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This document discusses scheduled castes in India. It begins by defining scheduled castes as communities that fall outside the traditional four-fold varna system and were considered "untouchable". It notes that scheduled castes make up around 16% of India's population and are concentrated in certain states. The document outlines how most scheduled castes have historically faced severe social and economic discrimination, and details their low status occupations and high rates of poverty. It examines the constitutional protections and government programs established to help scheduled castes.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
89 views66 pages

Block 6

This document discusses scheduled castes in India. It begins by defining scheduled castes as communities that fall outside the traditional four-fold varna system and were considered "untouchable". It notes that scheduled castes make up around 16% of India's population and are concentrated in certain states. The document outlines how most scheduled castes have historically faced severe social and economic discrimination, and details their low status occupations and high rates of poverty. It examines the constitutional protections and government programs established to help scheduled castes.

Uploaded by

Samrat Pv
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
You are on page 1/ 66

UNIT 21 SCHEDULED CASTES

Structure
21.0 Objectives
21.1 Introduction
21.2 Scheduled Caste as a Community—their Strength and the Background
21.2.1 Scheduled Castes: Social Backgrounds
21.2.2 Strength of the Scheduled Castes
21.2.3 The Untouchable Castes and their Origins
21.3 Constitution and the Scheduled Castes
21.3.1 Reservation Policy
21.3.2 Developmental Programmes
21.4 Identity and Social Mobility among the Scheduled Caste
21.4.1 Scheduled Castes and Social Mobility
21.4.2 Scheduled Castes Seeking a New Identity
21.5 Let Us Sum Up
21.6 Key Words
21.7 Further Readings
21.8 Answers to Check Your Progress

21.0 OBJECTIVES
After studying this unit, you should be able to:
z explain the discrimination faced by the Scheduled Castes;
z discuss various reasons as to how they were scheduled by the Government
for the purpose of reservation or constitutional benefits and to what extent
they have benefited from the Government’s development programmes;
and
z analyse how the Scheduled Castes have organised themselves socially
and politically vis-a-vis the upper castes.

21.1 INTRODUCTION
In this unit we shall analyse the Scheduled Castes as a separate and socially
stratified category. We shall look at their historical background and examine
the problems faced by them vis-a-vis the other upper castes. Following this we
shall deal with Scheduled Castes and their social mobility. Then we shall
examine the various constitutional measures and development programmes
which have been adopted for the Scheduled Castes. Finally, we shall wind up
this discussion by examining the working of the reservation policy and the
position of the Scheduled Castes in the contemporary India.

21.2 SCHEDULED CASTE AS A COMMUNITY—


THEIR STRENGTH AND THE BACKGROUND
You must have come across the term Scheduled Caste and untouchables several
times. I am sure you must have wondered what the term meant or who these 5
people are? You must be having an idea that these people are from the lowest
Identity, Dignity and strata most of them working as menial labour. But do you know exactly who
Social Justice
the Scheduled Caste are and how they came to be, what their composition is?
In the sections to follow you will get to know who Scheduled Caste are, their
strength and occupation. You will also familiarise yourself with explanations
on the origins and the historical background of the Scheduled Caste.

21.2.1 Scheduled Castes: Social Backgrounds


Caste system forms the essential component of stratification system in India.
The Varna system, constitutes a status-hierarchy with the Brahmins on the top
followed by Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras. The secheduled fall out of the
fourfold Varna System.
The Scheduled Caste is a politico-legal-term. It was first coined by the Simon
Commission and then Government of India, Act, 1935. When India became
independent this term was adopted by the Constitution for the purpose of
providing them some special facilities and the constitutional guarantees.
Yet Untouchables or the Scheduled Castes do not constitute a homogeneous
group. They are internally differentiated in terms of occupation, numerical
segregated on the criteria of untouchability.
Another term used for the Scheduled Castes or Untouchables is “Harijans”
(the children of God). This term was first used by Mahatma Gandhi, which
refers to an aggregate of castes which may differ from each other and which
have been reduced to the lowest ritual and social status in the caste hierarchy.
Another term which comes into currency almost at the same time is depressed
class or classes. This term was used by Dr. Ambedkar and it refered to those
classes of categories or people who were poor, exploited and socially and
ritually or religiously degraded. They were treated as pariah or socially defiled.
In term which is currently popular and is preferred by the scheduled caste is
the term dalit. The word dalit is inclusive, in the sense that it includes also
those communities groups of people, who are marginalised and subjugated it
is used in a generic sense to the untouchable or the scheduled caste.

21.2.2 Strength of the Scheduled Castes


Each Indian state has its own list of Scheduled Castes many of their names are
synonymous. Some of the castes number several million members each.
The total population of the Scheduled Castes according to 1991 census was
138.22 million which constituted 16.5% of total population of the country.
The largest of these castes are the Chamars who form – one quarter of the
number of Scheduled Caste – Banghi, the Adi-Dravida, Pasi, Madiga, Dusadhi
Mali, Parayan, Koli Mahas, Adi-Karnataka, Namashudra etc. almost half of
the total number of Scheduled Caste people live in the five states of Hindi belt
in U.P., Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Haryana. In the south they are
concentrated mainly in Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh. In the East in West
Bengal. The highest ratio of the Scheduled Caste is in Punjab 28.3. About
84% of the scheduled castes live in rural areas and are working as agricultural
laborers, share-croppers, tenants and marginal farmers. Among the, Harijan
the ratio of agricultural workers is particularly high in Bihar, Assam, Andhra
Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Punjab and Kerala. More, than one-third of the
6
agricultural workers of India belong to the untouchable castes. A vast majority
of the scheduled caste do not possess land, 32.2% have less than 1 hectare.
Almost all persons engaged in jobs like sweeping, scavenging and tanning are Scheduled Castes
from Scheduled Castes. About 2/3rd of the bonded labour are from Scheduled
Castes. Literacy among the Scheduled Castes is extremely low. Most of the
Scheduled Castes live below the poverty line and are victims of social and
economic exploitation. Let us see what the justifications are for the origins of
this exploitation.
Distribution of Scheduled Caste Population (1991 Census) in 15 States which Account
for 97.2% of Their Total Population

Total SC SC SC as % of Cumulative
population population population total SC
in 1991 in 1991 as % of population population
State
population
India 838,583,988 138,223,277 16.5 16.5
15 most
populous
states
Uttar Pradesh 139,112,287 29,276,455 21.0 21.2 21.2
West Bengal 68,077,965 16,080,611 23.6 11.5 32.8
Bihar 86374,465 12,571,700 14.6 9.1 41.9
Tamil Nadu 55,858,946 10,712,266 19.2 7.7 49.6
Andhra 66,508,008 10,592,066 16.9 7.7 57.3
Pradesh
Madhya 66,181,170 9,626,679 14.5 7.0 64.3
Pradesh
Maharashtra 78,937,187 8,757,842 11.1 6.3 70.6
Rajasthan 44,005,990 7,607,820 17.3 5.5 76.1
Karnataka 44,977,201 7,369,279 16.4 5.3 81.4
Punjab 20,281,969 5,724,528 28.3 4.2 85.6
Orissa 31,659,736 5,129,314 16.2 3.7 89.3
Haryana 16,463,648 3,250,933 19.7 2.4 91.7
Gujarat 41,309,582 3,060,358 7.4 2.2 93.9
Kerala 29,098,518 2,886,522 9.9 2.1 96.0
Assam 22,414,322 1,652,412 7.4 1.2 97.2
Total for 15 811,260,994 134,323,785 16.6 16.6 97.2
major states
Other smaller 27,322,994 3,899,492 14.3 14.3 2.8
states
India 838,583,988 138,223,277 16.5 16.5 100

Source : Census of India 1991


21.2.3 The Untouchable Castes and their Origins
The term Scheduled Castes signifies those groups of people who were out of
the caste system or the varna hierarchy. They comprise the bulk of
“untouchables” or untouchable castes. These groups or castes have been
discriminated against by the superior castes through the ages and they have
never had any kind of social acceptance from the majority of the people who
belong to the upper castes. The Scheduled Caste were deemed untouchable
and polluting by the upper caste due to their so called polluting activities like 7
Identity, Dignity and Projected Scheduled Caste Populatio in 2001
Social Justice (assuming same proportion of states’ population as in 1991)
Total SC population in SC SC as % of Cumulative
population in 2001 population total SC
2001 as % of population population
State
population
15 most
populous
states
Uttar Pradesh 175,626,000 36,960,838 21.0 21.2
West Bengal 80,312,000 18,970,397 23.6 11.6
Bihar 102,423,000 14,907,545 14.6 9.1
Tamil Nadu 62,400,000 11,966,667 19.2 7.7
Andhra 76,773,000 12,226,896 15.9 7.7
Pradesh
Madhya 81,666,000 11,879,094 14.5 7.0
Pradesh
Maharashtra 92,314,000 10,241,959 11.1 6.3
Rajasthan 54,816,000 9,476,670 17.3 5.5
Karnataka 52,922,000 8,670,993 16.4 5.3
Punjab 23,858,000 6,755,026 28.3 4.2
Orisssa 36,284,000 5,878,509 16.2 3.7
Haryana 20,204,000 3,989,508 19.7 2.4
Gujarat 49,194,000 3,644,463 7.4 2.2
Kerala 32,605,000 3,234,359 9.9 2.1
Assam 26,589,00 1.968,478 7.4 1.2

Total for 15 967,968,000 160,771,375 16.6 16.6


major states
Other 49,558,000 7,036,794 14.3 14.3
smaller
states*
India 1,017,544,000 167,858,169 16.5 16.5
Source : Population estimates for 2001 are official estimates based on projections by the Expert Committee.

scavenging, cremation, skinning and hiding, etc. Not only because of their
unclean occupations, but also due to their so called ‘dark complexion’ they
were placed at the bottom of the ritual and social hierarchies of the caste and
varna system. Since the Varna ashram darma – the philosophy and the religious
duty demanded that each jati was to follow one’s traditional occupation – like
priest’s son becomes a priest and a shoe-maker or tanner’s son or a becoming
a shoe maker or a heriditory tanner. It was impossible for the untouchable
castes to better their position by changing their occupation. The association of
occupation with caste became inseperable, so much so, that the very fact of
being born into a community, whether you engaged in clean or unclean activity
had become irrelevant. Thus untouchables are those castes which were outside
the pale of varna system. They were said to be polluting and marginalised and
consigned to the lowest rung in society. Several ideological justifications existed
for the sustanance of these hierarchical system, which kept everybody in their
8 place.
The untouchables had no share in the social, political and judiciary powers Scheduled Castes
and their position was almost like that of a slave. Various scholars have given
different viewpoints and explained why untouchability was practised in the
Hindu caste society.
G.Hanumantha Rao in his book Caste and Poverty says that low social status
attached to certain occupations is the cause of untouchability. It relates to impure
occupations such as removal of carcass, spinning, tanning, scavenging etc.
While analysing the origin of caste, system J.H. Hutton suggests that ideas of
ceremonial purity were first applied to aboriginals in connection with sacrificial,
ritual and certain occupational activities. Max Weber, also has described certain
occupations as ritually impure. He states, that the lowest caste structure was
considered to be absolutely defiling and contaminating. Thus, the ideas of
purity, whether occupational or ceremonial, is found to have been the factor
contributing to the genesis and evolution of caste and the practise of
untouchability,. The Vedic literature has referred to the Dharmashutras that
declare Chandalas (cremators) as a progeny of the most hated people of the
reverse order of mixed unions, that is of a Brahmin female with a Shudra
male. Kautilya agrees with the Dharmashutra writers and he says that people
born out of mixed unions were separate castes. He recommends that marriage
between different castes should not be allowed and people of such unions
should be treated as Shudra.
Manu, the earliest law giver, has very explicitly talked about a caste called
svapathas, who were grouped with Chandalas and were prescribed to live
outside the villages, use of shrouds of corpses as their clothing, broken pot-
for meal, iron for ornaments and dogs and donkeys for their wealth. Mritapas
were also another type of Shudras. The food vessels of Chandalas and Mritapas
could not be used by others because no known method of cleaning pots was
regarded as adequate to purify them.
Patanjali, who lived before Manu the great grammarian, had said that both the
Chandalas and the Mritapas resided like other Shudras such as carpenters,
blacksmiths, washermen or weavers, within the limits of the towns and villages
of the Aryans. In the days of Manu they were not only excluded from the
village but were assigned duties of cremators or hangmen which were totally
unclean.
In about 1020 AD the Doms and Chandalas were two groups not reckoned
among any caste or guild. They were-occupied with works like cleaning of the
villages and similar other services. They were considered as one sole class and
were distinguished by their occupations. The first group of the Antyajas who
had further sub-divisions following certain crafts were totally eight in number.
They lived near villages, they were jugglers, basket and rope makers, sailors,
fishermen, and hunters of wild animals and birds. They could freely intermarry
though they belonged to separate caste groups. They could not marry with the
shoemakers and the weavers however. The shoemakers and weaver were
another group of Antyajas who could marry only among themselves. In the
past the untouchable castes as a whole were barred from any of the rituals.
They did not have any sanctity to perform or participate in any religious or
sacred ritual.
9
It was thought, that the untouchable is unclean by birth; he is born into a caste
every member of which, irrespective of birth or occupation, is an untouchable.
Identity, Dignity and Hinduism does not provide any means to him to become clean by the
Social Justice
performance of any ritual. They were assigned to their unclean task and never
allowed to come out of it. The main condition of their survival was the strict
observance of a code of conduct established for them. The bounds of which
they were not permitted to cross. Not only did they not have access to public
places, but they were not allowed any physical contact by their breath and
glance as well. The use of force occupied a main place in keeping the
untouchables in their place. Punishment for any breach of rule was mutilation
and even taking away life.
Another important explanation to the origins of untouchable caste has been
that of the materialists. According to the materialist untouchability grew out
of a social class who are in the lowest rung who did not possess the right of
holding and usage of land. These landless workers were semi-slaves and were
in debt bondage, who not only toiled on other pepole’s land but were forced to
carry on unclean occupations. They were secured by the social bondage and
by the concept of destiny or karma where they were ordained to be doomed to
sub-human living.
These castes are referred even today in different regions according to the dialects
and languages, which they speak. These people have occupied a very low
social and economic position in the caste and class hierarchies.
Besides, they were subjected to various types of social disabilities. For instance,
they were not allowed to enter the house of the higher castes. However, they
were allowed to work as labourers during construction or repair, stoning the
grain, etc. But later the houses so constructed were purified by sprinkling cow
urine or cow dungs. In the event of their touching the utensils and other non-
inflammables, these things were to be put on fire and then purified by sprinkling
cow urine. They were also not allowed to walk on streets or public roads, or
enter the temples, or heard in the court of justice. These practices have remained
inherent part of the Hindu caste society. Such disabilities of the Scheduled
Castes have posed tremendous obstacles for their progress as well as of the
society as a whole.
The segregation based on occupation has slowly narrowed down and instead it
is primarily based on birth in the low castes. Even if the person is not engaged
in the traditional occupations but since he/she is born into the caste, it became
his/her status and position in the society. On the basis of their birth in the low
castes, untouchables were always pushed into the background and their socio-
economic contribution was never recognised in the history. Manu had always
proclaimed superiority of the Brahmins which closed the channels of upward
social mobility for any other castes and the worst affected groups were the
untouchables. Even today the Scheduled Castes lag behind the upper castes in
almost all fields and they undergo hardships, sufferings and oppression by the
upper castes.
It can be seen from the preceding discussion that various justifications, reasons
have gone into placing the Scheduled Castes in a exploitative situation and
that this exploitation has gone on for centuries. Modern India realised a need
to redress this marginalised state of the Scheduled Caste. In our next section.
We will examine the various measures, which are institutionally provided to
10 improve the status of Scheduled Castes.
Check Your Progress 1 Scheduled Castes

1) When was the term Scheduled Caste first used?


...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
2) What are the various names used to address the Scheduled Caste?
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
3) What explanation is given by materialist class analyst to explain the origin
of untouchable caste?
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................

21.3 CONSTITUTION AND THE SCHEDULED


CASTES
Before being scheduled and embodied in the Government of India Act 1935
and later in the constitution of free India in 1950, these castes were classified
as “exterior” or “depressed” castes or classes. A caste was classified exterior
or depressed if it was found subjected to a set of social disabilities or restrictions.
According to the 1931 census, these disabilities or restrictions were:
(1) inability to be served by clean-Brahmins; (2) inability to be served by the
barbers, water carriers, tailors, etc. who served the caste Hindus; (3) inability
to serve water to caste Hindus; (4) inability to enter Hindu temples; (5) inability
to use public convenience such as roads, ferries, wells or schools; and (6)
inability to dissociate oneself from despised occupation.
Ambedkar played key role in the fight to give Scheduled Caste a dignity and
their rights. He among others championed the cause of Scheduled Caste. During
independent India certain reforms were undertaken to remove the discriminatory
practices of intouchability.
With the coming into force of the Constitution of India the Scheduled Castes
were guaranted certain essential rights and benefits. Under Article 341(l), the 11
Constitution after consultation with the governor of a State may specify,
Identity, Dignity and “The castes, races, tribes or, parts of groups within castes or races, tribes
Social Justice
which shall be deemed to be scheduled castes for the purpose of the
constitution.”
However, according to the Article 341 (2) the Parliament of India, can include
or exclude any group from the list of Scheduled Castes through an enactment
of law.
The Scheduled Castes are socially and economically backward groups and,
therefore, the constitution gives special protection to them. Under Article 46
of the constitution, it is the responsibility of the State to promote with special
care the educational and -economic interests of the weaker sections of people
and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in particular, and to protect
them from social injustices and all forms of exploitation. The Preamble reflects
the basic philosophy of the Indian constitution which stands by the Scheduled
Castes.
There are a number of articles included in Part-III of the constitution which
provides fundamental rights to the citizens, Article 14, 15, 16 and 17 provide
rights to equality. Article 14 of the constitution provides right to equality before
law that means, every citizen in the country is equal before law. Article 15
prohibits social and educational discrimination on grounds of religion, race,
caste, sex or place of birth. This article provides that no citizen shall be prevented
from access to shops, public restaurants, hotels, place of entertainment, use of
public facilities like wells, tanks, bathing ghats, roads, places of public resort,
etc. This also empowers the State to make special provision for advancement
of the socially and educationally backward classes of the citizens.
Article 16 prescribes the equality of opportunity in matters of public
appointment. It provides that the State can reserve posts in public services for
members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Then, finally Article 17
of this part of Constitution legally abolishes the practice of untouchability in
any form against the Scheduled Castes. This article treats practice of
untouchability as a legal offence and the offender is to be punished in accordance
with the law. The offender may be imprisoned and or be subjected to fine.
Later the provisions made under this article of the Constitution were
strengthened and made more stringent under the Untouchability Offences Act
in 1955.
Article 46 mentions specifically that the State must endeavour to promote the
educational and economic interests of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes among the weaker sections of the society.
More precisely, the State shall reserve the public jobs for the members of the
Scheduled Caste and Tribes. Two Articles, 330 and 332, lay down that there
shall be reservation of seats in the Lok Sabha (Article 330) and State Legislative
Assembly (Article 332) in proportion to the number of the Scheduled Castes
in various states. And finally, according to Article 340, the President can appoint
a commission to investigate the difficulties of the socially and educationally
backward classes of the citizens and to make recommendations to remove
such difficulties. The commission is also empowered to take stock of the
progress made by these classes of citizens due to provisions made under various
12 articles for their welfare, protection and development.
21.3.1 Reservation Policy for the Scheduled Castes Scheduled Castes

We have mentioned various articles enshrined in the Constitution for welfare,


protection and development of the Scheduled Castes. Here, we shall discuss
some articles which specifically provide reservation to these castes.
The aim of the reservation policy is to help Scheduled Castes to come up,
within specified time, at par with others in the society. The reservation policy
has three major components.
These are:
1) reservation in government appointments,
2) reservation in admission to educational institutions and
3) reservation of seats in the House of People (Lok Sabha) and the Legislative
Assemblies of the States.
There are other progressive measures to boost employment and steps are taken
to eliminate poverty. Further, 15% and 7.5% posts are reserved for the
Scheduled Caste and Tribe candidates in government jobs. Such reservations
of posts are applicable in all the categories of jobs both in the Central and
State Government services. In the recent years, such reservation has been
extended to the services in the public undertaking units.
In addition to these, the State Governments have also adopted other measures
for school children of the Scheduled Castes. These are:
a) provision of books;
b) provision of educational equipment;
c) provision of mid-day meals;
d) provision of stipends;
e) provision of school uniforms etc.
Besides, 15% seats are reserved for Scheduled Castes and 7.5% for tribes’
in admission in public schools. Similar provisions are also available for
the SC/ST students in their admission to colleges, universities and other
educational institutions. Then equal percentage of hostel seats are also
reserved for them. There are post-matric scholarship by the various state
governments to the students belonging to these castes and tribes.
Out of 542 Lok Sabha seats 79 seats are reserved for the Scheduled Castes.
Similarly, out of 3997 seats 541 seats in the State Legislatures are reserved for
Scheduled Castes.
The bulk of the Scheduled Caste constituencies contain 10 to 30% of the
Scheduled Castes population, and around 75% of the Scheduled Castes
population live in scattered fashion outside the constituencies reserved for
them. This means, the elections of the Scheduled Caste candidates even from
the reserved constituencies are largely dependent on the non-Scheduled Castes.
Besides, the Scheduled Castes in rural areas are politically less conscious and
are influenced by caste politics. Many of them do not exercise their franchise
or they are absent during the time of voting due to reasons of migration for
employment. In the urban areas, the Scheduled Castes are relatively in a better
position. But in spite of the reservation and other developmental measures the 13
deprived sections who are less in number and who are uneducated continue to
Identity, Dignity and remain backward. The caste class nexus works strongly and allows only a few
Social Justice
castes to be politically or socially mobile. This has defeated the very purpose
of the reservation and the intention of the constitutional measures for
development of the Scheduled Castes.
21.3.2 Developmental Programmes
Besides the above mentioned provisions and measures, a number of other
developmental schemes have been adopted for the people in general and the
Scheduled Castes in particular in the rural areas. Some of these are: integrated
Rural Development Programme (IRDP), National Rural Employment
Programme (NREP), the new 20 point programme etc. But incidentally these
programmes have not properly been implemented at the block level. A
comprehensive strategy was worked out during the -6th Five Year Plan which
had 3 aspects:
1) Special Component Plans (SCP) for the Central and the State Governments
for monitoring various programmes for development of the Scheduled
Castes.
2) Special Central Assistance (SCA) for Special Component Plans for the
Scheduled Castes in the different states.
3) Scheduled Caste Development Corporations (SCDC) in the States.
The SCP identifies schemes for welfare and development of the Scheduled
Castes and provides financial assistance to the State Governments to various
programmes under these schemes, it acts as an interface between the Scheduled
Caste families and financial institutions in respect of bankable schemes of
economic development. The corporation provides subsidy loans and other kinds
of assistance to these families, and thereby, helps to increase the flow of funds
from financial institutions to the Scheduled Caste families. In the Seventh and
Eighth Five Year Plans also the Central and State Governments have set up a
large portions of the plan outlays for the welfare and development of the
Scheduled Castes under the special component programmes.
While the constitution emphasises on social and educational backwardness of
certain castes and tribes for their being eligible for the benefits of the
constitutional provisions, the present controversy centres around the definition
of backwardness itself. According to this, the criteria for identifying those
deprived sections of population who are eligible for the Government’s privileges
and concessions have not been clearly identified in the present reservation
policy. There are many socially backward castes who are economically forward
and are reaping the fruits of reservation while the majority of the needy
population have no access whatsoever to these constitutional measures. The
experience in the last fifty years or so has shown that the reservation policy
has not delivered the desired results to the right people. The policy has generated
conflicts and tensions between those who are beneficiaries of reservation and
those who are out of the purview of the policy. We have to accept the fact that
the opposition of the weaker sections by the stronger sections of the society
has not ended. The benefits of development in every aspects of life have been
appropriated by about 20% of the population who are at the top and are drawn
more from the nonscheduled and less from the scheduled castes.
14 The intended benefits of the reservation policy as well as of the other
developmental programmes are not, made available to those people who rightly
deserve them. There are various infrastructural levels at which these benefits
Scheduled Castes
are appropriated as the caste and class politics works very strongly given the
existing social circumstances. At the operational level, there are innumerable
barriers, which have to be removed. Against this backdrop, it is realised that
the Scheduled Castes have to organise themselves socially and politically in
order to get their due share and rights and to fight against the dominant castes
or class and remove the caste differences among themselves.
The attitudes of the upper castes towards the reservation policy and other
developmental measures have also to be positively directed so that the goal of
social progress, social justice and social equality can be achieved. The
Government and the power elite have to understand the socio-economic factors
which seem to make reservation necessary for those people who have been
victims of social discrimination and social injustice for over centuries. Their
attitudes and perception towards the lower castes have to undergo radical change
for getting the above goals realised.
The analogy of footrace here is applied for minorities facing disadvantaged
and the need for affirmative action therefore. This analogy was used in the
United States to reassert the need for affirmative action.The analogy can also
apply to Scheduled Castes who are saddled with all kinds of disadvantages.
The minority female that the box talks about could well be a Scheduled Caste
woman or man who has been wearing the weights of discrimination for
centuries.
What Makes a Fair Foot-race?
Imagine two runners in a 20 mile race. One of the runners must start with a
10-pound weight on each of her feet. As a result, she cannot run as fast, tires
more quickly, and falls far behind. Almost anyone would agree that this is
not a fair race. So, halfway through the race, the judges decide that she can
take off the weights. Is this enough to make the race fair? Does she have any
realistic change to win from her present position? Would it not be fairer to
allow her to move ahead to the position of the other runner to compensate
for the disadvantage of wearing the weights for the first half of the race?
This analogy had been used to illustrate the reasoning behind affirmative
action (Farley, 1988, pp. 265, 336). The runner represents a minority of
female individual seeking a good job or entry into graduate or professional
school. The weights represent the effects of both past discrimination and
the institutional discrimination she encountered in her elementary and
secondary education. Examples of such discrimination, which may or many
not be intentional, include low teacher expectations, tracking, biased tests
and classroom materials, lack of minority and female role models, and under
funded and segregated schools. Just as the runner is disadvantaged by the
weights, the minority applicant is disadvantaged by poverty and institutional
discrimination. Just as the other runner was not encumbered by weights in
the first half of the race, the white male applicant was not burdened by these
disadvantaged in early life. Most people would agree that is would not be
fair to expect the runner to catch up after having to run half the race with
weights. Could the same argument be made in the case of the minority or
female applicant who often has to run the first half of the “race” of life with
the “weight” of poverty and educational disadvantage? Is it fair, when that
minority person applied for college or employment, to say “Now the weights
15
are gone, so it’s a fair race?”)
Source: Sociology by John E. Farley. 1990. PrenticeHall: New Jersey.
Identity, Dignity and
Social Justice 21.4 IDENTITY AND SOCIAL MOBILITY
AMONG THE SCHEDULED CASTE
From our discussion in the preceding pages it is very clear that Scheduled
Caste or the dalits have always been kept at the fringes of society, treated as
untouchables they have been exploited for centuries. To improve their
conditions the constitution has not only banned untouchability but gave various
provisions which have offered an avenue for a mobility and new identity among
the Scheduled Caste. Besides this, the Scheduled Caste as a community have
tried to forge a new identity and also, found ways of moving upwards both at
socio-cultural as well as political level. In the section to follow we will talk
about social mobility and identity among the Scheduled Caste.

21.4.1 Scheduled Castes and Social Mobility


Besides, the various constitutional provisions and welfare and developmental
measures for socio-economic progress of the Scheduled Castes after
independence, the dalits and their sympathisers have carried out a number of
social movements. In the modern times some major movements were led by
Gandhi and Ambedkar. Here, we shall examine the movements led by
Ambedkar and Gandhi as well as constitutional provisions and measures which
have been able to bring a direct influence on the status or positional uplift of
the Scheduled Castes.
Yogendra Singh, in his book Social Stratification and Change in India has
argued that there are two kinds of social movements. One is with the integrative
orientation and the other is with the alienating orientation. The efforts made
by the lower castes to sanskritise themselves may be called a movement with
an integrative orientation because it does not renounce caste as a system of
social stratification. The motive force for the backward and the Scheduled
Castes to sanskritise was just to ventilate their deprived feelings of status and
position which were denied to them for centuries. By imitating the higher
castes they tried to find a position as that of the upper castes. But they have not
always succeeded in their efforts, as there is no legitimate acceptance by the
upper castes.
The movements of the Scheduled Castes with integrative orientation have
changed the emphasis in the present time. From imitating the upper castes, the
Scheduled Castes have started looking at them (upper castes) with disdain.
This has led to a horizontal level caste consolidation. The evidence is provided
by many sociological studies. The sub-castes within the scheduled castes have
started coming together to form a ‘homogeneous’ caste group and exploring a
new identity. There is change from sanskritisation to consolidation of power
and to acquire a positive identity. The consolidation of power is also seen in
the increasing presence of dalit based parties, especially BSP in the Indian
political arena. In turn, this has contributed to independent identity for
Scheduled Castes and has made them less dependent on the upper castes.
Ambedkar has led another movement which was a move from the caste
affiliations to embracing Buddhism. In.1956, he launched the drive for mass
16
conversion of the Scheduled Castes to Buddhism, within a few months after
his death, his followers organised the political wing of the Scheduled Castes
in the name of the Republican Party of India. Both these reflected the alternate
religio-political orientation of the scheduled caste movement with respect to Scheduled Castes
caste based social stratification and political mobilisation. In this regard,
Yogendra Singh concludes that Scheduled Caste movements for social mobility
has oscillated, on a tendency of integration to sanskritisation and of alienation,
conversion from Hinduism to Buddhism or Christianity to Islam.
Undoubtedly, there is relative improvement in terms of upward mobility of
certain Scheduled Caste families and individuals. There are also favourable
shifts in the political and social awakening among the Scheduled Castes. But
the constitutional measures have helped only those Scheduled Castes who have
a dominant minority position in a particular region. An analysis of the
enforcement of the Untouchability (Offences) Act in various courts indicate
that most cases are not against individuals or specific castes but only against
institutions. It is also revealed that the enforcement of various measures under
the Act is more effective only in those places where the Scheduled Castes are
politically more conscious of their rights or have high literacy rates. Relatively
speaking there has been a considerable improvement in the social and economic
status of the Scheduled Castes but they still lag behind, in many ways, in
relation to the upper castes.
Activity 1
Visit the nearest settlement around your house which has predominant
Scheduled Caste population and ask them their problems and write them
down. Compare your note with others at the Study Centre.

21.4.2 Scheduied Castes Seeking a New Identity


Untouchability is a cultural problem related to the Hindu religion and the caste
system. Many social movements were launched by social reformers and
religious leaders against untouchability. A number of such movements launched
by the dalits or the Scheduled Castes under the leadership of B.R. Ambedkar
gained strong momentum. This was, reflected in the growing self consciousness
of the Scheduled Castes which continues even today. However, the spontaneous
revolts and organised struggles launched in different parts of the country against
the practice of untouchability and their economic exploitation are not recent
phenomena. There had always been anti-untouchability movements throughout
the history. But their numbers had increased since the British rule in India and
especially during the freedom struggle.
a) Anti-untouchability in Bhakti and Arya Samaj movements
The anti-untouchability movements may be classified into two categories:
(1) reformative movements and (2) alternative movements. The reformative
movements aim to reform the caste system in order to put an end to the problem
of untouchability. The alternative movements aim to create ’an alternative
cultural environment by conversion to’ another religion. The reformative
movements arrived out during different periods in India are broadly of three
types: (1) bhakti movement (2) neovedantic movement (3) sanskritisation
movement. Bhakti movement was popular during the medieval period in India
when there was a succession of foreign invaders like the Mughals, Turks, Arabs
and the Afghans. The bhakti movement tried to bring some sort of cultural and
emotional integration between the upper castes and the. lower castes. Kabir, 17
Ramanand, Chaitanya, Tukaram and Ramanujam were the noted saints,of that
Identity, Dignity and period who spread the spirit of brotherhood among all human beings. They
Social Justice
preached that every caste member could attain salvation through Bhakti to
God. In spite of all this, the socio-economic position of the Sudra/untouchable
castes remained unchanged. Even the temples constructed by the members of
the bhakti movement did not allow the untouchables to enter their premises.
Neo-vedantic movement assumed two forms namely neo-vedantism and
sanskritisation. Vivekanand, Dayanand and Gandhi emphasised on
secularisation of profession. Dayanand Saraswati the founder of the Arya Samaj
believed that the caste system was a political institution created by the ruiers’for
the common good of society and not a natural or religious distinction.
b) Gandhi and the Movements of Untouchables
Gandhi also said that all the four varnas were equal in status but not equal in
opportunity and occupational division. For him, the varna system was not a
hierarchical order. A scavenger had the same status as a Brahmin. As stated
earlier in this unit, he symbolically called untouchables as “Harijans”, that is
“the people of God”. Gandhi believed in the unity of various social groups.
This was reflected in all his actions like his adoption of a harijan girl as his
own daughter. He voluntarily decided to live with the untouchables to become
one with them in appearance and in the standard of living. He even opposed
separate electorate for the untouchables because, in his opinion, it could
intensify the social division, which already existed in Hinduism. Gandhi had
organised the Harijan Sevak Sangh for improving the life of the Harijans. The
Sangh started hostels for the school untouchable children and improved work
conditions of Harijans.
c) Sanskritisation: Anti Untouchability Movements in South India
Further, there were quite a few movements launched by the untouchable castes
in different parts of the country which successfully mobilised the people of
these castes to forego their traditional way of life, food habits and even name
of the castes. These were very much in tune to sanskritisation. In some cases
sanskritisation encouraged upward status mobility to honour castes. By
abandoning their traditional occupations many of the lower castes had struggled
for a higher status in the caste hierarchy. They followed Sanskritic norms and
rituals and justified their claims to a higher status by creating their own
mythologies according to the local traditions. However, how far their claims
for equality with the upper castes was accepted in a particular region was
always a question. Those castes who have tried to seek a new identity by
identifying with and imitating certain customs and practices of upper castes
are still treated as untouchables in their places of residence. But there are a few
caste groups like the Nadars in Tamil Nadu, Ezhavas in Kerala and the Jatavs
of Agra in Uttar Pradesh who have somehow been able to organise themselves
to fight against the oppression meted out to them.
Hardgrave has studied the Nadar community in Tamil Nadu. The Nadars who
were traditionally engaged in toddy-tapping were treated as untouchables. They
rejected their title or surname of Shanan and shavar to adopt a new title or
surname of Nadar. This attempt was mainly to dissociate themselves from the
traditional occupation of the community. They followed Sanskritic rituals and
18
made attempts to enter temples as early as in 1970. A section of Nadars in
some villages and towns also converted to Christianity and formed organisations
to strengthen unity among them. Many of their attempts to enter temples were
not fulfilled in the beginning because there were lot of restrictions and Scheduled Castes
resentment posed by the caste Hindus or the upper castes. Some cases were
taken to the court which delivered the judgement against the Nadar community
and they were asked to pay Rs. 500/- for purification of the temples in which
they attempted to enter. Despite all these failures, the Nadars continued their
efforts for status elevation and undertook many secular activities. They formed
the Nadar Mahajan Sangham which carried out literacy programmes and
campaigned against toddy-tapping within the community. They also
participated in political activities and even obtained political positions. In the
1921 census they got themselves registered as Nadar Kshatriyas. M.N. Srinivas
has noted that the census operations introduced by the British made every
caste self-conscious of its rights and status. This activated the process of
sanskritisation.
Similar to Nadar, the Ezhavas in Kerala also tried to achieve upward social
mobility. The Ezhavas were also traditionally toddy-tappers. They were led
by Shri Narayanan Guru and the S.N.D.P. Yogam, forming an association
called Shri Narayana Guru Dharma Paripalayan. In the latter part of the 19th
century the association launched activities for sanskritising the norms and
customs of Ezhavas. It undertook secular programmes such as establishing
schools and co-operative societies. The Ezhavas also joined hands with
Christians and Muslims for achieving their aims.
d) Anti-untouchability movement in U.P.
The Jatavs of Uttar Pradesh also tried to sanskritise themselves by giving up
their traditional occupation which were directly linked with the Jajmani system,
that is, hereditary occupational services to the upper castes by the lower castes.
The Jatavs of Agra were urban dwellers and the majority of them were also
engaged in the leather work (shoe making). So, many of the Jatavs could
improve their social and economic conditions once the shoe industry developed
in and around Agra. Like the Nadars and Ezhavas the Jatavs and Mahars also
formed organisation to spread sanskritic norms and customs among their caste
members. They started schools and distributed scholarships to deserving
students of their jatis, in order to identify themselves as a higher caste, like the
Nadars, the Jatavs also claimed for a new and separate identity (from the rest
of the Scheduled Castes). O.M. Lynch in his book “Politics of Untouchability”
has shown that the Jatavs claim to be recognised as a separate caste among the
scheduled castes without being amalgamated with other castes under the list
of scheduled castes which the Jatavs claim not to have any connection.
e) Anti-untouchability movment in Maharashtra
The Mahars in Maharashtra under the leadership of Ambedkar demanded, in
1919, separate electorate for the depressed classes.
Many of the militant Mahars also got extremely frustrated with their abortive
attempts towards sanskritisation and even gave up Hindu religion completely.
Many Jatavs also followed this example later. In the early fifties, Ambedkar
found that Buddhism was appropriate as an alternative religion. He preferred
Buddhism primarily because in his opinion, it is an indigenous
Indian religion of equality, a religion which was anti-caste and anti-Brahmin.
Consequently, along with him a large Mahars of Maharashtra converted to 19

Buddhism. The Militant Mahar youth organised the Dalit Panther Movement
Identity, Dignity and in 1942 because the religious conversion did not make any significant change
Social Justice
in their socio-economic condition. Now, the scheduled castes are involved in
civil rights movements, students movements in the university and college
campuses, and also in the ecological movements in many regions. Thus, they
are collectivity endorsing their identity in various ways to pave a brighter future
for themselves. The new identities of the scheduled castes are being accepted
by others. Because of their educational development and the westernisation
the practices of untouchability and discrimination against them are slowly
becoming less. The welfare and developmental measures undertaken for the
improvement in their economic position and upliftment of their social status
have been responsible for opening new vistas for the depressed classes. In
spite of all these, we cannot say for certain that the Scheduled Castes are
enjoying an equal status at par with the others. Their present generation has
just set the stage for development and we can hope that the Scheduled Castes
would acquire a new and a positive identity vis-a-vis rest of the castes and
communities in years to come.
A few more untouchable castes left Hinduism and developed their own separate
religion. The Chamars and Chuhars of Punjab formed the Adi Dharm which
believed that they were not part of the Hindu caste system. Later, the followers
of Adi Dharm were politically aligned and absorbed in Ambedkar’s Scheduled
Caste Federation in the late 1940s. Some Untouchables followed Christianity,
Islam or Buddhism, and all those who were converted to Christianity or Islam
did not make any attempts to sanskritise them. The classic case is of the Nadars
of Tirunelvelli in Tamil Nadu who converted to Christianity. However, all
those who have become Christians have not ceased to be untouchables. Caste
differentiation has permeated itself even within the Church.The economic
differentiation between the Pulaya Christian (traditional untouchables) and
the Syrian Christians in Kerala still persists. Earlier, the Syrian Christians
considered themselves to be more superior to Pulaya Christians in terms of
education and employment. But now their situation is gradually improving.
K.C. Alexander who has made a noteworthy study of social mobility among
the Pulaya Christians has observed the Pulayas who now are university
graduates and who are employed in white collar jobs are rarely treated as
untouchables.
Check Your Progress 2
1) The scheduled castes are:
a) Kshatriyas
b) Brahmins
c) Shudras
d) Untouchables outside the four-fold division of various systems or
the caste system.
2) Antyajas was referred in the Writing of ..................
3) Which of the statements is right? Put a (9)mark in front of the correct
statement:
i) Untouchables do not constitute a homogeneous group.
ii) Ambedkar called the untouchables Harijans.
20
iii) Sanskritisation is process of alienation.
Scheduled Castes
21.5 LET US SUM UP
We have analysed the problems of the Scheduled Castes from the very early
times till date. We have seen how untouchability as a phenomenon is inherent
in the caste-ridden Hindu society and social mobility for the untouchables is
hampered because of their low caste status.
The Scheduled Castes are slowly trying to recover from their disabilities of
untouchability of and discrimination. We have seen that there are a number of
constitutional provisions made for them in the independent India. We have
looked at the operational inconsistencies of the governmental measures adopted
for enhancement of the status of the Scheduled Caste. We have also the possible
measures to be adopted and properly implemented for a better future of the
depressed sections of the people in India.

21.6 KEY WORDS


Scheduled Castes : The untouchable castes listed in the Schedule
for the purpose of constitutional measures and
concessions for their welfare, protection and
development.
Chandalas, Mritapas : Particular categories of untouchable castes
who performed unclean occupations in the
past and were regarded the most down-graded
people in the Hindu society.
Antyajas : Another term used for untouchables who live
outside the habitations of the caste Hindus in
the past.
Alienation-orientation : The untouchable castes getting out of caste
system and converting to Buddhism,
Christianity or Islam.
Integrative-orientation : Assimilation into the upper castes through
sanskritisation process, i.e. imitating the
culture, behaviour of the styles of life and
upper castes.
Homogeneous : United whole, without differences.
Infrastructure : The facilities available in the existing
structure.
Reservation : Special concessions and privileges granted by
the constitution for the socially and
educationally backward sections of the
society. Reservation is applicable in
admission to educational institutions, hostels,
fee concessions etc. for recruitment in
government services; and in representation in
the Lok Sabha and the State Legislatures.

21
Identity, Dignity and
Social Justice 21.7 FURTHER READINGS
Singh, Yogendra. 1980, Social Stratification and Change in India, Manohar,
New Delhi.
Benjamin, Joseph. 1989, Scheduled Castes in Indian Politics and Society, ECS
Publications
Kamble N.D. 1982, The Scheduled Castes, Ashish Publishing House, New
Delhi.
Ghurye G.S. 1969, Caste and Race in India, Popular Prakashan, Bombay.

21.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS


Check Your Progress 1
1) The term Scheduled Caste was first used by the Simon Commission.
2) Some of the terms used to address the Scheduled Caste are Untouchables,
Harijans, Chandalas and Dalits.
3) According to the materialist class analysis Untouchability grew out of a
social class who did not possess the right of holding and usage of land.
These landless workers were semi-slaves and were in debt bondage. They
toiled for other peoples land but were forced to carry on unclean
occupations. They were secured by the social bondage and by the concept
of destiny or Karma.
Check Your Progress 2
1) The scheduled castes are:
a) Kshatriyas
d) Untouchables outside the four-fold division of various systems or
the caste system.
2) “Antyajas” was referred in the Writings of Alberuni.
3) The correct statement is :
i) Untouchables do not constitute a homogeneous group.

22
UNIT 22 SCHEDULED TRIBES
Structure
22.0 Objectives
22.1 Introduction
22.2 Definition of Tribe and Scheduled Tribe
22.2.1 The Tribe
22.2.2 The Scheduled Tribes
22.3 Demographic Profile of the Tribes
22.3.1 Geographical Zones
22.3.2 Racial Affinities
22.3.3 Linguistic Affnities
22.4 Tribal Economy
22.4.1 Hunting and Food Gathering Tribes
22.4.2 Pastoral and Cattle Herding Tribes
22.4.3 Cultivators
22.4.4 Simple Artisans
22.4.5 Labour : Agricultural and Non-agricultural
22.4.6 The Skilled White-collar job Holders and Traders
22.5 Tribe, Land and Forest
22.5.1 Land and Agrarian Situation
22.5.2 Forest and Forest Produce
22.6 Tribes and Education
22.6.1 Literacy Rates
22.6.2 Problems of Education
22.7 Tribal Movement
22.8 Approaches to the Tribal Development
22.9 Let Us Sum Up
22.10 Key Words
22.11 Further Readings
22.12 Answers to Check Your Progress

22.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit you should be able to :
z Explain who are tribes and what makes them different from non-tribes;
z Relate the occupation of tribes within the environment that they live;
z Understand the problems of tribes within the environment that they live;
and
z Analysis the various ways in which their problems are being tackled.
23
Identity, Dignity and
Social Justice 22.1 INTRODUCTION
In the previous unit of this block you have acquainted yourself with the problems
of Scheduled Castes. In this unit we shall be talking about the problems of
Scheduled Tribes.
To understand the problems of Scheduled Tribe we think it necessary to define
tribes in terms of their general characteristics and to explain what is meant by
Scheduled Tribes. We shall also describe the constitutional safeguards which
are provided to them. The unit also discusses their demographic profile with
regard to geographical area, racial and linguistic affinities. Next we will try to
understand their economic pursuits and their relationships with regard to land
and forest. We will also discuss their educational status and show how the low
rate of literacy is contributory factor for their exploitation. Tribal struggles
and movements are manifestations and vent to their frustration. In the end, the
unit presents the various opinions as to what should be the proper approach to
their development.

22.2 DEFINITION OF TRIBE AND SCHEDULED


TRIBE
In this section we shall be dealing with the definitions of tribes and the
Scheduled Tribes. Let us begin with the definition of tribe.

22.2.1 The Tribe


A universally acceptable or applicable definition is lacking. However the word
tribe is widely used. Purely for the sake of classification, the British Government
used the word tribe, along with prefixes like jungle and hill, aboriginal,
indigenous to describe, the people who seemed to have little contact with the
main culture. The word tribe has been used by European historians to refer to
distinct groups like the Gauls and Anglo-Saxons and autonomous political
groups such as Lichchavi,. Mulla, Khasa, etc. in ancient India. British social
anthropologists like Radcliffe-Brown, Evans-Pritchard,. Fortes and Nadel have
used the word tribe to refer to autonomous political unit which lives in its own
territory and possesses its own distinctive way of life.
Efforts have been made to look for some generalisation and common
denominators if not a proper definition. In the Indian context the Commissioner
for, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in his report for the year 1952 has
listed sudh common features. These are that the tribes: (i) live away from the
civilised world in the inaccessible parts lying in the forest hills, (ii) they belong
to either one of the three stocks–Negrito, Australoid or Mongoloids, (iii) they
speak the same tribal dialect, (iv) they profess ‘primitive’ religion known as
‘Animism’ in which the worship of ghosts and spirits is the most important
element, (v) they follow ‘primitive’ occupations such as gleaning, hunting
and gathering of forest products; and (vi) they are largely meat eaters. The list
also includes their love for food and drink.
A.R. Desai commenting on the above features, says that of 25 million people
24
described as tribal only 5 millions possess these features. D.N. Majumdar states
that, except for the tribes of Eastern India, everywhere else ethnic strains have
crisscrossed in the sub-continent. Thus, it is very difficult to say with certainty
what is tribal. Yet, in spite of the social and cultural differences that exist Scheduled Tribes
among the tribal people dispersed over India. In their social life kinship is the
principal unit of organisation. They are often the units for land ownership,
economic production and consumption. In spite of the differences some
common features do exist.
In the subsistence economy very few tribal groups are still hunters and food
gatherer but many of them practise shifting agriculture or cultivation. And
still others are pastoral nomads. Tribes do not usually take to trading or financial
transactions. Thus, the society is more or less homogeneous with little sense
of hierarchy and subordination.
Politically, tribal societies are relatively simple and egalitarian. Lineage, clan
and kinship tend to overlap with their political organisations. Tribal religion
tends to be less systematised, less specialised and elaborated.
These above mentioned characteristics are very general and preliminary and
are often shared by non-tribals also. Keeping in mind the problem of definition,
F.G. Bailey thus suggests that the definition of tribe should be seen in a
continuum: the tribe at one end and caste.at the other end.
We have discussed so far about the problem of conceptualising the tribe. It
still leaves us with the question as who are Scheduled Tribe?

22.2.2 The Scheduled Tribes


For ages, the tribes had little more than a casual contact with so called civilised
or advanced cultures and societies. When the British consolidated their position
in India, their expansionist operations necessitated the opening up of the entire
country through an effective communication system. The British consolidated
the money economy, acquired lands and introduced cash-cropping, land tenure,
a new legal system, administration etc. All these measures opened the tribal
land to outside influences. Though all these changes brought.relief to the tribes
these systems gradually became exploitative. Along with these the Christian
missionaries in India exposed these communities of people to much quicker
tempo of modern life by providing them formal, education, making them
conscious about health and so forth.
The social, cultural and economic exploitations, of the tribals prompted them
to go on wars and agitations. With increasing feeling of deprivation their
agitations, struggles and movements also increased. In the wake of tribal
upheavals and for variety of other reasons, the British thought of protecting
the tribes by having regulated areas for which normal rules were not applicable.
Along with the distinct and special arrangements made for areas populated by
tribals, there also emerged the concept of tribe as a social category to
differentiate them from the Hindus, Muslims and other distinct religious groups.
The Government of India Act 1933 incorporated some provisions and the policy
of reservation for the tribes notified in the Schedule.
The concept of Scheduled Tribe emerged henceforth and was included in the
Constitution of independent India. A list of tribes was incorporated in the Eighth
Schedule of the constitution. In 1971, the list contained names of 527 tribes.
The reservation policy or the policy of protecting discrimination for the notified 25
or Scheduled Tribes has been made a constitutional obligation
Identity, Dignity and Box 1
Social Justice
Constitutional Safeguards
Under Article 15(4) special provisions are made for educational advancement
of the Scheduled Tribes. These provisions are like reservation of seats and
relaxation in marks in admission to educational institutions, scholarships,
etc.
Under Article 46 the State is enjoined upon to promote with special care to
education and economic interests of SC and ST and protect them from social
injustice and all forms of exploitation.
Articles 330 and 332 seats are reserved for SC and ST in Lok Sabha State
Vidhan Sabhas.
Under Artcle 339(1) the President may at anytime appoint a Commission to
report on the administration of the Scheduled Area and the welfare of the
Scheduled Castes and Tribes in the State.

22.3 DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF THE TRIBES


Scheduled Tribe population, according to 1991 census was about 3.7 million
and comprised 8.1% of the country’s total population. They are spread over
the various regions of India and we find various races represented among them.
22.3.1 Geographical Zone
The tribal population can be demarcated in the following three geographical
zones:
i) North-North-Eastern Zone : It includes the tribal areas of Ladakh (Jammu
& Kashmir), Himachal Pradesh, Northern Uttar Pradesh, Sikkim and the
North East comprising seven states (Arunachal Pradesh, Assam,
Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Manipur and Tripura).
ii) Central or Middle Zone: It includes West Bengal, Orissa, Bihar, Southern
Uttar Pradesh, Southern Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh,
Maharashtra.
iii) Southern Zone: It includes Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka,
Kerala and the two Union Territories of Andaman & Nicobar Islands and
Lakshadweep.
The Middle zone has the largest tribal population and the tribal communities
residing therein are better known than those in the other zones.
22.3.2 Racial Affinities
On the basis of racial affinities the Indian people are classified into various
groups. The ancestry of the present tribal population is traced chiefly to the
following three races:
i) The Negrito : This shorter version of the Negro is found in the Andaman
islands. There are four Scheduled Tribes in this area, viz., the Andamanese
(now settled in Strait Island, the Onge in Little Andaman Island, the Jarawa
on the western coast of Middle and South Andaman Islands and the
26 Sentinelese in the two Sentinel Islands.
Distribution of Scheduled Tribe Population States and Union Territories (1991 Census) Scheduled Tribes

States Total ST population ST ST


population population population
as % of as % of
State total ST
population population
India 838,583,988 67,758,380 8.1 100.0
Madhya Pradesh 66,181,170 15,399,034 23.3 22.7
Maharashtra 78,937,187 7,318,281 9.3 10.8
Orisssa 31,659,736 7,032,214 22.2 10.4
Bihar 86374,465 6,616,914 7.7 9.8
Gujarat 41,309,582 6,161,775 14.9 9.1
Rajasthan 44,005,990 5,474,881 12.4 8.1
Andhra Pradesh 66,508,008 4,199,481 6.3 6.2
West Bengal 68,077,965 3,808,760 5.6 5.6
Assam 22,414,322 2,874,441 12.8 4.2
Karnataka 44,977,201 1,915,691 4.3 2.8
Meghalaya 1,774,778 1,517,927 85.5 2.2
Nagaland 1,209,546 1,060,822 87.7 1.6
Tripura 2,575,205 853,345 30.9 1.3
Mizoram 689,765 653,565 94.8 1.0
Tamil nadu 55,858,946 574,194 1.0 0.8
Arunachal Pradesh 864,558 550,351 68.7 0.8
Kerala 29,098,518 320,967 1.1 0.6
Uttar Pradesh 139,112,287 287,901 0.2 0.4
Himachal Pradesh 5,170,877 213,349 4.2 0.3
Dadra & Nagar 138,477 109,380 79.0 0.2
Haveli
Sikkim 406,457 90,901 22.4 0.1
Lakshadweep 51,707 48,163 93.1 0.1
A & N Islands 280,661 26,770 9.5 0.0
Daman & Diu 101,586 11,724 11.6 0.0
Goa 1,169,793 376 0.0 0.0
Punjab 20,281,969 0 0.0 0.0
Haryana 16,463,648 0 0.0 0.0
Delhi 9,420,644 0 0.0 0.0
Pondicherry 807,785 0 0.0 0.0
Chandigarh 642,015 0 0.0 0.0
838,583,988 67,758,380 8.1
ii) The Proto-Australoid : The tribes of the Middle and the Southern zones
are generally assigned to this race and they form the bulk of the tribal
population in India.
iii) The Mongoloid : The tribes of the North and North-Eastern zones generally
belong to this race which is divided into two sub-types, viz., Palaeo-
Mongoloids (long-headed and broad-headed) and TibetoMongoloids.
Besides these three main racial groups, some tribal communities trace their
ancestry-to the Palaeo-Mediterranean stock also.
27
Identity, Dignity and Projection of Scheduled Tribes Population in 2001
Social Justice
(assuming the same proportion of Scheduled Tribe as in 1991)
Total ST population SC population
population in as % of State
2001 population
India 1,017,544,000 84,465,196 8.3
Madhya Pradesh 81,666,000 19,002,044 23.3
Maharashtra 92,314,000 8,558,448 9.3
Orisssa 36,284,000 8,051,352 22,2
Bihar 102,423,000 7,846,349 7.7
Gujarat 49,194,000 7,337,822 14.9
Rajasthan 54,816,000 6,819,778 12.4
Andhra Pradesh 76,773,000 4,847,638 6.3
West Bengal 80,312,000 4,493,218 5.6
Assam 26,589,000 3,409,807 12.8
Karnataka 52,922,000 2,254,080 4.3
Tamil Nadu 62,400,000 641,432 1.0
Kerala 32,605,000 359,645 1.1
Uttar Pradesh 175,626,000 363,468 0.2
Punjab 23,858,000 0 0.0
Haryana 20,204,000 0 0.0
Total For 15 967,950,000 73,985,081 7.6
Major States
Other Smaller 49,594,000 10,480,115 21.1
States*
India 1,017,544,000 84,465,196 8.3
22.3.3 Linguistic Affinities
On the basis of linguistic affinities, the Indian people are classified into four
speech families, viz., the Indo-European (Aryan), the Dravidian, The Austric
(Kol or Munda) and Tibeto-Chinese. The Scheduled Tribes speak about 105
languages and 225 subsidiary languages, or dialects. The linguistic classification
of the Indian tribal population is as follows:
i) Sino-Tibetan : In the North and North-Eastern zones most of the tribal
speak some form or the other of Sino-Tibetan and Tibeto-Burman. In
certain north eastern areas there is an admixture of the Mon-Khmer
(Austric) speech, e.g., among the Khasi. In Nagaland, sixteen languages
apart from numerous dialects are spoken.
ii) Kol or Munda : In the Central zone the Austric family of languages is
dominant. The Munda languages lack the verb and gender differentiation.
The only classificatory device is the differentiation between animate and
inanimate. Some of the important Munda languages are Santhali, Mundari,
Ho, Kharia, Korwa, Korku and Gadaba.
iii) Dravidian : The tribal people of the Southern zone speak some form or
the other of the Dravidian languages, viz., Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam,
Kannada, Tulu. The Kedar, one of the oldest inhabitants of India, speak a
Malayalam dialect. There has been Dravidianisation of significant South
28
Indian tribes like the Chenchu and the Yenadi. Some of the important
Dravidian tribes are Gond, Oraon, Maler, Kandh, Saora, Parja, Koya,
Kolam, Paniyan, Irula, Malser and Malaryan.
Thus, the geographical zones described earlier correspond roughly to the three Scheduled Tribes
linguistic zones. But there-is no correlation between race and language. People
belonging to one race may speak different languages. Likewise, people speaking
one language, or languages of one speech-family, may belong to different races.
The Aryan languages are spoken by some tribal communities as a result of
cultural contact. In the Middle zone most of the tribes have become bilingual,
speaking their own dialect as also some form of Hindi, Oriya or Bangali as
spoken by the neighbouring rural population. The Baigas have completely
lost their original language and they speak Chhattisgarhi, though culturally
they continue to maintain certain distinctive traits of their tribes.
Activity 1
Try and see if you can identify the recial and linguistic origins of some of
the tribal people who you happen to know.
Check Your Progress 1
1) Name some of the important Dravidian Tribes.
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2) List out the three racial groups to whose ancestry the present tribal
population is traced to.
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3) Name a few tribes from the Central Tribal zone.
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22.4 TRIBAL ECONOMY


The tribal communities are engaged in hunting and food gathering. They are
also pastoral people and nomads, shifting cultivators, settled agriculturists,
artisans and plantation, mining and industrial labourers. In Koraput District of
Orissa we find the spectacle of co-existence of primitive groups like Bondas
and Didavais. Also, there are tribals from two different communities who work
in the HAL factory at Sunabad manufacturing supersonic MIG engines. Thus,
there is wide divergence in the economic status of the tribes from region to
region and within a region.

22.4.1 Hunting and Food Gathering Tribes


These tribes depend for their livelihood on gathering food (edible roots, tubers, 29
fruits, nuts, flowers, leaves, honey) from the forest, hunting and fishing. The
Identity, Dignity and important tribes in this category include: Jarawa, Onge, Chenchu, Birhor,
Social Justice
Kadar, Maria, Kuki, Bonda, JuAng, Palliyan, Raji among others.
They use poor indigenous tools like digging sticks, iron jungle knives, earthern,
wooden or bamboo pots and vessels, bamboo baskets and sticks for food
gathering. For hunting purposes they possess different types of traps like rope
nets used by Birhors to catch monkeys and hares. Pit traps are used to catch
big animals like wild boar. Three types of weapons are used: hand missiles
like bhala, barchhi, labeda (thick wooden ends), qulel and hand operated
implements like axe and knive. Dogs are used by Kadars and Chenchus for
hunting. For fishing they have a variety of traps made of rope, yarn and bamboo.
Harpoons, bhalas and sticks are also used. Fishing by hand is also common. In
food gathering, hunting or trapping and fishing operations tribals may take
part individually as well as in groups.

22.4.2 Pastoral and Cattle Herding Tribes


The classic pastoral tribes include Todas of the Nilgiris in Tamil Nadu, Gujjars
and Bakarwals of Jammu & Kashmir. and Gaddis and Gujjars of Himachal
Pradesh. In middle India Kisans or Nagesiag of Bihar and Madhya Pradesh
are considered to be pastoral to a certain extent. Bharwad or Maldhari and
Raisipotra of Gujarat and Rabaris of Gujarat and Rajasthan are the cattle herders
of western India. Gollas, Kurubas and Labadas are the herders in south India.
Bhotias of the U.P. hills depend on cattle rearing. Some tribals are loosely
called ‘pastoralists’ and they treat the occupation as a subsidiary one. Todas of
the Nilgiris have attractedworld-wide attention on account of their economy
and religion being centred around the buffalo and their practice of polyandry.
Pastoralists have adopted themselves in many ways in different parts of India.
Some earn out their living by selling items like milk and its products, wool,
hair and so on and others rear livestock and earn their livelihood by selling
animals. They also consume milk and milk products themselves. The livestock
provides them food usually not so much in meat as in milk, dung for fuel,
hides for leather and utensils and wool or hides for clothing.

22.4.3 Cultivators
Agriculture among the tribes is of simple and poor nature. They do cultivation
at subsistence level and are unable to meet their minimum daily needs. In the
low-lying land, raising paddy crops is easy as artificial irrigation is not needed.
In the uplands only coarser varieties of rice as well as pulses, millets and other
products of minor value are grown. Their agricultural implements are
indigenous and made by local ironsmiths. A few tribes use cow dung manure
as well.
An important characteristic of tribal agriculture is cooperation seen at the time
of transplanting of paddy and on other occasions. Help is rendered among the
relatives or among the villagers or among the people of an area reciprocal
basis. Some prominent agriculturist tribes are Khasis and Jaintias of Meghalaya;
Khasas (Jaunsaris) and Tharus of Uttar Pradesh; Kinnauras, Pangwals and
Swanglas of Himachal Pradesh; Bhumijs, Koras, Bhuiyas, Santhals, Mundas,
Oraons, Hos, Kharwars, Baigas, Gonds, etc., in middle India; Bhils, Meenas,
30
Garasias, Damarias, Koli Mahadevs, Varlis, Thakurs, Korkus, Dublas, etc.,
in western India; Koyas of Andhra Pradesh; Malayalis of Tamil Nadu and so
on.
Besides these plain cultivators, there are the hill cultivators who are -engaged Scheduled Tribes
in shifting cultivation. Hill cultivation is a seasonally regulated sequence of
procedure designed to open up and bring under cultivation a patch of forest
land. After one or two seasons of staple cropping the plot is left fallow for
years together with a view to restoring fertility of the soil through forest growth.
Following this the plot is again cleared and vegetations are burnt and another
cycle of cultivation begins. Hill cultivation goes under a variety of names:
Jhum in North-East, Kurwa or Khallu in Santhat Paraganas, Bewara in Ranchi
and Palamau in Bihar, Podu, Rema, Dahi, Kaman, Bringa, Gudia, Dongarchas
in Orissa, Penda, Dahiya, Biwar, iguharh, Farhha, Dippa, Marhan or Erka in
Madhya Pradesh, Kondapady in Andhra Pradesh.
Approximately more than 6 takh Scheduled Tribe families are engaged in
shifting cultivation covering about 10 million hectares of land. Tribal people
inhabiting in the hill forests of all the seven states in the North-East, Bihar,
Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh are dependent on hill cultivation
for their livelihood. These tribes include Garos, Tripuris, Noatias., a few
Halams and Riangs, Chakmas, Mags and Nagas with their different
nomencatures in the North-East, Malers or Sauria Paharias of Santhal
Paraganas, Hill Kharias and a few Korwas, Parhaiyas and Birjias in Bihar,
Saoras and Kutia Kandhs in Orissa, Kamars, Baigas and Maria Gonds in
Madhya Pradesh, Konda Dhoras and Nooka or Mukha Dhoras and a few
Bagatas in Andhra Pradesh and Malaikudis in Karnataka.

22.4.4 Simple Artisans


Most of the tribal people know matting, basketry, bamboo work, spinning,
etc., which serve as subsidiary occupations for them. But a number of tribes
subsist on crafts and cottage industries like basket making, tool making (iron
and wooden).Other tribes use, spinning and weaving, metal work, ironsmithy,
etc. They visit the periodical markets (haats) with their finished goods and
dispose them off by barter or on cash.
Some of the tribes whose primary occupation is craft are mentioned below.
Gujjars and Bakarwals of Jammu & Kashmir and Gaddis, Gujjars and
Kinnauras of Himachal Pradesh produce wool products. In Bihar Lohras,
Karmafis, Chik-Baralks and Mahalis are artisans. Lohras and Karmalis fulfil
the needs of agricultural tribes or other people by making and repairing their
agricultural implements and other tools. Chick-Baralks supply hand-woven
cloth to Mundas, Oraons, etc. Mahatis make baskets and other bamboo products
to earn their livelihood. Asurs of Bihar and Agarias of Madhya Pradesh were
traditionally ironsmiths. Now, they have adopted agriculture and hunting.
Kolams of Maharashtra were formerly engaged in basket and mat making from
bamboo strips and also from paratya (remnants of cotton). This traditional
occupation is still practised though they have adopted agriculture. Vitolias of
Maharashtra are engaged in making bamboo mats, baskets and winnowing
fans. Irulas of Tamil Nadu and Thotis of Andhra Pradesh make bamboo mats
and baskets and subsist on this. Kotas of the Nilgiris depend on carpentry, tool
making and pottery.

22.4.5 Labour: Agricultural and Non-agricultural


31
Traditional agriculturists or artisans amongst tribals have adopted an economic
life of casual labour. Agricultural work is mostly available in the locality itself
Identity, Dignity and within a radius of a few kilometres. Non-agricultural work potentialities are
Social Justice
situated in the local as well as at distant places in different states. Non-
agricultural labourers are mostly engaged in different industries. Tribals have
taken to such work on account of pressure on land due to population growth
and opening of mines and industries in tribal areas. They go out as seasonal
migrants to nearby or distant towns, mines, mills and tea gardens to work as
labourers. They work in railway and road construction, forestry, -construction
work like civil work in emerging factories, houses, dams, bridges, etc. Their
men and women move to the working places in bands. The proportion of tribals
is progressively increasing in categories like factory workers, plantation
workers, trade, commerce, business, transport, mining, construction, political
or social work, Government service, municipal service, teaching, priesthood,
entertainment art, etc. The core of industrial India falls in middle India and the
tribals of Bihar, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh from the bulk of industrial labour
in this zone. The tribals of Chhota Nagpur also work in the tea garden of
Assam and West Bengal and at the same time are engaged in forestry and
other works of Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Santhals are said to be good
pick miners and coal cutters. Half of the labour force in the manganese industry
of Madhya Pradesh tribal.
Santhals and Hos dominate in iron mines and industry in Bihar. Most of the
tribals are unskilled labourers in quarries, mines and industries. Landless
labourers have accepted this work as their main occupation while for others it
is a subsidiary occupation. Occupational changes are obvious among village
artisans. There is gradual disappearance of village craft due to the impact of
industrialisation. Along with occupational changes there is considerable
increase in income and expenditure patterns of the families of industrial
labourers. Material culture has undergone much change.

22.4.6 The Skilled White-collar Job Holders and Traders


Some individuals or families of tribal communities of all the regions are working
for their livelihood in offices, hospitals, factories, and business enterprises.
Some of them are engaged in commercial trade of their own. The reservation
for the Scheduled Tribes in services and post in Government offices and Public
Sector Undertakings as laid down in the Constitution has helped a lot in creating
this type of economic life among tribals. It is observed that mostly the educated
and the converted Christian tribals are engaged in offices, hospitals,
administrative ‘jobs, etc. The representative tribes of traders are Bhotias of the
Indo-Tibetan border and Valmikis of Andhra Pradesh.

22.5 TRIBE, LAND AND FOREST


It is evident from our discussion on the tribal economy that the majority of the
tribes depend on land and forest to make a living. Their social life is also
interwoven around the land they live on. They have thus a physical and.
emotional attachment and dependence on land and forest. Most problems faced
by these people arise out of their relation to land and forest. Let’s have a look
at the land and agrarian situation to understand their problem better.

22.5.1 Land and Agrarian Situation


32
According to the agricultural census of operational holdings held in 1981, the
holdings of the Scheduled Tribes amount to 167.04 lakhs hectares forming Scheduled Tribes
10.2% of the total holdings. Their share in the total number of operational
holdings is low in proportion to their population. The decreasing per capita
landholdings has resulted in scarcity of land and displacement of tribals from
their land. Land scarcity and backwardness is, thus, one of the central aspects
of the agrarian situation.
The process of land alienation among the tribals has been going on for a long
time. After the advent of British rule, with opening up of means of
communication and increased expansion of British dominion there was
infiltration by non-tribals into tribal areas. The tribals increasingly came into
contact with non-tribals. Some of the effects of their contacts were healthier
but the tribals were invariably exploited because of their ignorance and
innocence. Frequent needs for cash in lean times and famines forced the tribals
to get into the clutches of money lenders. Inadequate credit facilities led to
unscrupulous money-lending. Loans were advanced to them in cash at
exorbitant interests. The tribals being ignorant and illiterate didn’t maintain
records of such transactions and were not aware of the malpractices of the
money lenders. Often they parted with practically all they produced to payback
debts and interests or gain their land in lieu of payment. The money-lenders
invariably got the land transferred to their name. This exploitation was sought
to be checked by various Acts adopted by the Government. But because of the
cunningness of the money-lenders and their collusions with politicians,
bureaucrats and police administration the provisions of the acts proved to be
ineffective and the exploitation of tribal steadily continued.
Land of the tribals has also increasingly been taken over by the Government
for mining and industries. The tribals are uprooted and displaced from their
land. They have also not benefited from industrialisation. As the tribals have
remained mostly unskilled, their claims for getting government jobs have been
overlooked. Those few who are employed are invariably in menial jobs.
Industrialisation, thus, hasn’t provided an alternative employment to the tribals.
In the matter of agricultural practice, the tribals are still lagging behind as
stated earlier. The majority of the tribes practise shifting agriculture. They
clean patches of forests and slopes of hills by burning the trees and bushes and
then dibbling the seed in ash-covered soil. For the first few years, good crops
are produced but the fertility of the soil is soon lost out. Cultivators then shift
to other areas and the cycle continues. It is generally agreed that this is not an
ideal method. Experts have described this practice as being wasteful and
primitive causing soil erosion and floods and thus causing ecological imbalance.
A lot has been said about the improvement of shifting cultivation and weaning
people away from it. But it is so not easy for shifting cultivation is a way of
life of the tribals. Their social and physical climate, terrain habits, customs,
etc. are interwoven with this system of cultivation. Any improvement or
replacement of shifting cultivation must therefore take into account the socio-
economic conditions of the people. Attempts were made to bring the shifting
cultivators or Jhumias down to the flat regions in Tripura. They were provided
with, subsidies to arrange the basic requirements for a settled agriculture.
This arrangement had proved to be a failure. However, the people who practised 33
subsistence economy were placed in direct competition with largely monetised
economy. Thus, the Renuka Ray Committee has been very critical of this. The
Identity, Dignity and Dhebhar Commission visited some such areas and remarked some of these
Social Justice
attempts as ‘absurd’. Thus, weaning people away from it does appear to be not
the only solution. The problem in case is to be understood in the backdrop of
the peoples’ sociocultural and economic relations.
Another problem which accentuates the situation of land scarcity and land
alienation among the tribals is their growing population.
As in other matters of agriculture the tribals also suffer from terrible
inadequacies. They do not have access to credit facilities, irrigation works,
etc.. On the whole, in matter of planned development the tribals have been
neglected.
The situation of tribals is also worsened by the fact that their fields have low
productivity. Talking about the poor yield of land, especially in central India,
‘Stephan Fuchs (1972) has pointed out various reasons. ‘Poor stony soil, paucity
of irrigation facilities and employment of very crude techniques and implements
of cultivation are some of the main reasons for the poor quality of productivity.

22.5.2 Forest and Forest Produces


Most of the tribal areas is covered with forest. The tribals are very heavily
dependent on forest not only on account of the geographical configuration but
because of unproductive agriculture. Despite the popular cliche that “tribals
are forests” and the symbiotic relationship between them and forest, there is
almost constant friction between tribals and the Government (Forest
Departments). There is a basic difference in the perceptions of the tribal people
and the Government in respect of forests. The tribals regard forest as their
mother. Those forests produces which are important for the tribal people may
have little value in the eyes of the Government. On the other hand, the tribal
may not have much concern about timber or such other items which the
Government may consider as the main produce of forests. After reservation of
forests the tribal people had to seek permission of Government officials even
for the use of those resources which were a part of their long tradition. Then
there was competition for their use from outsiders. Restrictions were imposed
on tribals even on use of bamboo forests and collection of firewood.
In the new forest policy the needs of the local people have received some
appreciation. Yet certain provisions therein cast a heavy burden on tribal
economy. The Forest Conservation Act, 1980 brought a basic change in the
management of forest. Earlier, after clearing natural forests, the plantation of
single species like teak, for meeting the needs of outside economy for timber,
was accepted as scientific management of forests. But now forest is taken to
mean natural forests comprising all sorts of trees, plants, creepers, etc. This
new perception serves the interests of tribals. In a bid to convert ordinary forests
into full-bloom natural forests and protect environment, the entry of the people
has still been banned and they are being denied even their ordinary requirements
from the forest. The Government gives contract to others of minor forest
produces like bamboo, tendu leaves, mahua, kusum, karamy and sal seeds etc.
This contributes to the state revenues. This is meant in away to eliminate the
middle-men who exploit the tribals. But the take over has adversely affected
the customary practises of Tribals like their weekly market. Earlier, this weekly
34
market was a place of tribal collective activity which has been disrupted. The
takeover of forests by Government has affected the tribals in other ways too.
In times of famine, scarcity and lack of returns from agriculture the tribals Scheduled Tribes
used to arrange items for their basic survival from the forest. They killed small
game, gathered tubes, leaves berries, etc. which helped them tide over the
period of stress. The ecological link between tribal, and nature has suffered a
great deal with rapid destruction of forest and by Government controls.
In many cases due processes of law have not been followed for notifying
reserved forests. This has led to serious problems in Sonbhadra (U.P.),
Garhchirol (Maharashtra) and Singhbhum (Bihar). There are also disputes
regarding demarcation not only between the people and the Forest Department
but also between the Forest Department and the Revenue Department. In some
states the problem of Forest Villages has still not been solved. At present,
there is direct confrontation between the Government and the tribal people in
some areas like Adilabad, Khammam and Srikakulam in Andhra Pradesh, South
Bastar in Madhya Pradesh, Garhchiroli, Chandrapur and Nasik in Maharashtra
and Singhbhum in Bihar. In many areas the forests are not out of effective
control of the Forest Department. In the light of these it seems necessary to
consider justifiable demands of the people and avoid superimposition of laws
unilaterally as well as to check authoritarian and oppressive behaviour of the
departmental officials.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Describe in few words the relationship the tribals have with the forest.
...................................................................................................................
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2) Name the tribes whose primary occupation is craft.
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3) Hill cultivation goes under a variety of names what are those names?
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35
Identity, Dignity and 4) Who are the pastoralists?
Social Justice
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22.6 TRIBES AND EDUCATION


Education is considered not only one of the important inputs or factors for
social change but an index of social change. Thus education was one of the
means sought to uplift the tribes from their deplorable conditions. Articles 46
of our Constitution is looking after the educational development of Scheduled
Tribes as stated earlier. It states “The State shall promote with special care the
educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people and in
particular of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and protect them
from social injustice and all forms of exploitation.”
Accordingly special assistance has been given to promote education among
the Scheduled Tribes. A number of schools and hostels have been opened in
tribal areas. Free education, tuition fees, hostel fees, distribution of text books,
reservation of seats in schools, colleges and universities, etc. are some of the
facilities made available to them. In spite of the specific constitutional
provisions made and the various grants and facilities available for the promotion
of education among the tribes we do not get a satisfactory picture, The statistics
show us how dismal the literacy rate is among the Scheduled Tribes over the
years.

22.6.1 Literacy Rates


We find that the Scheduled Tribes have doubled their literacy level in the
previous two decades (1961-1981). Yet, their achievement in literacy is not
comfortable when we compare it to the rates of literacy among other
communities.
The gap between tribals and non-tribals in the field of education has not
decreased. Instead, it has widened in some areas. This is so in spite of the
promotional scheme of tribal development adopted by the Government. Now,
the question is why is this so? We shall discuss this in the following section.

22.6.2 Problems of Education


The problems of education among the Scheduled-Tribes have been studied by
various committees, institutions, organisation and many individuals. They all
could find some basic problems of education among the tribes. One of the
basic problems plaguing the tribals is their economic, deprivation and
backwardness. A large number of tribals are living below the poverty level.
To them, education is a luxury. Moreover, in the case of those people who are
engaged in agriculture their minor children are also engaged in it. This is one
36 of the reasons for the few enrolments of children from the families of the tribal
cultivators. A very few tribal parents are educated. The illiterate parents do
not realise the value of education. They feel little urge to educate their children. Scheduled Tribes
Many tribals like – Gujjars, Bhotia, Gaddi etc. are nomads who move from
place to place. There are others who migrate from one place to the other in
search of employment. It is inevitable under the circumstances that education
in both the cases is neglected.
The medium of instruction is another hindrance for promotion of education
among the tribes. The medium of instruction in schools in tribal areas is not
the mother tongue of the tribals inhabiting there. Many a times it is found that
tribal languages do not have a script of their own. In almost all the schools in
tribal areas there is lack of sufficient number of tribal teachers. The curriculum
of education is another important problem. The existing curriculum as experts
rightly feel, is not suited and has little relevance to the tribal people.
These and many other such problems haven’t really been kept in mind when
various schemes for tribal development have been adopted. There is often
neutral formalism in bureaucracy about many welfare and development schemes
formulated for them. The tribals are still at fringe and the various types of
development have hardly touched them. They remain discontented to a large
extent. A number of agitations and struggles among the tribes are expression
of their discontent.

22.7 TRIBAL MOVEMENTS


Numerous uprisings and movements among the tribes especially in Bihar had
occurred as early as in 1772. Some of the important movements among the
tribes in British India were Mizos (1810), Kols (1795 & 1831), Mundas (1889),
Santhals (1853), Muria Gonds (1886) and so forth.
When the British came to India and expanded their rule, they came into clash
with the tribes also. The British interfered in many of their customs which was
resented by the tribes. But more than anything, the oppressive and exploitative
landlords, middlemen, money-lenders, forest officials and princely chiefs
contributed much to tribals rise in a revolt. They were eventually subdued,
disarmed and or many a times appeased.
The tribes who were in close proximity to Hindus and who were influenced by
the Hindu customs and traditions had their own preoccupations, their
movements were directed to raising their social mobility. Their movements
have been compared to the status mobility movements among the lower castes.
The tribes like Bhumij, Kond, Juang and number of other tribes were influenced
by caste associations of Hindus. In Madhva Pradesh, for instance, there were
movements among the Gonds claiming Kshatriya status. The sought to purify
and cleanse their social and religious institutions in tune with the practice of
high caste Hindus.
After Independence the Scheduled tribes, whether Hinduised or Christianised,
were granted certain economic, educational, political and administrative
privileges. This made them aware of themselves as unified groups who could
hold on their own against all sorts of oppressions. They also could claim higher
status because of education, economic benefits, political power etc. There are
intances of movements among tribes seeking their ties not only with fellow 37
tribes but also with the other oppressed sections of people.
Identity, Dignity and As we can see, coming together for collective actions among tribes has found
Social Justice
range of variations, But when we examine a social movement in all its aspects,
we find that a tribal movement does not fit neatly into a type. A movement
tends to serve several interests at the same time, apparently political movement
has social, economic and cultural even if its such objectives are not formulated.
For instance, the Jharkhand Movement was a political movement fighting for
a homeland – a federal state. But it has an ideological base like a cultural
reawakening, attempts to common religion, habits, traditions, etc. which supply
the infrastructures for the political grouping of tribals in South Bihar.
For the purpose of study, the tribal movements have often been classified into
3 types on the basis of their orientation. These are : (1) Movements for political
autonomy, the Jharkhand Movement is a good example of this (2) the agrarian
and forest based movements, the naxalite movements others involving tribes
of Bihar, Orissa and Andhra Pradesh are fighting for their customary rights of
land and forest. It can be are the results of oppression, discrimination, neglect
and backwardness of the tribal people. (3) The third kind is socio-cultural
movement.
While it is true that tribals are fighting to have their access to the fruits of
development, there is also a growing realisation among them to preserve their
cultures, customs, traditions etc. Thus there are revivalistic, nativistic and
millenarial trends of movements among the tribes in India. This brings us to
the questions as whether the tribals should be assimilated into the mainstream
or whether they should be protected? And in what way they will benefit from
the development taking place in the country? Let us see what various scholars
have to say on this.

22.8 APPROACHES TO THE TRIBAL


DEVELOPMENT
Under the British rule the policy of maintaining the status quo was followed.
Hutton and others condemned too much of isolation as also of complete
assimilation of tribals. V. Elwin wanted a revivalist policy to be adopted. His
scheme of “National parks” pleaded for the complete non-interference of the
British rule and its withdrawal from the tribal areas. In reaction to these
conservative or revivalist views, G.S. Ghurye, a senior sociologist, made a
case for the complete assimilation of tribals with the rest of the people in
India. He said that it was misleading to call the tribes aborigines as they were
actually only backward Hindus and the solution of all their problems cultural
as well as economic and social, lay in their complete assimilation into the
Hindu society. In fact, the tribal folks have distinct cultures and their complete
assimilation with Hindus may not be possible without disruption to their culture,
customs, traditions etc. Tribal culture has many happy and useful facets and
the same must be preserved.
D.N. Majumdar opines that the best policy for tribes would be for their
controlled (planned) and limited assimilation. By limited assimilation he
implied; the need and desirability of preserving their useful institutions,
customs, practices etc. though these are to be tribal in origin and character.
38 The transcultural borrowing should be encouraged. For example, instead of
forcing child marriage upon the tribal folk Hindus should adopt the tribal
practice of marrying late. It would not only improve average health but also Scheduled Tribes
put a check on the alarming rise in India’s population.
A plan for tribal development must be holistic. It should tackle all cultural,
social, economic and political, problems of the tribals. Priorities must be fixed
in terms of quick results. At the outset, the tribal support for planning has to be
enlisted by demonstrating to them that an attempt is being made-to change
their life for the better and not at destroying whatever they have. The first
focal point on which to concentrate is to their health any hygiene besides their
economic life. No plans for change can succeed without their proper education.
Instructions should be imparted in such knowledge as helps a person to be a
better number of his / her own community much as possible the traditional
system of imparting instruction should be retained. It is a human problem of
immense magnitude for the solution of which administrators, social workers
and social scientists must pool their resources together.
The informal approach towards development was laid down by Jawaharlal
Nehru, the first Prime Minister of independent India. In his foreword to the
second edition of ‘A Philosophy of NEFA’ by Dr. Verrier Elwin, Nehru wrote
on 9th October, 1958:
“We cannot allow matters to drift in the tribal areas or just not take interest in
them. In the world of today that is not possible or desirable. At the same time,
we should avoid over-administering these areas and, in particular, sending too
many outsiders into tribal territory. It is between these two extreme positions
that we have to function. There has to be such developments as communication,
medical facilities, education and better agriculture.”
Nehru added that these avenues of development should be pursued within the
broad framework of the following five fundamental principles:
1) People should develop along the lines of their own genius and we should
avoid imposing anything on them. We should try to encourage in every
way their own traditional arts and cultures.
2) Tribal rights in land and forests should be respected.
3) We should try to train and build up a team of their own people to do the
work of administration and development. Some technical personnel from
outside will, no doubt, be needed, especially in the beginning. But we
should avoid introducing too many outsiders into tribal territory.
4) We should not over-administer these areas or overwhelm them with a
multiplicity of schemes. We should rather work through, and not in rivalry
to their own social and cultural institutions.
5) We should judge results not by statistics or the amount of money spent
but by the quality of human character that is evolved.
These five principles have since come to be known as Tribal Panchsheel.
It is often, stated that the objective of tribal development is to enable the tribals
to join the mainstream of national life. The word mainstream, however, is a
nebulous expression. Similarly, the other commonly used expression of
‘integration’ is open to different interpretations. What is desirable on the part
39
of non-tribals is not to make any conscious or deliberate efforts to assimilate
Identity, Dignity and or even acculturate the tribals. Let the non tribals acquire some of the good
Social Justice
and healthy traits of the tribals cultures as relations is not possible in a system
based on exploitation. The processes of socio-economic transformation have
got to be duly regulated.
The tribal society has largely been egalitarian and democratic. The triabal elite
today have the only model of larger national life comprising socially and
economically structured society where there are the poor and the rich. In the
tribal areas we still have an opportunity of strengthening an egalitarian society.
Development in the tribal areas should be so guided that deprivation processes
do not set in. B.D. Sharma, the former Commissioner for the SC/ST has
observed that the entire question of tribal development boils down to two basic
issues : (i) whether the traditional command of the community over resources
can be preserved, and (ii) whether the egalitarian structure of the tribal
communities can be retained and their social milieu can be taken advantage of
to initiate a process so that their socio-economic transformation can be
negotiated without deprivation. This process cannot be superimposed but has
to be stimulated by the tribal commuinity itself which has a tradition of self-
governance.
Check Your Progress 3
1) Enumerate in few lines the problems faced by tribals in the area of
education.
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
2) Match the following :
A B
1) Jaintia Himachal Pradesh
2) Koya Andhra Pradesh
3) Tharus Meghalaya
4) Swanglas Uttar Pradesh
3) List out some of the main provisions provided in the constitution for the
upliftment of tribes.
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
40
................................................................................................................... Scheduled Tribes

22.9 LET US SUM UP


In this unit we have tried to define the term tribe and have enumerated some of
their characteristic so as to understand who really constitute the tribe. We
have also talked about the term Scheduled Tribe and how it came to be. To
have a better understanding of the problems of tribes, we have thought it
necessary to discuss their demographic profile and describe their economic
pattern. Besides, we have analysed the land and forest, the important
components of the tribal economy. We have mentioned the problems that the
tribal face in regard to their relationship to land and forest. In the section on
land and agrarian and forest situations we have attempted to look at the roots
of alienation, backwardness and exploitation of the tribals in India.
Besides analysing some problems relating to tribal education, we have
mentioned about their repeated upheavals, revolts, struggles and movements
which are expressions of their discontent, oppression and exploitation from all
levels. As much as the tribals are fighting for their economic and political
rights for their participation in the developmental process, they are also fighting
for their cultural and social rights. We have seen the rise of many revivalist
movements too. In spite of all these, the question that still remains is ‘what
kind of development is best suitable for the tribals’.

22.10 KEY WORDS


Aborigines : The original inhabitants of a country or of a
region or a place.
Assimilation : In the sociological context, it means the ethnic
process of being similar or the process of being
absorbed into the system. For instance, we can
say that the Parsis, who came from Iran centuries
ago, have got assimilated into the Indian culture
though they still maintain their distinctiveness
in some of the customes, traditions, dress, etc.
Gleaning : An agricultural practice specially among the
tribes where they pick up the grain with patient
labout after the reaping.

22.11 FURTHER READINGS


Majumdar, D.N. and Madan, N., 1956. An Introduction to Social Anthropology.
Asian Publishing House: Bombay.
Majumdar, D.N. 1958. Races and Cultures of India. Asian Publishing House:
Bombay.

41
Identity, Dignity and K.S. Singh, 1972. The Tribal Situation in India, Mohanlal Banarasi Dass: Simla.
Social Justice

22.12 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS


Check Your Progress 1
1) Some of the important Dravidian Tribes are Goud, Oran, Malas, Kaudh,
Saora, Parja, Koya, Kolam Paniyan, Irula, Mauses and Malaryan.
2) The ancestry of the present tribal population is traced chiefly to the
following three reaces: (1) Negrito–the tribes of Andaman belong to this
racial stock (2) the Proto–Austrloid-the tribes of middle and southern zone
are assigned. to this tribe (3) the Mongoloid–the tribes of the North and
North-Eastern Zones generally belong to this race.
3) The Mundas, Santhals, Ho, Kharia, Kol are some of the tribes from that
central tribal zone.
Check Your Progress 2
1) The tribal way of life–social, cultural and physical is interwoven with the
forest. A majority of tribes depend on the forest for their livelihood, not
only because of geographical configuration but because of unproductive
agriculture. This depends on forest has a made forest an important face
their life, they regard forest as their mother. Lately this relationship of
theirs with forest has got disturbed because of governmental restrictions
on the use of forest resources.
2) Some of the tribes whose primary occupation is craft are : Gujjars and
Bakarmals of Jammu and Kashmir, Gaddis, Gujjars and Kinnaurs of
Himachal Pradesh, Holras, Karmalis, Chik Baraiks and Mahlis of Bihar
Kolams and Vitolias of Maharashtra, Irulas of Tamil Nadu and Thotis
Andhra Pradesh.
3) Hill cultivation goes under a variety of names: Jhum in North-East, Kurmas
or Kallu in Santhal Paraganas, Bewara in Ranchi and Palamau in Bihar,
Odu, Rama and Dahi in Orissa Dippa, Marhan or Ekka in Madhya Pradesh.
4) Tribes whose main occupation is cattle rearing and whose economy is
dependent on these are called the pastoralist. Some of the pastoral tribes
are : Todas of Nilgiri Hills, Gujjars and Bakarmals of Jammu and Kashmir
and Gaddis and Gujjars of Himachal Pradesh. Kisans of Bihar and Madhya
Pradesh, Maldhari and Raisi Potra of Gujarat and Rabaris of Gujarat and
Rajasthan, Bhotias of North-East.
Check Your Progress 3
1) In the field of education tribals are lagging far behind when compared to
non-tribals. One of the main reasons for this state of affairs is economic
and social backwardness of the tribal people. A large majority of the tribal
people are living below the poverty level. To them education is a luxury.
Lack of access to schools is another problem for there are verv few schools
in the remote tribal areas. The life-style, customs and traditions of the
tribal do not really encourage a culture for pursuit of education. The
42
medium of instruction is another major problem in the promotion of
education among the tribes. Very often they are taught in a language which
they are not familiar with. Scheduled Tribes

2) Match the following


A B
1) Jaintia Meghalaya
2) Koya Andhra Pradesh
3) Tharus Uttar Pradesh
4) Swanglas Himachal Pradesh
3) To protect the Scheduled Tribes from exploitation and injustice, the
Constitution has made provisions to safeguard their interests.
Article 46 of the-Directive Principles of State Policy enjoins upon the
State “to promote with special care the educational and economic interests
of SC/ST and protect them from social injustice and all forms of
exploitation.”
Accordingly, under Article 15(4) provisions are made for their educational
advancement by reserving seats in educational institution, granting
scholarships, etc. Article 16(4) provides for their -reservation in services.’
Under Article 330 and 332 seats are reserved for SC and ST in Lok Sabha
and State Vidhan Sabhas. Under Article 330 and 332 seats are reserved
for SC and ST in Lok Sabha and State Vidhan Sabhas. Under Article
339(l) the President may at any time appoint a Commission to report on
the administration of the scheduled areas and welfare of the scheduled
tribes in the states.

43
UNIT 23 MINORITIES
Structure
23.0 Objectives
23.1 Introduction
23.2 The Problem of Minorities in the Contemporary World
23.2.1 The Dimensions of the Problem
23.2.2 Who are the Minorities?
23.3 Approaches to the Minority Problem
23.3.1 Assimilation
23.3.2 Discrimination and Annihilation
23.3.3 Tolerance and Equality
23.4 Minorities and the Politico-linguistic Variations
23.5 Minority Rights in Modern India
23.5.1 Equality for Minorities
23.5.2 Controversies over Minority Rights
23.6 Let Us Sum Up
23.7 Key Words
23.8 Further Readings
23.9 Answers to Check Your Progress

23.0 OBJECTIVES
This unit deals with the problem of minorities in India and also minorities in
contemporary societies the world over. The study of this unit should enable
you to:
z understand the conceptual and the theoretical explanations of minority;
z analyse the rights of minorities and the need for that; and
z discuss the problem of minorities in the contemporary Indian society.

23.1 INTRODUCTION
We have discussed in the previous unit, the problem of Scheduled Tribe which
is a problem essentially of the disparities and deprivations. The problem of
minorities is also similar to that of many tribal groups. The minorities, because,
of their relatively less numerical strength feel that their rights are persistently
ignored. This unit discusses how minorities have emerged and the problems
they face and also their rights. We will also talk about the social composition
and rights of minorities and the constitutional provisions for them in India.

23.2 THE PROBLEM OF MINORITIES IN THE


CONTEMPORARY WORLD
44 The problem of minority or minorities came to the fore-front after the World
War-I when a number of new-states were carved out of the wreckage of the
Central European Empires and quite a few majority communities found Minorities
themselves turned overnight into minorities in these states. For example, the
Germans were reduced to a minority in Poland and the Austrians in
Czechoslovakia. Lest the peace of the world be disturbed on account of ill-
treatment of minorities treaties called the Project Guarantee Treaties had been
entered into to instill a sense of loyalty among the new States under which
they were placed and to enjoin upon the new governments to own the citizens
of the erstwhile enemy countries as their new nationals and citizens.

23.2.1 The Dimensions of the Problem


In the past one hundred years or so the minority problems have occupied a
very important place in the politics of countries the world over. Many issues
have, however, remained unsolved. Even today minority problems in different
forms appear very frequently in the West. Thus, race riots occur in England
and the USA. Chechnya has been problem for Russia. In erstwhile Yugoslavia
the Serbs and the Croats have fought wars of secession.
The position of the developing societies or the Third World is the same. Ethnic
and communal riots are chronic part of their politics. The Indian case is one of
the saddest ones. India has a record of over hundred years of minority problem.
The major problem has been of the Muslims which split the country in 1947.
Communal riots have become a recurring phenomenon in the present day Indian
society.

23.2.1 Who are the Minorities?


In a very general sense, we can say that when a group of people is divided on
any issue or approach or characteristics the difference usually produces a bigger
sub-group and a smaller sub-group. The smaller sub-group is called minority
whereas the bigger sub-group is called the majority. It is also possible that the
two groups could be of equal strength or the smaller group may have control
over power and other resources. So, it is not always the numerical strength or
non-strength, which is the deciding factor for a group to be called a minority.
It is now widely felt that population size is not the only feature of minority
status. If a group is discriminated against on the basis of religion, race or culture
it can be considered a minority group. The sub-commission on Prevention of
Discrimination and Protection of Minorities set up under the Human Rights
Commission which drafted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, has
defined minorities as only those non-dominant groups in a population which
possess or wish to preserve stable, ethnic, religious or linguistic traditions or
characteristics markedly different from those of the most of the population.
In the International Encyclopaedia of the Social Science, Arnold Rose has
defined minority without any quantitative connotations. He defines it as ‘a
group of people differentiated from others in the same society by race,
nationality, religion or language, who think of themselves as differentiated
group and are thought of by others as a differentiated group with negative
connotations. Further, they are relatively lacking in power and hence are
subjected to certain exclusions, discrimination and other differential treatments.’
In any country religious groups may now be divided into linguistic groups and 45
vice-versa. This phenomenon is known as cross-cutting cleavage. Accordingly,
a person may be a member of a religious minority and yet of a linguistic majority
Identity, Dignity and or vice-versa. How such a person would behave depends on his or her interest
Social Justice
from issue to issue.
Jagnath Pathy (1988) has also listed out the defining properties of minority
group. In his opinion, the minorities are:
z subordinate in someway to the majority,
z distinguishable from the majority on the basis of physical or cultural
features,
z collectively being regarded and treated as different and inferior on the
basis of these features, and
z excluded from the full participation in the life of the society.
He further says, discrimination, prejudice and exclusion by the dominant group
and self segregation by the subordinate or minority constitute the basis for
minority identification (Pathy, 1988 : 28).
The wish to preserve distinctive features of one’s social and cultural life is an
essential feature of a minority community. As a consequence there are always
groups which are different from other group in terms of language, religion etc.
The dominant group tries to assimilate the minority groups. The non-conformist
very often, are likely to be persecuted. This attitude of the majority group
generates a greater consciousness among the members of the minority
community for preserving their separate identity.
The wish to have separate identity often gives rise to political demands. The
demands are for either special treatment, recognition of the need for preserving
minority identity or in extreme cases for autonomy or secession from the area.
With these general properties a group can be identified as being a minority
group. There are, however, operational problems of applying such specifications
with minority, because a great deal depends on the situation existing in a
particular society at a particular time. Social groups can only be properly
identified in terms of their relationship to other groups. The nature of such
relationship is determined largely by the system of control over economic and
political resources prevailing in that society and the historical development of
those relationships. The numerical strength is, thus, not an objective criterion
to distinguish one group from the other. The concept of minority is, therefore,
dynamic depending on the relation of domination and discrimination.
A minority group very often organises into a coherent group drawing on the
shared values culture, language or religion. For example, the Muslims in India
are a minority group on the basis of their religion in comparison to the majority
of Hindus. But they constitute a majority in the state of Jammu and Kashmir.
Similarly, Christians are a majority in Nagaland,. Meghalaya, Mizoram and
so on. Besides having an identity on the basis of religion, a group may also
identify itself on the ethnic basis. Thus, a Muslim may identify not only on the
religious basis but also on the ethnic basis. He or she could consider himself or
herself a Bengali or a Malayalee. A great deal depends on the politics of the
situation. Thus, many minority groups are all ethnic groups for they group
around shared values and culture.
46 The Constitution of India uses the term minority but does not defines it any
where. The Supreme Court and various High Courts have so far depended on
the statistical criterion. Any community that does not constitute more than Minorities
50% in the state is thus called a minority. Furthermore, the Indian Constitution
recognises two types of minorities based on language and/or religion. Thus in
India about 82% people are by religious designation Hindu. The Muslims,
Christians, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists and Parsis and other from smaller group of
minorities.
The Constitution does not recognize minorities based on culture, race or
nationality.

Percentage of Population of Major Religions, 1991


State /UT Hindus Muslims Christians Sikhs Buddhists Jains Others Religion
not stated
INDIA 82.00 12.12 2.34 1.94 0.76 0.40 0.39 0.05
States
1. Andhra Pradesh 89.14 8.91 1.83 0.03 0.03 0.04 - 0.02
2. Arunachal Pradesh 37.04 1.38 10.29 0.14 12.88 0.01 36.22 2.04
3. Assam 67.13 28.43 3.32 0.07 0.29 0.09 0.62 0.05
4. Bihar 82.42 14.81 0.98 0.09 - 0.03 1.67 -
5. Goa 64.68 5.25 29.86 0.09 0.02 0.04 0.04 0.02
6. Gujarat 89.48 8.73 0.44 0.08 0.03 1.19 0.03 0.02
7. Haryana 89.21 4.64 0.10 5.81 0.01 0.21 - 0.02
8. Himachal Pradesh 95.90 1.72 0.09 1.01 1.24 0.02 - 0.02
9. Karnataka 85.45 11.64 1.91 0.02 0.16 0.73 0.01 0.08
10. Kerala 57.28 23.33 19.32 0.01 - 0.01 0.01 0.04
11. Madhya Pradesh 92.80 4.96 0.65 0.24 0.33 0.74 0.09 0.19
12. Maharashtra 81.12 9.67 1.12 0.21 6.39 1.22 0.13 0.14
13. Manipur 57.67 7.27 34.11 0.07 0.04 0.07 0.77 -
14. Meghalaya 14.67 3.46 64.58 0.15 0.16 0.02 16.82 0.14
15. Mizoram 5.05 0.66 85.73 0.04 7.83 - 0.27 0.42
16. Nagaland 10.12 1.71 87.47 0.06 0.05 0.10 0.48 0.01
17. Orissa 94.67 1.83 2.10 0.05 0.03 0.02 1.26 0.04
18. Punjab 34.46 1.18 1.11 62.95 0.12 0.10 0.01 0.07
19. Rajasthan 89.08 8.01 0.11 1.48 0.01 1.28 - 0.03
20. Sikkim 68.37 0.95 3.30 0.09 27.15 0.01 0.09 0.04
21. Tamil Nadu 88.67 5.47 5.69 0.01 - 0.12 0.01 0.03
22. Tripura 86.50 7.13 1.68 0.03 4.65 0.01 - -
23. Uttar Pradesh 81.74 17.33 0.14 0.48 0.16 0.13 0.01 0.01
24. West Bengal 74.72 23.61 0.56 0.08 0.30 0.05 0.67 0.01
(Souce: Census Data Online, 1991)

23.3 APPROACHES TO THE MINORITY


PROBLEM
We can see that the problem of minorities has assumed importance all over the
world. We have already mentioned that a minority issue is not just related to
its numerical representation in a society. It is related to its oppression. Besides,
it is to be perceived on the basis of language, culture, religion, etc. in relation
to that of a dominant group which is, very often, a majority group in a society.
A whole lot of theories have been advanced about the nature, causes and
implications of the problems of minorities. Many scholars have tried to
47
understand the problems of minorities in various ways. Some consider, that
ethnic identity among minority groups is natural and primordial. The scholars
Identity, Dignity and who stress the cultural differences say that primordialism and linguistic
Social Justice
differences among minority groups tend to generate conflict rather than
cooperation among them. Other scholars consider the utilitarian bent of minority
groups and state that it is representing a power struggle. They feel that cultural
factors are incidental to this process. These scholars feel that the minority
identity should be seen in the context of development where each group tries
to forge an identity in its Struggle for scarce resources.
Various Approaches have been adopted towards a solution of the minority
while some suggested assimilation, others suggested protection and for some
the way out was to get rid of the minority community itself, by persecution,
deportation etc.

23.3.1 Assimilation
The issue of minority and majority has been going on for centuries. Earlier the
problem was seen as one of the conflict: of religions and ethnic groups. These
days the problem is essentially related to national minorities. The concept of
nation assumes that political boundaries must coincide with the characteristic
of people living within it. A nation state prefers if possible a homogenous
religion, language, ethnic identity etc. In the words of Clude “The rise of the
problem of minorities was a logical consequence of the ascendancy of
nationalism. It is injected into politics ... the principle that the state should be
nationally homogeneous and a nation should be politically united.” (Clude,
1955. p. 81). This gave rise to unrestricted control over given territory,
uniformity of laws, languages, customs etc., irrespective of differences.
Homogeneity is never a reality thus there are constant efforts by the majority
to assimilate the minority. The minorities are made to abandon their ethnic,
religious cultural and linguistic characteristics which differentiate them from
the dominant group. For instance in the erstwhile Soviet Union, this kind of
homogeneity was imposed with the interntent of making the national state
secure and its institutions stable. The welfare and security of the state were
primary consideration. As a result the minority considerations were sidelined.
It was not long before the various majority ethnic groups realised this kind of
subjugation and fought for their rights.
The assimilation of heterogenous groups through coercion is not so bluntly
adopted, states now prefer adopting other indirect methods. Discrimination is
one such method.

23.3.2 Discrimination and Annihilation


While the minority groups are allowed to preserve their distinct characteristics
they are also subjected to a great deal of discrimination. The discrimination
may be in the form fewer government funds for minority educational institutions
etc. Very often they are discriminated in their social life. They are subjected to
ridicule and segregation which further compels them to stay away from the
majority. That is why we find that minority groups stay together in ghettos
away from the majority.
This discrimination in fact leads to assimilation among some ambitious
members of the minority community. These people in order to advance
48 themselves seek to rid themselves of their disabilities by deliberately
surrendering their typical features. These disabilities may, many times, be
sufficient to induce assimilation, also certain encouragement is given to induce Minorities
this change.
In case assimilation is found to be impossible, some states resort to the very
direct method of annihilation. The members of minority group ire eliminated
by expulsion or by massacre. Genocide of the Jews by the Germans is a best
example of this.

23.3.3 Tolerance and Equality


The policy of tolerance and fair treatment is adopted by many states when
dealing with minority community. A great deal of leeway is given for the
preservation and persuance of the minority social and cultural life. Though the
state may have in mind the assimilation of various minority groups as the final
goal. It will nevertheless adopt a tolerant attitude towards minority groups as
long as the minority communities do not cause any destabilizing effect on the
nation state.
We find this policy of tolerance and fair treatment guiding the provisions in
our Indian Constitution. The Constitution establishes no state religion,
guarantees equal opportunity to all irrespective of caste, creed and religion.
The Constitution was not in favour of forced assimilation to preserve the rich
harmony in Indian culture within the framework of national unity. The
Constitution forbids discrimination against minorities. Thus, we find that
Constitution envisages fair treatment for all.
However the question that has been asked many times is how are the minority
groups faring under the Constitution? It is true that there is equality on the
paper, but is it really practiced?
It is a contention of the many minority groups, also studies have revealed, that
these groups suffer a great deal of discrimination in social life. They are often
discriminated in all walks of life, in securing a job, in getting funds for
educational institutions, in their social interaction and so on, inspite of the
constitutional guarantees. In any case a great deal seems to depend on the
bargaining power a particular disadvantaged group has. Some are at
disadvantage in their effort to bring to state’s notice that certain of their
sociocultural rights need protection. For example, the tribals of central India-
Santhals, have been unable to get state recognition for their tribal language,
inspite of the fact that there are large number of people speaking the language.
Check Your Progress 1
1) Name some of the major minority conflicts which have troubled and are
troubling the world politics.
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2) What are the various approaches adopted to understand and resolve the
problem of minorities?
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Identity, Dignity and ...................................................................................................................
Social Justice
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23.4 MINORITIES AND THE POLITICO-


LINGUISTIC VARIATIONS
Geographically, a minority may either be spread all over the country or
concentrated in some regions. If a minority community is spread, it can carry
out only some agitations for its rights. When it is geographically concentrated,
it often resorts to movements for autonomy or even for secession. For example,
the contemporary Jharkhand movement was a movement for regional autonomy
while the Phizoite Naga movement is for secession. Further, if minorities are
not found numerically spread in many areas but are influential in a few localities,
they may field or sponsor their own candidates in elections and may form
even their.own political party. If they are weak, they support the candidates
belonging to other communities in the elections. They support, however, those
parties and candidates who, they think, are most likely to protect their interests.
When,minorities consistently support other individuals or political parties in
the elections, they are said to constitute ‘vote banks’.
In India as elsewhere linguistic groups are regionalised. Most of North Indians
speak Hindi in different dialects., In South India the different Dravidian
languages, namely Telugu, Tamil, Kannada and Malayalam, are spoken.
Further, in Western India Marathi and Gujarati are major languages and Punjabi
is spoken in Punjab. In Kashmir and Himachal Pradesh there are some smaller
linguistic groups. In Eastern India Assamese, Bengali and Oriya are major
languages. In the fringe areas and in between the major language groups of
India there are small but distinct language groups. We cannot, therefore, call
any Indian language group as the majority population. Hindi is spoken by the
largest number about 30% of people. However, if we take the linguistic regions
within India, we frequently find minority language groups. Amost all the Indian
states have been reorganised to bring about some linguistic homogeneity of
the regions. Yet a few minority languages exist in a state. For example, Konkani
is found in South Western India where Marathi is the main language or the
various tribal languages are spoken in Central and in the Northeast India.
Because of the peculiar political history, the Hindu-Muslim relation has
emerged as the gravest political problem in modern India. During the British
rule the economic condition of the Muslims deteriorated. The Muslims avoided
English education and fell behind the Hindus in the competition for services
and other avenues. A section of the Muslim elite advised the Muslims to accept
English education and government services and to move away from the Indian
National Congress which, they thought, was dominated by Hindus. The British
followed their famous “divide and rule” policy and granted separate electorate
for the Muslims as mentioned in the earlier sections of this unit. Separate
electorate was later extended to the other minorities too. On the other hand,
the insistence of the All-India -Muslim League upon the two nation theory led
to the partition of India and large scale migrations from and to the country.
50
Mostly the wealthier section of the Muslims went over to Pakistan and a
substantial number of Muslims continued to live in India.
As already noted, the Indian Constitution did away with the concept of political Minorities
minority. That is to say, under the Indian Constitution the minorities (except
the Anglo-Indians) have no separate political rights apart from those which
they enjoy as ordinary citizens of India. Every member of a minority-group
enjoys rights only as a citizen of India. He/she is protected from all kinds of
discrimination on the basis of race, religion, caste, sex, place of birth or any of
them. Every citizen has equality before the law and the equal protection of
law. They also enjoy equality of opportunity in matters relating to employment
or appointment to any office under the State.
There is, however, the provision of the affirmative action of the State aimed at
ameliorating the condition of the weaker sections of the people. Thus, legislative
seats are reserved for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Special
protection of land and wealth is provided through the restriction on their
movement-from the places where they normally live. Government services
and other facilities are reserved for members of the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled
Tribes and other backward classes.
Yet, there is another set of rights which relate to the minorities. These belong
to the domain of freedom. Specifically they are the freedom of speech and
expression, to form associations or unions, to assemble peacefully and without
arms, at a place or places, to move, reside and settle in any part of the territory
of India. Minorities are also provided to acquire, hold and dispose of property
and to practice any profession, or to carry on any occupation, trade or business.
There is, of course the right to life and liberty besides the freedom of religion.
However, the State can regulate or restrict any economic, political or other
secular activities which may be associated with religious practice. The State
may make any law providing for social welfare and reform of Hindu religious
institution. The Sikhs have the right to wear and carry Kirpans (swords) but
like the Jains and the Buddhists, they are regarded as Hindus, with reference
to reform of Hindu religious institutions.
The second kind of rights of the minorities are group rights. Any section of
citizens living in any part of India and having a distinct language, script or
culture of its own shall have the right to conserve that. No citizen shall be
denied admission into any educational institution maintained by the State or
aided by the State on grounds only of religion, race, caste, language, or any of
them.
Activity
Based on your observations and experiences, write a few lines on how you
perceive the minority problems.

23.5 MINORITY RIGHTS IN MODERN INDIA


We have said that after World War I, a number of minority treaties were adopted
for the new States. In India also before the transfer of power, the British thought
of binding the successor regime to some special provisions regarding the
minorities. But such treaties and provisions could not be effectively imposed
upon sovereign States in Europe nor the special provision for Muslims could
be successfully carried out in independent India. 51
Identity, Dignity and The minorities, might, however, seek to ensure their group rights within the
Social Justice
States of the sovereign constitutional systems. For example, the first
representative system was introduced at the local government level in British
India in 1872-83. Right at that time some Muslim leaders of Bengal and Punjab
demanded separate electorate in which they wanted to elect their leaders
themselves and not with the help of votes of other communities. They got,
their rights with the support of some British officials though the Indian
nationalists strongly opposed the political separation of the minorities. The
separate electorate was introduced, more or less in the same way, in the
provincial and central legislatures, when they were created by the Indian
Councils Act of 1909. Thus under the Government of India Act, 1935 altogether
18 separate constituencies were created through the provisions of the separate
electorate and reservation for minorities.
The modern sovereign States in the world do not favour the separate electorate
system formalities. But there are two other constitutional devices. These are
collegial executive and proportional reservation. The independent India not
only abolished the system of separate electorate but also removed the concept
of political minorities. Instead, it has granted special cultural and educational
rights to the minorities over and above the rights to equality and freedom that
they enjoy as individuals. The cultural and educational rights enable the
minorities to run their own educational and cultural institutions or foundations,
We have mentioned in Section 23.3 of this unit the various provisions laid in
the Indian Constitution to safeguard interests of the minorities, the state has no
authority to undertake social reform which tamper with the cultural and
educational rights of the minority communities.
The question may arise here as to why a minority community should specialty
be given a group right when the majority community has no such right. The
answer is that a majority community by virtue of its number can guard its
interest. But a minority community needs protection from the dominance of
the majority community. The minority treaty or the system, of separate
electorate or minority rights are but some legal-constitutional provisions for
protection of minority. Both these two systems have operated in Switzerland
successfully under the proportional representation system, multi-members
constituencies are created and the voters are given as many preferences as
there are seats. Those candidates who get the prescribed quota of votes are
elected. The quota is fixed on the basis of dividing the number of votes by the
number of seats. This enables the minority communities to send their
representatives to legislatures in strength proportionate to their number in the
total electorates of the country. Similarly, the collegial executive is elected by
a legislature through proportional representation. This enables the communities
to be represented in the executive in strength proportionate to their number in
the legislature.

23.5.1 Equality for Minorities


Minority problem can politically be conceived in two broad forms: 1) in a
democratic set-up, wherein all members of a given society or country have
political freedom, and 2) in a colonial set-up where a minority is either the
ruling class or being ruled in the social condition of slavery.
52
Thus in a democratic set up a minority community may compete as well as
collaborate with the majority. The basic desire of the minority in such a situation
is for political, social and economic equality. Political equality takes the form Minorities
of equal rights. Social equality takes the form of equal status. Economic equality
takes the form of equal opportunity and prosperity. The liberal democratic
constitution can furnish the principles of equality before law and equal
protection of law besides equal opportunity in the affairs managed by the
government. But they cannot guarantee equal prosperity or even social status
to all which largely depends upon economic prosperity. Objectively, in a country
like India, containing several minority groups, the economic status may vary
from group to group. Thus, the Parsees and the Sikhs in India are as affluent as
some of the majority community of the Hindus. The Muslims are less affluent.
But the condition of the tribal groups is generally much worse. Such conditions
may easily promote disaffection particularly in a situation with the increased
communication facilities and frequent interaction among the different groups.
Contrary to this, in a colonial situation the ruling class, which is often in minority
is mostly privileged, the example may be given of the British in India fifty
years ago or of the white community in South Africa in recent. When the
ruling class is in a majority like whites in North America the condition of the
minority is like that of the American Indians which is miserable.
All religious and linguistic minorities have the right to establish and administer
educational institutions of their choice. The State, while granting aid to
educational institutions, shall not discriminate against any educational
institution on the ground that it is under the management of a minority whether
based on religion or language.

23.5.2 Controversies over Minority Rights


Some of the minoritv rights have become subjects of controversy. Regarding
social reform among the Hindus, two kinds of grievances have been expressed.
First, a section of the Sikhs resent being regarded as Hindu for ‘this purpose.
Actually, they are opposed to the reforms like the Hindu Marriage Act and the
Hindu Succession Act which grant equal right to women and forbid bigamy of
males. A section of the Hindus, on the other hand, demand that minorities like
the Muslims and the Christians be brought under the scope of such reforms
and all sections of the citizens be governed by a common civil code. But many
Muslim leaders are opposed to it on the plea that the Muslim Personal Law is
a part of the Muslim religion. However, by insisting in retaining the Muslim
Personal Law they are also stopping progress of the Muslim women. The
government of India regards it a sensitive issue and prefers to wait until the
Muslim public opinion is sufficiently aroused in favour of bringing some change
in it.
On the question of minority educational institutions too, there is some
controversy. Many such institutions allege governmental discrimination against
them. On the other hand, there are allegations of corruption and oppression of
teachers in such institutions by their authorities. Moreover, many such
institutions insist on religious or traditional education and thus oppose the
modern scientific education. This keeps the minority youth deprived of modern
education and thus lagging behind others.
For historical reasons, the Hindu-Muslim relationship has emerged as the central
53
minority problem in India. We have mentioned earlier that the British fostered
conflict and brought it ahead by partitioning the country. That was preceded
Identity, Dignity and and followed by communal riots which had taken hundred of thousands of the
Social Justice
lives of either community. Poverty and unemployment of the people have
intensified conflicts among communities. Over and above all this, communal
politics has become a part of the electoral strategy of most of the political
parties in India. There is increasing intolerance of the rights of minorities in
the country. While society needs to be tolerant of minorities, the State should
be absolutely impartial about the different communities. Therefore, the principle
of secularism has been enshrined in our Constitution according to which the
State should keep away from the religious affairs and controversies of any
community. Instead, it should strictly maintain law and order. This alone may
maintain unity of the people and the unity of nations.
Check Your Progress 2
1) List out some of the minority group of our country.
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2) What are the provisions for minority rights enshrined in the constitution?
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3) What are the defining properties of minority group?
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23.6 LET US SUM UP


In this unit, we have discussed the problems of minorities. We find that it is a
problem which is affecting practically every country. Though the problem is
seen essentially in terms of numerical representation. We find that it goes
beyond that, the problem arises because of subjugation, exploitation and
discrimination by a stronger group towards the weaker group.
54 The status of minority group is defined not only by certain characteristic features
but by the dynamics of politics which are prevalent from time to time. In a
democratic set up if a group is heard louder than others and if it can mobilise Minorities
itself it often achieves some rights that it demands.
The unit discusses the various approaches adopted to tackle the problem of
minority. We can see that no single approach is used at one time, often it is a
combination of assimilation, discrimination and a policy of tolerance that is
being followed.
We also talked about the minority rights, the controversies regarding this and
the prevailing situation of minority problem in India.

23.7 KEYWORDS
Consensus : Agreement in opinion of all people concerned.
Differentiated : To cause difference or to change what was
similar between things or people.
Dominant : A dominant group is one which exercises control
over other groups.
Discrimination : To treat one with difference and prejudice.
Genocide : A deliberate extermination of group or a race.
The extermination of Jews by the Germans
during Hitler’s regime is a good example of
genocide.
Segregation : To keep apart, to isolate a group from others.
Utilitarian : Concerned with looking at the usefulness of a
thing.

23.8 FURTHER READINGS


Beteille, Andre (ed.) 1969, Social Inequality : Selected Readings, Penguin:
New Delhi.
Furnivall, J.S. 1953, Colonial Policy and Practice, Cambridge University Press:
Cambridge
Kabir, Humayun. 1968, Minorities in a Democracy, Firma KLM.
Shakir, Moin. 1980, Politics of Minorities, Ajanta: Delhi

23.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS


Check Your Progress 1
1) The recent conflicts in Yugaslavia between the Serbs the Croations
assumed a major significance for the world politics. We heard about the
race riots in America where there was backlash from the American blacks.
The ethnic struggles by various minority groups in the erstwhile Soviet
Union has resulted in a change in the configuration of the state itself.
2) Some of the major approaches which are often adopted as a solution to
minority conflicts is assimilation, discrimination, annihilation and attempts
55
to a fair treatment.
Identity, Dignity and Check Your Progress 2
Social Justice
1) Some of the major minority group in India are Muslims, Christians, Sikhs,
Jains, Buddhists, Parsees, etc.
2) There are only two specific Articles (29 and 30) in the Constitution that
explicitly guarantee the protection of the interest of minorities in India.
3) In the first instance the minority group is distinguishable from the majority
on the basis of physical or cultural features. They are exclude from full
participation in the life of the society, and are subordinate in someway to
the majority. Discrimination, prejudice and exclusion dominant group
constitute the basis for a minority group identification.

56
UNIT 24 ETHNICITY
Structure
24.0 Objectives
24.1 Introduction
24.2 Ethnicity : The Problem, Definition and Identity
24.2.1 The Problem of Ethnicity
24.2.2 Definition of Ethnicity
24.2.3 Ethnic Identity : A Psycho-Sociological Reality
24.3 Ethnicity : The Various Perspectives of Analysis
24.3.1 Perspectives on Ethnicity
24.3.2 Some Characteristics of Ethnicity
24.3.3 Latent and Manifest Identities
24.4 Pluralities and Larger Identity
24.4.1 Quest for a Larger Identity
24.4.2 The Emergence of India as a Nation
24.5 Deprivation, Disparity and the State’s Response
24.5.1 Regional and Ethnic Identities
24.5.2 Jharkhand Movement as an Example
24.5.3 The Indian State’s Response
24.6 Let Us Sum Up
24.7 Key Words
24.8 Further Readings
24.9 Answers to Check Your Progress

24.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit, you should. be able to:
z understand what the term ethnicity means;
z explain various perspectives on ethnicity;
z analyse the major reasons for the emergence of an ethnic movement; and
z relate it to various factors which come into play.

24.1 INTRODUCTION
In the previous unit, you read about the problems of minorities. In this unit, we
will get to know about ethnicity, a phenomenon which has become a thorny
issue. This unit will start with the definition of ethnicity and outline some of
the perspectives on ethnicity. We will also be explaining the importance of
identity for a group which provides an ethnic movement the impetus and a
motive. Towards the end of the unit we will explain to you how ethnicity is
greatly shaped by disparities and deprivations; a modern problem of
development initiatives.
57
Identity, Dignity and
Social Justice 24.2 ETHNICITY: THE PROBLEM, DEFINITION
AND IDENTITY
You must have heard the word ethnicity or ethnic problems. The word ethnicity
comes from the root word ethnic which loosely means race. An ethnic
community does not strictly have a racial connotation. A community can be
distinct from others in many ways: their racial stock or origin being one of
them. A community may distinguish itself from others by way of a particular
or distinctive culture, language, religion or a combination of all these. Because
of this distinctive aspect the ethnic communities often come in conflict with
other communities with whom they come in contact.
In this section we will understand this problem of ethnicity by first
understanding what ethnicity means and the nature of identity of ethnic
communities.

24.2.1 The Problem of Ethnicity


Ethnic activity and separation came in a big way in the post colonial, newly
emerging nations like Malaysia, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nigeria etc. This was
easly and crudely explained away as tribalism, backwardness etc. But ethnic
activity affected even the developed West; the problem of Welsh and the Scots,
Wallon-Flemish conflict in Belgium, the Basques in Spain, to name only a
few. Even the seemingly egalitarian conflict-free melting pot America has
been shattered by black ethnic activity. The erstwhile Socialist block, now,
and for a long time, has been cauldron of ethnic crisis, with Crotian, Serbians,
Bosnians, Slovak, Czech etc. in a conflict. In fact, ethnicity has now become a
worldwide phenomenon.
The problem of ethnicity and national building has been widely discussed
over the past few decades. The phenomenon of ethnicity has become all intrinsic
component of the socio-political realities of multi-ethnic or plural cultural
societies, specially in a country like India.
In India, with its variety of pluralities, in terms of language, race, religion and
so on ethnic conflict has become a part of the political scenario. In most
countries, including ours, the processes of development and change have
generated conditions for ethnic conflict, as the fruits of these development
processes have come to be distributed unevenly. Also the nature and character
of the 1ower structure and rule of the political leadership have their role to
play.

24.2.2 Definition of Ethnicity


The definition of concept in any field of social science is usually difficult. And
a term such as ethnicity is loaded with meanings, values and prejudices and
therefore, is even more difficult to define.
Ethnicity pertains to the word ethnic which is a distinction of mankind based
on race. Ethnicity has now lost the original connotation. “It is now employed
in a broader sense to signify self-consciousness of a group of people united, or
closely related, by shared experience such as language, religious belief, common
58
heritage, etc. While race usually denotes the attributes of a group, ethnic identity
typifies creative response of a group who consider themselves marginalised in
society” (Barun De and Sunanjan Das, 1992: 69). Barth and Benedict Anderson Ethnicity
feel that boundary is an important criterion for self defintion by ethnic group,
to separate themselves from ‘others’.
Let us see how the identity of a group is defined vis-a-vis another Community
and how this identity becomes psychologically and socially important for a
member or members of the community.

24.2.3 Ethnic Identity : A Psycho-sociological Reality


William G. Sumner observed that people have their own group as the center of
their lives, and rate all other groups with reference to their own. He called this
tendency of individuals to cling to their clan ethnocentricism. It is a generalised
prejudice.
Why do human beings slip so easily into ethnic prejudice? Human beings
have a natural tendency to form generalisations, concepts and categories. Their
categories are close to their first-hand experiences. They also categorise basing
on hearsay, fantasy and emotions. This process of social categorisation leads
to the formation of an “in-group” and “out-group”. All groups develop a way
of living with characteristic codes and beliefs. Therefore, the formation of
ethnic attitude is functionally related to becoming a group member. According
to the social categorisation theories given by H. Tajfel (1981) as well as J.C.
Turner (1982), every social group attempts to achieve an identity in
contradiction to the “out-group” Identity can be broadly characterise as the
process by which an individual is bound to his/her social group and by which
he/she realises his/her social self. In the context of the Indian political identity,
such a formulation has several implications. The emotional fervour associated
with linguistic issues can perhaps be viewed in the context of this definition of
social identity structure of the different language groups in the country.
The normative character of ethnic prejudices involve far more than the fact
that attitudes are shared by members of a majority or minority group. Each
member is expected to hold such attitudes and various kinds of pressures are
brought on those who fail to conform to it. A sense of identity is a very natural
human tendency but when an ethnic identity is consolidated and used as a
reference point for mobilisation to share in the power structure, the mobilisation
becomes far more effective.
While ethnic attributes are categorisation for the purpose of classification which
is a static formulation, ethnicity is a dynamic process, whereby a group of
people or community regroups itself as an adaptive strategy in response to
specific demands of the situations.
Various scholars have looked at this phenomenon in various ways. We will
have a quick look at some of the approaches to the study of ethnicity in our
next section.
Check Your Progress 1
1) What are the various basis on which a community considers itself as
distinct and different from others?
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59
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Identity, Dignity and ...................................................................................................................
Social Justice
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2) Write in few lines what you understand by the concept of identity.
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24.3 ETHNICITY: THE VARIOUS


PERSPECTIVES OF ANALYSIS
Ethnicity has given new forms and meanings with changing process such a
imperialism and modernity. Consequently ethnicity has become an important
field of study for social scientist. There are varieties of assumptions regarding
ethnicity.
There are some scholars who see the ethnic problem in terms of assimilation
and integration; wherein an ethnic group is absorbed into the mainstream group
or a dominant ethnic group : an assimilation of this kind in effect is
homogenisation to create a nation state. To diffuse tension and to protect the
dominated group it is also suggested to co-opt the marginalised group.
There are social scientists who see ethnicity as a natural bond between people,
immutable or primordial (Geertz 1963:109). Thus the formation of political
identity is seen by them as stemming from this primordial loyalty.
There are still others who essentially see no difference between class interest
and ethnic interest. They argue that ethnicity is another alternative avenue for
mobility (Berge 1976). Loyalty which goes in the way of mobilisation.
In this section and sub-section which will follow, we have given few ideas on
ethnicity by some scholars who have worked in this area. Though there are
conflicting and differing opinions on ethnicity some common points can be
gathered from these various understanding.

24.3.1 Perspectives on Ethnicity


The conception that ethnicity is culturally pre-determined with its primordial
loyalties and sentiments is largely discounted among social scientists. By and
large scholars agree that an ethnic group is essential a social group when it is
mobilised for collective action in pursuit of the interest of the group.
Writing on the politics of ethnicity in India and Pakistan, Hamza Alavi feels
that the boundaries of ethnic categories are not ‘objectively’ pre-given, for
whenever there is change of interest or situation, realignment has occurred as
60 is evident from experiences. A so called objective criterion like, religion can
be abandoned in favour of another like region or language. Alavi further states
that the ethnic community, therefore, is not simply a politically mobilised
condition of a pre-existing set of people, described as an ethnic category. The Ethnicity
ethnic categorisation itself is dependent in some way in the very emergence
of, the community. Experience shows that both ethnic category and ethnic
community are simultaneously constituted in a single movement.
Writing about ethnicity and nation-building in Sri Lanka, Urmila Phadnis says
that ethnic identity is a significant but not a sufficient requisite for evoking
ethnicity. It is the mobilisation and manipulation of group identity and interest
by the leadership that leads to ethnicity. Ethnicity is used as an ideology and
also as a device to wrest greater concessions and shares in the power structure.
Dipankar Gupta also argues that the manifestation of ethnicity in Indian politics
is not so much an outcome of popular grass-root passions as it ts a creation of
vested political interests. He applies the notion of ‘conspiracy’ to ethnic politics
in India to draw attention to the deliberate and calculated manner in which
such politics is fashioned. He justifies his approach by asking the question as
to, why from a variety of ethnic identities that abound in one society only
certain ethnic dyads are politically activated and that too very selectively at
certain points of time?
K.S. Singh and Sandra Wallman (1988) feel that ethnicity is being increasingly
used to denote people with a distinctive set of bio-cultural and bio-social
characteristics. Ethnic differences is recognition of contrast between us and
them. In their opinion. ethnicity is an excellent tool for identification of the
aspirations of a community for delineating its boundary, and for preserving its
identity. These are some perspectives or approaches to study ethnicity.

24.3.2 Some Characteristics of Ethnicity


Following are some of the characteristics of ethnicity.
1) Ethnicity relates to ascriptive identities like caste, language religion, region
etc.
2) Inequality in terms of sharing power between two ethnic groups results
into conflict. The ethnicity is socially mobilised and territorially confined.
It has numerically sufficient population, and is a pool of symbols depicting
distinctiveness. It has a reference group in relation to which/whom a sense
of relative deprivation (real or imagined) is aggregated
3) Being left out of the developmental process or even being a victim of
uneven development, ethnicity causes ethnic movements.
4) Ethnicity is manifested in Indian politics not merely due to grassroot
discontent but is also a creation of vested political interest.
5) Ethnic groups that use ethnicity to make demands in the political arena
for alteration in their status, in their economic well-being, etc. are engaged
very often in a form of interest group politics.
Before we try to understand the role of ethnicity in Indian politics, it is important
to stress that whatever the difference between ethnic groups, the focus of their
interaction finally boils down to the centrality of politics of who gets what,
when and how? As already stated the focus of interests of an ethnic group, is
to get some benefits for itself. The group often uses ethnic criterion like religion,
language or caste to mobilise itself to give identity to itself which separates it 61
from other group or groups. Thus, delineation of boundary of an ethnic group
Identity, Dignity and of community is an important aspect of ethnicity markers. But exactly which
Social Justice
one will get projected at a specific point of time would usually depend on
where or how the person draws the boundary. Since delineation of the nature
of boundary rests on the conditions existing at a given moment, the whole
exercise becomes a response to the specific conditions. This adds fluidity to
the situation and makes the identity projection a dynamic phenomenon. The
nature of identity shifts along with changing circumstances and calls for change
in boundary or a change in identification. The seeming singularity of identity,
by and large, conveys a notion only. In reality, plurality of identities appears
much more widespread than it ordinarily appears to be.

24.3.3 Latent and Manifest Identities


With plurality of identities, it is important to appreciate that all the identities
of individuals or groups cannot be noticeable at a time. In fact, among various
identities only one becomes manifest or apparent at a given point of time and
the rest of the identities remain subsurface or latent. It may be repeated here
that exactly which type of identity becomes manifest at a specific hour would
depend on the nature of the immediate boundary delineation. It is, thus, through
the interplay of latent and manifest identities that ethnicity expresses itself in
a dynamic process. In general, whether an individual would identify himself/
herself as a Hindu Rajput or a Bihari would depend, by and large on the existing
conditions and felt needs of a given moment. A person ordinarily exercises
his/her in order to work out what response it would be most appropriate at the
given situation and acts accordingly. Thus, he/she contributes to the overall
dynamics of the process.
Activity
Do you feel a sense of identity with the community you belong? If so, write
in few lines the reasons why you have this feeling of identity?

24.4 PLURALITIES AND LARGER IDENTITY


India as we know has cultural economic and social heterogeneity. The complex
ethnic plurality of our nation is a known fact. The ethnic groups vary in sise,
culture, consciousness of group identity etc. and very often clear boundaries
can be demarcated between group. The system on the whole is highly segmented
and heterogeneous.
In such a system what are the ways in which these groups have incorporated
into a nation state?
In the sections to follow we will discuss this constant dynamics; the quest for
a larger identity at one level and pursuance of ethnic identities at the other
level.

24.4.1 Quest for a Larger Identity


There is a general notion that narrow loyalties are expression of retrogradation
or prejudice. This originates from the concern for broader identity and lack of
appreciation of the fact that plurality of identity is a reality. In fact, emergence
of ethnicity all around primarily on cultural counts has put the boundary of
62
any nation-state under severe stress. Implicitly assuming the political boundary
as something very sacred, the quest for larger identity is usually emphasised.
No doubt, this serves some immediate political purpose,(s). But at the same Ethnicity
time, this emphasis on a large identity like nation ignores the reality of plural
identities and their possible interplay and thus reverts back to the nation where
religion, language etc. become static categories of ethnic attributes. At this
stage, will be beneficial to understand how nationality or a nation has originate
India. This we hope will clear, some confusions regarding the conflicting
relationship between ethnicity and nationality.

24.4.2 The Emergence of India as a Nation


Geographically, Indian Sub-continent has facilitated the existence of numerous
groups belonging to various racial stocks, speaking different languages and
having different patterns of culture. Centuries of living together has not removed
these differences. At the same time, the different groups moved in a unison in
the political, economic and social spheres. The different groups were united
by a common historical destiny which created a psychological unity. Though
diverse practices were allowed, Hinduism retained a pan-Indian quality.
Language too played its role in uniting the diverse elements: Sanskrit in ancient
India provided the bridge between various pluralities, while Urdu, English
and Hindi sought to do the same in later times. Thus, there existed a pan-
Indian culture as well as various diverse, regional, local and ethnic culture
what we may call as great and little traditions respectively.
Politically and administratively, India came under one umbrella under the
centralised rule of Ashoka’s Kalinga empire. Later the strong centralised
monarchy under the Moghals created a pan-Indian sentiment. At the same
time, several political powers, small identities had emerged in India. These
were like the kingdoms of Marathas in Maharashtra, Sikhs in the most of Punjab
in the North-West and in Bengal in the East. These territorial identities were
not always well defined.
By the time of the British took over the reign of India, the change was enormous.
With the British came the printing press, new system of education, new means
and modes of communication and transportation and ideas of secular state,
fraternity and liberty. Years of discontent with the British rule and its policies
resulted in the first indigenous revolt in 1857. “The failure of the movement of
1857 to drive British out of India led to rethinking amongst educated Indians
about alternative ways and means of getting rid of foreign domination. They
commented that new education, science and technology had to be accepted in
order to forge a new Indian national identity. If Indians could strive as a single
entity. The task wold be easily and quickly accomplished. Thus, in the second
half of the 19th century, organisations with the prefix ‘Indian’ began to appear”
(Gopal, 1992: 42). The growth of national feeling was facilitated by
infrastructural facilities and conditions such as printing press, new means of
communication and transportation, etc. as mentioned above. This growing
consciousness was implicit in the growth of such pan-Indian organisation like
British Indian Association and later the Indian National Congression in 1885.
Indian nationalism reached a maturity and became the uppermost concern,
though there were occasions when ethnicity and plural identities were in conflict
with nationalism. The latter, very often, appeared as integral part of Indian
nationalism. Although secular ideas of nationalism were on the rise the question
of regional identities were not dead and buried, rather, they were just relegated 63
to the background. Thus, we not only had pan-Indian organisations like Indian
Identity, Dignity and National Congress, there were organisations at the regional level like the Justice
Social Justice
Party with its undertones of ethnic chauvinism in the Madras Presidency.
However, “Secular nationalism, in the face of foreign rule kept ethinic and
caste identities under control. It did not subdue them, but made compromises”
(Ibid).
Once the freedom was won all the subduced forces surfaced again in the
independent democratic India. Political power came to be the key to economic
prosperity and enhanced social status. Henceforth, conscious attempts have
been made by vested interests to whip up ethnic identity and invariably all
political parties have made compromises with ethnic demand. Thus, we can
see that the articulation of ethnicity or ethnic movements has closely been
related to the power structure, the democratic process and initiation of socio-
economic development.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Write in few lines the opinions of K.S. Singh and Sandra Wallman on
ethnicity.
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
2) Who coined the word ethnicity?
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
3) What are the principal arguments given by the tribals for their demand of
a separate state of Jharkhand?
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................

24.5 DEPRIVATION, DISPARITY AND THE


STATE’S RESPONSE
A careful observation will reveal that ethnic movements are generally the
expressions of deprivation and disparities in sharing of privileges. The
Jharkhand Movement, for example, was a movement essentially to fight the
64 exploitation of tribes by non-tribes not only in terms of natural resources but
in terms of subjugation of their culture.
24.5.1 Regional and Ethnic Identities Ethnicity

What can be gathered from the above is that state is essentially accommodative
of some of the ethnic demands. This has diffused the ethnic tension and conflicts
in the country. And in some sense this enhanced the mobility and bargaining
power of the ethnic group.
The post-Independent India has seen a lot of changes. We have made some
new strides in development activity. Amidst this, there have emerged new
classes and groups which have asserted for their separate identity and have
enabled them to claim a larger share in the fruits of development. They have
also realised that in a federal political structure like ours, which has a strong
central state. the best way of carving out more power is to capture power at the
state level.
Soon after Independence the most powerful manifestation of ethnicity in India
was the demand for creation of state or province on linguistic basis. The State
Reorganisation Committee was formed in 1956 and boundaries of the states
were redrawn on the linguistic basis. This forming of linguistic states was a
manifestation of ethnic identity. This process reinforced the regional and
linguistic identity and ethnicity. Thus, the demand for separate state on various
accounts like ethnicity, language, etc. soon became a part of the political
scenario. Various political parties were formed at the state level which were,
by and large, identified with ethnic elements.

24.5.2 Jharkhand Movement as an Example


The tribal belt of Central India comprising the portion of Bihar, Madhya
Pradesh, Orissa has seen the rise of the Jharkhand Movement, which agitated
for the formation of a separate state for tribals and which they succeed in
achieving. The Jharkhand Movement is a good example of politics of ethnicity.
The movement drew its sustenance mainly from the growing discontent among
tribals on account of their land alienation, exploitation and political neglect of
their problems at the national level.
The Jagirdari system in the 18th century turned tribals into more tenets. And
they were exploited shamelessly by non-tribals. In the wake of this there were
a series of tribal uprisings between 1789-1900 A.D.
The Christian Missionaries entered the area of the middle of the 19th century.
They made available for the tribals the facilities of education and helped,
increase employment opportunities and economic improvement for them. A
few educated tribal Christians organised Chhota Nagpur Unnati Samaj (CNUS)
in 1928 for the tribal upliftment.
The turning point came when a separate province of Orissa was carved out of
Bihar in 1936. The Chhota Nagpur Unnati Samaj and its new incarnation was
Adibasi Sabha in 1938, emerged as the dominant political party under the
leadership of Jaipal Singh, a British educated tribal of the area and this party
demanded, for the first time, a separate tribal province.
The principal arguments given for the demand of separate state were: the
physical characteristic of the area is such as there is a large concentration of
65
the tribals. Their mental make-up, language culture and values are totally
different from those of non-tribals. Also, the tribals felt that the welfare and
Identity, Dignity and developmental works both provided and carried out for them are pittances in
Social Justice
comparison to the mineral wealth and forest resources exploited from the region.
The tribals had a strong fear of losing their identity as they were in minority
surrounded by the non-tribals.
The tribals were marginalised at all levels. This had generated tremendous
frustration among them. This harsh reality had provided the ground for effective
propaganda which had facilitated the growth of an internal solidarity and out-
group antagonism. There was an antipathy among them towards the non-tribals
or Dikus. Interestingly, the definition of Dikus has changed with changing
context. Originally Dikus were Zamindars and their non-tribal employees. Later
non-tribals of upper castes background were identified as such. At present, the
people from North Bihar are branded as Dikus.

24.5.3 The Indian State’s Response


The Indian constitution, has recognised the ethnic diversities and ensured that
these diversities may not be obliterated. At the same time, the constitution has
also felt that ethnicity should not stand in the way of political, social, economic
and cultural progress of people in the country. Provisions such as universal
adult franchise granted to the people irrespective of their caste, race, language
etc. granted to the people secular participation in various social and economic
activities. The state has also turned to be reformist and has intervened to promote
the lot of weaker sections and minorities.
Let us have look at some of the government policies to have an idea of the
nature of ethnic demands and the State’s response. “The most important of
such demands came from religion and linguistic groups the resultant fear of
dismemberment of the nation, appears to have made such demands totally
unacceptable to the government. Whereas, demand for linguistic reorganisation
of the State have been considered despite initial reluctance. Further, a policy
of accommodation is clearly visible on the official, language issue. Brass (1978)
lists down four rules which regulate the attitude of government towards ethnic
demands. They are: (1) All demands short of secession will be allowed full
expression, but sessionist demand will be supressed, if necessary, by armed
forces (2) Regional demands based on language and culture will be
accommodated but those demands based on religious differences will not be
accepted. (3) An ethnic demand will be accepted only when it achieves broad
popular support in the region and (4) the views of other groups involved in the
dispute is essential for problem solving” (Nair, K.S., 1985: 106).

24.6 LET US SUM UP


One often hears a great deal about ethnicity and ethnic movement without
really knowing what these mean. In our unit on ethnicity we have attempted to
bring across to you the meaning of ethnicity. We have also mentioned about
various perspectives on ethnicity and we hope that you would realise that
ethnicity can be looked from various angles. The problem of ethnicity cannot
be seen only as an identity problem but a problem of deprivation and lop-sided
development. By presenting the case of the Jharkhand movement, we have
drawn attention to the underlying basic problem of deprivation and exploitation
66 covered in any ethnic movement.
It can be said in the end that ethnic movements are basically movements Ethnicity
demanding for a larger share of the fruits of development and for this they
adopt various strategies of mobilisation. The ethnic identity having a strong
emotive appeal mobilises people into strong cohesive groups which then go
on to make their demands felt whether real or imaginary.

24.7 KEY WORDS


Boundary : A line that marks a limit in terms of
identity. A boundary separates one group
from the other by pointing to the distinctive
aspects of each group.
Ethnocentricism : It is a word coined by W.G. Sumner and
used in his book ‘Folkways’. It is a
technical term for the view of things in
which one’s own group is the centre of
everything and all other groups are scaled
and rated generally inferior to it.
In-group : A social group of people having the same
interests and attitudes.
Out-group : A social group of people other than those
of in-group and their interests and attitudes
are also different from those of the former.
Latent : Concealed and not visible, lying
undeveloped but capable of developing.
Manifest : That which is clearly seen.
Mobilisation : In this context, it would mean to mobilise
people into active participation in an ethnic
movement.
Primordial : Existing from the beginning. That is why
it is said to, be very basic. For example,
identity to one’s group by way of language,
ethnic stock etc. is primordial because it
seems to have always existed.

24.8 FURTHER READINGS


Banton Michael, 1983. Ethnicity, Ethnic Group, Macmillan Student
Encyclopedia of Sociology, (In Michael Mann, ed.) Macmillan Press: London.
Brass, Paul, 1992. Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison, Sage:
New Delhi.
Galser N. and D.P. Moynihan: 1975. ‘Ethnicity’, Harvard.
Singh S.K. (ed.) 1992, Ethnicity Caste and People, Manohar : New Delhi.
67
Identity, Dignity and
Social Justice 24.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
Check Your Progress 1
1) An ethnic community may consider itself distinct and different from other
on the basis of a shared culture, language, race, religion or combination of
all these.
2) William G. Sumner observes that people have their own group as the centre
of times and rate all other groups with reference to their own. Identity is
this process where an individual is bound to his/her social group by which
he/she realised his/her social self.
Cbeck Your Progress 2
1) K.S. Singh and Sandra Wallman feel that the word ethnicity is being used
to denote people with distinctive set of bio-cultural and bio-social
characteristics which draws a line between us and them. They are of the
view that ethnicity is an excellent tool for identification of the aspirations
of a community for delineating its boundaries and presenting its identity.
2) The term ‘ethnicity’ was first used by W.G. Sumner in his book ‘Folkways’
(1906)’.
3) Some of the principal arguments given by the tribals for the demand of a
separate state-of Jharkhand were that the tribals are different from non-
tribal in terms of language, culture, values, physical and mental makeup.
They feared that they will lose their identity of being minorities. They
also argued that the welfare and developmental measures provided by the
government are pittances as compared to the mineral wealth and forest
resources extracted from the tribal dominated areas.

68
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Banton Michael, 1983. Ethnicity, Ethnic Group, Macmillan Student
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Barth, F. (ed.), 1969. Ethnic Groups and Boundaries : The Social Organization
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