ft v. tod.
wi m, pl. ‘the mane of a horse’, — Etym. unknown.
awugtal, awayam ‘to turn, change, revolve’, G, < Skr. a-2yt-. — Waz.
arawal ‘to overturn’ (cf. prosawul).
axérol ‘to plaster, besmear’, axara ‘plastering’. — V. xor.
axistel, @xlam ‘to take, seize’, Darm. and G, < Av, xad- (vi-xad- ‘to
force apart’). — But the derivation from this root, which Barth.
compares with Skr, Ahad: ‘to devour’, is semasiologically difficult,
and Psht. ¢ remains unexplained. si/|=sa/) ‘100 < sata- (G § 6,2)
is no parallel. Oss. axsju, axst- to seize’ has orig. *s, — But ef, Skr.
bhid- ‘to strike, press’, a-hhid- ‘to seize’ (RV.,1V, 25,7: d’sva vedah
bhiddli), — Khl. dxistal, doiloma, H. ete. ayrsiol, Afr. wéxsto ete.
i ‘brother in law’. Khl. auxé, H. a%xe, M, swxkar, B. waxka,
Waz. woxsai ‘wife's brother or sister’s husband’. Orm. K. lw. @xgai.
*axwéai <*a-hwasru-ka-, cf, Skr. Svasruya-. (Ci. xosina).
é2rai ‘stomach of an animal’ yim. unknown.
Ga ‘shoulder’, H. ga, Khl. o\ga, Pur. 1 dya, Waz.
.) dstat.
. < Av, aSa-
(AO: 1, 278):
@sai ‘grain measure (14 pounds)’, Waz. . unknown.
éjat ‘necklace’, Waz. wita. — Etym. unknown. — *wag- < *wye- cf
Skr. gyj- ‘to bend, twist’ ete. ?
iiga ‘garlic’. Cf, Skr. nsza- ‘hot, acrid, onion’, Khow. aasne ‘garlic’.
# < Sn (cf. pga)?
aid ‘ong’. G.’s derivation from *uxSite-, Skr. wbsita ‘strong, of full
growth’ is neither phonetically nor semasiologically satisfactory.
Waz. wid, £ wuSda supports the comparison with Sak. dulysa-,
Soghd. firs, Wkh. vore ‘long’ < Av. barse- ‘high’ ete. Chi also GEORG MORGENSTIERNE HF. RL
Yazgh. vae ‘high, long’ (Gauth., JA. 1916, 268). Regarding éd < ra
v. s.v. léfal. — Ishk. wudduk ‘high’ is prob.’a different word (cf
Wkh. wué id.’ < Av, uséa-2), *bars. is contained in ordza ‘a moun-
tain height, Zeb wera ‘high, tall’. — Ct. also Orm. pa-bad ‘above,
outside’?
@5iyi! ‘to incite, stimulate’. — Etym, unknown,
B:
a verbal prefix, employed to denote future and habitual past. —
TL, B., Nz, Khl., ete. ba prefixed, Kh, also postfixed (warte yaya ba
‘T shall tell him’, <9 6a dér Aa ‘I shall give you’). Bn. wé, gen, post.
fixed (warta wiaya we), Kuki (ace. to.M,) wo (29 wo +++ euhkam =
49 ba +++ wnkam ‘I shall do’). — Not borr. from Prs. bi, Pazend be,
which has a somewhat different use, but prob. connected with. it,
as proposed by G. (GiltPh. I, 2, 220), .Cf. Wkh. ap, prefixed or
postfixed, denoting the fut. Prob. all these particles are connected
with Av. apaya, apam ‘afterwards, hereafter’, ape ‘alter’, The identi-
fication of Prs, ¢ with dz ‘without’ (Horn, GrirPh, I, 2, 150) is
not convincing.
bae ‘loss’ (at play ete), cf. Skriv apaya- id’?
-b», pl. -bdina if. ¢. ‘protecting’, e.g. pob ‘cowherd’. G. < Av. pa
‘to protect’. — H. spa ‘shepherd’, gen, Span (q. v.). ba may re-
present Av, paiti-.
byaré ‘return, coming back’. —~ Etym. unknown,
bugnédal ‘to shy, start, wince’, Waz. besnédal. Etym. unknown, —
Denom. from *hanrbuxSana-, ct Lith, bigti ‘to shy'?
baht, baz m, ‘an ornament for the arm or ankles,’ Hiibschm. (ad,
Horn, 167) compares Gabri bazband ‘armlet’, Arm, bahuand ‘a female
ornament’ = Prs, éa@siband etc. — But dahn, bacn alone, without
-band, is not found in Ir. in the sense of ‘armlet’ etc, Prob. the
word is of Ind. origin, cf. Si, 6447 ‘ornament for the arm’, dahnte
‘armlet’, Kshm, ééhé ‘armlet’. Lhd. daha’ means. ‘shoulder of a
horse’, Kshm. éa@ ‘arm’. — ‘The Psht. pl. dahtzgan does not prove
the Prs. origin of the word, cf &. g. léwa ‘woll’, pl. lewagitn, —
The In, forms with A, Prs, éah@ ‘arm from elbow to shoulder’ ete,
are derived from a specific Persie form with 8 <¢ (v. AO, |, 254)
as is now proved by the form éadzh ‘arm’ in the Phi, Psalter.
— Prs. ba2@ in the sense of ‘side of a bedstead’ has been borr,
into Psht., and has semasiologically influenced Lhd, 6a/7 ‘id’,
12, bel ‘second, other’, Darm., G,< Ay. bitya, Regarding d v. dow. —
Jabla, wabla “together, with another’ < *haéa-, awa- dwitya, (Darm,
CXLII fable < ‘j-pal = Prs. az pat ‘down'), Note “*haéa ‘with’, as
in Ind. 1927, No.3. _AN ETYMOLOGICAL YOCABULARY.OF PASHTO fi
a
bias ‘touch, contact, distress’, d/asedal ‘to afflict, touch, graze, abrade’,
é.edal Sd.’, Waz. blavsedal ‘to cateh, trip, stumble’. — blad- < tupa-
dafta-, blas-, blavs- <“upa-dafsa-. Cf Skr. dabh- ‘to hurt, injure,
destroy, deceive’, dabhra. ‘small, deficient, distress’, upa-dambh- ‘to
lessen, destroy’? Av. dad- ‘to deceive’, Oss. dawyx ‘to steal’ have
preserved only the secondary meaning of the reot. Cf Wkh. na-
Sevsam, na-Sevdam, Sar. nd-Sevdao ‘to stain, affect’.
bleédal ‘to swaddle’ < *upa-dye-. (v. (iat.
ban ‘cowite’, Gansai ‘stepson’, < Av. hapadni-. Cf, Orm.K. wan, winjok,
Prs. vast (Barth., miranM. Ill, 29), Shgh. abt, Phi. bandi8n ‘queen’
(Tedesco, BSL. XXVI, 64).
bande ‘upon, above’ < *updntai. Cf. Sak. dendj ‘id’, and poss. vant,
in Niya Kharoshthi inseriptions (ace. to Konow). — Prob. with ori-
ginal @, as @ would becomei#. Cf in Ind. Poguli pat ‘upon’ ete.
bain ‘raiter’, v. sv. wéSa.
baxa ‘wing-feather’, dana ‘eyelash’, v.s.v. pana,
bar ‘victorious’ < Av. upara ‘higher, superior’, dar ‘on, above’ <
Av. upairi, not necessarily borr. from Prs.
bar ‘man who has lost his child’, Waz. dia f. ‘bringing forth dead’
< Ay. apudra. V. torbar (s.v. ira), and wrara (3. v. wrare),
bray m. ‘fold, plait’, brayanai ‘twin’, byarg ‘double, twofold’, dyarga
‘woman who has brought forth twins’, — Etym, unknown. — dray
<“byar < *biyar < *dwikara- (cf. bal) ‘double’, cf. Prs. agar, Kurd.
hakar < Ane, Prs. "hakaram ‘once’, éivakaram ‘how many times?
With early contraction *dwikaraka. > byarg?
baryolai ‘lid of a pot’. — Etym. unknown. — V. éar,
taj ‘the bark of a tree, which is very slight and often used as
paper’. G. compares Skr. ditarja- ‘birch-(bark)’, but objects to b- cac-. But ef. Prs. caktdan. — Note cackai ‘a drop’,
but Waz. séskai.
cok ‘who’ < di+aka- (in order to avoid the collision with ca < cit),
B,, Shirani G6 influenced by the oblique a < Av. kaya, ef. Yaghn.
kai, Whh. kai, Shgh. (a¢. Regarding ¢ < &y v. Gara. — With the
difference between *éi and *ka- cf ¢, g. Yasna 43,7: G8 a@ht hahya
ahi? = Psht. cok ye, da é@ ye? ‘who art thou, to whom dost thou
belong?”
324. cola’ ‘a pillar of mud or stones as a mark for land’, also ‘a pile of
stones on the grave of a martyr’. G. compares Bal. cédag ‘stone
pillar erected to demarkate a road’, Darm, considers calai to be
an old Iw. from Skr. eaifya-. — This may be the case as regards
the Bal, and other Ir, words also. — ca/ai ‘a ring for the finger’ is
borr. from Lhd. chaa.
14, calor ‘4’, G. @ (ch. tera). cera (also written crhra) ‘picture’ is certainly
borr. from Prs. where ifr is gen, pronounced as ér (cf. e, g. Psht.
meéraban < Prs. mihrbin); but cér and bar-cér ‘clear, manifest’ have
no Prs, equivalents and seem to be genuine.
Vid.-Akad, Skrifter, 1, HP. Ki, 1927, No.3 P 20.
16.
327.
GEORG MORGENSTIERNE, H.-F. Kl.
dira ‘incision, cut, ribbon, strip’, G. compares Skr. cira- ‘strip, narrow
piece of cloth, rag’, cf, Prs, é ‘part, portion’. —- The Psht, word
is borr, from Ind., cf Hind. ef ‘a slit, rent, strip of clothes’.
corb ‘fat, stout’. G. compares Prs. davd ‘id’. — H. swe, £. saréd ete.
— Cf also Sak. tearéa-. — Is “arp < “gerp- connected with Av.
kahrp- ‘corporeal form’, Lat. corpus. etc.?
carman m., {., ‘skin, leather’, G. < Av. éaraman, — Prob. from the
pl, cf s.v. daman, — carma f. ‘side, margin, extremity’ is prob.
related to this word (‘skin’ > ‘outside’), But céma ‘id’?
cor ‘crooked, erump’, — Etym. unknown.
*“caymanai ‘spring’, Waz. carnitnai, Pur. codiminat (r?), Mando Khel
sarniinae. It is difficult to connect this word with Av. earmaya-
‘spring’, Phi. sarmayinaé ‘vernal’, even though » sometimes spon-
taneously becomes 7 in Psht., and c < e might be due to the
* influence of carédal ‘to graze’.
agai ‘spindle’ < *éas-ira, cf. Skr. edtira- (cat- ‘gamane’ Naigh.), Kati
ete. Gar, Wh. cittr (borr. from Ind.)
co§at ‘spout, tube’, v. cagal.
caja! ‘to drink’, acc, to G. borr. from Prs. éasidan (? = éasidan ‘to
taste’). — This is semasiologically not prob,, and the verb can be
genuine, Khl. ete. shal, B. chel, Afr. cxal, caxad, Bo. & (USL cust),
Waz. iol < egal with after c. The initial group ¢§- is of
course unstable. — N. Psht. caka ‘taste’ has been borr, into Orm. K,
— éag- in the sense of ‘drinking’ is found in Soghd. (cf, Tedesco,
BSL. XXIII, 115). — Cf, also cogai ‘spout of a vessel’ etc, < ¢as-bra-?
caStan ‘master, husband’, with dissimilation taStaz (so Orm. K.), Khair
ul-B. fin, B. dextiin (Orm. L. éesfan). — Acc. to Prof. Andreas
< Castana, name — or title? — of the renowned Kshatrapa. The
orig. Ir. form must have been something like *éarstana-.
Waz. cavda ‘nook under overhanging rocks, cave’. Cf. Orm. K. iw, pl.
dw? {, ‘a hollow or cave in a precipice’, Prs. ¢a/fa ‘curved, bent,
a vaulted roof’. — Prob. < *éafti-, which, if related to Gr. “agro
‘to bend’ ete., must have been infl. by verbal forms with palatal
(cf. e.g. Skr. hats). — Ir, é becomes Orm. c; but é is poss, found
before #, cf. Orm. K. exat ‘fattened’, L. cixdt, K. com ‘eye’, L. am
and im. Cf also K. cam ‘year’, L. édn. But it is also poss. to
derive the Orm. word from “hafii-, cf. Gw, pl. diai f. Shouse’ < "hati.
cwab m. ‘longing, eagerness, mania, passion’ < *éaupa-, ef. Ske. hopa-
‘irritation, passion’, Lat. cupio, poss. also Shgh. bfod- ‘to call, demand”
< *hufla-, W. Oss. kownn ‘to pray’,
cowrai ‘provisions for a journey’, v. s. v. Saal
cwurlai ‘chisel, gimlet’, Waz. cwalai ‘burglar’s jemmy’. — Etym. un
known. 1927. No, 3. AN BTYMOLOGICAL VOCABULARY OF PASHTO 19
Waz.
(ar.)
22,
ar.
caxa, jaxa ‘near, with’, Km.ska. Ci. Bal. éaxa. Darm. LVI <“ae-x0a?,
Not prob., a8 aw ‘side’ would retain its ew. But the word may
contain hata,
cxedol ‘to creep. — Etym, unknown.
Cc.
é@ obl. of. c68, q.v.
G, Ge ‘that’ (conj.), Not identical with Prs, é& ‘what = Psht. ca, nor
genuine Psht. < “hahya (cf. s. v. cok), but prob, borr, from Prs. é
with change of meaning. Cf. also Par, ée ‘that’ (conj.).
Gira ‘noise, outery
tym. unknown.
éuyai ‘blinkard’, éayai ‘hump-backed’. — Etym, unknown.
‘dla ‘lane, ward’, v. kalai.
éana ‘back-wall of a house. — Etym. unknown.
tanyat ‘betrothed, B. éényol, < "kanya-kata- ‘desiring a girl’, or ‘desired
by*", ef, Av. *hala- ‘desired’, Aaint- ete., ‘gir?, Prs. Aants, Kurd. kant,
bent, Zaza kéina, Oss. Hinj, ding ‘bride’; Par. kaste ‘gir? <"kanisia-? —
éanyala f. is formed from the m, — Prs. kanyal, kangala ‘whore-
monger’, Aanyala ‘whore’ are prob. also compounded with dain
but with -pala cf. due-yala etc. (cf GrirPh, I, 2, 69). Par. kenyala
‘bride, betrothed’ is borr. from Prs., ef. Aenyala in the sense of
‘matrimonial. suit’.
é@r f. ‘work’, ace. to G. ‘eastern Psht.’ = ‘western’ Agr. — But Waz.
also é@r. — kar is borr. from Prs., gar is genuine, ef. Av. kairya-,
Sak. Aira-, Par, ker, Prob. the original form was *hari-, cf. Skr. hart-
f. ‘action’ (Pan. Ill, 3,r10). kiya could not lose the final syllable
(cf s.v. dar.) Reg. é ef. cara.
y G, compares Prs, harg, Av. Aahrhatas-, Ske. kphavabu-
tire <*kykya-, cf. Orm. L. kiréi, Minj. Aarivd ‘hen’ (Gauth.
MSL. XIX, 147 < *krgya-), Shgh. ug m., éa§ £,, but Wkh. Aurk,
Par, Aury. — Cf. also Gr. zéoxos ‘cock’.
éarta ‘where’ < *hari-Sta, *har’ is formed on the analogy of uparé
ete, v. Ayarta.
éaya ‘knife’, acc. to G. an ‘eastern’ form of “kara. All. diall. seem
to have é-: Waz. é6ya, M. tdya, M. 3 cara, Khl. dara, H, édpo ‘small
knife’, éayd ‘large knife’. — There is no spontaneous transition of
& > @ in E. (or N,) Psht, but & becomes & before i, y (also
heterosyllabic). aya < *hariya-, cf. Orm. L. kali, Kurd. her, Sangl.
hir, Wkh. R58 (rt remains, but *rf*> 2), Sar. doy (Bell.), Bal. karé
(€<, cf grané ‘knot’), Shgh. karé (‘steel’, borr. on ace. of &:),
Skr. Ayfli-ka-, Lhd, katz ete. — This palatalization of #- is found in
most of the) words in é& given here. In Avior ‘younger’, and poss.
kagap ‘tortoise’, the change of s > § has exhausted the palatalizing
force of the y.° Cf. also War = lar ‘road’, myast ‘month’, 20
GEORG MORGENSTIERNE H.-F. RL
In Shgh. (and Sar) &, g, x become é, 2 § before all vowels
but w (and #, 6 éad *y remained longer,
v. 8. v. ristinat), Bivd- ‘to call, demand’ (cf. Oss. #avjn ‘to pray’, v.
s.v. wad), Kimd ‘stone’ (Skr. kemba-?), (Bor ‘blind’, Rar ‘work’ are
lw.s); pany ‘hair’, pod ‘ear’, ye-ctd ‘cow-shed? (<* gu-), ya? ‘dung’;
we ‘self’, xedarj ‘mill’, xar- ‘to eat’, yax ‘sister’.
‘The palatalization in Shgh, is in its nature quite different from
that which takes place in Psht.
M. éesan ‘young he-goat’, — Etym. unknown.
Gt ‘flat, pressed’. — Etym. unknown.
awd m. ‘split, crack, fissure’, éawdal ‘to burst’, caw tr. ‘to split,
break up’. Cf, Prs. sida/tan ‘to break, split’, Phi. Shaft (v. Horn, 787).
= eS
D.
23. da ‘genitive prefix’, also da. Darm. <*hata, Fr. Miller and G. < Ane.
Prs. fya- (relative pron.). — But the employment of da —na for the
abl, and the comparison with Orm. fa (tar before personal pron.)
‘id.’ render it prob. that da is a proclitic, weakened form of dar
‘from’, cf. yy 8 < “hata in jma ‘my’, sta ‘thy’. Cf. also Minj
da-walin ‘behind’, di-déwasta ‘below’ (@s- does certainly not repre
sent the enclitic Av. -da, Gr. -Se, as proposed by Gauthiot, MSL,
XIX, 146, cf s.v. Ja), Sonorization of initial p-, # is found in
several cases in Psht. — If the izafat, which is not known from
other E.Ir. dialects (in Par. it is certainly borr. froin Prs.}, is found
in Psht., it must be in the v of several dialects (e.g, Afr. emi = jma),
But ¢ is used for the abl. also, c. g. Afr. e déw na ‘from the demon’,
Kh. ¢ yar na ‘from the mountain’, Nz. e Laymiin na, Waz. € (de)
nonna ‘from within’, ¢ wrcané, do w® ‘outside’, — Occasionally we
find the genitive without any particle, e.g. in Kh, and B., but also
Khi. mdbk kor ta ‘to the malik’s house’.
da ‘this’ (adj.), dai (subst.), G. < tras — But this purely Ane. Prs
stem is used as a relative. — d@ < Av. éa-, which is frequently
used as a proximate demonstr. pron., while the cases formed from
ha- are employed only sporadically in this way (v, AirWb. 613 1927. No.3. AN ETYMOLOGICAL VOCABULARY oF PAsHTO ar
and 1718). — With da ef. Anaraki di mer = in mard (Ivanow,
JRAS. 1926, 417); da-ya ‘this’, v. ha-ya.
dai ‘he is’, di ‘they are’. CE s.v. vant.
a4. df, di ‘pron. encl.2sg.’, G.< Av. f. — Note the employient as dativus
ethicus: haya der prééda tf ra-8i Jet him come’; warta wu
waya ti kilab de ra-wrt ‘tell him to bring the book’; and, nearly
without any reference to the 2 sg.: haya de har wu byt ‘he should
do the work’. —In Orm, this is carried still further, and di, da,
with a verb substantive, indicate existence: K. di by0h (L. da ba)
‘there was’, di hin ‘they are here’, originally ‘there was for thee’
ete, Grierson (LSI. X, 208 f.) considers di to be used as an
enelitic pron. for the 1 pers. also; but this is scarcely the case;
di ha does not simply signify ‘he is with me’, but denotes existence
‘with the idea of presence superadded’, i, e. with reference to the
person spoken to, — As enelitic pron. 2 sg. Orm. has -(a)é.
329. doe ‘custom’, ace. to G. borr. from Prs, dad (later loan-words are déd,
dad), — Poss. dév is genuine, “Sad being dissimilated into “dad >
*dit-, cf, Minj. imperative dad ‘give’ < ‘dad < dada, and Psht. fd
‘seen’ < “did < *676.
dobai ‘summer’, vy. s.v. tod.
djlé ‘here, hither’, Waz. délé, dole, dilé, Z. déla, — Prob. the Z, form
is the orig., and -da represents the ancient adverb. suff. e.g. in
Av. ida ‘here’. ‘Here’ is gen. dalia, Afr. délta etc., Waz. deélaia,
dolata with affixed -ta, v. sv. hyarta, — Correspondingly we find
hale ‘here, hither’ (Rav., Bell.), but ele ‘thither’, Waz. wale;
halta ‘there’, Waz. wolata, worata, Khl., H., Km., ete. alta, Z. ela,
M. 2 wala, Khi. hayalia; hala ‘then’, Waz. wole, H. hdla, AJ.
hala, Cf. also hare ‘there’, hor-ta ‘thither < Av. avadra ‘i PTS
war" (q. v.) is derived from avaira, we must assume that dvadra
resulted in *or-, but the proclitic avd0ra in war.
diana ‘bonfire’, v. s.v. fod.
328. dud ‘haze, mist, smoke’, ace. to G. borr. from Prs, dad ‘smoke. —
Borr. from Lhd. dhundh ‘haze’
aq. dre ‘3, G. < Av. Orayo, — Afr, Par. drei, Shirani dr’t (LSI.
X, 112). dyarlas ‘13’ < “draylas < *drayodasa. — ‘dorbalat
‘tripod, fireplace’ < ‘drt-, “Ori-pad-, cf. Sak. djd|dilya- ‘third <
“dirde <“brit- — Does Waz. drabla (*drsbla) ‘cake of cow-dung’ ori-
ginally mean ‘fireplace, tripod’? Cf. Sar, aildung ‘a kind of coarse
grass, the dry roots of which supply the only fuel of these regions’
(Stein, Sandburied Ruins of Khotan, 59) = Wkh. dildong ‘fireplace’
< Prs. dégdan. — tér in tr si ‘300° (which 1 never heard), is
prob. borr. from Ind., ef: Lhd. a@ sé.
day ‘adverbial pron. 2. pers. sg. and pl.’, Afr. etc, dér. Acc. to Darm.
(LXXXIl) < *wadra-. — Better < “tara, cf. ra and war. A sema- 22
GEORG MORGENSTIERNE H.-F. Ri.
28,
330.
siological parallel to ra and dar is found in Italian cf (< ecce hic)
and vi (< idi) used as pronouns for the 1. ands. pers. pl. Cf. Orm.
K, dad, L, dar (cf. Report, 35).
drabsf 1) ‘to shake, press down’, 2) to fall in (as a house), break
down’, drabat ‘crash’, Waz. dradlaw)sl ‘to beat, thump’, drabédal
‘throb, palpitate’. The Waz. word lends itself to comparison with
Skr. pra, trpala- ‘moving, unsteady’, Lat. frepidus, Slav. trepatt
‘to palpitate’, — But with drabal 1) and 2) cf Lhd. daban ‘to be
pressed down’, dilan ‘to fall in’ (as a grave), dabazway ‘to depress,
subdue’, Hind, dabna ‘to fall, sink’, Si. dabaw" ‘to press down’
ete, Mod. Ind, dabs- ete. may be derived from *dard-, >*drabb-,
which seems to be the source of at least some of the Psht. forms.
Cf. also Bal. drap ‘terrified’,
darédsl, wu-drédel ‘to stand up, stand erect’, darawul ‘to cause to
stay’, Waz. darédsl, Khl. wudredsl, wiidrégam, and gen., Afr, Ghilz
etc. with wu. Cf Orm. L. daroh ‘standing’, Par. dhar- ‘to stay,
keep one’s self’, dharéw- ‘to guard’, Evidently borr. from Ind.;
but Lhd. dharay ete. means ‘to put, place, keep’. Only Kshm, darun
‘to become firm, stand steady’ agrees with the Ir. words,
darby ‘lie’ is borr, from Prs. But Aft, Waz. darwéy, darwey may be
genuine <“drway. (a > @ frequently in these dialects). Cf how-
ever, /oba and twal.
daryal ‘iar’ <“dragad- <"druywata-, cf. Av. dragvant-?
drimédyl ‘to go’. Acc. to G. based on a noun formed from Yara. —
Cf. also Skr. dram- ‘to run’, Or, is it poss, that *ati-ram- (Sak.
&am- ‘to go’), with early contraction of #, could result in Psht,
drign-?
drind, {. drana ‘heavy’. Cf. Waz, arniond, darmond < arman, darman.
“drana- rhymes with *grana-, Prs. girdn, Soghd, yr’n; but assi-
milation ‘grind > drand is not probable. — Influenced by Av.
Orafoda- ‘satisfied, full of (“Pranfida- > *dranvd > draind’2)?
drast ‘all, complete’, G. < Av. *drida-asti-, cf. Prs. durusi. — Gen.
drast, Waz. drasta, Prob. borr. from Prs.
ders ‘30’, G, Sdrest) < Av. Orisata-. — Better <*Orisat-, Cf. Sak.
dirsy. — Pur. dérs, Kakart dars. Oss. (shepherds? dial.) drtin.
darsa/ f. ‘frame of a door’, Khi. dass. Connected with Lhd. darsal f.
‘id’, of. Pash. durSat, Waigeli (Lumsden) durshahi; but the details
are uncertain,
driiza ‘stubble’. — Etym. unknown.
dara ‘a split, crack, wood split for firewood’, acc, to G. either < *han-
dorata-, or borr. from Prs. darra. — In the latter case y remains
unexplained,
darai ‘to bite’. Horn (562) compares Prs. darridan ‘to lacerate’. — But
d- would be irregular, and the forms dahyal, dharal show that the 1927. No.3. AN ETYMOLOGICAL VOCABULARY OF PASHTO 23
word is borr, from Ind., of Lhd. ddarhan ete. — Dissim, of cere-
brals as in giday “jackal! < Ind. gigar.
29. dwa, f. dwé ‘2’, G. < Ay. dva-, — Shirani dba (LSI. X, 112), gen. da,
dia (with secondary u). —*duzva >*duea became *dwa when “deoitya-
‘second’ had started changing towards “sid, and *dwar- ‘door’ had
become war, This secondary group *dw did not become *ho-, but
was differentiated into dw-. If, at the time when 6 became /, duwa
had still been pronounced, the result would have been Psht. *hva
(cf. Minj. *), and if, on the other hand, diw- had coalesced with
ancient dw-, we should have got *wa. — divi prob. in the first
instance became didi:, and further 4 in Sak, (sjla- ‘second’), but
6 in Psht, — In Ay. also the opposition between ditva-, daibitya-,
bix, Hike, daibis ete. and dva-, dvar-, dvacsah- ete, is due neither
to imperfect notation, nor to mixing of dialects, nor to the number
of syllables (Meillet, JA. 1920, 197), but to the character of the
following vowel. The Av. orthography is of course not consistent
— The
on this point; but the main principle seems to be clear.
development in Psht, may tentatively be illustrated thus:
*dwi- > *divt. > *dbi(2) > *bi- > bal ‘second’
*dwa- > *dpa- “Ba. > war ‘door’
%ta > "fa "Ba > wand ‘dyke
“wae > “wae i twa: > wana ‘tree’
“duwa- > “dwa- *dwa- >> dwa ‘two!
*al-wa > cal(w)or ‘four’
‘la > fas ‘ten’
*i6- >> twasal ‘to milk’
“ad-wa > “ad-wa
"da. > *da-
“daw > *dau-
VVVVVVV
dwalas, dwlas ‘12’ is a modern compound, just as yanlas; but
d(w\alas is derived directly from deadasa-.
dozax ‘hell’ is a modern Iw. from Prs. But dogax, doyag (in Fawa’id
us- Sariah) is older (Habschmann, ad 581). — With daya$ cf. the
development of Shgh, gayni > xasui.
G.
30. gabina ‘honey’, G. <*ngabina = Prs, angubin, — H., M. gabina, Ga.
gabin, B. agbena; Khi. gabina ‘hive’. Psht. 6 points to p, ef Av.
pacnaéna- ‘consisting of honey’, Phi. angupén, Orm. pin ‘honey’,
Prs, Pinavand (2) ‘n. of village’ (38° 8'—52° 4’). — But Bal. benay
‘honey’, ‘bee’, Pash. Iw. b2én ‘honey’.
Gomal n. of a river, Skr. Gomati-. Borr, before intervoc. ¢ was elided
in Ind, and became / in Psht,
33. gore! ‘to see’, G. < Si. gérm" ‘to research for’, Darm. < *ni-kar-,
cf. Prs. nigiridan ‘to look at’. — The Si. word does not suit in 24
gt.
33t.
32.
47°
GEORG MORGENSTIERNE H.-F, KI.
its meaning (gora!= ‘to look at’), and mi-kar could not result in
gor-, But cf. Prs. angardan, W. Oss. ayalun ‘to believe, suppose’,
Psht. lw. atgérel ‘to think, imagine’, Arm. lw. augareni ‘to consider’
(Horn. 123).
grut m, ‘space between thumb and first finger’, B. guret, Waz. gurat.
< ‘angurt-Sta-, cf. Oss. aguije ‘finger’. — Waz. gurmat m. ‘blow
with closed hands (thumb leading)’ <*ayguri-nusiie? — mangul £.
‘the five fingers, the hand including the five fingers’ < “ham-ayguii-?
In that case *aguli- must be an old Ind. lw. on account of the 4
But also Mazand. enge’, Wkh. yang? ‘finger’ ete.
gytwa, grawa ‘collar bone, collar’. G. compares Prs. giré, Ay. Skr,
grivd-, — gréwa, Waz, gréwe < *graiw-, just as gire. Cf. Skr.
graiva- ‘necklace’,
gar-ang ‘abyss, gulf, cavity’. G. compares Av, gorvda- ‘cave’, but
objects to Psht. g-. — Dames compares Bal. gar ‘precipice, sudden
descent, chasm’. — Waz, gayang means ‘impassable place in the bed
of a ravine’. Prob. borr. from Ind., cf. Panj. garha ‘pit, cavern,
any deep place, chasm, abyss’, Lhd, gark ‘ravine formed by water’,
giita ‘finger, toe’, G. < Av. agguSta-. — Afr, gwata, B. gwata ete.
with secondary w after g. Note Waz. guta, but guiye (Aft. gwifié)
‘ting’ <*angusha-. — Makrani Bal. guéa (LSI. X, 381) lw.? But
also Bal. # ‘brick’, phut ‘back’ with ¢< &¢.
gwas m. ‘peace, negotiation, settlement’, Waz. gwos, < “hangauStra-?
gawasn ‘clk’, Borr. from Prs. gawasn < Ay. gavasna- ‘n. of an ani-
mal’, E. Oss. gaan ‘stag’, Soghd. pwen,
gag ‘hybrid, piebald’, v. ayaga/.
TS
76 ‘copulation’, yowz/, payam ‘to copulate’. G. compares Prs. gadan,
— Also Soghd. ayay-, Par, géh-. With *gay-, cf. Gr. Borde, Indo-
Eur. Ve*eva, Skr. perf. je-gava from jya- ‘to overpower’, Kati
3é ‘coire’.
yuckai ‘bull, bullock’. In Afr. said to denote also ‘calf’, Prob. borr.
from Orm. K. ywac, L. ywshak ‘calf’, Par. pasd ‘calf? < *watsa-,
Note Orm. preservation of fs as. c.
yol ‘thief’, G. < Av, gada, — Corr. yal, pl. pa, Khl. pl. obl. y/o and
ylans, Afr, also pl. plana, H. yaldgar, Orm. L. lw. yé. — It is poss.
that forms like yf represent not only a genitive in -am, but also
a case in -4- (6 <*-aw) like the obl, pl. in Wkh., Minj., Yd. and
Sak. — Cf. Wkh. y#8 ‘thief’, Soghd. d- ‘to steal’, — H. Vogt com-
pares Gr. gavddvw, Lith. godas ‘greed’ etc., poss. also Old Irish
gataim ‘1 take away, steal’ (cf, Walde s. v. prehendo). 1927. No.3. _ AN ETYMOLOGICAL VOCABULARY OF PASHTO 25
44s
34
42.
43:
46.
yul ‘excrement’, G. < Av, gida-. — Also Waz. pul. — Cf. Shgh. yad,
Yaghn. 7Af ete.
-palai ‘gone’, ra-yalai ‘come’, ra-ya ‘he came’, G. < *gata-ka-, *gata-.
Che. g. Par. dyem ‘I came’, Orm, K. ayok ‘to adjoin, reach’, Minj.
avai ete.
yalai ‘silent, hidden’. — Derived from gal?
yalai ‘place’, G. < Av. gatu-. —- a becomes 6 in nouns in -ai (strat,
6sai, kfmai), and the regular outcome of *gatu-ka- is yélai ‘court-yard’.
Cf. also dar-yat ‘gap in the bank of a water-course’ < "anar-g°,
yol ‘corps, gang, flock’(?). — -yala’ is the compound form, cf.
or-yalai ‘fireplace’, sd-yalai ‘a hare’s burrow’. — Is Pre, yaf ‘lati-
bulum ferae ut vulpis’ an E. Tr. dialect form?
yele {. pl. ‘flocks’, G. < Av. gaeda- ‘possessions’. — Waz. yyela. —
Ch. Bal. yédive ‘people’.
yulédal ‘to be deceived’, yudat ‘cheating’. — Etym, unknown. — Cf. Skr.
gudh- ‘to play?”
plawea ‘honey-bee’. — Etym, unknown. — <*gu-dabst-, Skr. dabh- ‘to
burt’?
yamai, Waz. yalmai ‘the stone of a ring on which the device or
name is cut, gem’. — The similarity with Lat. gemma is striking;
but the word is not found in Prs., and it is difficult to imagine
how the Lat. word should have reached Psht. Shina-Kohistani
géméi {, ‘stone in a ring’ is borr. from Psht.
ytimba “tumor, swelling’. Cf. Pre. gumbad, gimbad ‘dome’ ete. borr.
in Lhd. gombaf etc. ‘bullock’s hump’. — Cf. Lit. gusiéas ‘tumor,
swelling, clod’, Old Slav, gba ‘mushroom’, Serb guba ‘eruption,
rash’ (9 <*« + m?, Meillet, Le Slave Commun, 58).
yana m. ‘thorny branch, bramble’. — Etym, unknown. — Cf. Skr. ghana-
‘a compact mass, a club’ ete, also ‘a kind of creeper’,
yfina “hair {of the body), pore, colour (of the skin), G. < Av. gaona-
‘hair, colour of hair’. — Orig, ‘cow's hair’? — Cf. Par. ytd ‘hair’
ete, — aaryiin ‘green’ > Orm. rasyiin, cf. Sak. ysaragtina-, ‘of golden
hue’, Prs. saryitn, Soghd. saryoné ‘greens
yuade ‘alike, similar’, Orm, K, pordak, remind of Khow. yon ‘like,
just as’ (borr. from Ir, ef. Soghd. yon ‘manner, kind’, Prs. ci ‘as’
< éi-gan); but it is difficult to account for the nd. Cf. however
drand. — yandai ‘a bag of goats’ hair’, of. Sar. yann ‘coarse sack’,
but also Lhd. gid@ ‘bag’. Skr. gori- ‘bag of cow’s fell’, Pash. géni
‘camel-bag’ is borr. into Waz. gona’, gixai ‘hempen sack’, (Cf.
Charpentier, MO. 18,33).
yund-, v. Gyrestel,
yandal {. ‘bud, sprout (esp. of the mustard plant)’. Borr. from Panj.,
Lhd. gandal ‘id’. Note Psht. y-. 26 GEORG MORGENSTIERNE H.-F, Kl.
36. yandal ‘to dislike’, G. compares Ane. Prs. gasta- ‘bad, hateful’, Bal.
gandag ‘bad’. — Not to be separated from Prs, gand ‘stench’ ete.
Cf. also, Chr, Soghd. yanfag ‘bad’, — Trinkler (Quer durch Af:
ghanistan, p. 154) mentions the village Ghandak n. of Bamian, in
a region rich in sulphurous, reeking coal-beds. The gh- (=y-)
points to an E. Ir, dialect formerly spoken here. — Prs. yxmda
‘stink’ is prob, a dial, form, and Orm. yanj ‘bad’ must be borr.
lef. s. ve a@yustal).
332. yanom ‘wheat’, G. compares Prs. gandum, etc. — As nd, nt become
Psht, nd, it must be an old lw., cf. Orm,, Par. gamun. — Bal. gandin
<"ganiiima-, Yd. yadum <*ganduma-, but Av. gantuma-, Soghd,
Yaghn. yanim. — Is Brahui xolum < *yolum (y > x, Bray, § 18)
borr. from some Ir, dial., cf. Skr. godhtima?
yitzd ‘round, globular’, yuyu ‘a round piece of leaven, a large round
stone’, yiindarai ‘tumor, bump’, Cf. Prs. guada ‘ball of leaven’,
gund ‘testicles’, Arm. lw. gund ‘ball’, endak ‘ball, lump’, Av. gundi-
‘ball of dough’. The specialized sense: ‘ball of leaven’ and the 7
prove the connexion with the other Ir, words in spite of Psht.
nd. Cf. sarbande, sarbande, sarwiaude ‘rope for fastening yoke to
plough’, fawand, lawand ‘adventurer’ < Prs. lawand with nq under
Ind. influence. — Cf Goth. gunds ‘tumor’ (Trautmann, ZfdtWef.
7,268). But Kati eva ‘ball’?
yana ‘spider’, B. yani ‘large spider’, M. . — Etym. unknown.
334: ex, yz ‘membrum virile’, G. = Prs. her? — H. yén, M., Khl. yt,
Waz. yin, Orm. L. lw. yen <"gySua, cf. Ske. ghys- ‘to rut
But Shgh. yarin ‘scrotum’ < *grain-
37 yar m., pl. yrina ‘mountain’, G, < Av. gairi- — Orm. K. gri, L, girt
‘mountain’, but Par. gir ‘stone’, and thus most E. Ir. dial.
yara ‘podex’. — yar m. fart’, — Cf. Skr. ghra- ‘to smell’, poss. Lat.
sufragines etc. (v. Walde s. v. braca)?
38. yarai ‘windpipe, throat’, G. < Av. garah-, Skr. gala. — B. yarduda
‘Adam’s apple’. Cf. s. v. para.
yarat ‘glutton’, v. nyardbl.
yor m. ‘leap, jump’. — Etym. unknown.
yur m. ‘goiture’. — Etym. unknown.
39- yarédal ‘to chatter’, G. < Skr. ey ‘to call out’. — Cf. yara ‘thundering’,
bayara ‘scream <"upa-g’, — Orm. lw. yirtéh ‘to roar’ (Grierson).
Ch. gaya! and Par. far- ‘to say’
41. yarma, yarma ‘noon, heat’, G. < Av. garanta-. — In some dial. parma
means ‘sun’, and nwar is rarely used, ¢. g. Ms. purmil, B. 1 arms,
M. 2 ydérma. — Ci also, with y, Prs. (dial.) yarm ‘anger’
yar-niko ‘great-grandfather’, Khl. yur, B, ywar, Waz. yway- < Av.
gouru-, Skr. guru. Cf. Waig. gurawa ‘grandfather’, Kalash. ‘shah 1997. No.3, AN ETYMOLOGICAL VOCABULARY oF PasHTo 27
grok’, ‘king’, Parsi gar-$ah (Tomaschek, Centr.as, St. 759). H. wur-
nikb <*fra-, as Lat. proavus, — yara m. and f. ‘proud, haughty’
may also be connected with gourn-
yarai ‘calf of the leg, coarse bread’, yarai ‘throat’, v. s.v. yaral,
46. yarsl, yagial ‘to twist, spin’ ete, G. < *garth- = Skr. grath-. Ch
yartdal ‘to swerve, deviate’, caus. yarawul, Afr. ydrawul ‘to throw’,
Waz. partdel “to get out of the way’, yaya! ‘to roll up’, yaral ‘to
spin’, ryastal “to roll down’, nyagial ‘to wrap up’. — From *yard-
also Orm. gal’ek ‘to twist, spin, roll up’ (giseb ‘to turn’ < Prs.
gast), Prs, girth ‘a knot’ (dialectic vif). — But in Pri
gardidan ‘to turn’ (Phi, vertitan, gartitan) two roots, *wart- and
*gart-, have coalesced. This is proved by dialect forms (v. GrlrPh.
I, r, 269) such as Auromani gid/, Keshe gel- ‘to turn’; Gilaki gi/,
Kurd gil, gél, Prs. gird ‘around’, Prs, (dial, forms) wa, ad ‘circum:
versio’, yarda ‘wheel’. Ishk. ga! ‘around’ (v. Barth., miranMund.
VI, 29) must be an early Iw. on account of the g-; but Zeb. ved
‘returned’ (LSL X, 493) is genuine.
As Prs. rd can only represent 7/, while Psht. p can be derived
from either rf or 7, it is poss. that e.g Psht. paréda! contains
this root "gart- ‘to turn’; but the phonetical coalescense of the
two roots has resulted in a semasiological one.
If yaya, Waz. ywora ‘neck’ (also ‘bank of a river’), ef. Prs. gerdan,
Mazand. ged ‘neck’, belong to this Ir, root “gart-, Skr. ghaté- ‘nape
of the neck’ shows that the original initial was gi-. Cf. also Beng
ghar ‘hinder part of the neck’, Hind. haji ‘throat, larynx’, Guj
ghatu, ghéti ‘a’, Lhd. ghandt ‘Adam's apple’ (2), Si. nirghafe ‘wind-
pipe, throat’ (2), Ashk. gayi ‘throat’, Kati gorah, Pras. gx. — But
Waigeli Keg. firth ‘neck’, Waig, Zhonjegal Aakey/e ‘throat’, Some
of these words prob, belong to the group of Av. gar-, Oss. guy,
Skr. gala, Khow. gol, Nawar Zutt gurgi (2). Bal. gut) ‘neck, throat’
also seems to be of Ind. origin,
I never heard Psht, yarai ‘throat’ (q. v.), but paral, H. parr f,
Khl. yér@ m. ‘Adam's apple’, Ga. y4yiti f. ‘throat’, which may: also
belong to “gart-. Cf also Waz. ete. yaywandai ‘collar for a dog’.
Prs. gardan cannot be compared with Soghd. yrd’& ‘neck’, which
has ancient rd (but v. Meillet, BSL. 23, 100). But Prs. ga/a ‘throat’
may contain an ancient ‘rd or *r/d Also Psht. yaya, Ishk. yal
‘throat’ (yof ‘collar’, Wkh. yaray) may have “rd (or ‘rf. On the
other hand yéf reminds of Sangl. yar, Yd. yordoyoh ‘id’, But in
Ishk, and Zeb,, and consequently in Sangl. also, *7/ becomes /!,
gastan,
1 Barth, (miranMund, VI, 29) considers that *r¢ > / has passed through §,
which also becomes / in Ishk. (hot in Sangl., cf, yovar ‘ear’, Ishk, ya/).
From phonetical reasons it is more prob. that the intermediate stage
was 7. 28
GEORG MORGENSTIERNE H.-F. Kl.
48.
333-
and in Yd. we find » <“st, and /< “rd. — Gauthiot (MSL. 19,
147) unconvincingly compares Yd. yardoyok with Minj. yarwd ‘neck’
< Av, griv@. — Prob. in many cases words of the types “gar,
*gard-, and “gart- have coalesced and influenced each other, so that
it is now impossible in all cases to unravel the original forms of
the words found in modern Ir. dialects,
From ‘*gart- also yayai ‘coarse bread’, Prs. girda ‘round bread’
(Habschm., ad gor), Ishk. ete. g@/z, Shgh. garda (both Iw.s). The
Kohistani words, Chilis gai, Bashkarik gyi, Torwali gil can also
be of Ir. origin.
It is doubtful whether Psht. yayai ‘calf of the leg’ (M. narai
yarar ‘ankle’), Waz. yarai ‘upper part of the arm’ belong to the
same root, (orig. ‘globe, ball’?), Cf Bal, yurday ‘calf of the leg’,
and as lw.s Psht. gardai /éai ‘thigh, upper part of the arm’, Waz.
gardai 2°,
yara ‘neck’, v. yaysl.
yrambal, yupumbol
Prs. yurumbidan.
yarand ‘loose, lax’. — Prob. partic, of yaréda/ ‘to swerve’ ete. v. s. Vv.
yaral,
yarwandai ‘collar’, v. s,v. yaral.
ya86 m. ‘curry comb for horses. — < “gaisawa-, cf, Av. gaésa- ‘curl’ etc,?
yaSaé ‘arrow’, Waz. yéai < “gaiga-, cf, Lat. (< Gall.) gaeswm Sron
javelin’, Old Norw. geirr ‘javelin’, etc. — Gen. these words are
compared with Skr. Aeti- ‘javelin’ (v. s. v. sé/ai), hegas- ‘Javelin’ (not
“hesa-f’, Walde), fi- ‘to send forth, east, shoot’. fesas- is a word
of very uncertain meaning. — ht: is gen. derived from ghi, but
ch pert fighaya, desider. jighisati, intens. jaghivate. It is very
doubtful, whether Av, 2aéna- ‘arms’ (not only ‘missiles’), saya- ‘im-
plement’ are connected with Ai. VW this root has orig. palatal,
I think it is better to compare gaesum etc. with the exactly corre-
sponding péai. Regarding *aié cf. Geiger § 6,3, and s. v. mag,
708ak, yoSde ‘dung of cows’, G. compares Skr. sahy?-, Prs. sargin, Bal.
sayan (to which may be added Wkh. sigin, Orm. ’skan, Par, saydn).
— Waz. yusaya pl. H. yusan ‘fresh cow's dung’, yusaha ‘cow's
dung used as fuel’, Cf. Prs. dial. yasali), ya8ad, 92%, — But Psht.
cannot, except when palatalized, represent Ir.s, nor can the Psht. final
be derived from -ér-, -hn- ete. Prob. -S@ ete. belongs to the root
*sa(y)-, found in Av. fra-Saimna- ‘stooling’, Saman- ‘faeces’ (with
‘to roar, peal, thunder’, Acc. to G, borr. from
$<).
yas ‘tooth’, G. compares Wkh, yas ‘mouth’, Prs. gi ‘thongs, teeth’
(v. s.v. @yzai). — The first comparison may be corr. — ya¥, and
Orm. K. gas, L. gift pl, < *gastrae < Av. gah-, Skr. ghas- ‘to
devour, eat’, cf. Av. vastra- ‘mouth’, Skr. damstra- ‘tooth, fang’. — 1927.
No.3: AN ETYMOLOGICAL VOCABULARY OF PaSHTO 29
50:
338.
49.
Many old words denoting parts of the body, such as lip, mouth,
tooth, nose, eye have been replaced in Psht. by new, more
expressive terms.
post ‘millet’, Orm. K, lw. ywagt, v. s.v. ayabol.
yoxtel, ywarym ‘to wish’, Lor. ywoStel, AJ. yusil, Wax. ywugtl —
Etym. unknown, Connexion with Skr. grdh- ‘to desire’, not prob.,
*yay- > ywar- might be poss., but yost scarcely < “gyst-.
yaw ‘noise, brawl’, — Poss. genuine, cf. Av. gne- ‘shouting’, not borr.
from Prs. yax, yéw ‘clamour, noise’.
ywa ‘cow’, G. < Av. gav-, — H. ywa £, pl. pwai; pwat m., pl. ywavan,
B. pwd, pwayane; pwayd, ywaydn, Ga. ywa, ywagine; yeodyay
M. 1 yd, yayanes ywdvar, yayi, Km. pwd, ywd; 2, pwayan, Khl.
yma; pwd, ?. — The weak stem is found in ya-masa@ ‘mosquito’,
yu-lanja ‘udder’, yu-Saya ‘dung’ (ef. Ishk. ye-darga ‘id.’), yufal ‘cow-
pen’, H. ywojal (v. 8. v. Aelai), — In yo-bal ‘threshing’ < *gau-pad-
(Darm,, CXLV) yo < *ga.
ywara ‘chosen, selected, — Connexion with Prs. ghar ‘gem, essence”
ete. not prob,
pwor “fat', ywart ‘clarified butter, ghee’, Afr. yori, B. yuri, Waz. Or.
Darm. compares Skr. ghyia- ‘clarified butter’. Uncertain on acc.
of the w.
ywaytdel ‘to open, spread, germinate’. — Etym. unknown,
ywaga ‘meat’, Ace. to G. genuine = Prs. gos, — § cannot be derived
from *3 Either an ancient Iw., cf Minj., Par., Tajiki pag, or
< ‘*gauStra-. Orm. gak* also is related to, but not identical with
gost.
ywag ‘ear’, G. < Av. gaosa-. — Afr. ete. ywég, Kh., Waz, etc. wed.
— Cf. dar(y)was ‘marks in the ears of cattle’, barywasai (also
baryotai) ‘earring’, ywadlat) ‘horn of a bow’, Waz. ye3ai ‘exterior
corner’ (gd8a ‘corner’ is Prs. lw.). Kandahari ywag ‘noise’ (LSI.
XX, 107) is suspect, prob. we must read yag. But acc. to Justi we
still have Ir. *gauSa- in the sense of ‘noise’ in the name “Paddywoos
in an inscr. from Olbia.
yyara ‘wild ass’. Acc. to Darm. a
in Psht, and prima facie this treatment is not prob.
Ain ‘left (hand), Waz. also ‘sinister, unfavourable’, — Etym. unknown.
Cf. Skr. Aygra- ‘black’, also ‘wicked, evil’? Cf. Torw. sabun ‘right’,
dbun ‘lel < supupya-, apunya-. Cf. spéra ‘grey’ > ‘unlucky’.
hon, hit, t. kana ‘deat’, G. < Av. harana-, — H. hun, AJ. bitty Kb.
hon. — Cf. also Shgh. éon.
hon, kanai ‘a large species of tick or louse, infesting dogs and cattle’.
B. koqvak. — Etym. unknown. Ci Ashkun dw ‘id’, Kati £6.
Woaz. hapra ‘difficult place to cross’ < *kapyta-, cf. Av. par- ‘to cross, come
through’? Cf. s. v. he
kara ‘large, wooden vessel’. — Etym. unknown.
hor ‘house, family’, kara ‘in, to the house’ < Ane. Prs. kara: ‘people,
army’, ef, Kurd. Aar ‘family’ (v. BSL, XXV, 65). — Rav. (JASB.
1864, 136) explains the n. of the district Panj-kara as ‘five houses
or clans’, Cf. Keltic Yri-cort, Petro-corii (Schrader's Reallex.* Il,
607). — Similarly Panj-sir < Av. so1ra-? — karma ‘wife, family’
< *hira-damia- orig. ‘family-house?? — With Prs. kari ‘warrior’, Phl.
Aarth (Barth., miranM. II, 8) cf. Shgh. édr(i) ‘man, husband’. Horn 55
compares Ay ‘girl’; but ¢ > ¢ in Shgh.
343. Adrya m. ‘crow’. Acc. to G. onomatopoetic like Prs. Aardhar, kalay, Bal.
gurdg ete. — But the nearest related word, and prob. the source
of the Psht, one, is Turk. garya. Cf. oréy. —Orm. ray < Waz, kraya.
66. kara! ‘to till, cultivate’, Aar ‘ploughing’. G. compares Prs. éaSéan,
haram, Wkh. biir, Sar. éar-. — Cf. also Shgh. éérij ‘ploughing. —
rig, but *ng- > g-?).
Awar ‘wild grape’. — Etym. unknown.
kwagol ‘to endeavour, essay’, G. compares Prs. hoSidan ‘to labour,
endeavour’,
kis ‘below, down’, — Cf. Prs. hats ‘crooked’ < *hubea-, Skr, bubja-
‘crooked, humpbacked’, Gr. xvgds ‘crooked, bent’? V. s. v. Ads.
hosda, kwazda, kodana ‘betrothal’, H. kajdénua, AJ. kosdon, Khl.
kojidin, B. hosdin (kwedda ‘I engage to marry’), B. 2 bwisddn, Mando
Khel Awasda, Waz. Aegdolye f. ‘betrothed’. — Etym, unknown.
hag ‘chin’, v. Se.
kag ‘carved’. Acc. to G. borr. from Prs. kits, kne ‘hump-backed,
curved’ (hi3-pust ‘hump-backed’), — Waz. fé3, £8, H., Kh, hog,
haga. — As well the vowel, the , as the irregular flexion render
this explanation improbable. Nor can hag be identified with Prs,
kaj ‘crooked, bent’, Ishk. ka. — Poss. < *har-Sa, *harsa-
